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THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY 


FOUNDED BY JAMES LOEB, LL.D. 


EDITED BY 
G. P. GOOLD, PH.D. 


n A gu ju vui Ne open 


FORMER EDITORS 


tT. E. PAGE, σ.Π., LITT.D. TE. CAPPS, PH.D., LL.D. 
TW. H. D. ROUSE, rrrr.b. tL. A. POST, r.H.p. 
E. H. WARMINGTON, Μ.Α., F.R.HIST.SOC. 


HERODOTUS 
-I 


—— a RM 


HERODOTUS 
Fm AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY 
A. D. GODLEY 


HON. FELLOW OF MAGDALEN COLLEUE, OXFORD 


IN FOUR VOLUMES 
] 


BOOKS I aun II 


CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS 


V HARVARD UNIVERSITY PRESS 


LONDON 


WILLIAM HEINEMANN LTD 


MOFFITT - UGL 


American ISBN 0-674-99130-3 
British ISBN 0 434 99117 1 


First printed 1920 
Revised and Reprinted 1926, 1931, 
1946, 1960, 1966, 1975 


Printed in Great Britain 


Did bh wheres a ρ 09 LL 
a TIPTR 


CONTENTS 


GENERAL INTRODUCTION αν ο . ο es ee ee ew ο ο VII 
INTRODUCTION TO BOOKS I AND II... ο «ο, ο XIX 
BOOK I4 $ ο ο XO ο Se Ue 6L So EN l 
BOOK H ο 02 xo» Ido ee CEUE AUN ο ee οι 
INDEX OF PROPER NAMES FR SE ο Sem ee uw. «408 


MAP—WESTERN ASIA MINOR . . . ο ο ν . ο ὁ ο Atend 


GENERAL INTRODUCTION 


A 


Ir is impossible to give certain and undisputed 
dates for the lifetime of Herodotus. But if we are 
to believe Aulus Gellius, he was born in 484 nc; 
and the internal evidence of his History proves that 
he was alive during some part of the Peloponnesian 
war, as he alludes to incidents which occurred in its 
earlier years, He may therefore be safely said to 
have been a contemporary of the two great wars 
which respectively founded and ended the brief and 
brilliant pre-eminence of Athens in Hellas. He 
belongs in the fullest sense to the “great” period 
of Greek history. 

Herodotus was (it is agreed on all hands) a native 
of Halicarnassus in Caria ; and if his birth fell in 484, 
he was born a subject of the Great King. His early 
life was spent, apparently, in his native town, or 
possibly in the island of Samos, of which he shows 
an intimate knowledge. Tradition asserts that after 
a visit to Samos he * returned to Halicarnassus and 
expelled the tyrant” (Lygdamis); “but when later 
he saw himself disliked by his countrymen, he went 
as a volunteer to Thurium, when it was being colonised 

vii 


i 


GENERAL INTRODUCTION 


by the Athenians. There he died and lies buried 
in the market-place."! This is supported by good 
evidence, and there seems to be no reason for doubt- 
ing it. It is also stated that he visited Athens and 
there recited some part of his history ; this may have 
happened, as alleged, about the year 445. It is 
evident from his constant allusions to Athens that he 
knew it well, and must have lived there. 

So much may be reasonably taken as certain. 
Beyond it we know very little; there is a large field 
for conjecture, and scholars have not hesitated to 
expatiate in it. If Herodotus was banished from 
Halicarnassus for political reasons, it is probable that 
he was a man of some standing in his birth-place. 
The unquestioned fact that he travelled far makes it 
likely that he was well-to-do. But his history, full 
as it is to the brim of evidences of travel, is never 
(except in an occasional phrase, ** I have myself seen,” 
and the like) autobiographical ; and we know nothing, 
from any actual statement of the historian’s own, of 
the date of his various visits to the countries which 
he describes. Probably they were spread over a 
considerable part of his life. All that can be said is 
that he must have visited Egypt after 460 n.c., and 
may have been before that date in Scythia. Nothing 
else can be asserted ; we only know that at some time 
or other Herodotus travelled not only in Greece and 
the Aegean, of which he obviously has personal 
knowledge, but also in a large part of what we call 


1 Suidas. 
viii 


GENERAL INTRODUCTION 


the Near East. He saw with his own eyes much of 
Asia Minor; Egypt, as far south as Assuan; Cyrenc 
and the country round it; Syria, and eastern lands 
perhaps as far as Mesopotamia; and the northern 
coast of the Black Sea. Within these limits, πολλῶν 
ἀνθρώπων ἴδεν ἄστεα καὶ νόον ἔγνω. But as the datcs 
of his travels are unknown, so is their intention. 
Did he travel to collect materials for his history, its 
scheme being already formed? or was that history 
the outcome of the traveller's experiences? We only 
know that Herodotus' wanderings and the nine books 
of his narrative are mutually interwoven. 

His professed object is, as he states it in the first 
sentence of his first book, to write the history of the 
Graeco-Persian war. But in order to do this he 
must first describe the rise of the Persian empire, to 
which the chapters on Lydia and the story of-Croesus 
are introductory. When he comes in due time to 
relate the Persian invasion of Egypt, this is the cue 
for a description and history of the Nile valley, 
occupying the whole of the second book; and the 
story of Darius' subsequent expedition against Scythia 
Jeads naturally to a long digression on the geography 
and customs of that country. The narrative in the 
later books, dealing with the actual Persian invasion 
of Greece, is naturally less broken; but till then 
at least it is interrupted by constant episodes and 
digressions, here a chapter, there a whole book; it 
is the historian’s practice, as he himself says, to in- 
troduce προσθήκας, additions, whenever anything even 

ix 


Er 


GENERAL INTRODUCTION 


remotely connected with the matter in hand occurs 
to him as likely to interest the reader. The net 
result is really a history of the Near East, and a good 
deal besides; a summary of popular knowledge or 
belief respecting recent events and the world as 
known more or less to the Greeks; which eventually, 
after branching out into countless digressions and 
divagations, centres in the crowning narrative o: 
Marathon, Thermopylae, Salamis, Plataea. Tor. 
tuously, but never tediously, Herodotus’ histor 
moves to this goal. For all his discursiveness, h: 
does not lack unity. “He is the first," it has bees 
said, “to construct a long and elaborate narrative 
in which many parts are combined in due subordina 
tion and arrangement to make one great whole." 
That a narrative so comprehensive in its nature— 
dealing with so great a variety of subjects, and drawr 
from sources so miscellaneous—should contain mucl 
which cannot be regarded as serious history, is only 
to be expected. It is impossible to generalise 
where popular belief and ascertained fact, hearsay 
and ocular evidence are blended, **the historica! 
value of the matter found in Herodotus' work varies 
not merely from volume to volume, or from book tc 
book, but from paragraph to paragraph, from sentence 
to sentence, from line to line. Every separate story, 
every individual statement is to be tried on its own 
merits." 3 Many critics have not taken the trouble 


1 How and Wells’ Commentary on Herodotus. 
2 R. W. Macan, Herodotus I V-VI. 


GENERAL INTRODUCTION 


to exercise this discrimination; it was for a long 
time the fashion to dismiss the Father of History as 
a garrulous raconteur, hoping to deceive his readers 
as easily as he himself was deceived by his informants. 
This “ parcel of lies" type of criticism may now, for- 
tunately, be considered extinct. Modern research, 
which began by discrediting Herodotus, has with 
fuller knowledge come to far different conclusions. 
It should be now (says Dr. Macan) “ universally 
recognised that the most stringent application of 
historical and critical methods to the text of Hero- 
dotus leaves the work irremovably and irreplaceably 
at the head of European prose literature, whether in 
its scientific or in its artistic character." He has 
been blamed for a * garrulity " which gives currency 
to much which is alleged to be beneath the dignity 
of history. But most scholars must now agree that 
even from the historical standpoint the world would 
have lost much of infinite value had Herodotus been 
more reticent; his “garrulity’’ is often proved to 
point the way to right conclusions. 

Obviously, the condition of human beliefs and 
opinions falls within the field of history. Where 
Herodotus plainly and demonstrably errs, he is often 
of supreme interest as indicating contemporary 
thought, which he not only summarises but criticises 
as well. His geography and his meteorology are repre- 
sentative of a stage of thought. He has not arrived 
at truth (naturally!) but he is consistent with a current 
opinion which is nearer to truth than earlier con- 

xi 


Ke 


GENERAL INTRODUCTION 


ceptions of the world. It is true that the sun's course 
is not affected, as Herodotus believes it to be, by the 
wind. It is also true that the Danube does not rise 
in the Pyrenees, and that the course of the upper 
Nile is not from west to east. ! But no one in his 
time knew better. He reflects and discusses con- 
temporary opinion; he rejects earlier and more 
primitive ideas. It may be counted to him for 
righteousness that if he knows much less than Strabo, 
at least he knows a great deal more than Homer. 
Always and everywhere, Herodotus gives us the 
best that is accessible to him ; and it is one of his 
great merits as a historian that he does not give it 
uncritically. Scanty justice, till lately, has been 
done him in this matter; in reality, his manner of 
retailing what has been told him shows anything but 
credulity. Definite acceptance is much rarer than 
plain expressions of disbelief in what he has heard; 
“ they say, but I do not believe it” is a very frequent 
introduction, This attitude is shown by the gram- 
matical construction of the narrative—a construction 
which translation cannot always reproduce without 
awkwardness, and which is sometimes therefore over- 
looked altogether; the fact remains that much of 
the story is cast in the mould of reported speech, 
showing that the writer is not stating that so-and-so 
is a fact but only that it has been told him; and the 
oralio obliqua is maintained throughout the narrative. 


1 But the Bahr al Ghazal, a ra branch of the Nile, does 
flow approximately W. to E.; and he may have meant this. 


xii 


GENERAL INTRODUCTION 


Herodotus deliberately professes that this is his 
method; ἐγὼ ὀφείλω λέγειν τὰ λεγόμενα, πείθεσθαί yé 
μὴν παντάπασιν οὐκ ὀφείλω (Bk. vii.) ; τοῖσι μέν νυν ὑπ᾽ 
Αἰγυπτίων λεγομένοισι χράσθω ὅτεῳ τὰ τοιαῦτα πιθανά 
ἐστι' ἐμοὶ δὲ παρὰ πάντα τὸν λόγον ὑποκέεται ὅτι τὰ 
λεγόμενα ὑπ᾽ ἑκάστων ἀκοῇ γράφω (ii. 123); “I know 
not what the truth may be, I tell the tale as 'twas 
told to me." In view of these plain statements, to 
attack Herodotus for foolish credulity is nothing less 
than disingenuous. 

Some harm, moreover, has been done to Herodotus' 
reputation by the tendency of modern languages to 
alter the meaning of derived words. Herodotus 
repeats μῦθοι Now a μῦθος is simply a tale, with no 
implication of falsity; it may just as well be true as 
not. But when we say that Herodotus repeats myths, 
that is an altogether different matter; myth and 
mythical carry the implication of falsehood; and 
Herodotus is branded as a dupe or a liar, who cannot 
be taken seriously as an authority for anything. 

Herodotus' reputation for untrustworthiness arises, 
in fact, from his professed method of giving a hearing 
to every opinion. This has been of great service to 
those who early and late have accused him of deli- 
berate and perhaps interested falsification of historical 
fact. These attacks began with Plutarch ; they have 
been more than once renewed in modern times by 
critics desirous of a name for originality and inde- 
pendence. None of them can be regarded as of any 
serious importance, They leave Herodotus’ credit 


GENERAL INTRODUCTION 


untouched, for the simple reason that they are hardly 
ever based on solid evidence. Plutarch’s treatise on 
Herodotus’ “ malignity” only establishes his own. 
Modern critics, who maintain that Herodotus' praise 
and blame is unjustly distributed, have seldom any 
witness to appeal to save the historian himself; and 
failing necessary support αὐ extra, they can only 
assert the a priori improbability that an historian 
who is inaccurate in one narrative should be accurate 
in another. It is quite possible that the heroes of 
the history were not so heroic and the villains not 
so villainous as the historian paints them; but we 
have no evidence as to the private life of Cyrus or 
Cambyses beyond what the historian himself has 
given us. Nor is there any justification for de- 
preciating the services of Athens to Greece because 
the eulogist of Athens happened to believe that the 
Danube rises in the Pyrenees, and that the sun's 
course is affected by the wind. 

It cannot be denied that Herodotus invites criti- 
cism. Plainly enough, a great deal of the evidence 
on which he relies must be more substantial than 
simple hearsay. He has undoubtedly learnt much 
from documents engraved or written. To take one 
instance, the long and detailed catalogue of the 
nations included in the Persian empire and the 
amounts of tribute paid by each must rest on some 
documentary authority. But he will not support his . 
credit by producing his proofs—at least, he does so 
seldom; for the most part, his fontes are included 


xiv 


GENERAL INTRODUCTION 


under * what he has heard"; he may have seen 
this, he may have read that, but it is all set down 
as hearsay and no more. There could be no better 
way of opening the door to suspicious critics. 
Further, some of the qualities which constitute the 
charm of his narrative make him suspect to those 
who ask only from history that it should be a plain 
statement of what did actually happen. Herodotus 
is pre-eminently biographical; personal passion and 
desire is the guiding motive of events; they are 
attributed to individual action more than to the 
force of circumstance. Debatable situations are 
described in terms of an actual debate between 
named champions of this or that policy,—as in 
Euripides, nay, as even in the comparatively matter- 
of-fact narrative of Thucydides. Nor is it only the 
human individual will which decides; it is the super- 
human above all. The fortunes of individuals and 
communities are presented to us as they appear to 
a Greek who sees in human life *a sphere for the 
realisation of Divine Judgments.” ! Τὸ θεῖον is always 
working; whether as “Nemesis” to balance good 
and evil fortune, and correct overweening pride and 
excessive prosperity by corresponding calamity, or as 
eternal justice to punish actual wrongdoing. Such 
beliefs, common to all ages, find especial prominence 
in the history of Herodotus, as they do in Greek 
tragedy. The stories of Croesus, Polycrates, Cam- 
byses, the fall of Troy—all are illustrations of a 


1 Macan, op. cit. 
xv 


GENERAL INTRODUCTION 


divine ordering of human affairs ; indeed the central 
subject of the story—the débácle of the vast Persian 
expedition against Hellas—exemplifies the maxim 
that ὕβρις εἰ πολλῶν ὑπερπλησθῇ μάταν | ἀκρότατον 
εἰσαναβᾶσ | ἀπότομον ὥρουσεν εἰς àváykav.! History 
thus written is a means to moral edification; and 
Herodotus may not be above the suspicion of twist- 
ing the record of events so as to inculcate a moral 
lesson. Such predispositions make history more 
dramatic and more interesting; but those may be 
excused who hold that they militate against strict 
accuracy. 

The dialect in which Herodotus writes is lonic, 
the oldest literary dialect of Greece; but he also 
makes use of many words and forms which are 
commonly associated with the literature of Attica. 
When therefore Dionysius of Halicarnassus calls him 
τῆς Ἰάδος ἄριστος κανών, this must refer rather to his 
pre-eminence as an Ionian stylist than to the 
* purity" of his dialect; which in fact is rightly 
described as μεμιγμένη and ποικίλη Perhaps Hero- 
dotus language was affected by his residence at 
Athens. But Ionic and “Old Attic" appear to 
have been so nearly akin that it is difficult to draw 
a clear line of division between them. From what. 
ever sources drawn, his diction is pervaded by an 
indefinable but unmistakably archaic quality which 
constitutes not the least of a translator's difficulties. 

1 Sophocles, Oedipus Tyrannus, 874-7. 
? Hermogenes, περὶ ἰδεῶν 
xvi 


GENERAL INTRODUCTION 
B 


Among comparatively recent books the following 
will be of especial value to the reader of Herodotus: 
J. W. Blakesley's edition (text and notes) ; H. Stein 
(text and German notes) ; G. Rawlinson's History of 
Herodotus (translation, notes, and copious appendix); 
R. W. Macan's Herodotus IV-VI and VII-IX (text 
and notes); W. W. How and J. Wells' Commentary 
on Herodotus (notes and appendix) ; Hude's Clarendon 
Press edition (text and apparatus criticus); Grote's 
and Bury's Histories of Greece. | 

The text of Herodotus rests mainly on the 
authority of nine MSS., of which a * Laurentianus ” 
and a * Romanus" of the tenth and eleventh cen- 
turies respectively are considered the best. The 
merits of all the nine MSS. and the problems which 
they present to an editor are fully discussed in 
Hude’s preface to the Clarendon Press edition. The 
text which I have followed is that of Stein; in the 
few passages of any importance where I have thought 
fit to follow any other authority, the fact is noted. 
In the spelling of names I have not attempted to be 
consistent. I use the familiar transliteration of κ 
and ο, and write “Croesus” and ‘Cyrus,’ not 
** Kroisos " and ** Kuros," only retaining terminations 
in os where they are familiar and traditional. Where 
place-names have a well-known English form, not 
widely different from the Greek, I have kept to 
that; for instance, * Athens" and “Thebes,” not 

xvii 


GENERAL INTRODUCTION 


* Athenae" and “Thebae”; but I write * Carchedon ” 
and “ Taras,’ not “Carthage” and “Tarentum.” 
This is (I trust) a reasonable, though undeniably an 
inconsistent, method. The scheme of the present 
series does not contemplate a commentary ; only the 
briefest notes, therefore, have been added to this 
translation, and only where the * general reader" 
may be supposed to stand in urgent need of a word 
of explanation. 


xvii 


INTRODUCTION TO BOOKS I 
AND II 


Ir was by their conquest of Lydia that the Persians 
were first brought into contact with the Greeks. 
Hence it is necessary to Herodotus' plan to trace 
the history of the line of Lydian kings which ended 
with Croesus; this, with many attendant digressions, 
occupies chapters 1-44 of Book I. On the same 
principle, the history of the Medes and Persians, and 
the early life of Cyrus himself, must be narrated 
(ch. 45-140). Then follows the story of Cyrus’ 
dealings with the Greeks of Asia Minor (ch. 140-- 
177) The rest of the book is concerned with the 
wars of Cyrus against the Assyrians and the Mas- 
sagetae; a descriptive digression on Babylonian 
civilisation naturally forms a part of this section. 

Cyrus, killed in battle by the Massagetae, was 
succeeded by his son Cambyses; and Cambyses, soon 
after the beginning of his reign, resolved to attack 
Egypt. This resolve gives the cue for Herodotus’ 
memorable digression on the history and customs of 
that country. 

The second book falls into two parts The first 

xix 


INTRODUCTION TO BOOKS I AND II 


is the portrayal of the Nile valley and its inhabi- 
tants (ch. 1-98); the second gives a history of the 
Egyptian kings. The whole book—a strange medley 
of description and conjecture, history and fable— 
has, in so far as it is descriptive of present things, the 
supreme merit of a collection of pictures drawn by 
an eyewitness. Herodotus’ travels seem to have 
been mostly in Lower Egypt. But he knows also 
the upper valley of the Nile, and apparently has 
travelled as far as Assuan; his record, apart from 
the charm of the narrative, has an enduring interest 
as the earliest and for many centuries the only 
literary source of our knowledge of the country. 

But a clear distinction must be drawn between 
the descriptive and the historical chapters. 

It is not likely that Herodotus is inaccurate in | 
describing what he has seen. But, for his Egyptian 
chronicles, he has had to rely on what was told him, 
certainly through the medium of interpreters and 
probably in many eases by informants whose own 
knowledge was limited and inexact. Here, as usual, 
he safeguards himself against the charge of uncritical 
credulity by showing that he repeats the tale as told 
to him without guaranteeing its truth. It is very 
clear, however, that the impressions of history given 
to him are exceedingly misleading, at least for the 
long period before the twenty-sixth or Saite dynasty. 
His chronicle is full of errors of nomenclature and 
chronological sequence, and is made to cover far too 
long a period of time. Our knowledge of the early 
XX 


INTRODUCTION TO BOOKS I AND II 


rulers of Egypt rests, firstly, on evidence supplied by 
Egyptian monuments; secondly, on what remains to 
us (though in an epitomised and imperfect form) of 
the chronicle of Manetho, an Egyptian priest who in 
the third century B.c. compiled a list of the kings of 
his country. Herodotus is repeatedly at variance 
with both these sources of information. In a brief 
introduction it is impossible to multiply proofs, or even 
to summarise the difficulties which beset students of 
these abstruse matters ; itis enough to remember that 
‘for Egyptian history in the strict sense chapters 99 to 
146 are valueless."! These deal with the dynasties 
preceding 663 B.c., and covering in fact some 2700 
years. Herodotus gives them a far longer duration ; 
apparently he was shown a list of Egyptian rulers, 
and calculated the united lengths of their reigns by 
assuming one generation, or thirty years, for each 
king. So rough-and-ready a method of calculation 
could lead to no true conclusion; and it is wholly 
invalidated by the undoubted fact that many of the 
reigns named in the list were contemporaneous. 


1 How and Wells, op. ctt. ; the reader is referred to their 
Commentary for a discussion of these matters. 


xxi 


HERODOTUS 


BOOK I 


a 4 


HPOAOTOY ΙΣΤΟΡΙΑΙ 


A 


1. Ἡροδότου ᾿Αλικαρνησσέος ἱστορύης ἀπό- 
ἕεξις abe, ὡς μήτε τὰ γενόμενα ἐξ ἀνθρώπων 
τῷ χρόνῳ ἐξίτηλα- γένηται, μήτε ἔργα μεγάλα 
τε καὶ θωμαστά, τὰ μὲν "Ἕλλησι τὰ δὲ βαρβά- 
ροισι ἀποδεχθέντα, ἀκλεᾶ γένηται, τά τε ἄλλα 
καὶ δι ἣν αἰτίην ἐπολέμησαν ἀλλήλοισι. 

Περσέων μέν νυν οἱ λόγιοι Φοίνικας αἰτίους 
φασὶ γενέσθαι τῆς διαφορῆς. τούτους γὰρ ἀπὸ 
τῆς ᾿Ερυθρῆς καλεομένης θαλάσσης ἀπικομένους 
ἐπὶ τήνδε τὴν θάλασσαν, καὶ οἰκήσαντας τοῦτον 
τὸν χῶρον τὸν καὶ νῦν οἰκέουσι, αὐτίκα ναντιλή- 
gc. μακρῆσι ἐπιθέσθαι, ἀπαγινέοντας δὲ φορτία’ 
Αἰγύπτιά τε καὶ Ασσύρια τῇ τε ἄλλῃ ἐσαπικνέ- 
εσθαι καὶ δὴ καὶ ἐς Άργος. τὸ δὲ Αργος τοῦτον 
τὸν χρόνον προεῖχε ἅπασι τῶν ἐν τῇ νῦν Ἑλλάδι 
καλεομένῃ χώρῃ. ἀπικομένους δὲ τοὺς Φοίνικας 


9 


ἐς δὴ τὸ "Αργος τοῦτο διατίθεσθαι τὸν φόρτον. 


πέμπτῃ δὲ ἡ ἕκτῃ ἡμέρῃ am’ ἧς ἀπίκοντο, ἐξεμ- 


πολημένων σφι σχεδὸκ πάντων, ἐλθεῖν ἐπὶ τὴν 
θάλασσαν γυναῖκας ἄλλας τε πολλὰς καὶ δὴ καὶ 
A / N 
τοῦ βασιλέος θυγατέρα" τὸ δέ οἱ οὔνομα εἶναι, 
. 9 . A Ne / 3 A A 
κατὰ τὠυτὸ τὸ καὶ "Ελληνες λέγουσι, ᾿Ιοῦν τὴν 


HERODOTUS 


BOOK I 


1. Wuar Herodotus the Halicarnassian has learnt 
by inquiry is here set forth: in order that so the 
memory of the past may not be blotted out from 
among men by time, and that great and marvellous 
deeds done by Greeks and foreigners and especially 
the reason why they warred against each other may 
not lack renown. 

The Persian learned men say that the Phoe- 
nicians were the cause of the feud. These (they say) 
came to our seas from the sea which is called Red,! and 
having settled in the country which they still occupy, 
at once began to make long voyages. Among other 
places to which they carried Egyptian and Assyrian 
merchandise, they came to Argos, which was about 
that time preeminent in every way among the people 
of what is now called Hellas. The Phoenicians then 
came, as I say, to Argos, and set out their cargo. 
On the fifth or sixth day from their coming, their 
wares being now well-nigh all sold, there came to 
the sea shore among many other women the king's 
daughter, whose name (according to Persians and 
Greeks alike) was Io, the daughter of Inachus. They 


! Not the modern Red Sea, but the Persian Gulf and 
adjacent waters. 


3 


Ε; 


HERODOTUS 


Ἰνάχου: ταύτας στάσας κατὰ πρύμνην τῆς νεὸς 
ὠνέεσθαι τῶν φορτίων τῶν σφι ἦν θυμὸς μάλιστα" 
καὶ τοὺς Φοίνικας διακελευσαμένους ὁρμῆσαι én’ 
αὐτάς. τὰς μὲν δὴ πλεῦνας τῶν γυναικῶν ἀπο- 
φυγεῖν, τὴν δὲ Ἰοῦν σὺν ἄλλῃσι ἁρπασθῆναι. 
ἐσβαλομένους δὲ ἐς τὴν νέα οἴχεσθαι ἀποπλέοντας 
ἐπ᾽ Αἰγύπτου. 

9. Οὕτω μὲν ᾿]οῦν ἐς Αἴγυπτον ἀπικέσθαι 
λέγουσι Πέρσαι, οὐκ ὡς " Έλληνες, καὶ τῶν 
ἀδικημάτων πρῶτον τοῦτο ἄρξαι. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα 
Ἑλλήνων τινάς (οὐ γὰρ ἔχουσι τοὔνομα ànn- 
γήσασθαι) φασὶ τῆς Φοινίκης ἐς Túpov προσ- 
σχόντας ἁρπάσαι τοῦ βασιλέος τὴν θυγατέρα 
Εὐρώπην. εἴησαν ὃ ἂν οὗτοι Κρῆτες. ταῦτα 
μὲν δὴ ἴσα πρὸς ἴσα σφι γενέσθαι, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα 
“Ελληνας αἰτίους τῆς δευτέρης ἀδικίης γενέσθαι" 
καταπλώσαντας γὰρ pakpr νηὶ és Alay τε τὴν 
Κολχίδα καὶ ἐπὶ Φᾶσιν ποταμόν, ἐνθεῦτεν, δια- 
πρηξαμένους καὶ τἆλλα τῶν εἵνεκεν ἀπίκατο, 
ἁρπάσαι τοῦ βασιλέος τὴν θυγατέρα Μηδείην. 
πέμψαντα δὲ τὸν Κόλχων βασιλέα ἐς τὴν 'EX- 
λάδα κήρυκα αἰτέειν τε δίκας τῆς ἁρπαγῆς καὶ 
ἀπαιτέειν τὴν θυγατέρα. τοὺς δὲ ὑποκρίνασθαι 
ὡς οὐδὲ ἐκεῖνοι “lots τῆς ᾿Αργείης ἔδοσάν σφι 
δίκας τῆς ἁρπαγῆς: οὐδὲ ὧν αὐτοὶ δώσειν ἐκεί- 
νοισι. 

9. Δευτέρῃ δὲ λέγουσι γενεῇ μετὰ ταῦτα 
᾿Αλέξανδρον τὸν Πριάμου, ἀκηκοότα ταῦτα, 
ἐθελῆσαί οἱ ἐκ τῆς “Ελλάδος δι ἁρπαγῆς γενέ- 
σθαι γυναῖκα, ἐπιστάμενον πάντως ὅτι οὐ δώσει 
δίκας" οὐδὲ γὰρ ἐκείνους διδόναι. οὕτω δὴ ἁρπά- 

9 ae / ^ ο [4 ^ 
σαντος αὐτοῦ ᾿Ελένην, τοῖσι Ἓλλησι δόξαι πρῶ- 


4 


BOOK |. 1-3 


' stood about the stern of the ship: and while they 
bargained for such wares as they fancied, the 
Phoenicians heartened each other to the deed, 
and rushed to take them. Most of the women 
escaped: Io with others was carried off; the men 
east her into the ship and made sail away for 
Egypt. . 

2. This, say the Persians (but not the Greeks), 
was how Io came to Egypt, and this, according to 
them, was the first wrong that was done. Next, 
according to their tale, certain Greeks (they cannot 
tell who) landed at Tyre in Phoenice and carried off 
the king’s daughter Europe. These Greeks must, I 
suppose, have been Cretans. So far, then, the ac- 
count between them stood balanced. But after this 
(say they) it was the Greeks who were guilty of the 
second wrong. They sailed in a long ship to Aea of 
the Colchians and the river Phasis!: and when they 
had done the rest of the business for which they 
came, they carried off the king’s daughter Medea. 
When the Colchian king sent a herald to demand 
reparation for the robbery, and restitution of his 
daughter, the Greeks replied that as they had 
been refused reparation for the abduction of the 
Argive Io, neither would they make any to the 
Colchians. 

3. Then (so the story runs) in the second genera- 
tion after this Alexandrus son of Priam, having 
heard this tale, was minded to win himself a wife 
out of Hellas by ravishment; for he was well per- 
suaded that, as the Greeks had made no reparation, 
so neither would he. So he carried off Helen. The 
Greeks first resolved to send messengers demanding 


1 This is the legendary cruise of the Argonauts. 


HERODOTUS 


τὸν πέμψαντας. ἀγγέλους ἁπαιτέειν τε Ἑλένην 


καὶ δίκας τῆς πο αἰτέειν. τοὺς δέ, . προῖ-. 


σχομένων ταῦτα, προφέρειν σφι Μηδείης τὴν 
ἁρπαγήν, ὡς οὗ δόντες αὐτοὶ δίκας οὐδὲ ἐκδόντες 


ἀπαιτεόντων βουλοίατό σφι παρ ἄλλων δίκας 


γίνεσθαι. 

4. Μέ pt μὲν ὧν τούτου ἁρπαγὰς μούνας 
εἶναι πα ἀλλήλων, τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ τούτου "Ελληνας 
δὴ μεγάλως αἰτίους γενέσθαι" προτέρους γὰρ 
ἄρξαι στρατεύεσθαι ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίην ἢ σφέας ἐς 
τὴν Εὐρώπην. τὸ μέν νυν. ἁρπαξειν γυναῖκας 


ἀνδρῶν ἀδίκων νομίζειν ἔργον εἶναι, τὸ δὲ 


ἁρπασθεισέων σπουδὴν ποιήσασθαι τιμωρέειν 
ἀνοήτων, τὸ δὲ μηδεμίαν ὥρην ἔχειν ἁρπασθει- 
σέων σωφρόνων" δῆλα γὰρ δὴ ὅτι, εἰ μὴ αὐταὶ 
ἐβούλοντο, οὐκ ἂν ἡρπάξοντο. σφέας μὲν δὴ 
τοὺς ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ασίης λέγουσι Πέρσαι ἁρπαζομενέων 
τῶν γυναικῶν λόγον οὐδένα ποιήσασθαι, “Ελ. 
ληνας δὲ Λακεδαιμονίης εἵνεκεν γυναικὸς στόλον 
μέγαν συναγεῖραι καὶ ἔπειτα ἐλθόντας ἐς τὴν 
᾿Ασίην τὴν Πριάμου δύναμιν κατελεῖν. ἀπὸ τού- 
του αἰεὶ ἡγήσασθαι τὸ Ἑλληνικὸν σφίσι εἶναι 
πολέμιον. τὴν yap ᾿Ασίην καὶ Ta ἐνοικέοντα 
ἔθνεα βάρβαρα ' οἰκηιεῦνται, οἱ Πέρσαι, τὴν δὲ 
Εὐρώπην καὶ τὸ Ἑλληνικὸν À ἥγηνται κεχωρίσθαι. 

δ. Οὕτω μὲν Πέρσαι λέγουσι γενέσθαι, καὶ 
διὰ τὴν Ἰλίου ἅλωσιν εὑρίσκουσι σφίσι ἐοῦσαν 
τὴν ἀρχὴν τῆς ἔχθρης τῆς ἐς τοὺς "Ελληνας. περὶ 
δὲ τῆς ]οῦς οὐκ did aly Πέρσῃσι οὕτω Φοί- 
νικες' οὗ γὰρ ἁρπαγῇ σφέ ας χρησαμένους λέ- 
γουσι ἀγαγεῖν αὐτὴν ἐς Αἴγυπτον, ἀλλ ὡς ἐν τῷ 

1 ἔθνεα [βάρβαρα] Stein. 


6 


BOOK I. 3-5 


that Helen should be restored and atonement made 
for the rape; but when this proposal was made, the 
Trojans pleaded the rape of Medea, and reminded 
the Greeks that they asked reparation of others, yet 
had made none themselves, nor given up the plunder 
at request. 

4, Thus far it was a matter of mere robbery on 
both sides. But after this (the Persians say) the 
Greeks were greatly to blame; for they invaded 
Asia before the Persians attacked Europe. * We 
think," say they, *that it is wrong to carry women 
off: but to be zealous to avenge the rape is foolish : 
wise men take no account of such things: for plainly 
the women would never have been carried away, had 
not they themselves wished it. We of Asia regarded 
the rape of our women not at all; but the Greeks, all. 
for the sake of a Lacedaemonian woman, mustered a 
great host, came to Asia, and destroyed the power of 
Priam. Ever since then we have regarded Greeks 
as our enemies." The Persians claim Asia for their 
own, and the foreign nations that dwell in it ; Europe 
and the Greek race they hold to be separate from 
them. 

5. Such is the Persian account of the matter: in 
their opinion, it was the taking of Troy which began 
their feud with the Greeks. But the Phoenicians do 
not tell the same story about Io as the Persians. 
They say that they did not carry her off to Egypt by 
force : she had intercourse in Argos with the captain 


7 


ma 


HERODOTUS 


Apyet ἐμίσγετο τῷ ναυκλήρῳ τῆς νεός". ἐπεὶ δ᾽ 
ἔμαθε ἔ ἔγκυος ἐοῦσα, αἰδεομένη τοὺς τοκέας οὕτω 
δὴ ἐθελοντὴν αὐτὴν τοῖσι Φοίνιξι συνεκπλῶσαι, 
ὡς ἂν μὴ κατάδηλος γένηται. 

Ταῦτα μέν νυν Πέρσαι τε καὶ Φοίνικες λέ- 
γουσι" ἐγὼ δὲ περὶ μὲν τούτων οὐκ ἔρχομαι ἐρέων 
ὡς οὕτω i) ἄλλως κως ταῦτα ἐγένετο, τὸν δὲ οἶδα 
αὐτὸς πρῶτον ὑπάρξαντα ἀδίκων ἔργων ἐς τοὺς 
“Ἕλληνας, τοῦτον σημήνας προβήσομαι ἐς τὸ 
πρόσω τοῦ λόγου, ὁμοίως σμικρὰ καὶ μεγάλα 
ἄστεα ἀνθρώπων ἐπεξιών. τὰ γὰρ τὸ πάλαι 
μεγάλα ἦν, τὰ πολλὰ σμικρὰ αὐτῶν γέγονε" τὰ 
δὲ ἐπ’ ἐμεῦ ἦν μεγάλα, πρότερον ἦν σμικρά. τὴν 
ἀνθρωπηίην ὧν ἐπιστάμενος εὐδαιμονίην οὐδαμὰ 
ἐν τὠντῷ μένουσαν, ἐπιμνήσομαι ἀμφοτέρων 
ὁμοίως. 

6. Κροῖσος ἦν Λυδὸς μὲν γένος, παῖς δὲ ᾿Αλυ- 
ἅττεω, τύραννος δὲ ἐθνέων τῶν ἐντὸς Avos 
ποταμοῦ, ὃς ῥέων ἀπὸ μεσαμβρίης μεταξὺ Συρίων 
τε καὶ Παφλαγόνων ἐξιεῖ πρὸς, βορέην ἄνεμον 
ἐς τὸν Εὔξεινον καλεόμενον πόντον. οὗτος ὁ 
Κροῖσος βαρβάρων πρῶτος τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν τοὺς 
μὲν κατεστρέψατο Ἑλλήνων è ἐς φόρου ἀπαγωγήν, 
τοὺς δὲ φίλους προσεποιήσατο. κατεστρέψατο 
μὲν Ἴωνάς τε καὶ Αἰολέας καὶ Δωριέας τοὺς ἐν 
τῇ ᾿Ασίῃ, φίλους δὲ προσεποιήσατο Λακεδαι- 
μονίους. πρὸ δὲ τῆς Κροίσου ἀρχῆς πάντες 
"Ελληνες ἦσαν ἐλεύθεροι. τὸ γὰρ Κιμμερίων 
στράτευμα τὸ ἐπὶ τὴν Ἰωνίην ἆ ἀπικόμενον Κροίσου 
ἐὸν πρεσβύτερον οὗ καταστροφὴ ἐγένετο τῶν 
πολίων ἀλλ. ἐξ ἐπιδρομῆς ἆ ἁρπαγή. 

7. Ἡ δὲ ἡγεμονίη οὕτω m ριῆλθε, ἐοῦσα 'Hpa- 


8 


BOOK I. ς-] 


of the ship : then, perceiving herself to be with child, 
she was ashamed that her parents should know it, 
and so, lest they should discover her condition, 
she sailed away with the Phoenicians of her own 
accord. | 

These are the stories of the Persians and the 
Phoenicians. For my own part, I will not say that 
this or that story is true, but I will name him whom I 
myself know to have done unprovoked wrong to the 
Greeks, and so go forward with my history, and 
speak of small and great cities alike. For many 
states that were once great have now become small : 
and those that were great in my time were small 
formerly. Knowing therefore that human prosperity 
never continues in one stay, I will make mention 
alike of both kinds. | 

6. Croesus was by birth a Lydian, son of Alyattes, 
and monarch of all the nations west of the river 
Halys, which flows from the south between Syria and 
Paphlagonia, and issues north ward into the sea called 
Euxinus. This Croesus was as far as we know the 
first foreigner who subdued Greeks and took tri- 
bute of them, and won tlie friendship of others,— 
the former being the Ionians, the Aeolians, and the 
Dorians of Asia, and the latter the Lacedaemonians. 
Before the reign of Croesus all Greeks were free: for 
the Cimmerian host which invaded Ionia before his 
time did not subdue the cities but rather raided and 
robbed them. 


7. Now the sovereign power, which belonged to 
9 


1 


HERODOTUS 


κλειδέων, ἐς τὸ γένος τὸ Κροίσου, καλεομένους δὲ 
Μερμνάδας. ἦν Κανδαύλης, τὸν οἱ Ἕλληνες 
Μυρσίλον ὀνομάξουσι, τύραννος Σαρδίων, ἀπό- 
Ύονος δὲ ᾽Αλκαίου τοῦ Ἡρακλέος. "Άγρων -μὲν 
γὰρ ὃ Νίνου τοῦ Βήλου τοῦ ᾿Αλκαίου πρῶτος 
Ἡρακλειδέων βασιλεὺς ἐγένετο Σαρδίων, Kav- 
δαύλης δὲ ὁ Μύρσου ὕστατος. οἱ δὲ πρότερον 
"Άγρωνος βασιλεύσαντες ταύτης τῆς χώρης ἦσαν 
ἀπόγονοι Λυδοῦ τοῦ ᾽Άτυος, an’ ὅτευ ὁ δῆμος 
Λύδιος ἐκλήθη ὁ πᾶς οὗτος, πρότερον Μηίων 
καλεόμενος. παρὰ τούτων Ἡρακλεῖδαι ἐπιτραφ- 


θέντες ἔ ἔσχον τὴν ἀρχὴν ἐκ θεοπροπίου, ἐκ δούλης. 


τε τῆς ᾿Ιαρδάνου γεγονότες καὶ Ἡρακλέος, àp- 
ξαντες μὲν ἐπὶ δύο τε καὶ εἴκοσι γενεὰς ἀνδρῶν 
ἔτεα πέντε τε καὶ πεντακόσια, παῖς παρὰ πατρὸς 
ἐκδεκόμενος τὴν ἀρχήν, μέχρι Κανδαύλεω τοῦ 
Μύρσου. 

8. Οὗτος δη, ὧν ὁ Κανδαύλης ἠράσθη τῆς 
ἑωυτοῦ γυναικός, ἐρασθεὶς δὲ ἐνόμιζέ οἱ εἶναι 
γυναῖκα πολλὸν πασέων καλλίστην. ὥστε δὲ 
ταῦτα νομίξων, ἢ ἦν γάρ οἱ τῶν αἰχμαφόρων Γύγης 
ὁ Δασκύλου «ἀρεσκόμενος μάλιστα, τούτῳ τῷ 
Γύγη καὶ τὰ σπουδαιέστερα τῶν πρηγμάτων 


-ὑπερετίθετο ὁ Κανδαύλης καὶ δὴ καὶ τὸ εἶδος τῆς 


γυναικὸς ὑπερεπαινέων. χρόνου δὲ οὐ πολλοῦ 
διελθόντος (χρῆν γὰρ Κανδαύλῃ γενέσθαι κακῶς) 
ἔλεγε πρὸς τὸν Γύγην τοιάδε. “ Ρύγη, οὗ γάρ σε 
δοκέω πείθεσθαί μοι λέγοντι περὶ τοῦ εἴδεος 
τῆς γυναικός (ὦτα γὰρ τυγχάνει ἀνθρώποισι 
ἐόντα ἀπιστότερα, ὀφθαλμῶν), ποίεε ὅκως ἐκείνην 
θεήσεαι γυμνήν. "^ δ δ ἀμβώσας εἶπε “δέσποτα, 
τίνα λέγεις λόγον οὐκ ὑγιέα, κελεύων µε δέσποι- 


το 


ΜΑ ΜΕΡΕΙ pee iL 


BOOK I 7-8 


the descendants of Heracles, fell to the family of 
Croesus—the Mermnadae as they were called —in the 
following way. Candaules, whom the Greeks call 
Myrsilus, was the ruler of Sardis; he was descended 
from Alcaeus, son of Heracles; Agron, son of Ninus, 
son of Belus, son of Alcaeus, was the first Heraclid 
king of Sardis, and Candaules, son of Myrsus, was the 
last. The kings of this country before Agron were 
descendants of Lydus, son of Atys, from whom all 
this Lydian district took its name; before that it was 
called the land of the Meii. From these the Hera- 
clidae, descendants of Heracles! and a female slave 
of Iardanus, received the sovereignty and held it in 
charge, by reason of an oracle; and they ruled for 
two and twenty generations, or 505 years, son 
succeeding father, down to Candaules, son of Myrsus. 
8. This Candaules, then, fell in love with his own 
wife, so much that he supposed her to be by far the 
fairest woman in the world; and being persuaded of 
this, he raved of her beauty to Gyges, son of Dascy- 
lus, who was his favourite among his bodyguard ; for 
it was to Gyges that he entrusted all his weightiest 
secrets. Then after a little while Candaules, being 
doomed to ill-fortune, spoke thus to Gyges : “ I think, 
Gyges, that you do not believe what I tell you of 
the beauty of my wife; men trust their ears less 
than their eyes; do you, then, so contrive that you 
may see her naked." Gyges exclaimed loudly at this. 
* Master," said he, * what a pestilent command is 
this that you lay upon me! that I should see her who 
1 Descendants of Heracles seems to mean descended from 
the Asiatic sungod identified with Heracles by the Greeks. 


II 
VOL. I. B 


HERODOTUS 


ναν τὴν ἐμὴν θεήσασθαι γυμνήν; ἅμα δὲ κιθῶνι 
ἐκδυομένῳ συνεκδύεται καὶ τὴν αἰδῶ γυνή. πάλαι 
δὲ τὰ καλὰ ἀνθρώποισι ἐξεύρηται, ἐκ τῶν μαν- 
θάνεῳ δεῖ: ἐν τοῖσι èv τόδε ἐστί, σκοπέειν τινὰ τὰ 
ἑωυτοῦ. ἐγὼ δὲ πείθομαι ἐκείνην εἶναι πασέων 
γυναικῶν καλλίστην, καὶ σέο δέομαι μὴ δέεσθαι 
ἀνόμων." 

9. Ὃ μὲν δὴ λέγων τοιαῦτα ἀπεμάχετο, ἀρρω- 
δέον μὴ τί οἱ εξ αὐτῶν γένηται κακόν, ὃ δ᾽ ἀμεί- 
βετο τοῖσιδε. * θάρσεε, Γύγη, καὶ μὴ φοβεῦ μήτε 
ἐμέ, ὡς σέο πειρώμενος ' λέγω λόγον τόνδε, μήτε 
γυναῖκα τὴν ἐμήν, μή τί τοι ἐξ αὐτῆς γένηται 
Βλάβος. ἀρχὴν γὰρ ἐγὼ μηχανήσομαι οὕτω 
ὥστε μηδὲ μαθεῖν μιν ὀφθεῖσαν ὑπὸ σεῦ. ἐγὼ 
γάρ σε ἐς τὸ οἴκημα ἐν τῷ κοιμώμεθα ὄπισθε τῆς 
ἀνοιγομένης θύρης στήσω. μετὰ Ò ἐμὲ ἐσελθόντα 
παρέσται καὶ ἡ γυνὴ ἡ ἐμὴ ἐς κοῖτον. κεῖται δὲ 
ἀγχοῦ τῆς ἐσόδου θρόνος" ἐπὶ τοῦτον τῶν ἱματίων 
κατὰ ἓν ἕκαστον, ἐκδύνουσα θήσει, καὶ κατ᾽ 
ἡσυχίην πολλὴν παρέξει τοι θεήσασθαι. ἐπεὰν 
δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ θρόνου στείχῃ. ἐπὶ τὴν εὐνὴν κατὰ 
νώτου τε αὐτῆς γένῃ, σοἱ μελέτω τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν ὅκως 
μή σε ὄψεται ἰ ἰόντα. διὰ θυρέων. 

10. Ὃ μὲν δὴ ὡς οὐκ ἐδύνατο διαφυγεῖ», ἢ ἣν 
ἕτοιμος" ὁ δὲ Κανδαύλης, ἐπεὶ ἐδόκεε ὥρη τῆς 
κοίτης εἶναι, ἤγαγε τὸν Γύγεα ἐς τὸ οἴκημα, καὶ 
μετὰ ταῦτα αὐτίκα Tr αρῆν καὶ ἡ γυνή. ἐσελθοῦσαν 
δὲ καὶ τιθεῖσαν. τὰ εἵματα ἐθηεῖτο ὁ Γύγη ὡς 
δὲ κατὰ νώτου ἐγένετο ἰούσης τῆς γυναικὸς: s τὴν 
κοίτην, ὑπεκδὺς ἐχώρεε ἔξω, καὶ ἡ γυνὴ ἐπορᾷ 
μιν ἐξιόντα. μαθοῦσα δὲ τὸ ποιηθὲν ἐκ τοῦ 

1 πειρώμενον Stein, 
13 


BOOK l. 8-10 


is my mistress naked! with the stripping off of her 
tunic a woman is stripped of the honour due to her, 
Men have long ago made wise rules for our learning ; 
one of these is, that we, and none other, should see what 
is our own. As for me, I fully believe that your 
queen is the fairest of all women; ask not lawless 
acts of me, I entreat you." 

-9. Thus speaking Gyges sought to turn the king's 
purpose, for he feared lest some ill to himself should 
come of it: but this was Candaules’ answer: “Take | 
courage, Gyges: fear not that I say this to put you 
to the proof, nor that my wife will do you any harm. 
I will so contrive the whole business that she shall 
never know that you have seen her. I will bring you 
into the chamber where she and I lie and set you 
behind the open door ; and after I have entered, my 
wife too will come to her bed. There is a chair set 
near the entrance of the room : on this she will lay 
each part of her raiment as she takes it off, and 
you will be able to gaze upon her at your leisure. 
Then, when she goes from the chair to the bed, 
turning her back upon you, do you look to it 
that she does not see you going out through the 
doorway.” 

10: As Gyges could not escape, he consented. 
Candaules, when he judged it to be bed time, brought 
Gyges into the chamber, his wife presently followed, 
and when she had come in and was laying aside her 
garments Gyges beheld her; and when she turned 
her back upon him, going to her bed, he slipped 
privily from the room. The woman saw him as he 
passed out, and perceived what her husband had 
done. But shamed though she was she never cried 


13 


> 
ποιήσαντα οὐ νομιζόμενα. 


HERODOTUS 


ἀνδρὸς οὔτε ἀνέβωσε αἰσχυνθεῖσα οὔτε ἔδοξε 
μαθεῖν, ἐν νάῳ ἔχουσα τίσεσθαι τὸν Κανδαύλεα. 
παρὰ γὰρ τοῖσι Λυδοῖσι, σχεδὸν δὲ καὶ παρὰ 
τοῖσι ἄλλοισι βαρβάροισι καὶ ἄνδρα ὀφθῆναι 
γυμνὸν ἐς αἰσχύνην μεγάλην φέρει. 

11. Τότε μὲν δὴ οὕτω οὐδὲν δηλώσασα ἡσυχίην 
εἶχε" ὡς δὲ ἡμέρη τάχιστα ἐγεγόνεε, τῶν οἰκετέων 
τοὺς µάλιστα ὥρα πιστοὺς ἐόντας ἑωυτῇ, ἑτοίμους 
ποιησαμένη ἐκάλεε τὸν Γύγεα. ὃ δὲ οὐδὲν δοκέων 
αὐτὴν τῶν πρηχθέντων ἐπίστασθαι ἦλθε καλεό- 
μενος: ἐώθεε γὰρ καὶ πρόσθε, ὅκως ἡ βασίλεια 
καλέοι, φοιτᾶν. ὡς δὲ ὁ Γύγης ἀπίκετο, ἔλεγε 
ἡ γυνὴ τάδε. “νῦν τοι δυῶν ὁδῶν παρεουσέων 
Γύγη δίδωμι αἵρεσιν, ὀκοτέρην βούλεαι τραπέσθαι. 
ἢ γὰρ Κανδαύλεα ἀποκτείνας ἐμέ τε καὶ τὴν 
βασιληίην ἔχε τὴν Λυδῶν, ἢ αὐτόν σε αὐτίκα 
οὕτω ἀποθνήσκειν δεῖ, ὡς ἂν μὴ πάντα πειθόμενος 
Κανδαύλῃ τοῦ λοιποῦ ἴδῃς τὰ μή σε δεῖ. ἀλλ᾽ 
ἤτοι κεῖνόν γε τὸν ταῦτα βουλεύσαντα δεῖ ἀπόλ- 
λυσθαι, ἢ σὲ τὸν ἐμὲ γυμνὴν θεησάμενον καὶ 
> ὁ δὲ Γύγης τέως μὲν 
ἀπεθώμαζε τὰ λεγόμενα, μετὰ δὲ ἱκέτευε μή μιν 
ἀναγκαίῃ ἐνδέειν διακρῖναι τοιαύτην αἵρεσιν. 
οὔκων δὴ ἔπειθε, ἀλλ᾽ ὥρα ἀναγκαίην ἀληθέως 
προκειμένην ἢ τὸν δεσπότεα ἀπολλύναι ἢ αὐτὸν 
ὑπ᾽ ἄλλων ἀπόλλυσθαι" αἱρέεται αὐτὸς περιεῖναι. 
ἐπειρώτα δὴ λέγων τάδε. “' ἐπεί µε ἀναγκάζεις 
δεσπότεα τὸν ἐμὸν κτείνειν οὐκ ἐθέλοντα, φέρε 
ἀκούσω τέῳ καὶ τρόπῳ ἐπιχειρήσομεν αὐτῷ.᾽ ἢ 
δὲ ὑπολαβοῦσα ἔφη “ἐκ τοῦ αὐτοῦ μὲν χωρίου 
ἡ ὁρμή ἔσται ὅθεν περ καὶ ἐκεῖνος ἐμὲ ἐπεδέξατο 
γύμνην, ὑπνωμένῳ δὲ ἡ ἐπιχείρησις ἔσται." 


14 


BOOK I. ro-11 


out nor let it be seen that she had perceived aught, 
for she had it in mind to punish Candaules ; seeing 
that among the Lydians and most of the foreign 
peoples it is held great shame that even a man should 
be seen naked. 

11. For the nonce she made no sign and held her © 
peace. Butas soon as it was day, she assured her- 
self of those of her household whom she perceived 
to be most faithful to her, and called Gyges: who, 
supposing that she knew nothing of what had been 
done, came at call; for he had always been wont to 
attend the queen whenever she bade him. So when 
he came, the lady thus addressed him: “Now, Gyges, 
you have two roads before you; choose which you 
will follow. You must either kill Candaules and take 
me for your own and the throne of Lydia, or your- 
self be killed now without more ado ; that will pre- 
vent you from obeying all Candaules' commands in 
the future and seeing what you should not see. 
One of you must die: either he, the contriver of 
this plot, or you, who have outraged all usage by 
looking on me unclad." At this Gyges stood awhile 
astonished: presently he entreated her not to com- 
pel him to such a choice; but when he could not 
move her, and saw that dire necessity was in very 
truth upon him either to kill his master or himself 
be killed by others, he chose his own life. Then 
he asked the queen to tell him, since she forced 
him against his will to slay his master, how they 
were to attack the king: and she replied, “ You 
shall come at him from the same place whence 
he made you see me naked; attack him in his 
sleep." 


hor 


HERODOTUS 


12. Ὡς δὲ ἤρτυσαν τὴν ἐπιβουλήν, νυκτὸς 
γενομένης (οὐ γὰρ ἐμετίετο ὁ Γύγης, οὐδέ οἱ ἣν 
ἀπαλλαγὴ οὐδεμία, ἀλλ, ἔδεε ἢ αὐτὸν ἀπολωλέναι 
A , es 9 ` , ^ , 
ἢ Κανδαύλεα) εἴπετο ἐς τὸν θάλαμον τῇ γυναικί, 
καί μιν ἐκείνη, ἐγχειρίδιον δοῦσα, κατακρύπτει 
ὑπὸ τὴν αὐτὴν θύρην. καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα ἀνάπαυο- 
μένου Κανδαύλεω ὑπεκδύς τε καὶ ἀποκτείνας 
αὐτὸν ἔσχε καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα καὶ τὴν βασιληίην 
Γύγης τοῦ καὶ ᾿Αρχίλοχος ὁ Πάριος κατὰ τὸν 
αὐτὸν χρόνον γενόμενος ἐν ἰάμβῳ τριμέτρῳ 
ἐπεμνήσθη. 

19. Ἔσχε δὲ τὴν βασιληίην καὶ ἐκρατύνθη ἐκ 
τοῦ ἐν Δελφοῖσι χρηστηρίου. ὡς γὰρ δὴ οἱ 
Λυδοὶ δεινὸν ἐποιεῦντὸ τὸ Κανδαύλεω πάθος καὶ 
ἐν ὅπλοισι ἦσαν, συνέβησαν ἐς τὠυτὸ οἵ τε τοῦ 
Γύγεω στασιῶται καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ Λυδοί, ἣν μὲν τὸ 
χρηστήριον ἀνέλῃ μιν βασιλέα εἶναι Λυδῶν, τὸν. 
δὲ βασιλεύειν, ἣν δὲ μή, ἀποδοῦναι ὀπίσω ἐς 
Ἡρακλείδας τὴν ἀρχήν. ἀνεῖλέ τε δὴ τὸ χρη- 

ρακλείδας τὴν ἀρχή À τὸ χρη 
στήριον καὶ ἐβασίλευσε οὕτω Γύγης. τοσόνδε 
μέντοι εἶπε ἡ Πυθίη, ὡς Ἡρακλείδῃσι τίσις ἥξει 
ἐς τὸν πέμπτον ἀπόγανον Γύγεω. τούτου τοῦ 
ἔπεος Λυδοί τε καὶ οἱ βασιλέες αὐτῶν λόγον 
οὐδένα ἐποιεῦντο, πρὶν δὴ ἐπετελέσθη. 

14. Τὴν μὲν δὴ τυραννίδα οὕτω ἔσχον οἱ 
Μερμνάδαι τοὺς Ἡρακλείδας ἀπελόμενοι, Γύγης 
δὲ τυραννεύσας ἀπέπεμψε ἀναθήματα ἐς Δελφοὺς 
οὐκ ὀλίγα, ἀλλ ὅσα μὲν ἀργύρου ἀναθήματα, 
ἔστι οἱ πλεῖστα ἐν Δελφοῖσι, πάρεξ δὲ τοῦ 
ἀργύρου χρυσὸν ἄπλετον ἀνέθηκε ἄλλον τε καὶ 


1 Stein brackets the words τοῦ καὶ-- ἐπεμνήσθη as super. 
fluous and therefore probably spurious. | 


16 


BOOK I. 12-14 


12. So when they had made ready this plot, and 
night had fallen, Gyges followed the lady into the 
chamber (for he could not get free or by any means 
escape, but either he or Candaules must die), and 
she gave him a dagger and hid him behind the same 
door; and presently he stole out and slew Candaules 
as he slept, and thus made himself master of the 
king's wife and sovereignty. He is mentioned in the 
iambic verses of Archilochus of Parus who lived about 
the same time. 

13. So he took possession of the sovereign power, 
and was confirmed therein by the Delphic oracle. 
For when the Lydians were much angered by the 
fate of Candaules, and took up arms, the faction of 
Gyges and the rest of the people came to an agree- 
ment that if the oracle should ordain him to be 
king of the Lydians, then he should reign: but if 
not, then he should render back the kingship to 
the Heraclidae. The oracle did so ordain: and 
Gyges thus became king. Howbeit the Pythian 
priestess declared that the Heraclidae should have 
vengeance on Gyges’ posterity in the fifth generation : 
an utterance of which the Lydians and their kings 
took no account, till it was fulfilled. 

14. Thus did the Mermnadae rob the Heraclidae 
of the sovereignty and take it for themselves. Having 
gained it, Gyges sent not a few offerings to Delphi: 
there are very many silver offerings of his there: 
and besides the silver, he dedicated great store of 


17 


HERODOTUS 


τοῦ μάλιστα μνήμην ἄξιον ἔχειν ἐστί, κρητῆρες 
οἱ ἀριθμὸν ἓξ χρύσεοι ἀνακέαται. ἑστᾶσι δὲ οὗτοι 
ἐν τῷ Κορινθίων θησαυρῷ, σταθμὸν ἔχοντες τριή- 
κοντα τάλαντα" anné δὲ λόγῳ χρεωμένῳ ov Kop- 


. ενθίων τοῦ δημοσίου ἐστὶ ὁ θησαυρός, ἀλλὰ Κυψέ- 


Xov τοῦ Ἠετίωνος. οὗτος δὲ ὁ Γύγης πρῶτος Bap- 
βάρων τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν ἐς Δελφοὺς ἀνέθηκε 
2 , lá b / . 
ἀναθήματα μετὰ Μίδην τὸν Γορδίεω Φρυγίης 
βασιλέα. ἀνέθηκε γὰρ δὴ καὶ Μίδης τὸν βασι- 
λήιον θρόνον ἐς τὸν προκατίξων ἐδίκαζε, ἐόντα 
ἀξιοθέητον' κεῖται δὲ ὁ θρόνος οὗτος ἔνθα περ οἱ 
τοῦ Γύγεω κρητῆρες. ὁ δὲ χρυσὸς οὗτος καὶ ὁ 
ἄργυρος τὸν ὁ Γύγης ἀνέθηκε, ὑπὸ Δελφῶν 
καλέεται Γυγάδας ἐπὶ τοῦ ἀναθέντος ἐπωνυμίην. 

15. ᾿Εσέβαλε μέν νυν στρατιὴν καὶ οὗτος ἐπείτε 
ἧρξε ἔς τε Μίλητον καὶ ἐς Σμύρνην, καὶ Κολοφῶ- 
νος τὸ ἄστυ εἷλε: ἀλλ. οὐδὲν γὰρ μέγα ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ 
9 y 3 7 /, ^ / 
ἄλλο ἔργον ἐγένετο βασιλεύσαντος δυῶν δέοντα 
τεσσεράκοντα ἔτεα, τοῦτον μὲν παρήσομεν τοσαῦτα 
» / * M ^ -£ . , 
ἐπιμνησθέντες, "Αρδυος δὲ τοῦ Γύγεω μετὰ Γύγην - 
βασιλεύσαντος μνήμην ποιήσομαι. οὗτος δὲ 
Πριηνέας τε εἷλε ἐς Μίλητόν τε ἐσέβαλε, ἐπὶ τού- 
του τε τυραννεύοντος Σαρδίων Κιμμέριοι ἐξ ἠθέων 
ὑπὸ Σκυθέων τῶν νομάδων ἐξαναστάντες ἀπίκοντο 
9 4 9 ’ / 4 ^ 3 [4 
ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίην καὶ Σάρδις πλὴν τῆς ἀκροπόλιος 
εἷλον. 

16. "Αρδυος δὲ βασιλεύσαντος ἑνὸς δέοντα mev- 
τήκοντα ἔτεα ἐξεδέξατο Σαδυάττης ὁ "Άρδυος, καὶ 
ἐβασίλευσε ἔτεα δυώδεκα, Σαδυάττεω δὲ ᾿Αλυάτ- 
της. οὗτος δὲ Κυαξάρῃ τε τῷ Δηιόκεω ἀπογόνῳ- 
ἐπολέμησε καὶ Μήδοισι, Κιμμερίους τε ἐκ τῆς 
, , 9ο { M » N ^ 
Ασίης ἐξήλασε, Σμύρνην τε τὴν ἀπὸ Κολοφῶνος 
18 | 


BOOK Ἱ. 14-16 


gold: among which six golden bowls are the offerings 
chiefly worthy of record. These weigh 30 talents! 
and stand in the treasury? of the Corinthians: though 
in very truth it is the treasury not of the Corinthian 
people but of Cypselus son of Eetion. This Gyges 
then was the first foreigner (of our knowledge) who- 
placed offerings at Delphi after the king of Phrygia, 
Midas son of Gordias. For Midas too made an 
offering, to wit, the royal seat whereon he sat to 
give judgment, and a marvellous seat it is; it is set 
in the same place as the bowls of Gyges. This gold 
and the silver offered by Gyges is called by the 
Delphians ** Gygian " after its dedicator. 

15. As soon as Gyges came to the throne, he too, 
like others, led an army into the lands of Miletus 
and Smyrna; and he took the city of Colophon. 
But he did nothing else great in his reign of thirty- 
eight years ; I will therefore say no more of him, and 
will speak rather of Ardys the son of Gyges, who 
succeeded him. He took Priene and invaded the 
country of Miletus; and it was while he was 
monarch of Sardis that the Cimmerians, driven from 
their homes by the nomad Scythians, came into Asia, 
and took Sardis, all but the citadel. 

16. Ardys reigned for forty-nine years, and was 
succeeded by his son Sadyattes, who reigned for 
twelve years; and after Sadyattes came Alyattes, 
who waged war against Deioces' descendant Cyaxares 
and the Medes, drove the Cimmerians out of Asia, 
took Smyrna (which was a colony from Colophon), 

1 The ** Attic” talent had a weight of about 58 lbs. avoir- 
dupois, the ** Aeginetan” of about 82. | 
Many Greek states had special ‘‘ treasuries” allotted to 


them in the temple λα at Delphi, in which their 
offerings were deposited. 
19 


HERODOTUS 


κτισθεῖσαν εἷλε, ἐς Κλαζομενάς τε ἐσέβαλε. ἀπὸ 
/ LA » [4 wv 3 F ? N 
μέν νυν τούτων οὐκ ὡς ἤθελε ἀπήλλαξε, ἀλλὰ 
’ / » \ xy > / 
προσπταίσας μεγάλως: ἄλλα δὲ ἔργα ἀπεδέξατο 
ἐὼν ἐν τῇ ἀρχῇ ἀξιαπηγητότατα τάδε. 

17. ᾿Επολέμησε Μιλησίοισι, παραδεξάµενος τὸν 
πόλεμον παρὰ τοῦ πατρός. ἐπελαύνων γὰρ ἐπο- 
λιόρκεε τὴν Μίλητον τρόπῳ τοιῷδε: ὅκως μὲν εἴη 
ἐν τῇ γῆ καρπὸς ἆδρός, τηνικαῦτα ἐσέβαλλε τὴν 
στρατιήν: ἐστρατεύετο δὲ ὑπὸ συρίγγων τε καὶ 
πηκτίδων καὶ αὐλοῦ γυναικηίου τε καὶ ἀνδρηίου. 

, 
ὡς δὲ ἐς τὴν Μιλησίην ἀπίκοιτο, οἰκήματα μὲν τὰ 
ἐπὶ τῶν ἀγρῶν οὔτε κατέβαλλε οὔτε ἐνεπίμπρη 
οὔτε θύρας ἀπέσπα, ča δὲ κατὰ χώρην ἑστάναι" ὃ 
δὲ τά τε δένδρεα καὶ τὸν καρπὸν τὸν ἐν τῇ yh ὅκως 
διαφθείρειε, ἀπαλλάσσετο ὀπίσω. τῆς γὰρ θαλάσ- 
σης οἱ Μιλήσιοι ἐπεκράτεον, ὥστε ἐπέδρης μὴ 
εἶναι ἔργον τῇ στρατιῇ. τὰς δὲ οἰκίας οὐ κατέ- 
ε . ^ [rd e? » 3 ^ 

BaXXe ὁ Λυδὸς τῶνδε εἵνεκα, ὅκως ἔχοιεν ἐνθεῦτεν 
ὁρμώμενοι τὴν γῆν σπείρειν τε καὶ ἐργάξεσθαι οἱ 
Μιλήσιοι, αὐτὸς δὲ ἐκείνων ἐργαζομένων ἔχοι τι 
καὶ σίνεσθαι ἐσβάλλων. 

18. Tatra ποιέων ἐπολέμεε ἔτεα ἕνδεκα, ἐν 

^ , ΄ ΄ , 9.7 
τοῖσι τρώματα μεγάλα διφάσια Μιλησίων ἐγένετο, 
ἔν τε Λιμενηίῳ χώρης τῆς σφετέρης μαχεσαμένων 
καὶ ἐν Μαιάνδρου πεδίῳ. τὰ μέν νυν ἓξ ἔτεα τῶν 
ν ὃ - Ò ΄ ε "A 5 » A ὃ ^ e e \ 
ἕνδεκα Σαδυάττης 0" ApÓvos ἔτι Λυδῶν ἦρχε, ὁ καὶ 
ἐσβάλλων τηνικαῦτα ἐς τὴν Μιλησίην τὴν στρα- 
Tiny: Σαδυάττης οὗτος γὰρ καὶ ὁ τὸν πόλεμον ἦν 
συνάψας' τὰ δὲ πέντε τῶν ἐτέων τὰ ἑπόμενα 

^ ^ , / € ΄ 9 , a 
τοῖσι ἓξ ᾿Αλυάττης ὁ Σαδυάττεω ἐπολέμεε, ὃς 
παραδεξάμενος, ὡς καὶ πρότερόν μοι δεδήλωται, 

^ . ^ 
παρὰ τοῦ πατρὸς τὸν πόλεμον προσεῖχε ἐντετα- 
20 


BOOK I. 16-18 


and invaded the lands of Clazomenae. But here he 
came off not at all as he wished, but with great 
disaster. Of other deeds done by him in his reign 
these were most notable: 

17. He continued the war against the Milesians | 
which his father had begun. This was the manner 
in which he attacked and laid siege to Miletus: he 
sent his invading army, marching to the sound of 
pipes and harps and flutes bass and treble, when 
the crops in the land were ripe: and whenever he 
came to the Milesian territory, the country dwellings 
he neither demolished nor burnt nor tore off their 
doors, but let them stand unharmed; but the trees 
and the crops of the land he destroyed, and so 
returned whence he came; for as the Milesians had 
command of the sea, it was of no avail for his 
army to besiege their city. The reason why the 
Lydian did not destroy the houses was this—that the 
Milesians might have homes whence to plant and 
cultivate their land, and that there might be the fruit 
of their toil for his invading army to lay waste. 

18. In this manner he waged war for eleven years, 
and in these years two great disasters befel the Miles- 
ians, one at the battle of Limeneion in their own 
territory, and the other in the valley of the Maeander. 
For six of these eleven years Sadyattes son of Ardys 
was still ruler of Lydia, and he it was who invaded 
the lands of Miletus, for it was he who had begun 
the war; for the following five the war was waged 
by Sadyattes son Alyattes, who, as I have before 
shown, inherited the war from his father and carried 


2I 


HERODOTUS 


µένως. τοῖσι δὲ Μιλησίοισι οὐδαμοὶ ᾿]ώνων τὸν 
πόλεμον τοῦτον συνεπελάφρυνον ὅτι μὴ Χῖοι 
μοῦνοι. οὗτοι δὲ τὸ ὅμοιον ἀνταποδιδόντες ἐτι- 
μώρεον' καὶ γὰρ δὴ πρότερον οἱ Μιλήσιοι τοῖσι 
Χίοισι τὸν πρὸς Ερυθραίους πόλεμον συνδιήνεικαν. 

19. Τῷ δὲ δυωδεκάτῳ ἔτεϊ ληίου ἐμπιπραμένου 
ὑπὸ τῆς στρατιῆς συνηνείχθη τι τοιόνδε γενέσθαι 
πρῆγμα: ὡς ἄφθη τάχιστα τὸ λήιον, ἀνέμῳ 
βιώμενον ἄψατο νηοῦ ᾿Αθηναίης ἐπίκλησιν Ac- 
σησίης, ἀφθεὶς δὲ ὁ νηὸς κατεκαύθη. καὶ τὸ 
παραυτίκα μὲν λόγος οὐδεὶς ἐγένετο, μετὰ δὲ τῆς 
στρατιῆς ἀπικομένης ἐς Σάρδις ἐνόσησε ὁ ᾿Αλυάτ- 
της. μακροτέρης δέ οἱ γινομένης τῆς νούσου 
πέμπει ἐς Δελφοὺς θεοπρόπους, εἴτε δὴ συμβου- 
λεύσαντός τευ, εἴτε καὶ αὐτῷ ἔδοξε πέμψαντα τὸν 
θεὸν ἐπειρέσθαι περὶ τῆς νούσου. τοῖσι δὲ ἡ 
Πυθίη ἀπικομένοισι ἐς Δελφοὺς οὐκ ἔφη χρήσειν 
πρὶν ἢ τὸν νηὸν τῆς ᾿Αθηναίης ἀνορθώσωσι, τὸν 
ἐνέπρησαν χώρης τῆς Μιλησίης ἐν ᾿Ασσησφ. 

90. Δελφῶν οἶδα ἐγὼ οὕτω ἀκούσας γενέσθαι" 
Μιλήσιοι δὲ τάδε προστιθεῖσι τούτοισι, Περίαν- 
δρον τὸν Κυψέλου ἐόντα Θρασυβούλῳ τῷ τότε 
Μιλήτου τυραννεύοντι ξεῖνον ἐς τὰ μάλιστα, 
πυθόμενον τὸ χρηστήριον τὸ τῷ ᾿Αλυάττῃ γενό- 
μενον, πέμψαντα ἄγγελον κατειπεῖν, ὅκως ἄν τι 
προειδὼς πρὸς τὸ παρεὸν βουλεύηται. 

91. Μιλήσιοι μέν νυν οὕτω λέγουσι γενέσθαι. 
» 4 / ο e ^ , $. 9 ^ 
Αλυάττης δέ, ὥς οἱ ταῦτα ἐξαγγέλθη, αὐτίκα 
ἔπεμπε κήρυκα ἐς Μίλητον βουλόμενος σπονδὰς 
ποιήσασθαι Θρασυβούλῳ τε καὶ Μιλησίοισι 
χρόνον ὅσον ἂν τὸν νηὸν οἰκοδομέῃ. ὃ μὲν δὴ 


92 


BOOK I. 18-2t 


it on vigorously. None of the Ionians helped to 
lighten this war for the Milesians, except only the 
Chians: these lent their aid for a like service done to 
themselves; for the Milesians had formerly helped 
the Chians in their war against the Erythraeans. 

19. In the twelfth year, when the Lydian army 
was burning the crops, it so happened that the fire 
set to the crops and blown by a strong wind caught 
the temple of Athene called Athene of Assesos!: 
and the temple was burnt to the ground. For the 
nonce no account was taken of this. But presently 
after the army had returned to Sardis Alyattes 
fell sick ; and, his sickness lasting longer than it 
should, he sent to Delphi to inquire of the oracle, 
either by someone's counsel or by his own wish 
to question the god about his sickness: but when 
the messengers came to Delphi the Pythian priestess 
would not reply to them before they should restore 
the temple of Athene at Assesos in the Milesian 
territory, which they had burnt. 

20. Thus far I know the truth, for the Delphians 
told me. The Milesians add to the story, that 
Periander son of Cypselus, being a close friend of 
Thrasybulus who then was sovereign of Miletus, 
learnt what reply the oracle had given to Alyattes 
and sent a despatch to tell Thrasybulus, so that 
thereby his friend should be forewarned and make 
his plans accordingly. 

21. Such is the Milesian story. Then, when the 
Delphic reply was brought to Alyattes, straightway 
he sent a herald to Miletus, offering to make a truce 
with Thrasybulus and the Milesians during his 
building of the temple. So the envoy went to 


2 A small town or village near Miletus. 


23 


HERODOTUS 


ἀπόστολος ἐς τὴν Μίλητον ἢ ἦν, Θρασύβουλος δὲ 
σαφέως προπεπυσµένος πάντα λόγον, . καὶ εἰδὼς τὰ 
᾽Αλυάττης μέλλοι ποιήσειν, μηχανᾶται τοιάδε" 
ὅσος ἣν ἐν τῷ ἄστεϊ σῖτος καὶ ἑωυτοῦ D καὶ ἰδιωτικός, 
τοῦτον πάντα .συγκομίσας ἐς τὴν ἀγορὴν προεῖπε 
Μιλησίοισι, ἐπεὰν αὐτὸς σημήνῃ, τότε πίνειν τε 
da καὶ κώμφ χρᾶσθαι ἐ ἐς ἀλλήλους. 

. Ταῦτα δὲ ἐποίεέ τε καὶ προηγόρευε Θρα- 
νο τῶνδε εἵνεκεν, ὅκως ἂν .δὴ 0 κἢρυξ ὁ 
Σαρδιηνὸς ἰδών τε σωρὸν μέγαν σίτου κεχυμένον 
καὶ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἐ ἐν εὐπαθείῃσι ἐ ἐόντας ἀγγείλῃ 
᾽Αλυάττῃ' τὰ δὴ καὶ ἐγένετο. ὡς yàp δὴ ἰδών 
τε ἐκεῖνα ὁ κῆρυξ καὶ εἴπας πρὸς ERGO μόνο 
τοῦ Λυδοῦ τὰς ἐντολὰς ἀπῆλθε ἐς τὰς Σάρδις, ὡς 
ἐγὼ πυνθάνομαι, δι οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἐγένετο ἡ διαλ- 
λαγή. ἐλπίζων γὰρ ὁ ᾿Αλυάττης σιτοδείην τε 
εἶναι ἰσχυρὴν ἐν τῇ Μιλήτῳ καὶ τὸν λεὼν τετρῦ- 
σθαι ἐς τὸ ἔσχατον κακοῦ, ἤκουε τοῦ .κήρυκος 
νοστήσαντος ἐκ τῆς Μιλήτου τοὺς ἐναντίους 
λόγους ἢ ὡς αὐτὸς κατεδόκεε. μετὰ δὲ ἥ τε διαλ- 
λαγή σφι ἐγένετο ἐπ᾽ ᾧ τε ξείνους ἀλλήλοισι 
εἶναι κα συμμάχους, καὶ δύο τε ἀντὶ ἑνὸς νηοὺς 
τῇ ᾿Αθηναίῃ .οἰκοδόμησε ὁ ᾽Αλυάττης ἐν τῇ 
᾿Ασσησῷ, αὐτός τε ἐκ τῆς νούσου ἀνέστη. κατὰ 
μὲν τὸν πρὸς Μιλησίους τε καὶ Θρασύβουλον 
πόλεμον Αλυάττῃ ὧδε ἔσχε. 

23. Περίανδρος δὲ ἦν Κυψέλου παῖς, οὗτος ὁ 
τῷ Θρασυβούλῳ τὸ χρηστήριον μηνύσας" έτυ- 
ράννευε δὲ ὁ Περίανδρος Κορίνθου" τῷ δὴ λέγουσι 
Κορίνθιοι (ὁμολογέουσι δέ σφι Λέσβιοι) ἑ ἐν τῷ βίῳ 
θῶμα μέγιστον παραστῆναι, ᾿Αρίονα τὸν Μηθυμ. 
ναῖον ἐπὶ δελφῖνος ἐξενειχθέντα ἐπὶ Ταίναρον, 


24 


BOOK I. 21-23 


Miletus. But Thrasybulus, being exactly forewarned 
of the whole matter, and knowing what Alyattes 
meant to do, devised the following plan: he brought 
together into the market place all the food in the 
city, from private stores and his own, and bade the 
men of Miletus all drink and revel together when he 
should give the word. 

22. The intent of his so doing and commanding 
was, that when the herald from Sardis saw a great 
heap of food piled up, and the citizens making 
metry, he might bring word of it to Alyattes: 
and so it befell. The herald saw all this, gave 
Thrasybulus the message he was charged by the 
Lydian to deliver, and returned to Sardis; and this, 
as far.as I can learn, was the single reason of the 
reconciliation. For Alyattes had supposed that 
there was great scarcity in Miletus and that the 
people were reduced to the last extremity of misery ; 
but now on his herald’s return from the town he 
heard an account contrary to his expectations; so 
presently the Lydians and Milesians ended the war 
and agreed to be friends and allies, and Alyattes 
built not one but two temples of Athene at 
Assesos, and recovered of his sickness. Such is 
the story of Alyattes’ war against Thrasybulus and 
the Milesians. 

23. Periander, who disclosed the oracle’s answer 
to Thrasybulus, was the son of Cypselus, and sovereign 
lord of Corinth. As the Corinthians and Lesbians 
agree in relating, there happened to him a thing 
which was the most marvellous in his life, namely, 
the landing of Arion of Methymna on Taenarus, 
borne thither by a dolphin. This Arion was 9 


25 


HERODOTUS 


ἑόντα κιθαρῳδὸν τῶν τότε ἐόντων οὐδενὸς δεύ- 
τερον, καὶ διθύραμβον πρῶτον ἀνθρώπων τῶν 
ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν ποιήσαντά τε καὶ ὀνομάσαντα καὶ 
διδάξαντα ἐν Κορίνθῳ. 

94, Τοῦτον τὸν ᾿Αρίονα λέγουσι, τὸν πολλὸν 
τοῦ χρόνου διατρίβοντα παρὰ Περιάνδρῳ ἐπιθυ- 
μῆσαι πλῶσαι ἐς Ἰταλίην τε καὶ Σικελίην, È έργα- 
σάμενον δὲ χρήματα μεγάλα θελῆσαι ὀπίσω ἐς 
Κόρινθον ἀπικέσθαι. ὁρμᾶσθαι μέν νυν ἐκ Τάραν- 
τος, πιστεύοντα δὲ οὐδαμοῖσι μᾶλλον ἢ Κορινθίοισι 
μισθώσασθαι πλοῖον ἀνδρῶν Κορινθίων. τοὺς δὲ 
ἐν τῷ πελάγεϊ ἐπιβουλεύειν τὸν ᾿Αρίονα ἐκβα- 
λόντας ἔχειν τὰ χρήματα. τὸν δὲ συνέντα τοῦτο 
λύσσεσθαι, χρήματα μέν σφι προϊέντα, γυχὴν δὲ 
παραιτεύμενον. οὔκων δὴ πείθειν αὐτὸν τούτοισι, 
ἀλλὰ κελεύειν τοὺς πορθμέας ἢ 7) αὐτὸν διαχρᾶσθαί 
μιν, ὡς ἂν ταφῆς ἐν ὙΠ τύχῃ, ἢ ἐκπηδᾶν ἐς τὴν 
θάλασσαν τὴν ταχίστην" ἀπειληθέντα δὴ τὸν 
᾿Αρίονα ἐς ἀπορίην παραιτήσασθαι, ἐπειδή σφι 
οὕτω δοκέοι, περιιδεῖν αὐτὸν ἐν τῇ σκευῇ πάση 
στάντα ἐν τοῖσι ἑδωλίοισι ἀεῖσαι" ἀείσας δὲ 
ὑπεδέκετο ἑωυτὸν κατεργάσασθαι. καὶ τοῖσι 
ἐσελθεῖν γὰρ ἡδονὴν εἰ μέλλοιεν ἀκούσεσθαι τοῦ 
ἀρίστου ἀνθρώπων. ἀοιδοῦ, ἀναχωρῆσαι ἐκ τῆς 
πρύμνης ἐς μέσην νέα. τὸν δὲ ἐνδύντα τε πᾶσαν 
τὴν σκευὴν καὶ λαβόντα τὴν κιθάρην, στάντα ἐν 
τοῖσι ἑδωλίοισι διεξελθεῖν νόμον τὸν ὄρθιον, TENEU- 
τῶντος δὲ τοῦ νόµου pirat μιν ἐς τὴν θάλασσαν 
ἑωυτὸν ὡς εἶχε σὺν τῇ σκευῇ πάσῃ. καὶ τοὺς μὲν 
ἀποπλέειν ἐς Κόρινθον, τὸν δὲ δελφῖνα λέγουσε 
ὑπολαβόντα ἐξενεῖκαι ἐπὶ Ταίναρον. ἀποβάντα 


26 


BOOK I. 23-24 


lyre-player second to none in that age; he was the 
first man, as far as we know, to compose and name the 
dithyramb! which he afterwards taught at Corinth. 

24. Thus then, the story runs: for the most part 
he lived at the court of Periander; then he formed 
the plan of voyaging to Italy and Sicily, whence, 
after earning much money, he was minded to return 
to Corinth. Having especial trust in men of that 
city, he hired a Corinthian ship to carry him from 
Taras.? But when they were out at sea, the crew 
iie to cast Arion overboard and take his money. 

iscovering the plot, he earnestly entreated them, 
offering them all his money if they would but spare 
his life; but the sailors would not listen to him; he 
must, they said, either kill himself and so receive 
burial on land, or straightway cast himself into the 
sea. In this extremity Arion besought them, 
seeing that such was their will, that they would 
suffer him to stand on the poop with all his singing 
robes about him and sing; and after his song, so 
he promised, he would make away with himself. 
The men, well pleased at the thought of hearing 
the best singer in the world, drew away from the 
stern amidships; Arion, putting on all his adorn- 
ment and taking his lyre, stood up on the poop 
and sang the “Shrill Strain," and at its close 
threw himself without more ado into the sea, clad 
in his robes. So the crew sailed away to Corinth ; 
but a dolphin (so the story goes) took Arion on 
his back and bore him to Taenarus There he 


1 The dithyramb was a kind of dance-musie particularly 
associated with the cult of Dionysus. 
? Tarentum. 
3 The ὄρθιος νόμο: was & high-pitched (and apparently very 
well-known) song or hymn in honour of Apollo. 
27 


HERODOTUS 


δὲ αὐτὸν χωρέειν ἐς Κόρινθον σὺν τῇ σκευῇ, καὶ 
ἀπικόμενον ἀπηγέεσθαι πᾶν τὸ γεγονός. Περί- 
avdpov δὲ ὑπὸ ἀπιστίης ᾿Αρίονα μὲν ἐν φυλακῇ 
ἔχειν οὐδαμῇ, μετιέντα, ἀνακῶς δὲ -ἔχειν τῶν 
πορθμέων. ὡς δὲ ἄρα παρεῖναι αὐτούς, KNN- 
θέντας ἱστορέεσθαι εἴ τι λέγοιεν περὶ ᾿Αρίονος. 
φαμένων δὲ ἐκείνων ὡς εἴη τε σῶς περὶ Ἰταλίην 
Kab ptv εὖ πρήσσοντα λίποιεν ἐν Τάραντι, ἐπι- 
φανῆναί σφι τὸν ᾿Αρίονα. ὥσπερ ἔχων ἐξεπήδησε' 
καὶ τοὺς ἐκπλαγέντας οὐκ ἔχειν ἔτι ἐλεγχομένους 
ἀρνέεσθαι. ταῦτα μέν νυν Κορίνθιοί τε καὶ 
Λέσβιοι λέγουσι, καὶ ᾿Αρίονος ἐστὶ ἀνάθημα 
χάλκεον οὐ μέγα ἐπὶ Ταινάρῳ, ἐπὶ δελφῖνος 
ἐπεὼν ἄνθρωπος. 

25. ᾿Αλυάττης δὲ ὁ Λυδὸς τὸν πρὸς Μιλησίους 
πόλεμον διενείκας μετέπειτα τελευτᾷ, βασιλεύσας 
ἔτεα ἑπτὰ καὶ πεντήκοντα, ἀνέθηκε δὲ ἐκφυγὼν 
τὴν νοῦσον δεύτερος οὗτος τῆς οἰκίης ταύτης ἐς 
Δελφοὺς κρητῆρά τε ἀργύρεον μέγαν καὶ ὑποκρη- 
τηρίδιον σιδήρεον κολλητόν, θέης ἄξιον διὰ mav- 
των τῶν ἐν Δελφοῖσι ἀναθημάτων, Γλαύκου τοῦ 
Χίου ποίημα, ὃς μοῦνος δὴ πάντων ἀνθρώπων 

e KOU OV κόλλησιν ἐξεῦρε. 

26. Τελευτήσαντος δὲ ᾽Αλυάττεω ἐξεδέξατο 
τὴν βασιληίην Κροῖσος Ò ᾿Αλυάττεω, ἐτέων ἐὼν 
we ἡλικίην πέντε καὶ τριήκοντα" ὃς δὴ Ἑλλήνων 

πρώτοισι ἐπεθήκατο ᾿Εφεσίοισι. ἔνθα δὴ οἱ 
᾿Εφέσιοι πολιορκεόµενοι ÚT αὐτοῦ ἀνέθεσαν τὴν 
πόλιν τῇ ᾿Αρτέμιδι, ἐξάψαντες ἐκ τοῦ νηοῦ 
σχοινίον ἐς τὸ τεῖχος. ἔστι δὲ μεταξὺ τῆς τε 
παλαιῆς πόλεος, ἣ τότε .ἐπολιορκέετο, καὶ τοῦ 
νηοῦ ἑπτὰ στάδιοι. πρώτοισι μὲν δὴ τούτοισι 


28 QO e^ a 


BOOK I. 24-26 


landed, went to Corinth in his singing robes, and 
when he came told all that had befallen him. Peri- 
ander, not believing the tale, put him in close 
ward and kept careful wateh for the coming of the 
sailors. When they came they were called and 
questioned, what news they brought .of Arion, and 
they replied that he was safe in the parts of Italy, 
and that they had left him sound and well at Taras: 
when, behold, they were confronted with Arion, 
just as he was when he leapt from the ship ; whereat 
they were amazed, and could no more deny what 
was proved against them. Such is the story told 
by the Corinthians and Lesbians. There is moreover 
a little bronze monument to Arion on Taenarus, the 
figure of a man riding upon a dolphin. 

25. So Alyattes the Lydian, having finished his 
war with the Milesians, died after a reign of fifty- 
seven years. He was the second of his family to 
make an offering to Delphi—and this was a thank- 
offering for his recovery—of a great silver bowl on a 
stand of welded iron. This is the most notable 
among all the offerings at Delphi, and is the work ot 
Glaucus the Chian, the only man of that age who 
discovered how to weld iron. 

26. After the death of Alyattes Croesus his son 
came to the throne,! being then thirty-five years of 
age. The first Greeks whom he attacked were the 
Ephesians. These, being besieged by him, dedicated 
their city to Artemis; this they did by attaching 
a rope to the city wall from the temple of the 
goddess, standing seven furlongs away from the 
ancient city, which was then being besieged. These 


1 Croesus’ reign began in 560 B.c., probably. 
29 


HERODOTUS 


ἐπεχείρησε ὁ Κροῖσος, μετὰ δὲ ἐν uépei ἑκάστοισι 
Ιώνων τε καὶ Αἰολέων, ἄλλοισι ἄλλας αἰτίας 
ἐπιφέρων, τῶν μὲν ἐδύνατο μέζονας παρευρίσκειν, 
µέζονα ἐπαιτιώμενος, τοῖσι δὲ αὐτῶν καὶ φαῦλα 
ἐπιφέρων. 

27. Ὡς δὲ ἄρα οἱ ἐν τῇ ᾿Ασίῃ "Ελληνες κατε- 
στράφατο ἐς φόρου ἀπαγωγήν, τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν ἐπενόεε 
νέας ποιησάμενος ἐπιχειρέειν τοῖσι νησιώτῃσι. 
ἐόντων δέ οἱ πάντων ἑτοίμων ἐς τὴν ναυπηγίην, οἳ 
μὲν Βίαντα λέγουσι τὸν Πριηνέα ἀπικόμενον ἐς 
Σάρδις, ot δὲ Πιττακὸν τὸν Μυτιληναῖον, εἰρο- 
μένου Κροίσου εἴ τι εἴη νεώτερον περὶ τὴν 
Ἑλλάδα, εἰπόντα τάδε καταπαῦσαι τὴν ναυ- 
πηγίην' “Q βασιλεῦ, νησιῶται ἵππον συνω- 
νέονται μυρίην, [ἐς Σάρδις τε καὶ ἐπὶ σὲ, ἐν νόῳ 
ἔχοντες στρατεύεσθαι.᾽ Κροῖσον δὲ ἐλπίσαντα 
λέγειν ἐκεῖνον ἀληθέα εἰπεῖν ‘Al γὰρ τοῦτο θεοὶ 
ποιήσειαν ἐπὶ νόον νησιώτησι, ἐλθεῖν ἐπὶ Λυδῶν 
παῖδας σὺν ἵπποισι; τὸν δὲ ὑπολαβόντα φάναι 
**() βασιλεῦ, προθύμως por φαίνεαι εὔξασθαι 
νησιώτας ἱππευομένους λαβεῖν ἐν ἠπείρῳ, οἰκότα 
ἐλπίζων. νησιώτας δὲ τύ δοκέεις εὔχεσθαι ἄλλο 
ἤ, ἐπείτε τάχιστα ἐπύθοντό σε μέλλοντα ἐπὶ 
σφίσι ναυπηγέεσθαι νέας, λαβεῖν ἀρώμενοι 
Λυδοὺς ἐν θαλάσσῃ, ἵνα ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐν τῇ ἠπείρῳ 
οἰκημένων Ἑλλήνων τίσωνταί σε, τοὺς σὺ δου- 
λώσας ἔχεις; κάρτα τε ἡσθῆναι Κροῖσον τῷ 
ἐπιλόγῳ καί οἱ, προσφυέως γὰρ δόξαι λέγειν, 
πειθόμενον παύσασθαι τῆς ναυπηγύης. καὶ οὕτω 
τοῖσι τὰς νήσους οἰκήμένοισι Ἴωσι ξεινίην 
συνεθήκατο. 

28. Χρόνου δὲ ἐπιγινομένου καὶ κατεστραμ- 


39 


BOOK 1. 26-38 


were the first whom Croesus attacked ; afterwards he 
made war on the Ionian and Aeolian cities in turn, 
each on its separate indictment: he found graver 
charges where he could, but sometimes alleged very 
paltry grounds of offence. 

27. Then, when he had subdued and made tributary 
to himself all the Asiatic Greeks of the mainland, he 
planned to build ships and attack the islanders; but 
when his preparations for shipbuilding were ready, 
cither Bias of Priene or Pittacus of Mytilene (the 
story is told of both) came to Sardis, and being 
asked by Croesus for news about Hellas, put an 
end to the shipbuilding by giving the following 
answer: “King, the islanders are. buying ten 
thousand horse, with intent to march against you 
to Sardis.” Croesus, thinking that he spoke the 
truth, said: * Would that the gods may put it in 
the minds of the island men to come on horseback 
against the sons of the Lydians!" Then the other 
answered and said: ** King, I see that you earnestly 
pray that you may catch the islanders riding horses 
on the mainland, and what you expect is but natural. 
And the islanders, now they have heard that you 
are building ships to attack them therewith, think 
you that they pray for aught else than that they may 
catch Lydians on the seas, and thereby be avenged 
on you for having enslaved the Greeks who dwell 
on the mainland?" Croesus was well pleased with 
this conclusion, for it seemed to him that the man 
spoke but reasonably; so he took the advice and 
built no more ships. Thus it came about that he 
made friends of the Ionian islanders. 

28. As time went on, Croesus subdued well-nigh 


31 


ee: g 


vu 
DAMT 
αμ; 


N 
er t 
(UO. 


{τος γέονται ἐς Σάρδις ἀκμαξούσας TX 


HERODOTUS 


μένων σχεδὸν πάντων τῶν.ἐντὸς " AXvos ποταμοῦ 
[4 

οἰκημένων: πλὴν γὰρ Κιλίκων καὶ Λυκίων τοὺς 

ἄλλους πάντας UT ἑωυτῷ εἶχε καταστρεψάμενος 


ὁ Κροῖσος. εἰσὶ δὲ οἵδε, Λυδοί, Φρύγες, Μυσοί,' 


Μαριανδυνοί, Χάλυβες, Παφλαγόνες, Θρήικες οἱ 
4 b , A s 4 
Θυνοί τε καὶ Βιθυνοί, Κᾶρες, Ἴωνες, Δωριέες, 
Αἰολέες, Πάμφυλοι Ι( κατεστραμμένων δὲ κούτων 
` L , So , ^ l > E 
καὶ (rpocemixtouevoy Κροί oy Av We 


Ot TE 


6 


e , 9 A € / ’ A e^ E) 
, οἱ πάντες ἐκ τῆς “EXAdSos σοφισταί, ot τοῦτον ς ^ 
t τὸν χρόνον ἐτύγχανον ἐόντες, ὡς ἕκαστος αὐτῶ) Ἀν 
47 ἀπικνέοιτο, καὶ δὴ καὶ Σόλων ἀνὴρ ᾿Αθηναῖος, ὃς 


, ΄ / r ΄ , [ή 
Αθηναίοισι νόμους κελεύσασι ποιήσας ἀπεδήμησε 
oo 


ἔτεα δέκα, κατὰ δ δ Crpédae eqs Em 


Y 


δὴ μή τινα τῶν νόμων ἀναγκασθῇ λῦσαι Gave“ MP. 


c0 \ 9 \ b , H / ^ » A ^ NO 
Gero.) αὐτοὶ γὰρ οὐκ οἷοί τε ἦσαν αὐτὸ ποιῆσαι 
uU e 
᾿Αθηναῖοι: ὀρκίοισι γὰρ μεγάλοισι prd ita 
\ 


ee 


δέκα ἔτεα χρήσεσθαι νόμοισι τοὺς ἄν σφι Σόλων 
θῆται. 
30. Αὐτῶν δὴ ὧν τούτων καὶ τῆς θεωρίης ἐκδη- 
ε 
μήσας ὁ Σόλων εἵνεκεν ἐς Αἴγυπτον ἀπίκετο παρὰ 
"μασιν καὶ «δὴ καὶ ἐς Σάρδις παρὰ Κροῖσον. 
ἀπικόμενος δὲ ἐξεινίζετο ἐν τοῖσι βασιληίοισι ὑπὸ 
^ , 
τοῦ Κροίσου" μετὰ δὲ ἡμέρῃ τρίτῃ ἢ τετάρτῃ 
κελεύσαντος Κροίσου τὸν Σόλωνα θεράποντες 
περιῆγον κατὰ τοὺς θησαυρούς, καὶ ἐπεδείκνυσαν 
πάντα ἐόντα μεγάλα τε καὶ ὄλβια. θεησάμενον 
δέ μιν τὰ πάντα καὶ σκεψάμενον. ὥς οἱ κατὰ 
καιρὸν ἦν, εἴρετο ὁ Κροῖσος τάδε. “' Ξἰεῖνε 
᾿Αθηναῖε, παρ᾽ ἡμέας γὰρ περὶ σέο λόγος ἀπῖκται 
1 εἰσὶ... Πάμφυλοι and καὶ. . . Λυδοῖσι bracketed by 
Stein. C 


32 | 


BOOK I. 28-30 


all the nations west of the Halys and held them 
in subjection, except only the Cilicians and Lycians : 
the rest, Lydians, Phrygians, Mysians, Mariandynians, 
Chalybes, Paphlagonians, Thymians and Bithynians 
(who are Thracians), Carians, Ionians, Dorians, Aeol- 
ians, Pamphylians, were subdued and became subjects 
of Croesus like the Lydians, and Sardis was at the 
height of its wealth. 29. There came to the city all the 
teachers from Hellas who then lived, in this or that 
manner; and among them came Solon of Athens: he, 
having made laws for the Athenians at their request, 
left his home for ten years and set out on a voyage 
to see the world, as he said. This he did, lest he 
should be compelled to repeal any of the laws he 
had made, since the Athenians themselves could not 
repeal them, for they were bound by solemn oaths 
to abide for ten years by such laws as Solon should 
make. 

80. For this reason, and to see the world, Solon 
left Athens and visited Amasis in Egypt and Croesus 
at Sardis: and when he had come, Croesus enter- 
tained him in his palace. Now on the third or fourth 
day after his coming Croesus bade his servants lead 
Solon round among his treasures, and they showed 
him all that was there, the greatness and the prosper- 
ous state of it; and when he had seen and considered 
all, Croesus when occasion served thus questioned 
him : * Our Athenian guest, we have heard much of 


33 


HERODOTUS 


` . , ο 1 ^ e^ . ΄ 
πολλὸς καὶ σοφίης εἵνεκεν ! τῆς σῆς καὶ πλάνης, 
ε ^^ . / e" > 
ὡς φιλοσοφέων γῆν πολλὴν θεωρίης εἵνεκεν ἐπε- 
λήλυθας- νῦν ὧν ἐπειρέσθαι µε ἵμερος ἐπῆλθέ σε 
3? 
εἴ τινα ἤδη πάντων εἶδες ὀλβιώτατον. ὃ μὲν 
[4 4 , , 3 ’ ^ 

ἐλπίζων εἶναι ἀνθρώπων ὀλβιώτατος ταῦτα 
3 ΄ / Or € UA 3 `~ 
ἐπειρώτα' Σόλων δὲ οὐδὲν ὑποθωπεύσας ἀλλὰ 
τῷ ἐόντι χρησάμενος λέγει “ Ὢ βασιλεῦ, Τέλλον 
᾿ΑΑθηναῖον.᾽ ἀποθωμάσας δὲ Κροῖσος τὸ λεχθὲν 
ν * , εε / on / Té 
εἴρετο ἐπιστρεφέως “Koin δὴ κρίνεις Τέλλον εἶναι 
ὀλβιώτατον: ὃ δὲ εἶπε “TEAM τοῦτο μὲν τῆς 
πόλιος εὖ ἡκούσηςυπαῖδες ἦσαν καλοί τε κἀγαθοί, 
καί σφι εἶδε ἅπαδι τέκνα ἐκγενόμενα καὶ πάντα 
παραμείναντα' τοῦτο δὲ τοῦ βίου εὖ ος 
-τὰ παρ᾽ mui), τελευτὴ τοῦ βίου λαμπροτᾶτη 
ἐπεγένετο: γενομένης γὰρ ᾿Αθηναίοισι μάχης πρὸς | 
τοὺς ἀστυγείτονας ἐν Ελευσῖνι, βοηθήσας καὶ 
τροπὴν ποιήσας τῶν πολεμίων ἀπέθανε κάλλιστα, 
καί μιν ᾿Αθηναῖοι δημοσίῃ τε ἔθαψαν αὐτοῦ τῇ 
περ ἔπεσε καὶ ἐτίμησαν μεγάλως. 

31. Ὡς δὲ τὰ κατὰ τὸν Τέλλον προετρέψατο 
ε ^ 
ὁ Σόλων τὸν Κροῖσον εἴπας πολλά τε καὶ ὄλβια, 

> ^ 

ἐπειρώτα τίνα δεύτερον yet ἐκεῖνον ἴδοι, δοκέων 


πάγχυ δευτερεῖα Ἰγῶν οἴσεσθαι. ὃ ὃ εἶπε 
“«Κλέοβίν τε καὶ Βίτωνα, »τᾳῄτοισι γὰρ; ἐοῦσι 
β -.ερταψτοισι γὰρ; goo 


, -9 , " 14 ^ 
γένος ᾿Αργείοισι βίος τε ἄρκέων ὑπῆν, καὶ πρὸς 


τούτῳ ῥώμη σώματος τοιήδε: ἀεθλοφόροι τε 

ἀμφότεροι ὁμοίως ἦσαν, καὶ δὴ καὶ λέγεται δὸς 

ὁ λόγος, ἐούσης ὁρτῆς τῇ “Hon τοῖσι ᾿Αργείοισι 

ἔδεε πάντως τὴν μητέρα αὐτῶν ζεύγεϊ κομισθῆναι 

ἐς τὸ ἱρόν, οἱ δέ σφι βόες ἐκ τοῦ ἀγροῦ οὐ παρεγί- 

νοντο ἐν ὥρῃ' ἐκκληιόμενοι δὲ τῇ ὥρῃ οἱ νεηνίαι 
1 Stein brackets εἵνεκεν, 


34 


BOOK L. 30-31 


you, by reason of your wisdom and your wanderings, 
how that you have travelled far to seek knowledge 
and to see the world. Now therefore I am fain 
to ask you, if you have ever seen a man more blest 
than all his fellows.” So Croesus inquired, supposing 
himself to be blest beyond all men. But Solon 
spoke the truth without flattery: “Such an one, 
O King,” he said, * I have seen—Tellus of Athens." 
Croesus wondered at this, and sharply asked Solon 
* How do you judge Tellus to be most blest?" Solon 
replied: * Tellus city was prosperous, and he was 
the father of noble sons, and he saw children born 
to all of them and their state well stablished ; more- 
over, having then as much wealth as a man may 
among us, he crowned his life with a most glorious 
death: for in a battle between the Athenians and 
their neighbours at Eleusis he attacked and routed 
the enemy and most nobly there died; and the 
Athenians gave him public burial where he fell and 
paid him great honour." 

31. Now. when Solon had roused the curiosity of 
Croesus by recounting the many ways in which Tellus 
was blest, the king further asked him whom he placed 
second after Tellus, thinking that assuredly the 
second prize at least would be his. Solon answered: 
* Cleobis and Biton. These were Argives, and 
besides sufficient wealth they had such strength of 
body as I will show. Both were prizewinners ; and 
this story too is related of them. There was a 
festival of Here toward among the Argives, and 
their mother must by all means be drawn to the 
temple by a yoke of oxen. But the oxen did not 
come in time from the fields; so the young men, 
being thus thwarted by lack of time, put themselves 


35 


ESSEAL 


£ Dx p» 


HERODOTUS 


ὑποδύντες αὐτοὶ ὑπὸ τὴν ξεύγλην εἶλκον τὴν 
ἅμαξαν, ἐπὶ τῆς ἁμάξης δέ σφι ὠχέετο ἡ μήτηρ' 
σταδίους δὲ πέντε καὶ τεσσεράκοντα διακομί- 
σαντες ἀπίκοντο ἐς τὸ ἱρόν. ταῦτα δέ σφι ποιή- 
σασι καὶ -ὀφθεῖσι ú ὑπὸ τῆς πανηγύριος τελευτὴ τοῦ 
βίου ἀρίστη ἐπεγένετο, διέδεξέ τε ἐν τούτοισι 
ὁ θεὸς ὡς ἄμεινον εἴη ἀνθρώπῳ τεθνάναι μᾶλλον 
7 ζώειν. ᾿Αργεῖοι μὲν γὰρ περιστάντες ἐμακάριξον 
τῶν νεηνιέων τὴν ῥώμην, αἱ δὲ ᾿Αργεῖαι τὴν 
μητέρα αὐτῶν, οἵων τέκνων ἐκύρησε' ἡ δὲ μήτηρ 
περιχαρὴς ἐοῦσα τῷ τε ἔργῳ καὶ τῇ φήμῃ, στᾶσα 
ἀντίον τοῦ ἀγάλματος εὔχετο Κλεόβι τε καὶ 
Βίτωνι τοῖσι ἑωυτῆς τέκνοισι, οἵ μιν ἐτίμησαν 
μεγάλως, Thy θεὸν δοῦναι τὸ ἀνθρώπῳ τυχεῖν 
ἄριστον ἐστί. μετὰ ταύτην δὲ τὴν εὐχὴν ὡς 
ἔθυσάν τε καὶ εὐωχήθησαν, κατακοιμηθέντες ἐν 
αὐτῷ τῷ ἱρῷ οἱ νεηνίαι οὐκέτι ἀνέστησαν ἀλλ᾽ 

76i τούτῳ ἔσχοντο. ᾿Αργεῖοι δὲ σφέων 
"εξεόύας ποιησάμενοι ἀνέθεσαν ἐς Δελφοὺς ὡς 
ἀριστῶν γενομένων. 

32. Σόλων μὲν δὴ εὖδαεμονίης δευτερεῖα ἔ ἔνεμε 
τούτοισι, Κροῖσος δὲ σπερχθεὶς εἶπε “"Ὦ ξεῖνε 
᾿Αθηναῖς, ἡ ἡ è ἡμετέρη εὐδαιμονίη οὕτω τοι ἀπέρ- 
ριπται ἐς τὸ μηδὲν ὥστε οὐδὲ ἰδιωτέων ἀνδρῶν 
ἀξίους. ἡμέας ἐποίησ ς;) ὃ δὲ εἶπε OQ Κροῖσε, 
ἐπιστάμενόν με τὸ θεῖον πᾶν ἐὸν φθονερόν τε καὶ 
ταραχῶδες ἐπειρωτᾷς ἀνθρωπηίων πρηγμάτων 
πέρι. ἐν γὰρ τῷ μακρῷ χρόνῳ πολλὰ μὲν ἐστὶ 
ἰδεῖν τὰ μή τις ἐθέλει, πολλὰ δὲ καὶ παθεῖν. ἐς 
γὰρ ἑβδομήκοντα ἔ ἔτεα οὖρον τῆς Sons ἀνθρώπῳ 
προτίθημι. οὗτοι ἐόντες ἐνιαυτοὶ ἑβδομήκοντα 
παρέ ονται͵ ἡμέρας διηκοσίας καὶ πεντακισχιλίας 
καὶ δισμυρίας, ἐμβολίμου μηνὸς μὴ γινομένου: εἰ 
46 


BOOK I. 31-32 


to the yoke and drew the carriage with their mother 
sitting thereon: for five and forty furlongs they 
drew it till they came to.the temple. Having done 
this, and been seen by the assembly, they made a 
most excellent end of their lives, and the god showed 
by these men how that it was better for a man to die 
than to live. For the men of Argos came round 
and gave the youths joy of their strength, and so 
likewise did the women to their mother, for the 
excellence of her sons. She then in her joy at 
what was done and said, came before the image 
of the goddess and prayed that her sons Cleobis 
and Biton, who had done such great honour to the 
goddess, should be given the best boon that a 
man may receive. After the prayer the young men 
sacrificed and ate of the feast ; then they lay down 
to sleep in the temple itself and never rose up 
more, but here ended their lives. Then the Argives 
made and set up at Delphi images of them because 
of their excellence." 

32. So Solon gave to Cleobis and Biton the second 
prize of happiness. But Croesus said in anger, “ Guest 
from Athens! is our prosperity, then, held by you 
so worthless that you match us not even with 
common men?" “Croesus,” said Solon, “you ask 
me concerning the lot of man; well I know how 
jealous is Heaven and how it loves to trouble us. 
In a man's length of days he may see and suffer 
many things that he much mislikes. For I set tke 
limit of man's life at seventy years ; in these seventy 
are days twenty-five thousand and two hundred, if 
we count not the intercalary month.! But if every. 

1 The ‘‘intercalary” month is a month periodically in- 
serted to make the series of solar and calendar years 
eventually correspond. But Herodotus' reckoning here would 
make the average length of & year 375 days. 

37 


HERODOTUS 


δὲ δὴ ἐθελήσει τοὔτερον τῶν ἐτέων μηνὶ μακρό- 
τερον γίνεσθαι, ἵνα δὴ αἱ ὧραι συμβαίνωσι 
παραγινόμεναι ἐς τὸ δέον, μῆνες μὲν παρὰ τὰ 
ἑβδομήκοντα ἔτεα οἱ ἐμβόλιμοι γίνονται τριή- 
κοντα πέντε, ἡμέραι δὲ ἐκ τῶν μηνῶν τούτων χίλιαι 
πεντήκοντα. τουτέων τῶν ἁπασέων ἡμερέων τῶν 
ἐς τὰ ἑβδομήκοντα ἔτεα, ἐουσέων πεντήκοντα 
καὶ διηκοσιέων gai ἑξακισχιλιέων καὶ l δισµυριέων, 
ἡ ἑτέρη αὐτέων τῇ ἑτέρῃ ἡμέρῃ τὸ παράπαν οὐδὲν 
ὅμοιον προσάγει πρῆγμα. οὕτω ὧν Κροῖσε πᾶν 
ἐστὶ ἄνθρωπος συμφορή. ἐμοὶ δὲ σὺ καὶ πλουτέειν 
μέγα φαίνεαι καὶ «βασιλεὺς πολλῶν εἶναι -ἀνθρώ- 
πων" ἐκεῖνο δὲ τὸ εἴρεό με, οὔκω σε ἐγὼ λέγω, 
πρὶν τελευτήσαντα καλῶς τὸν αἰῶνα πύθωμαι. 
οὐ γάρ πι ὁ μέγα πλούσιος &XXov | τοῦ ἐπ᾽ ἡμέρην 
ἔχοντος) ὀλβιώτερος ἐ ἐστί, εἰ μή οἱ τύχη ἐπίσποιτο 
πάντα καλὰ ἔχοντα ev τελευτῆσαι τὸν βίον. 
πολλοὶ μὲν γὰ οδάπλρυτα ἀνθρώπων ἀνόλβιοι 
εἰσί, πολλοὶ δὲ μούνων ἔχδντες βίου εὐτυχέες. ὁ 

μὲν δὴ μέγα πλούσιος ἀνόλβιος δὲ δυοῖσι προέχει 
τοῦ εὐτυχέος μοῦνον, οὗτος δὲ τοῦ πλουσίου καὶ 
ἀνόλβου πολλοῖσι ὃ μὲν ἐπιθυμίην ἐκτελέσαι καὶ 
ἄτην μεγάλην προσπεσοῦσαν ἐνεῖκαι δυνατώτερος, 
ὃ δὲ τοῖσιδε ὧπροέχει ἐκείνου" ἄτην μὲν καὶ ἐπι- 
θυμίην οὔκ ὁμοίως δυνατὸς ἐκείνῳ ἐνεῖκαι, ταῦτα 
δὲ ἡ εὐτυχίη οἱ ἀπερύκει, ἄπηρος δὲ ἐστί, ἄνουσος, 
ἀπαθὴς κακῶν, εὔπαις, , εὐειδής. ei δὲ πρὸς 
τούτοισι ἔτι τελευτήσει τὸν βίον εὖ, οὗτος ἐκεῖνος 
τὸν σὺ ζητέεις, ὁ ὄλβιος κεκλῆσθαι ἄξιος ἐστί: 
πρὶν ὃ ἂν τελευτήσῃ, ἐπισχεῖν, μηδὲ καλέειν κω 
ὄλβιον GAN εὐτυχέα. τὰ πάντα μέν νυν ταῦτα 


38 


BOOK I. 32 


second year be lengthened by a month so that the 
seasons and the calendar may rightly accord, then 
the intercalary months are five and thirty, over and 
above the seventy years: and the days of these 
months are one thousand and fifty; so then all 
the days together of the seventy years are seen 
to be twenty-six thousand two hundred and fifty ; 
and one may wellsay that no one of all these days 
is like another in that which it brings. 'Thus then, 
Croesus, the whole of man is but chance. Now if I 
am to speak of you, I say that I see you very rich 
and the king of many men. But I cannot yet 
answer your question, before I hear that you have 
ended your life well. For he who is very rich is 
not more blest than he who has but enough for 
the day, unless fortune so attend him that he ends 
his life well, having all good things about him. 
Many men of great wealth are unblest, and many 
that have no great substance are fortunate. | Now 
the very rich man who is yet unblest has but two 
advantages over the fortunate man, but the fortunate 
man has many advantages over the rich but unblest: | 
for this latter is the stronger to accomplish his desire 
and to bear the stroke of great calamity; but these 
are the advantages of the fortunate man, that 
though he be not so strong as the other to deal 
with calamity and desire, yet these are kept far 
from him by his good fortune, and he is free from 
deformity, sickness, and all evil, and happy in his 
children and his comeliness. If then such a man 
besides all this shall also end his life well, then he 
is the man whom you, seek, and is worthy to be 
called blest; but we must wait till he be dead, 
and call him not yet blest, but fortunate. Now 


39 


box 


HERODOTUS 


συλλαβεῖν ἄνθρωπον ἔοντα ἀδύνατον ἐστί, ὥσπερ 
χώρη οὐδεμία καταρκέει πάντα ἑωυτῇ παρέχουσα, 
3 \ ὁ X» e 4 Ν 3 ’ ^ E! 
ἀλλὰ ἄλλο μὲν ἔχει ἑτέρου δὲ ἐπιδέεται: ἣ δὲ ἂν 
τὰ πλεῖστα ἔχη, αὕτη ἀρίστη. ws δὲ καὶ àv- 
θρώπου σῶμα êv οὐδὲν αὔταρκες ἐστί' τὸ μὲν γάρ 
» x \ 3 , 3 ^ . 3 ^ ^ 
ἔχει, ἄλλου δὲ ἐνδεές ἐστι" ὃς Ò ἂν αὐτῶν πλεῖστα 
ἔχων διατελέῃ καὶ ἔπειτα τελευτήσῃ εὐχαρίστως 
τὸν βίον, οὗτος παρ ἐμοὶ τὸ οὔνομα τοῦτο ὦ 
βασιλεῦ δίκαιος ἐστὶ φέρεσθαι. σκοπέειν δὲ χρὴ 
παντὸς χρήματος τὴ: τελευτήν, κῇ ἀποβήσεται" 

- ` A e » e ` 
πολλοῖσι yao δὴ ὑποδέξας ὄλβον ὁ θεὸς προρ- 
ρίζους ἀνέτρεψε." 

33. Γαῦτα λέγων τῷ Κροίσῳ οὔ κως οὔτε 
ἐχαρίξετο, οὔτε λόγου μιν ποιησάμενος οὐδενὸς 
ἀποπέμπεται, κάρτα δόξας ἀμαθέα εἶναι, ὃς τὰ 
παρεόντα ἀγαθὰ μετεὶς τὴν τελευτὴν παντὸς 

€ n^ 
χρήματος ὁρᾶν ἐκέλευε. 

34. Μετὰ δὲ Σόλωνα οἰχόμενον ἔλαβε ἐκ θεοῦ 
νέμεσις μεγάλη Κροῖσον, ὡς εἰκάσαι, ὅτι ἐνόμισε 
ἑωυτὸν εἶναι ἀνθρώπων ἁπάντων ὀλβιώτατον. 
αὐτίκα δέ οἱ εὔδοντι ἐπέστη ὄνειρος, ὅς οἱ τὴν 
ἀληθείην ἔφαινε τῶν μελλόντων γενέσθαι κακῶν 
κατὰ τὸν παῖδα. ἦσαν δὲ τῷ Κροίσῳ δύο παῖδες, 
τῶν οὕτερος μὲν διέφθαρτο, ἦν γὰρ δὴ κωφός, ὁ δὲ 
ἕτερος τῶν ἡλίκων μακρῷ τὰ πάντα πρῶτος' 

7 / et ^ L4 ^ & 4 ` v 
οὔνομα δέ οἱ ἦν Ατυς. τοῦτον δὴ ὧν τὸν “ATV 
σημαίνει τῷ Κροίσῳ ὁ ὄνειρος, ὡς ἀπολέει μιν 

9 - , + 9 / [4 
αἰχμῇ σιδηρέῃ βληθέντα. ὃ δ᾽ ἐπείτε ἐξηγέρθη 
καὶ ἑωυτῷ λόγον ἔδωκε, καταρρωδήσας τὸν ὄνειρον 
ἄγεται μὲν τῷ παιδὶ γυναῖκα, ἑωθότα δὲ στρατη” 
γέειν μιν τῶν Λυδῶν οὐδαμῇ ἔτι ἐπὶ τοιοῦτο 
πρῆγμα ἐξέπεμπε' ἀκόντια δὲ καὶ δοράτια καὶ τὰ 


4ο 


BOOK I. 32-34 


no one (who is but man) can have all these good 
.. things together, just as no land is altogether self- 
sufficing in what it produces: one thing it has, 
another it lacks, and the best land is that which 
has most; so too no single person is sufficient for 
himself: one: thing he has, another he lacks; but 
whoever continues in the possession of most things, 
anc at last makes a gracious end of his life, such 
a man, O King, I deem worthy of this title. We 
must look to the conclusion of every matter, and see 
how it shall end, for there are many to whom 
heaven has given a vision of blessedness, and yet 
afterwards brought them to utter ruin.' 

33. Sospoke Solon: Croesus therefore gave him no 
largess, but sent him away as a man of no account, for 
he thought that man to be very foolish who dis- 
regarded present prosperity and bade him look rather 
to the end of every matter. 

34. But after Solon's departure, the divine anger 
fell heavily on Croesus: as I guess, because he 
supposed himself to be blest beyond all other men. 
Presently, as he slept, he was visited by a dream, 
which foretold truly to him the evil which should 
befall his son. He had two sons, one of whom was 
wholly undone, for he was deaf and dumb, but the 
other, whose name was Atys, was in every way far 
pre-eminent over all of his years. The dream then 
showed to Croesus that Atys should be smitten and 
killed by a spear of iron. So Croesus, when he 
woke and considered the dream with himself, was 
greatly affrighted by it; and first he made a marriage 
for his son, and moreover, whereas Atys was wont 
to lead the Lydian armies, Croesus now would not 
suffer him to go out on any such enterprise, while 


41 


HERODOTUS 


τοιαῦτα πάντα τοῖσι χρέωνται ἐς πόλεμον àv- 
θρωποι, ἐκ τῶν ἀνδρεώνων ἐκκομίσας ἐς τοὺς 
θαλάμους συνένησε, μή τί οἱ κρεμάμενον τῷ παιδὶ 
ἐμπέσῃ. 

35. "Εχοντιὶ δέ οἱ ἐν χερσὶ τοῦ παιδὸς τὸν 
γάμον, ἀπικνέεται ἐς τὰς Σάρδις ἀνὴρ συμφορῇ 
ἐχόμενος καὶ οὗ καθαρὸς χείρας, ἐὼν Φρὺξ μὲν 
γενεῇ, γένεος δὲ τοῦ βασιληίου. παρελθὼν δὲ 


οὗτος ἐς τὰ Kpoícqu. aita κατὰ νόμους τοὺς 
3 / 6 , TY xb οκ ^ δέ 
ἐπιχωρίους καθαρσίου ἐδέετο χὔρήσαι, Κροῖσος δέ 
μιν ἐκάθηρε. ἔστι δὲ παραπλησίη ἡ κάθαρσις 
τοῖσι Λυδοῖσι καὶ τοῖσι Ἓλλησι. ἐπείτε δὲ τὰ 
νομιζόμενα ἐποίησε ὁ Κροῖσος, ἐπυνθάνετο ὁκόθεν 
4 / LÀ / / cow , $^ 

τε καὶ τίς εἴη, λέγων τάδε ''"Ώνθρωπε, τίς τε ἐὼν 
καὶ κόθεν τῆς Φρυγίης ἥκων ἐπίστιός μοι ἐγένεο; 

, A A 
τίνα τε ἀνδρῶν ἢ γυναικῶν ἐφόνευσας; ὃ δὲ 
ἀμείβετο “Q βασιλεῦ, Γορδίεω μὲν τοῦ Μίδεω 
H ^ 3 , Ny 2 \ 
εἰμὶ παῖς, ὀνομάζομαι δὲ "Αδρηστος, φονεύσας δὲ 
ἀδελφεὸν ἐμεωυτοῦ ἀέκων πάρειμι ἐξεληλαμένος 
τε ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς καὶ ἐστερημένος πάντων. 
Κροῖσος δέ μιν ἀμείβετο τοῖσιδε" “᾿Ανδρῶν τε 
/ ή ΣΑ \ 3 [4 9 
φίλων τυγχάνεις ἔκγονος ἐὼν καὶ ἐλήλυθας ἐς 
φίλους, ἔνθα ἀμηχανήσεις χρήματος οὐδενὸς μένων 
ἐν ἡμετέρου, συμφορήν τε ταύτην ὡς κουφότατα 

^ ? 

φέρων κερδανέεις πλεῖστον. 

36. Ὃ μὲν δὴ δίαιταν εἶχε ἐν Κροίσου. ἐν δὲ 
τῷ αὐτῷ χρόνῳ τούτῳ ἐν τῷ Μυσίῳ Ὀλύμπῳ ὑὸς 
χρῆμα γίνεται μέγα" ὁρμώμενος δὲ οὗτος ἐκ τοῦ 
ἄρεος τούτου τὰ τῶν Μυσῶν ἔργα διαφθείρεσκε. 

lA ς b > 9 , \ 9 [4 
πολλάκις δὲ οἱ Μυσοὶ ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐξελθόντες 


1 ἔχοντος Stein. 


44 


BOOK I. 34-36 


he took the javelins and spears and all such instru- 
ments of war from the men's apartments and piled 
them up in his storehouse,! lest any of them should 
fall upon his son from where it hung. 

39. Now while Croesus was busied about the mar- 
riage of his son, there came to Sardis a Phrygian of 
the royal house, in great'distress and with hands un- 
clean. This man came te Croesus' house, and en- 
treated that he might be purified after the custom of 
the country; so Croesus purified him (the Lydians 
use the same manner of purification as do the Greeks), 
and when he had done all according to usage, he 
inquired of the Phrygian whence he came and who 
he was: “ Friend," said he, * who are you, and from 
what place in Phrygia do you come to be my sup- 
pliant? and what man or woman have you slain?” 
*O King," the man answered, “I am the son of 
Gordias the son of Midas, and my name is Adrastus; 
by no will of mine, I slew my brother, and hither I 
am come, banished by my father and bereft of all." 
Croesus answered, ** All of your family are my friends, 
and to friends you have come, among whom you shall 
lack nothing but abide in my house. And for your 
misfortune, bear it as lightly as may be and you will 
be the more profited." 

.96. So Adrastus lived in Croesus’ house. About 
this same time there appeared on the Mysian 
Olympus a great monster of a boar, who would issue 
out from that mountain and ravage the fields of the 
Mysians. Often had the Mysians gone out against 


1 Or, perhaps, '' in the women’s quarters,” 


VOL. I. C 43 


NC. 


m ES 


HERODOTUS 


ποιέεσκον μὲν κακὸν οὐδέν, ἔπασχον δὲ πρὸς 
αὐτοῦ. τέλος δὲ ἀπικόμενοι παρὰ τὸν Κροῖσον 
τῶν Μυσῶν ἄγγελοι ἔλεγον τάδε. “Ὢ βασιλεῦ, 
ὑὸς χρῆμα μέγιστον ἀνεφάνη ἡμῖν ἐν τῇ χώρῃ, ὃς 
τὰ ἔργα διαφθ είρει.. τοῦτον προθυμεόμενοι ἑλεῖν 
οὐ δυνάμεθα. νῦν ὧν προσδεόµεθά σευ τὸν παῖδα 
καὶ λογάδας νεηνίας καὶ κύνας συμπέμψαι ἡμῖν, 
ὡς ἄν μιν ἐξέλωμεν ἐκ τῆς χώρης.᾽ οἳ μὲν δὴ 
τούτων ἐδέοντο, Κροῖσος δὲ μνημονεύων τοῦ ὀνεί- 
ρου τὰ ἔπεα ἔλεγέ σφι τάδε. τ Παιδὸς μὲν πέρι 
τοῦ ἐμοῦ μὴ μνησθῆτε € ἔτι" οὐ yàp. àv ὑμῖν συμ- 
πέμψαιμι' νεὀγαμός τε γὰρ ἐστὶ καὶ ταῦτά οὗ νῦν 
μέλει. Λυδῶν μέντοι λογάδας καὶ τὸ κυνηγέσιον 
πᾶν συμπέμψω, καὶ διακελεύσομαι τοῖσι ἰοῦσι 
εἶναι ὡς προθυμοτάτοισι σαν ὑμῖν τὸ θηρίον 
ἐκ τῆς χώρης. 

97. Ταῦτα ἀμείψατο: ἀποχρεωμένων δὲ τού- 
TOLCL τῶν Μυσῶν, ἐπεσέρχεται ô ToU Κροίσου 
παῖς ἀκηκοὼς τῶν ἐδέοντο οἱ Μυσοί. οὐ φαμένου 
δὲ τοῦ Κροίσου τόν γε, παῖδά σφι συμπέμψειν, 
λέγει πρὸς αὐτὸν ὁ νεηνίης τάδε. «^ πάτερ, τὰ 
κάλλιστα πρότερον κοτὲ καὶ γενναιότατα ἡμῖν ἣν 
ἔς τε πολέμους καὶ ἐς ἄγρας φοιτέοντας εὐδοκι- 
μέειν" νῦν δὲ ἀμφοτέρων µε τούτων ἀπόκληίσας 
ἔχεις, οὔτε τινὰ δειλύην μοι παριδὼν οὔτε ἀθυμίην 
νῦν τε τέοισί µε χρὴ ὄμμασι ἔς τε ἀγορὴν καὶ ἐξ 
ἀγορῆς φοιτέοντα φαίνεσθαι; κοῖος μέν τις τοῖσι 
πολεήτησι δόξω εἶναι, κοῖος δέ τις τῇ νεογάμῳ 
γυναικί; κοίῳ δὲ ἐκείνη δόξει ἀνδρὶ συνοικέειν; 
ἐμὲ ὧν σὺ À μέτες ἰέναι ἐπὶ τὴν θήρην, ἢ λόγῳ 
ἀνάπεισον ὅκως μοι ἀμείνω ἐστὶ ταῦτα οὕτα 
ποιεόμενα.᾽ 


44 


BOOK I. 36-3; 


him: but they never did him any harm and rather 
were themselves hurt thereby. At last they sent 
messengers to Croesus, with this message: “ King, a 
great monster of a boar has appeared in the land, 
who destroys our fields; for all our attempts, we 
cannot kill him; now therefore, we beseech you, send 
with us your son, and chosen young men and dogs, 
that we may rid the country of him." Such was their 
entreaty, but Croesus remembered the prophecy of 
his dream and thus answered them: ** Say no more 
about my son: I will not send him with you: he is 
newly married, and that is his present business. But 
I will send chosen men of the Lydians, and all the 
hunt, and I will bid those who go to use all zeal in 
aiding you to rid the country of this beast." 

87. So hereplied,and the Mysians were satisfied with 
this. But the son of Croesus now came in, who had 
heard the request of the Mysians; and when Croesus 
refused to send his son with them, * Father," said 
the young man, “it was formerly held fairest and 
noblest that we princes should go constantly to war 
and the chase and win thereby renown ; but now you 
have barred me from both of these, not for any sign 
that you have seen in me of a coward or craven spirit. 
With what face can I thus show myself whenever I 
go to and from the market-place? What will the 
men of the city think of me, and what my new- 
wedded wife? With what manner of man will she 
think that she dwells? Nay, do you either let me 
go to this hunt, or show me by reason good that 
what you are doing is best for me." 


45 


HERODOTUS 


38. ᾿Αμείβεται Κροῖσος τοῖσιδε. N παῖ, 
οὔτε δειλίην οὔτε ἄλλο οὐδὲν ἄ ἄχαρι παριδών τοι 
ποιέω ταῦτα, ἆλλά μοι ὄψις ὁ ὀνείρου ἐν τῷ ὕπνῳ 
ἐπιστᾶσα ἔφη σε ὀλιγοχρόνιον ἔσεσθαι: ὑπὸ yàp 
αἰχμῆς σιδηρέης ἀπολέεσθαι. πρὸς ὧν τὴν ὄψιν 
ταύτην τόν τε γάμον του τοῦτον ἔσπευσα καὶ ἐπὶ 
τὰ παραλαμβανόμενα οὐκ ἀποπέμπω, φυλακὴν 
ἔχων, εἴ κως δυναίμην ἐπὶ τῆς ἐμῆς σε cons δια- 
κλέψαι. εἷς γάρ μοι μοῦνος τυγχάνεις. ἐὼν mais’ 
τὸν yap δὴ ἕτερον διεφθαρμένον τὴν ἀκοὴν οὐκ 
εἶναί μοι λογίζομαι." 

39. 'A μείβεται ὁ ὁ νεηνίης τοῖσιδε. a Συγγνώμη 
μὲν ὦ πάτερ τοι, ἰδόντι γε ὄψιν τοιαύτην, περὶ 
ἐμὲ φυλακὴν ἔχειν: τὸ δὲ οὐ μανθάνεις ἀλλὰ 
λέληθέ σε 76 ὄνειρον, ἐμέ του δίκαιον ἐστὶ φράξειν. 

ns Tot TO ὄνειρον ὑπὸ αἰχμῆς σιδηρέης φάναι 
ἐμὲ τελευτήσειν» ὑὸς δὲ κοῖαι μὲν εἰσὶ εὗρες, Koin 
δὲ αἰχμὴ σιδηρέη τὴν σὺ φοβέαι; εὖ μεν γὰρ ὑπὸ 
ὀδόντος. τοι εἶπε τελευτήσειν µε, ἢ ἄλλου τευ ὅ τι 
τούτῳ ἔοικε, χρῆν δή σε ποιέειν τὰ ποιέεις' νῦν δὲ 
ὑπὸ αἰχμῆς. ἐπείτε ὧν. οὐ πρὸς ἄνδρας ἡμῖν 
γίνεται ἡ μάχη, μέτες ue." 

40. ᾿Αμείβεται Κροῖσος " Ὢ παῖ, ἔστι τῇ με 
νικᾷς γνώμην ἆπο αίνων περὶ τοῦ ἐνυπνίου. ὡς 
ὧν νενικημένος ὑπὸ σέο μεταγινώσκω, μετίημί Te 
σὲ ἰέναι ἐπὶ τὴν ἄγρην." 

41. Εἴπας δὲ ταῦτα ὁ Κροῖσος μεταπέμπεται 
τὸν Φρύγα "Αδρηστον, ἀπικομένῳ δέ οἱ λέγει 
τάδε. τ ᾿Αδρηστε, é ἐγώ σε συμφορῇ πεπληγμένον 
ἀχάρι, τήν τοι οὐκ ὀνειδίξω, ἐκάθηρα καὶ οἰκίοισι 
ὑποδεξάμενος ἕ ἔχω, παρέχων πᾶσαν δαπάνην. νῦν 
ὧν (ὀφείλεις γὰρ ἐμοῦ προποιήσαντος χρηστὰ ἐς 


46 


BOOK I. 38-41 


98. “My son," answered Croesus, “if I do this, it is 
not that I have seen cowardice or aught unseemly in 
you ; no, but the vision of a dream stood over me in 
my sleep, and told me that your life should be short, 
for you should be slain by a spear of iron. It is for 
that vision that I was careful to make your marriage, 
and send you on no enterprise that I have in hand, 
but keep guard over you, so that haply I may trick 
death of you through my lifetime. You are my only 
son: for that other, since his hearing is lost to him, 
I count no son of mine." | 

39. * Father," the youth replied, * none can blame 
you for keeping guard over me, when you have seen 
such a vision; but it is my right to show you this - 
which you do not perceive, and wherein you mistake 
the meaning of the dream. You say that the dream 
told you that I should be killed by a spear of iron; 
but has a boar hands? Has it that iron spear which 
you dread? Had the dream said I should be slain by 
a tusk or some other thing belonging to a boar, you 
had been right in acting as you act; but no, it was 
tobea spear. Therefore, since it is not against men 
that we are to fight, suffer me to go." 

40. Croesus answered, * My son, your judgment 
concerning the dream does somewhat overpersuade 
me; and being so convinced by you I change my 
purpose and permit you to go to the chase." 

4]. Having said this, Croesus sent for Adrastus 
the Phrygian and when he came thus addressed him : 
«« Adrastus, when you were smitten by grievous mis- 
fortune, for which I blame you not, it was I who 
cleansed you, and received arid still keep you in my 
house, defraying all your charges. Now therefore (as 
you owe me a return of good service for the benefits 


47 


bor 


HERODOTUS 


cé ᾿χρηστοῖσί με ἀμείβεσθαι) φύλακα παιδός σε 
τοῦ ἐμοῦ χρηίζω γενέσθαι ἐς ἄγρην ὁρμωμένου, 
μή τινες κατ᾽ ὁδὸν κλῶπες κακοῦργοι ἐπὶ δηλήσι 
φανέωσι ὑμῖν. πρὸς δὲ τούτῳ καὶ σέ τοι χρεόν 
ἐστι ἰέναι ἔνθα ἀπολαμπρυνέαι τοῖσι ἔργοισι" 
πατρώιόν͵ T€ γάρ TOL ἐστὶ καὶ προσέτι ῥώμη 
ὑπάρχει. 

49. ᾽Αμείβεται ὁ "Αδρηστος “Ὦ βασιλεῦ, 

ἄλλως μὲν ἔγωγε ἂν οὐκ ἤια ἐς ἄεθλον τοιόνδε" 
οὔτε γὰρ συμφορῇ τοιῇδε κεχρημένον οἰκός ἐστι 
ἐς ὁμήλικας εὖ πρήσσοντας ἰέναι, οὔτε τὸ βού- 
λεσθαι πάρα, πολλαχῇ τε ἂν ἆσχον ἐμεωυτόν. 
νῦν δέ, ἐ ἐπείτε σὺ σπεύδεις καὶ δεῖ τοι χαρίξεσθαι 
(ὀφείλω γάρ σε ἀμείβεσθαι χρηστοῖσι), ποιέειν 
εἰμὶ ἕτοιμος ταῦτα, παῖδά τε σόν, τὸν διακελεύεαι 
φυλάσσειν, ἀπήμονα. τοῦ φυλάσσοντος εἵνεκεν 
προσδόκα τοι ἀπονοστήσεἰν.” 
13. Τοιούτοισι ἐ ἐπείτε οὗτος ἀμείψατο Κροῖσον, 
ἤισαν μετὰ ταῦτά ἐξηρτυμένοι λογάσι τε νεηνίῃσι 
καὶ κυσί. ἀπικόμενοι δὲ ἐς τὸν Ὄλυμπον τὸ ὄρος 
ἐξήτεον τὸ θηρίον, εὑρόντες δὲ καὶ περιστάντες 
αὐτὸ κύκλφ ἐσηκόντιζον. ἔνθα δὴ ὁ ξεῖνος, 
οὗτος δὴ ὁ καθαρθεὶς τὸν φόνον, καλεόμενος δὲ 
"Αδρηστος, ἀκοντίζων τὸν bv τοῦ μὲν ἁμαρτάνει, 
τυγχάνει δὲ τοῦ Κροίσου παίδος. ὃ μὲν δὴ βλη- 
θεὶς τῇ αἰχμῇ ἐξέπλησε τοῦ ὀνείρου τὴν φήμην, 
ἔθεε δέ τις ἀγγελέων τῷ Κροίσῳ τὸ γεγονός, 
ἀπικόμενος δὲ é ἐς τὰς Σάρδις τήν τε μάχην καὶ τὸν 
τοῦ παιδὸς μόρον ἐσήμηνέ οἱ. 

44. Ὁ δὲ Κροῖσος τῷ θανάτῳ τοῦ παιδὸς συν- 
τεταραγμένος μᾶλλόν TL ἐδεινολογέετο ὅτι μιν 
ἀπέκτεινε τὸν αὐτὸς φόνου ἐκάθηρε" περιημεκτέων 


48 


BOOK I. 41-44 


which I have done you) I ask you to watch over 
my son as he goes out to the chase. See to it that 
no ruffian robbers meet you on the way, to do you 
harm. Moreover it is but right that you too should 
go where you can win renown by your deeds. That 
is fitting for your father’s son; and you are strong 
enough withal." 

42. “O King,” Adrastus answered, “had it been 
otherwise, I would not have gone forth on this enter- 
prise. One so unfortunate as I should not consort 
with the prosperous among his peers; nor have I the 
wish so to do, and for many reasons I would have 
held back. But now, since you so desire and I must 
do your pleasure (owing you as I do a requital of 
good service), I am ready to obey you in this; and 
for your son, in so far as I can protect him, look 
for his coming back unharmed." 

43. So when Adrastus had thus answered Croesus 
they went out presently equipped with a company 
of chosen young men and dogs. When they had 
come to Mount Olympus they hunted for the beast, 
and having.found him they made a ring and threw 
their spears at him: then the guest called Adrastus, 
the man who had been cleansed of the deed of blood, 
missed the boar with his spear and hit the son of 
Croesus. So Atys was smitten by the spear and ful- 
filled the utterance of the dream. One ran to bring 
Croesus word of what had been done, and came to 
Sardis, where he told the king of the fight and the 
manner of his son's end. 

44. Croesus, distraught by the death of his son, 
cried out the more vehemently because the slayer 
was one whom he himself had cleansed of a bloody 


49 


HERODOTUS 


δὲ τῇ συμφορῇ δεινῶς ἐκάλεε μὲν Δία καθάρσιον 
μαρτυρόμενος τὰ ὑπὸ τοῦ ξείνου πεπονθὼς εἴη 
ἐκάλεε δὲ ἐπίστιόν τε καὶ ἑταιρήιον, τὸν αὐτὸν 
τοῦτον ὀνομάζων θεόν, τὸν μὲν ἐπίστιον καλέων, 
διότι δὴ οἰκίοισι ὑποδεξάμενος τὸν ξεῖνον φονέα 
τοῦ παιδὸς ἐλάνθανε βόσκων, τὸν δὲ ἑταιρήιον, 
ὡς φύλακα συμπέμψας αὐτὸν εὑρήκοι πολε- 
μιώτατον. 

45. Παρῆσαν δὲ μετὰ τοῦτο οἱ Λυδοὶ φέροντες 
τὸν νεκρόν, ὄπισθε δὲ εἴπετό οἱ ὁ φονεύς. στὰς 
δὲ οὗτος πρὸ τοῦ νεκροῦ παρεδίδου ἑωυτὸν Κροίσῳ 
προτείνων τὰς χεῖρας, ἐπικατασφάξαι μιν κελεύων 
τῷ νεκρῷ, λέγων τήν τε προτέρην ἑωυτοῦ συμ- 
φορήν, καὶ ὡς ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνῃ τὸν καθήραντα ἀπολω- 
λεκὼς εἴη, οὐδέ οἱ εἴη βιώσιμον. Κροῖσος δὲ 
τούτων ἀκούσας τόν τε Αδρηστον tol μάς ορ 
καίπερ. ἐὼν ἐν κακῷ οἰκηίῳ τοσούτᾳ Καὶ λέγει 
πρὸς αὐτόν ““"Ἔχω ὦ ξεῖνε παρὰ σεῦ πᾶσαν τὴν 
δίκην, ἐπειδὴ σεωυτοῦ καταδικάξεις θάνατον. εἷς 
δὲ οὐ σύ μοι τοῦδε τοῦ κακοῦ αἴτιος, εἰ μὴ ὅσον 
ἀέκων ἐξεργάσαο, ἀλλὰ θεῶν κού τις, ὅς μοι 
καὶ πάλαι προεσήμαινε τὰ μέλλοντα ἔσεσθαι.᾽ 
Κροῖσος μέν νυν ἔθαψε ὡς οἰκὸς ἦν τὸν ἑωυτοῦ 
maida: Ἄδρηστος δὲ ὁ Γορδίεω τοῦ Μίδεω, 
οὗτος δὴ ὁ φονεὺς μὲν τοῦ ἑωυτοῦ ἀδελφεοῦ 
γενόμενος φονεὺς δὲ τοῦ καθήραντος, ἐπείτε 
ἡσυχίη τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἐγένετο περὶ τὸ σῆμα, 
συγγινωσκόµενος ἀνθρώπων εἶναι τῶν αὐτὸς ᾖδεε 
βαρυσυμφορώτατος, ἐπικατασφάξει τῷ τύμβῳ 
ἑωυτόν. 

46. Κροῖσος δὲ ἐπὶ δύο ἔτεα ἐν πένθεϊ μεγάλῳ 


5ο 


BOOK I. 44-46 


deed, and in his great and terrible grief at this mis- 
chance he called on Zeus by three names—Zeus the 
Purifier, Zeus of the Hearth, Zeus of Comrades: the 
first, because he would have the god know what evil 
his guest had wrought him ; the second, because he 
had received the guest into his house and thus un- 
wittingly entertained the slayer of his son ; and the 
third, because he had found his worst foe in the man 
whom he sent as a protector. 

45. Soon came the Lydians, bearing the dead 
corpse, with the slayer following after. He then 
came and stood before the body and gave himself 
wholly into Croesus' power, holding out his hands 
and praying the king to slay him where he stood by 
the dead man: * Remember," he said, * my former 
mischance, and see how besides that I have undone 
him who purified me; indeed, it is not fit that I 
should live." On hearing this Croesus, though his 
own sorrow was so great, took pity on Adrastus and 
said to him, * Friend, I have from you all that jus- 
tice asks, since you deem yourself worthy of death. 
But it is not you that I hold the cause of this evil, 
save in so far as you were the unwilling doer of it: 
rather it is the work of a god, the same who told 
me long ago what was to be." So Croesus buried 
his own son in such manner as was fitting. But 
Adrastus, son of Gordias who was son of Midas, 
this Adrastus, the slayer of his own brother and 
of the man who purified him, when the tomb was 
undisturbed by the presence of men, slew himself 
there by the sepulchre, seeing now clearly that he 
was the most ill-fated wretch of all men whom he 
knew. 

46. Croesus, after the loss of his son, sat in deep 


5I 


HERODOTUS 


κατῆστο τοῦ παιδὸς ἐστὲ ρημένος. μετὰ δὲ 


ΓΑστυάγεος τοῦ Κυαξάρεα( ἡ ἡγεμονίη καταιρεθεῖσα 


ὑπὸ Κύρου τοῦ Καμβύσεὼ καὶ τὰ τῶν Περσέων 
πρήγματα αὐξανόμεν πένθεος μὲν Κροῖσον ἀπέ- 
υσε, ἐνέβησε δὲ ἐς φροντίδα, εἴ κως δύναιτο, 
πρὶν. μεγάλους γενέσθαι τοὺς Πέρσας, καταλαβεῖν 
αὐτῶν αὐξανομένην τὴν δύναμιν. μετὰ ὧν τὴν 
διάνοιαν ταύτην αὐτίκα ἀπεπειρᾶτο τῶν μαντηίων 
τῶν τε ἐν Ἕλλησι καὶ τοῦ ἐν Λιβύῃ, διαπέμψας 
ἄλλους ἄλλῃ, τοὺς μὲν ἐς Δελφοὺς ἰέναι, τοὺς δὲ 
ἐς "ABas τὰς Φωκέων, τοὺς δὲ ἐς Δωδώνην' οἳ 
δὲ τινὲς ἐπέμποντο παρά τε Α μφιάρεων καὶ παρὰ 
Τροφώνιον, οἳ δὲ τῆς Μιλησίης è ἐς Βραγχίδας. ταῦτα 
μέν νυν τὰ Ελληνικὰ µαντήια, ἐς τὰ ἀπέπεμψε pav- 
τευσόμενος Κροῖσος" Λιβύης δὲ παρὰ Appova a ἀπέ- 
στελλε ἄλλους χρησομένους. | διέπεμπε δὲ πειρώ- 
μενος τῶν μαντηίων ὅ τι φρονέοιεν, ἆ ὡς εἰ φρονέοντα 
τὴν ἀληθείην εὑρεθείη, ἐπείρηται σφέα δεύτερα 
πέμπων εἰ ἐπιχειρέοι ἐπὶ Πέρσας στρατεύεσθαι. 
4T. Ἐντειλάμενος δὲ τοῖσι Λυδοῖσι τάδε ἀπέ- 
πέμπε ἐς τὴν διάπειραν τῶν χρηστηρίων, ἀπ’ ἧς 
ἂν ἡμέρης ὁρμηθέωσι ἐκ Σαρδίων, ἀπὸ ταύτης 
ἡμερολογέοντας τὸν λοιπὸν χρόνον ἑκατοστῇ 
ἡμέρῃ χρᾶσθαι τοῖσι χρηστηρίοισι, ἐπειρωτῶντας 
ὅ τι ποιέωΡ τυγχάνοι o Λυδῶν βασιλεὺς Κροῖσος 
ὁ ᾿Αλυάττεω' ἅσσα Ò ἂν ἕκαστα τῶν χρηστηρίων 
θεσπίσῃ, συγγραψαµένους ἀναφέρειν παρ᾽ ἑωυτόν. 
ὅ τι μέν νυν τὰ λοιπὰ τῶν χρηστηρίων ἐθέσπισε, 
οὐ λέγεται πρὸς οὖδαμῶν' ἐν δὲ Δελφοῖσι ὡς 
ἐσῆλθον τάχιστα ἐς τὸ μέγαρον οἱ Λυδοὶ χρησό- 
μενοι τῷ θεῷ καὶ ἐπειρώτων τὸ ἐντεταλμένον, ἡ 
Πυθίη ἐν ἑξαμέτρῳ τόνῳ λέγει τάδε. 


52 


BOOK 1l. 46-47 


sorrow for two years. After this time, the de- 
struction by Cyrus son of Cambyses of the sover- 
eignty of Astyages son of Cyaxares, and the growth 
of the power of the Persians, caused him to cease 
from his mourning; and he resolved, if he could, 
to forestall the increase of the Persian power before 
they grew to greatness. Having thus determined, 
he straightway made trial of the Greek and Libyan 
oracles, sending messengers separately to Delphi, 
to Abae in Phocia, and to Dodona, while others 
again were despatched to Amphiaraus and Tro- 
phonius,! and others to Branchidae in the Milesian 
country. These are the Greek oracles to which 
Croesus sent for divination: and he bade others go 
to inquire of Ammon in Libya. His intent in 
sending was to test the knowledge of the oracles, 
so that, if they should be found to know the truth, 
he might send again and ask if he should take in 
hand an expedition against the Persians. 

47. And when he sent to make trial of these 
shrines he gave the Lydians this charge: they were 
to keep count of the time from the day of their 
leaving Sardis, and on the hundredth day inquire of 
the oracles what Croesus, king of Lydia, son of 
Alyattes, was then doing ; then they were to write 
down whatever were the oracular answers and bring 
them back to him. Now none relate what answer 
was given by the rest of the oracles. But at Delphi, 
no sooner had the Lydians entered the hall to 
inquire of the god and asked the question with 
which they were charged, than the Pythian priestess 
uttered the following hexameter verses: 


! That is, to the oracular shrines of these legendary 
heroes, 


53 


HERODOTUS 


Οἶδα δ᾽ ἐγὼ ψάωµον τ᾽ ἀριθμὸν καὶ μέτρα 
θαλάσσης, 
. ^ , 9 e^ 9 a 
καὶ κωφοῦ συνίηµι, καὶ οὗ φωνεῦντος ἀκούω. 
3 , > 3 Ἢ Q ld , 
ὀδμή p ἐς φρένας ἦλθε κραταιρίνοιο χελώνης 
ἑψομένης ἐν χαλκῷ ἅμ. ἀρνείοισι κρεεσσιν, 
b b e 4 N δ᾽ 9 έ 
ᾗ χαλκὸς μὲν ὑπέστρωται, χαλκὸν Ò ἐπιέσται. 


48. Ταῦτα οἱ Λυδοὶ θεσπισάσης τῆς Πυθίης 
συγγραψάμενοι οἴχοντο ἀπιόντες ἐς τὰς Σάρδις. 
ὡς δὲ καὶ ὤλλοι οἱ περιπεμφθέντες παρῆσαν 
φέροντες τοὺς χρησμούς, ἐνθαῦτα ὁ Κροῖσος 
ἕκαστα ἀναπτύσσων ἐπώρα τῶν συγγραμμάτων. 

^ ` δὴ > ὃ é , , a δὲ e \ 5 
τῶν μὲν δὴ οὐδὲν προσίετὀ μιν' ὃ δὲ ὡς τὸ ἐκ 
Δελφῶν ἤκουσε, αὐτίκα προσεύχετό τε καὶ προσ- 
εδέξατο, νομίσας μοῦνον εἶναι μαντήιον τὸ ἐν 

^ [d e 3 Ld 4 > * 9 / 
Δελφοῖσι, ὅτι οἱ ἐξευρήκεε τὰ αὐτὸς ἐποίησε. 
3 L4 `~ . / A 4 , M 
ἐπείτε γὰρ δὴ διέπεμψε παρὰ τὰ στήρια TOU 

(yap δὴ διέπεµψε παρὰ τὰ χρηστήρια τοὺς 
θεοπρόπους, φυλάξας τὴν κυρίην τῶν ἡμερέων 
ἐμηχανᾶτο τοιάδε: ἐπινοήσας τὰ ἦν ἀμήχανον !* 
ἐξευρεῖν τε καὶ ἐπιφράσασθαι, χελώνην καὶ ἄρνα 
κατακόψας ὁμοῦ ἧψε αὐτὸς ἐν λέβητι χαλκέῳ, 

4 >? 3 / 
χάΧκεον ἐπίθημα ἐπιθεῖς. 

A \ 4 > ^ ο A , 

49. Τὰ μὲν δὴ ἐκ Δελφῶν οὕτω τῷ Κροίσῳ 
, / é 4 δὲ . >A / A / 
ἐχρήσθη" κατὰ δὲ τὴν ᾿Αμϕιάρεω τοῦ μαντηίου 
ὑπόκρισιν, οὐκ ἔχω εἰπεῖν ὅ τι τοῖσι Λυδοῖσι 
ἔχρησε ποιήσασι περὶ τὸ ἱρὸν τὰ νομιζόμενα (οὐ 
γὰρ ὧν οὐδὲ τοῦτο λέγεται), ἄλλο γε ἢ ὅτι καὶ 
τοῦτο ἐνόμισε μαντήιον ἀψευδὲς ἐκτῆσθαι. 


54 


BOOK I. 47-49 


Grains of sand I reckon and measure the spaces of 
ocean, 

Hear when dumb men speak, and mark the speech 
of the silent. 

What is it now that I smell? 'tis a tortoise mightily 
armoured 

Sodden in vessel of bronze, with a lamb’s flesh 
mingled together : 

Bronze thereunder is laid and a mantle of bronze is 
upon it.” 


48, Having written down this inspired utterance 
cf the Pythian priestess, the Lydians went away 
back to Sardis. When the others as well who had 
keen sent to divers places came bringing their 
oracles, Croesus then unfolded and surveyed all the 
writings. Some of them in no wise satisfied him. 
But when he heard the Delphian message, he 
acknowledged it with worship and welcome, con- 
sidering that Delphi was the only true place of 
divination, because it had discovered what he 
himself had done. For after sending his env»ys 
to the oracles, he bethought him of a device which 
no conjecture could discover, and carried it out on 
the appointed day: namely, he cut up a tortoise and 
a lamb, and then himself boiled them in a caldrcn of 
bronze covered with a lid of the same. 

49. Such then was the answer from Delphi de 
livered to Croesus. As to the reply which the Lydians 
received from the oracle of Amphiaraus when they 
had followed the due custom of the temple, I 
cannot say what it was, for nothing is recorded 
of it, saving that Croesus held that from this oracle 
too he had obtained a true answer. 


55 


HERODOTUS 


50. Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα θυσίῃσι μεγάλῃσι τὸν ἐν 
λελφοῖσι θεὸν ἱλάσκετο' κτήνεά τε yàp. τὰ θύσιμα 
πάντα τρισχίλια ἔθυσε, κλίνας τε ἐπιχρύσους 
καὶ ἐπαργύρους καὶ φιάλας χρυσέας καὶ εἵματα 
πορφύρεα καὶ κιθῶνας, νήσας πυρὴν μεγάλην, 
κατέκαιε, ὁ [ev τὸν θεὸν μᾶλλόν τι τούτοισι 
ἀνα ἐτησεσὶ Λυδοῖσι τε πᾶσι προεῖπε θύειν 
πάντα τινὰ αὐτῶν τούτῳ ὅ τι ἔχοι. ἕκαστος. ὡς 
δὲ ἐκ τῆς θυσίης ἐγένετο, καταχεάμενος χρυσὸν 
ἄπλετον ἡμιπλίνθια ἐξ αὐτοῦ ἐξήλαυνε, ἐπὶ μὲν 
τὰ μακρότερα ποιέων ἑξαπάλαιστα, ἐπὶ δὲ τὰ 
βραχύτερα τριπάλαιστα, ὕψος δὲ παλαιστιαῖα. 
ἀριθμὸν δὲ ἑπτακαίδεκα καὶ ἑκατόν, καὶ τούτων 
ἀπέφθου χρυσοῦ τέσσεῤα, τρίτον ἡμιτάλαντον 
ἕκαστον ἕλκοντα, τὰ δὲ ἄλλα ἡμιπλίνθια λευκοῦ 
χρυσοῦ, σταθμὸν διτάλαντα. ἐποιέετο δὲ καὶ 
λέοντος εἰκόνα χρυσοῦ ἀπέφθου ἕλκουσαν σταθμὸν 
τάλαντα δέκα. οὗτος ὁ λέων, ἐπείτε κατεκαίετο 
ὁ ἐν Δελφοῖσι νηός, κατέπεσε ἀπὸ τῶν ἡμιπλιν- 
θίων (ἐπὶ γὰρ τούτοισι ἵδρυτο), καὶ νῦν κεῖται ἐν 
τῷ Κορινθίων θησαυρῷ, ἕλκων σταθμὸν ἕβδομον 

ἡμιτάλαντον" ἀπετάκη γὰρ αὐτοῦ τέταρτον ἡμι- 
τάλαντον. 

51. ᾿Επιτελέσας δὲ ὁ Κροῖσος ταῦτα ἀπέπεμπε 
ἐς Δελφούς, καὶ τάδε ἄλλα ἅμα τοῖσι, κρητῆρας 
δύο μεγάθεϊ μεγάλους, χρύσεον καὶ ἀργύρεον, τῶν 
ὁ μὲν χρύσεος ἔκειτο ἐ ἐπὶ δεξιὰ ἐ ἐσιόντι ἐς τὸν νηόν, 
ὁ δὲ ἀργύρεος ἐπ᾽ ἀριστερά. μετεκινήθησαν δὲ 
καὶ οὗτοι ὑπὸ τὸν νηὸν κατακαέντα, καὶ ὁ μὲν 
χρύσεος κεῖται ἐν τῷ Κλαξομενίων θησαυρῷ, 
ἕλκων σταθμὸν εἴνατον ἡμιτάλαντον καὶ ἔτι δυώ- 
δεκα μνέας, ὁ δὲ ἀργύρεος ἐπὶ τοῦ προνηίου τῆς 
56 


BOOK I. so-sr 


50. After this, he strove to win the favour of the 
Delphian god with great sacrifices. He offered up 
three thousand beasts from each kind fit for sacrifice, 
and he burnt on a great pyre couches covered with 
gold and silver, golden goblets, and purple cloaks 
and tunics; by these means he hoped the better to 
win the aid of the god, to whom he also commanded 
that every Lydian should sacrifice what he could. 
When the sacrifice was over, he melted down a vast 
store of gold and made of it ingots of which the 
longer sides were of six and the shorter of three 
palms’ length, and the height was one palm. 
These were an hundred and seventeen in number. 
Four of them were of refined gold, each weighing 
two talents and a half; the rest were of gold with 
silver alloy, each of two talents’ weight. He bade 
also to be made a figure of a lion of refined gold, 
weighing ten talents. When the temple of Delphi 
was burnt, this lion fell from the ingots which were 
the base whereon it stood; and now it lies in the 
treasury of the Corinthians, but weighs only six 
talents and a half, for the fire melted away three and 
a half talents. 

51. When these offerings were fully made, Croesus 
sent them to Delphi, with other gifts besides, namely, 
two very great bowls, one of gold and one of silver. 
The golden bowl stood to the right, the silvern to 
the left, of the temple entrance. These too were 
removed about the time of the temple’s burning, 
and now the golden bowl, which weighs eight 
talents and a half, and twelve minae,! lies in the 
treasury of the Clazomenians, and the silver bowl 
at the corner of the forecourt of the temple. This 


1 μνᾶ = about 15 oz. Troy weight. 
57 


HERODOTUS 


γωνίης, χωρέων ἀμφορέας ἑξακοσίους: è ἐπικίρναται 
γὰρ ὑπὸ Δελφῶν θεοφανίοισι. «φασὶ δέ μιν Δελφοὶ 
Θεοδώρου τοῦ Σαμίου ἔ ἔργον εἶναι, καὶ € ἐγὼ δοκέω" | 
ov yap τὸ συντυχὸν φαίνεταί μοι ἔργον εἶναι. 
καὶ πίθους τε ἀργυρέους τέσσερας ἀπέπεμψε, οἳ 
ἐν τῷ Κορινθίων θησαυρῷ ἑστᾶσι, καὶ περιρραν- 
τήρια δύο ἀνόθηκε, χρύσεὀν τε καὶ ἀργύρεον, τῶν 
τῷ χρυσέῳ ἐπιγέγραπται Λακεδαιμονίων φαμένων 
εἶναι ἀνάθημα, οὐκ ὀρθῶς λέγοντες" ἔστι γὰρ καὶ 
τοῦτο Κροίσου, ἐπέγραψε δὲ τῶν τις Δελφῶν 
Λακεδαιμονίοισι βουλόμενος χαρίζεσθαι, τοῦ ἐπι- 
στάμενος τὸ οὔνομα. οὐκ ᾿ ἐπιμνήσομαι. ἀλλ᾽ ὁ μὲν 
παῖς, δὲ οὗ τῆς χειρὸς ῥέει τὸ ὕδωρ, Λακεδαιμονίων 
ἐστί, oU μέντοι τῶν γε περιρραντηρίων οὐδέτερον. 
ἄλλα Te ἀναθήματα οὐκ ἐπίσημα πολλὰ ἀπέ- 
πεμψε ἅμα τούτοισι ὁ Κροῖσος, καὶ χεύματα 
ἀργύρεα κυκλοτερέα, καὶ δὴ καὶ -γυναικὸς εἴδωλον 
χρύσεον τρίπηχν, τὸ Δελφοὶ τῆς ἀρτοκόπου τῆς 
Κροίσου εἰκόνα λέγουσι εἶναι. πρὸς δὲ καὶ τῆς 
ἑωυτοῦ γυναικὸς τὰ ἀπὸ τῆς δειρῆς ἀνέθηκε ὁ 
Κροῖσος καὶ τὰς ζώνας. 

52. Ταῦτα μὲν ἐς Δελφοὺς ἀπέπεμψε, τῷ δὲ 
᾽Αμϕιάρεφ, πυθόμενος. αὐτοῦ τήν τε ἀρετὴν κα. 
τὴν πάθη», ἀνέθηκε σάκος τε χρύσεον πᾶν ὁμοίως 
καὶ αἰχμὴν στερεὴν | πᾶσαν χρυσέην, τὸ ξυστὸν 
τῆσι λόγχῃσι ἐὸν ὁμοίως .χρύσεον" τὰ ἔτι καὶ 
ἀμφότερα ἐ ἐς ἐμὲ ἣν κείμενα ἐν Θήβῃσι καὶ Θηβέων 
ἐν τῷ νηῷ τοῦ ᾿Ισμηνίου ᾿Απόλλωνος. 

53. Τοῖσι δὲ ἆ ἄγειν μέλλουσι τῶν Λυδῶν ταῦτα 
τὰ δῶρα ἐ ἐς τὰ ipa ἐνετέλλετο ὁ ὁ Κροῖσος € ἐπειρωτᾶν 
τὰ χρηστήρια εἰ στρατεύηται ἐπὶ Πέρσας Κροῖσος 


καὶ εἴ τίνα στρατὸν ἀνδρῶν προσθέοιτο φίλον, 


58 


BOOK I. 51-53 - 


bowl holds six hundred nine-gallon measures: for the 
Delphians use it for a mixing-bowl at the feast of 
the Divine Appearance. It is said by the Delphians 
to be the work of Theodorus of Samos, and I believe 
them, for it seems to me to be of no common work- 
manship. Moreover, Croesus sent four silver casks, 
which stand in the treasury of the Corinthians, and 
dedicated two sprinkling-vessels, one of gold, one of 
silver. The golden vessel bears the inscription 
* Given by the Lacedaemonians," who claim it as 
their offering. ‘But they are wrong, for this, too, 
is Croesus’ gift. The inscription was made by a 
certain Delphian, whose name I know but will not 
reveal, out of his desire to please the Lacedae- 
monians. The figure of a boy, through whose hand 
the water runs, is indeed a Lacedaemonian gift ; but 
they did not give either of the sprinkling-vessels. 
Along with these Croesus sent, besides many other 
offerings of no great mark, certain round basins of 
silver, and a golden female figure three cubits high, 
which the Delphians assert to be the statue of the 
woman who was Croesus’ baker. Moreover he 
dedicated his own wife’s necklaces and girdles. 

52, Such were the gifts which he sent to Delphi. 
To Amphiaraus, having learnt of his valour and his 
fate, he dedicated a shield made entirely of gold and 
a spear all of solid gold, point and shaft alike. Both 
of these lay till my time at Thebes, in the Theban 
temple of Ismenian Apollo. 

53, The Lydians who were to bring these gifts to 
the temples were charged by Croesus to inquire ot 
the oracles, “Shall Croesus send an army against 
the Persians: and shall he take to himself any allied 


1 The Theophania was a festival at Delphi, at which the 
statues of gods were shown. 
59 


HERODOTUS 


ὡς δὲ ἀπικόμενοι ἐς τὰ ἀπεπέμφθησαν οἱ Λυδοὶ 
ἀνέθεσαν τὰ ἀναθήματα, ἐχρέωντο τοῖσι χρηστι- 
ρίοισι λέγοντες '' Κροῖσος ὁ Λυδῶν τε καὶ ἄλλων 
9 , , , ^05 I4 " 
ἐθνέων βασιλεύς, νομίσας τάδε μαντήια εἶναι 
^ H 3 , € A 3 ^ L4 
μοῦνα ἐν ἀνθρώποισι, ὑμῖν τε ἄξια δῶρα ἔδωκε 
- 3 , N ^ e / , ^ , 
τῶν ἐξευρημάτων, καὶ νῦν ὑμέας ἐπειρωτᾷ εἰ 
΄ > ` 8 
στρατεύηται ἐπὶ Πέρσας καὶ εἴ τινα στρατὸν 
ἀνδρῶν προσθέοιτο σύμμαχον.᾽ οἳ μὲν ταῦτα 
ἐπειρώτων, τῶν δὲ μαντηίων ἀμφοτέρων ἐς τὠυτὸ 
αἱ γνῶμαι συνέδραμον, προλέγουσαι Κροίσῳ, ἣν 
στρατεύηται ἐπὶ Πέρσας, μεγάλην ἀρχὴν μιν 
καταλύσειν" τοὺς δὲ “Ελλήνων δυνατωτάτους 
συνεβούλευόν οἱ ἐξευρόντα φίλους προσθέσθαι. 
54. Ἐπείτε δὲ ἀνενειχθέντα τὰ θεοπρόπια 
ἐπύθετο ὁ Κροῖσος, ὑπερήσθη τε τοῖσι χρηστη- 
ρίοισι, πάγχυ τε ἐλπίσας καταλύσειν τὴν Κύρου 
βασιληίην, πέμψας αὖτις ἐς Πυθὼ Δελφοὺς δω- 
ρέεται, πυθόμενος αὐτῶν τὸ πλῆθος, κατ ἄνδρα 
ζ ^ [d ^ M Ν ? M 
δύο στατῆρσι ἕκαστον χρυσοῦ. Δελφοὶ δὲ ἀντὶ 
4 L4 , M ^ / 
τούτων ἔδοσαν Κροίσῳ καὶ Λυδοῖσι προμαντηίην 
/ ^ ^ 
καὶ ἀτελείην καὶ προεδρίην, καὶ ἐξεῖναι τῷ βουλο- 
’ 3 ^ / . 9 ^ oN , 
μένῳ αὐτῶν γίνεσθαι Δελφὸν ἐς τὸν αἰεὶ χρόνον. 
55. Δωρησάμενος δὲ τοὺς Δελφοὺς ὁ Κροῖσος 
ἐχρηστηριάζετο τὸ τρίτον' ἐπείτε γὰρ δὴ mapé- 
λαβε τοῦ μαντηίου ἀληθείην, ἐνεφορέετο αὐτοῦ. 
ἐπειρώτα δὲ τάδε χρηστηριαζόμενος, εἴ οἱ Tov- 


60 


BOOK I. 53-55 


host?" When the Lydians came to the places 
whither they were sent, they made present of the 
offerings, and inquired of the oracles, in these 
words: “Croesus, king of Lydia and other nations, 
seeing that he deems that here are the only true 
places of divination among men, endows you with 
such gifts as your wisdom merits. And now he 
would ask you, if he shall send an army against the 
Persians, and if he shall take to himself any allied 
host." Such was their inquiry; and the judgment 
given to Croesus by each of the two oracles was the 
same, to wit, that if he should send an army against 
the Persians he would destroy a great empire. And 
they counselled him to discover the mightiest of the 
Greeks and make them his friends. 

54. When the divine answers had been brought 
back and Croesus learnt of them, he was greatly 
pleased with the oracles. So, being fully persuaded 
that he would destroy the kingdom of Cyrus, he 
sent once again to Pytho and endowed the Del- 
phians with two gold staters! apiece, according to 
his knowledge of their number. The Delphians, 
in return, gave Croesus and all Lydians the right 
of first consulting the oracle, freedom from all charges, 
the chief seats at festivals, and perpetual right of 
Delphian citizenship to whosoever should wish. 

55. Then Croesus after his gifts to the Delphians 
made a third inquiry of the oracle, for he would use 
it to the full, having received true answers from 
it; and the question which he asked in his in- 
quest was whether his sovereignty should be of long 


1 The stater was the common gold coin of the Greek world. 
The value of Croesus’ stater was probably about twenty- 
three shillings of our money. 


61 


HERODOTUS 


χρόνιος ἔσται ἡ μουναρχίη. ἡ δὲ Πυθίη οἱ χρᾷ 
τάδε. 


᾿Αλλ᾽ ὅταν ἡμίονος βασιλεὺς Μήδοισι γένηται, 
καὶ τότε, Λυδὲ ποδαβρέ, πολυψήφιδα παρ᾽ 


φεύγειν μηδὲ μένειν μηδ᾽ αἰδεῖσθαι κακὸς εἶναι. 


56. Τούτοισι ἐλθοῦσι τοῖσι ἔπεσι ὁ Κροῖσος 
πολλόν τι μάλιστα πάντων ἥσθη, ἐλπίζων ἡμίονον 
οὐδαμὰ ἀντ᾽ ἀνδρὸς βασιλεύσειν Μήδων, οὐδ ὧν 

=>: A A A 
αὐτὸς οὐδᾶ οἱ ἐξ αὐτοῦ παύσεσθαι κοτὲ τῆς ἀρχῆς. 

ds 
μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ἐφρόντιζε ἱστορέων τοὺς ἂν Ἑλλή- 
νων δυνατωτάτους ἐόντας προσκτήσαιτο φίλους, 
ἱστορέων δὲ εὕρισκε Λακεδαιμονίους καὶ ᾿Αθη- 
ναίους προέχοντας τοὺς μὲν τοῦ Δωρικοῦ γένεος 
τοὺς δὲ τοῦ Ἰωνικοῦ. ταῦτα γὰρ ἦν τὰ προκεκρι- 

/ 97 ν 32 ^ 4 ` Ν N ΔΝ 
μένα, ἐόντα τὸ ἀρχαῖον τὸ μὲν Ἡελασγικὸν τὸ δὲ 
Ἑλληνικὸν ἔθνος. καὶ τὸ μὲν οὐδαμῇ κω ἐξεχώ- 

`~ δὲ / , > \ N à 
ρῆσε, τὸ δὲ πολυπλάνητον κάρτα. ἐπὶ μὲν γὰρ 
Δευκαλίωνος βασιλέος οἴκεε γῆν τὴν Φθιῶτιν, 
ἐπὶ δὲ Δώρου τοῦ "Ελληνος τὴν ὑπὸ τὴν Ὄσσαν 
τε καὶ τὸν Ὄλυμπον χώρη», καλεομένην δὲ Ἴστι- 
αιῶτιν. ἐκ δὲ τῆς Ἱστιαιώτιδος ὡς ἐξανέστη ὑπὸ 
Καδμείων, οἴκεε ἐν Πίνδῳ Μακεδνὸν καλεόμενον' 
ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ αὖτις ἐς τὴν Δρυοπίδα μετέβη, καὶ ἐκ 
τῆς Δρυοπίδος οὕτω ἐς Πελοπόννησον ἐλθὸν Δω- 

. 2 / 
ρικὸν ἐκλήθη. 


62 


BOOK 1. 55-56 


duration. To this the Pythian priestess answered as 
follows : 


* Lydian, beware of the day when a mule is lord of 
the Medians: 
Then with thy delicate feet by the stone-strewn 
channel of Hermus 
Flee for thy life, nor abide, nor blush for the name 
of a craven." 


56. When he heard these verses Croesus was 
pleased with them above all, for he thought that a 
mule would never be king of the Medians in place of 
a man, and so that he and his posterity would never 
lose his empire. Then he sought very carefully to 
discover who were the mightiest of the Greeks whom 
he should make his friends. He found by inquiry 
that the chief peoples were the Lacedaemonians 
among those of Doric, and the Athenians among 
those of Ionic stock. These races, Ionian and Dorian, 
were the foremost in ancient time, the first a Pelas- 
gian and the second an Hellenic people. The 
Pelasgian stock has never yet left its habitation, the 
Hellenic has wandered often and afar. For in the 
days of king Deucalion! it inhabited the land of 
Phthia, then in the time of Dorus son of Hellen the 
country called Histiaean, under Ossa and Olympus ; 
driven by the Cadmeans from this Histiaean country 
it settled about Pindus in the parts called Macednian ; 
thence again it migrated to Dryopia, and at last 
came from Dryopia into Peloponnesus, where it took 
the name of Dorian.? 

1 Deucalion and Pyrrha were the survivors of the Deluge 
as known to Greek legend. 


2 The localities mentioned in the story of the migration 
into the Peloponnese are all in northern Greece. 
63 


HERODOTUS 


δΊ. "Ἠντινα δὲ γλῶσσαν ἵεσαν οἱ Πελασγοί, 
οὐκ ἔχω ἀτρεκέως εἰπεῖν. εἰ δὲ χρεόν ἐστι 
παν» λέγειν A re νῦν ἔτι ἐοῦσι D prod 
γῶν τῶν ἰὑπὲρ Τυρσηνῶν ἱΚρηστῶνα πόλιν οἰκεόν- 
των, οἳ ὅμουροι κοτὲ ἦσαν τοῖσι νῦν Δωριεῦσι 
καλεομένοισι (οἴκεον δὲ τηνικαῦτα γῆν τὴν νῦν 
Θεσσαλιῶτιν καλεομένην), καὶ τῶν Πλακίην τε 
καὶ Σκυλάκην Πελασγῶν οἰκησάντων ἐν Ἕλλησ- 

€ > 

πόντῳ, οἳ σύνοικοι ἐγένοντο Αθηναίοισι, καὶ ὅσα 
» N 94 [4 x » 

ἄλλα Πελασγικὰ ἐόντα πολίσματα τὸ οὔνομα 

, ^ 

μετέβαλε" εἰ τούτοισι τεκμαιρόμενον δεῖ λέγειν, 
4 ε . 4 ^ e? , 
ἦσαν οἱ Πελασγοὶ βάρβαρον γλῶσσαν ἱέντες. εἰ 
τοίνυν ἦν καὶ πᾶν τοιοῦτο τὸ Πελασγικόν, τὸ 
? . 3 25 N e ^ ^ 
Αττικὸν ἔθνος ἐὸν Πελασγικὸν ἅμα τῇ μµεταβολῇ 

^» d M ^ / κ 
τῇ ἐς Ἓλληνας (αὶ τὴν γλῶσσαν μετέμαθθ καὶ 
γὰρ δὴ οὔτε οἱ Κρηστωνιῆται οὐδαμοῖσι τῶν νῦν 

/ e ? 
σφέας περιοικεόντων εἰσὶ ὁμόγλωσσοι οὔτε οἱ 
e ^4 ^ 
Πλακιηνοί, σφίσι δὲ ὁμόγλωσσοι' δηλοῦσί τε ὅτι 
, A 
τὸν ἠνείκαντο γλώσσης χαρακτῆρα μεταβαίνοντες 
ἐς ταῦτα τὰ χωρία, τοῦτον ἔχουσι ἐν φυλακῆ. 
Y ο) ` , νο. } 

58. Τὸ δὲ Ἑλληνικὸν γλώσσῃ μὲν ἐπείτε ἐγένετο] 
αἰεί κοτε τῇ αὐτῇ διαχρᾶται, ὡς ἐμοὶ καταφαί- 
νεται εἶναι. ἀποσχισθὲν μέντοι ἀπὸ τοῦ Τ]ελασ- 
γικοῦ ἐὸν ἀσθενές, ἀπὸ σμικροῦ Treo τὴν ἀρχὴν 
ὁρμώμενον αὔξηται ἐς πλῆθος τῶν ἐθνέων, Ile- 

^ , ^ 
λασγῶν μάλιστα προσκεχωρηκότων αὐτῷ καὶ 
y 9 / , ^ 4 M 
ἄλλων ἐθνέων βαρβάρων συχνῶν. πρόσθε δὲ 
` . 
ὧν ἔμοιγε δοκέει οὐδὲ τὸ Πελασγικὸν ἔθνος, ἐὸν 
βάρβαρον, οὐδαμὰ μεγάλως αὐξηθῆναι. 
^ » 
59. Τούτων δὴ ὧν τῶν ἐθνέων τὸ μὲν ᾿Αττικὸν 
la 
κατεχόμενόν τε καὶ διεσπασμένον ἐπυνθάνετο ὁ 


64 


BOOK I. 57-59 


57. What language the Pelasgians spoke I cannot 
accurately say. But if one may judge by those that 
still remain of the Pelasgians who dwell above the 
Tyrrheni! in the city of Creston—who were once 
neighbours of the people now called Dorians, and at 
that time inhabited the country which now is called 
Thessalian—and of the Pelasgians who inhabited 
Placia and Scylace on the Hellespont, who came to 
dwell among the Athenians, and by other towns too 
which were once Pelasgian and afterwards took a 
different name :—if (I say) one may judge by these, 
the Pelasgians spoke a language which was not Greek. 
If then all the Pelasgian stock so spoke, then the 
Attic nation, being of Pelasgian blood, must have 
changed its language too at the tme when it became 
part of the Hellenes. For the people of Creston 
and Placia have a language of their own in common, 
which is not the language of their neighbours; and it 
is plain that they still preserve the fashion of speech 
which they brought with them in their migration 
into the places where they dwell. 

58. But the Hellenic stock, as to me seems clear, 
has ever used the same language since its beginning ; 
yet being, when separated from the Pelasgians, but 
few in number, they have grown from a small begin- 
ning to comprise a multitude of nations, chiefly 
because the Pelasgians and many other foreign 
peoples united themselves with them. Before that, 
as I think, the Pelasgic stock nowhere increased 
greatly in number while it was of foreign speech. 

59. Now, of these two peoples, Croesus learned 
that the Attic was held in subjection and divided 


! If these are the Etruscans, then Creston may = Cortona : 
but the whole matter is doubtful. 


65 


HERODOTUS 


Κροῖσος ὑπὸ Πεισιστράτου τοῦ “Ἱπποκράτεος 
τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον τυραννεύοντος ᾿Αθηναίων. 
Ἱπποκράτεϊ γὰρ ἐόντι ἰδιώτῃ καὶ θεωρέοντι τὰ 
Ὀλύμπια τέρας ἐγένετο μέγα: θύσαντος γὰρ 
αὐτοῦ τὰ ipa οἱ λέβητες ἐπεστεῶτες καὶ κρεῶν 
τε ἐόντες ἔμπλεοι καὶ ὕδατος ἄνευ πυρὸς ἔζεσαν 
καὶ ὑπερέβαλον. Χίλων δὲ ὁ Λακεδαιμόνιος 
παρατυχὼν καὶ θεησάμενος τὸ τέρας συνεβούλευε 
Ἱπποκράτει πρῶτα μὲν γυναῖκα μὴ ἄγεσθαι τέκ- 
νοποιὸν ἐς τὰ οἰκία, εἰ δὲ τυγχάνει ἔχων, δεύτερα 
τὴν γυναῖκα ἐκπέμπειν, καὶ εἴ τίς οἱ τυγχάνει ἐὼν 
παῖς, τοῦτον ἀπείπασθαι. οὕκων ταῦτα παραινέ- 
σαντος Χίλωνος πείθεσθαι θέλειν τὸν Ἱπποκράτεα: 
γενέσθαι οἱ μετὰ ταῦτα τὸν Πεισίστρατον τοῦτον, 
ὃς στασιαζόντων τῶν παράλων καὶ τῶν ἐκ τοῦ 
πεδίου ᾿Αθηναίων, καὶ τῶν μὲν προεστεῶτος 
Μεγακλέος τοῦ ᾿Αλκμέωνος, τῶν δὲ ἐκ τοῦ πεδίου 
Λυκούργου ᾿Αριστολαΐδεω, καταφρονήσας τὴν 
τυραννίδα ἤγειρε τρίτην στάσιν" συλλέξας δὲ 
στασιώτας καὶ τῷ λόγῳ τῶν ὑπερακρίων προστὰς 
μηχανᾶται τοιάδε. τρωματίσας ἑωυτόν τε καὶ 
ἡμιόνους ἤλασε ἐς τὴν ἀγορὴν τὸ ζεῦγος ὡς 
ἐκπεφευγὼς τοὺς ἐχθρούς, οἵ μιν ἐλαύνοντα ἐς 
ἀγρὸν ἠθέλησαν ἀπολέσαι δῆθεν, ἐδέετό τε τοῦ 
δήμου φυλακῆς τινος πρὸς αὐτοῦ κυρῆσαι, πρό- 
τερον εὐδοκιμήσας ἐν τῇ πρὸς Μεγαρέας γενομένῃ 
στρατηγίῃ, Νίσαιάν τε ἑλὼν καὶ ἄλλα ἀποδεξά- 
μενος μεγάλα ἔργα. ὁ δὲ δῆμος ὁ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων 
ἐξαπατηθεὶς ἔδωκέ οἱ τῶν ἀστῶν καταλέξας 
ἄνδρας τούτους οἳ δορυφόροι μὲν οὐκ ἐγένοντο 
Πεισιστράτου, κορυνηφόροι δέ: ξύλων γὰρ κορύνας 
ἔχοντες εἶποντό οἱ ὄπισθε. συνεπαναστάντες δὲ | 


66 


BOOK I. 59 


into factions by Pisistratus son of Hippocrates, who 
at that time was sovereign over the Athenians. 
This Hippocrates was but a private man when a 
great marvel happened to him as he was at 
Olympia to see the games: when he had offered 
the sacrifice, the vessels, standing there full of meat 
and water, boiled without fire till they overflowed. 
Chilon the Lacedaemonian, who chanced to be 
there and saw this marvel, counselled Hippocrates 
not to take into his house a childbearing wife, if 
so might be: but if he had one already, then at 
least to send her away, and if he had a son, to disown 
him. Hippocrates refused to follow the counsel of 
Chilon, and presently there was born to him this 
Pisistratus aforesaid. In course of time there was a 
feud between the Athenians of the coast under 
Megacles son of Alcmeon and the Athenians of the 
plain under Lycurgus son of Aristolaides. Pisistratus 
then, having an eye to the sovereign power, raised 
up a third faction. He collected partisans and pre- 
tended to champion the hillmen; and this was his 
plan. Wounding himself and his mules, he drove his 
carriage into the market place with a tale that he 
had escaped from his enemies, who would have slain 
him (so he said) as he was driving into the country. 
So he besought the people that he might have a 
guard from them: and indeed he had won himself 
reputation in his command of the army against the 
Megarians, when he had taken Nisaea and performed 
other great exploits. Thus deceived, the Athenian 
people gave him a chosen guard of citizens, of whom 
Pisistratus made not spearmen but clubmen: for the 
retinue that followed him bore wooden clubs. These 


67 


HERODOTUS 


οὗτοι ἅμα. Πεισιστράτῳ ἔσχον τὴν ἀκρόπολιν. 
ἔνθα δὴ 0 Πεισίστρατος ἦρχε. ᾿Αθηναίων, οὔτε 
τιμὰς τὰς ἐούσας ᾿συνταράξας οὔτε θέσμια μεταλ.- 
λάξας, è ἐπί τε τοῖσι κατεστεῶσι ἔνεμε τὴν πόλιν 
κοσμέων καλῶς τε καὶ εὖ. 

60. Mera δὲ οὗ πολλὸν χρόνον. τὠυτὸ φρονή- 
σαντες ot τε τοῦ Μεγακλέος στασιῶται καὶ οἱ τοῦ 
Λυκούργου ἐξελαύνουσί μιν. οὕτω «μὲν Πεισί- 
στρατος ἔσχε τὸ πρῶτον ᾿Αθήνας, καὶ τὴν τυραν- 
vida οὕκω κάρτα ἐρριξωμένην € ἔχων ἀπέβαλε. οἳ 
δὲ ἐξελάσαντες Πεισίστρατον αὖτις ἐκ νέης ἐπ᾿ 
ἀλλήλοισι ἐστασίασαν. περιελαυνόμενος δὲ τῇ 
στάσι o Μεγακλέης ἐπεκηρυκεύετο Πεισιστράτῳ, 
εἰ βούλοιτό οἱ τὴν θυγατέρα € ἔχειν γυναῖκα ἐπὶ τῇ 
τυραννίδι. ἐνδεξαμένου δὲ τὸν λόγον καὶ ὁμολο- 
γήσαντος ἐπὶ τούτοισι Πεισιστράτου, μηχανῶνται 
δὴ ἐπὶ τῇ κατόδῳ πρῆγμα εὐηθέστατον, ὡς ἐγὼ 
εὑρίσκω, μακρῷ, ἐπεί γε ἀπεκρίθη. ἐκ παλαιτέρου 
τοῦ BapBápov ἔθνεος τὸ Ἑλληνικὸν ἐὸν καὶ 
δεξιώτερον καὶ εὐηθείης. ἠλιθίου ἀπηλλαγμένον 
μᾶλλον, ei. καὶ τότε γε οὗτοι ἐν ᾿Αθηναίοισι τοῖσι 
πρώτοισι λεγόμένοισι εἶναι Ἑλλήνων σοφίην 
μηχανῶνται τοιάδε, ἐν τῷ δήμῳ τῷ Ἡαιανιέι ἡ ἦν 
γυνὴ. τῇ οὔνομα ἦν Φύη, μέγαθος ἀπὸ τεσσέρων 
πηχέων ἀπολείπουσα τρεῖς δακτύλους καὶ ἄλλως 
εὐειδής’. ταύτην τὴν γυναῖκα σκευάσαντες Tavo- 
πλίῃ, ἐς ἅρμα ἐσβιβάσαντες καὶ προδέξαντες 
σχῆμα οἷόν τι ἔμελλε εὐπρεπέστατον ανέεσθαι 
ἔχουσα, ἤλαυνον ἐς τὸ ἄστυ, πβοδρόµους κή- 
ρυκας προπέμψαντες: οἳ τὰ ἐντεταλμένα ἠγόρευον 
ἀπικόμενοι ἐς τὸ ἄστυ, λέγοντες τοιάδε- eo 

᾿Αθηναῖοι, δέκεσθε ἀγαθῷ νόῳ Πεισίστρατον, τὸν 


68 


BOOK I. 59-60 


with Pisistratus rose and took the Acropolis; and 
Pisistratus ruled the Athenians, disturbing in no way 
the order of offices nor changing the laws, but 
governing the city according to its established 
constitution and ordering all things fairly and 
well. 

60. But after no long time the faction of Megacles 
and Lycurgus made common cause and drove him 
out. Thus did Pisistratus first win Athens, and thus 
did he lose his sovereignty, which was not yet firmly 
rooted. Presently his enemies who had driven him 
out began once more to be at feud together. 
Megacles then, being buffeted about by faction, 
sent a message to Pisistratus offering him his daughter 
to wife and the sovereign power besides. This offer 
being accepted by Pisistratus, who agreed on these 
terms with Megacles, they devised a plan to bring 
Pisistratus back, which, to my mind, was so exceeding 
foolish that it is strange (seeing that from old times 
the Hellenic has ever been distinguished from the 
foreign stock by its greater cleverness and its freedom 
from silly foolishness) that these men should devise 
such a plan to deceive Athenians, said to be the cun- 
ningest of the Greeks. There was in the Paeanian 
deme! a woman called Phya, three fingers short of 
four cubits in stature, and for the rest fair to look 
upon. This woman they equipped in full armour, 
and put her in a chariot, giving her all such appurten- 
ances as would make the seemliest show, and so 
drove into the city; heralds ran before them, and 
when they came into the town made proclamation 
as they were charged, bidding the Athenians * to 
give a hearty welcome to Pisistratus, whom Athene 


1 Local division of Attica: 


69 


i 


HERODOTUS 


αὐτὴ ἡ ᾿Αθηναίη, τιμήσασα ἀνθρώπων μάλιστα 
κατάγει ἐς τὴν ἑωυτῆς ἀκρόπολιν. " ob μὲν δὴ 
ταῦτα διαφοιτέοντες ἔλεγον" αὐτίκα δὲ ἔς τε τοὺς 
δήμους φάτις ἀπίκετο ὡς ᾿Αθηναίη Πεισίστρατον 
κατάγει, καὶ οὗ ἐν τῷ ἄστεϊ πειθόμενοι τὴν γυναῖκα 
εἶναι αὐτὴν τὴν θεὸν προσεύχοντό τε τὴν ἄν- 
θρωπον καὶ ἐδέκοντο Πεισίστρατον. 

61. ᾿Απολαβὼν δὲ τὴν τυ αννίδα τρόπῳ τῷ 
εἰρημένῳ ὁ Πεισίστρατος κατὰ τὴν ὁμολογίην τὴν 
πρὸς Μεγακλέα γενομένην γαμέει τοῦ Μεγακλέος 


υπὴν θυγατέρα. οἷα δὲ παίδων τέ οἱ ὑπαρχόντων 


 veqviéov καὶ λεγομένων ἐναγέων εἶναι τῶν ANK- 
μεωνιδέων, οὐ βουλόμεν ς οἱ γενέσθαι ἐκ τῆς 
νεογάμου ( γυναικὸς réra) | [σγετὀ οἱ οὐ κατὰ 
σα τὰ μέν | νυν πρῶτα ἔκρυπτε ταῦτα 7 γυνή, 
μετὰ | à εἴτε ἱστορεύσῃ εἴτε καὶ. οὗ) φράξει]τῇ 
ἑωυτῆς μητρί, ἣ δὲ τῷ ἀνδρί, ὀργῇ δὲ ὡς εἶχε 
καταλλάσσετο τὴν ἔχθρην τοῖσι στασιώτῃσι. 
μαθὼν δὲ ὁ Πεισίστρατος τὰ ποιεύμενα ἐπ᾽ ἑωυτῷ 
ἀπαλλάσσετο ἐκ τῆς χώρης τὸ παράπαν, ἀπικὸ; 
μενος δὲ ἐς ᾿Ερέτριαν ἐβουλεύετο ἅ ἅμα τοῖσι παισί. 
Ἱππίεω δὲ γνώμῃ νικήσαντος ἀνακτᾶσθαι ὀπίσω 
τὴν τυραννίδα, ἐνθαῦτα ἤγειρον δωτίνας ἐς τῶν 
πολέων αἵτινές σφι προαιδέοντό κού τι. πολλῶν 
δὲ μεγάλα παρασχόντων χρήματα, Θηβαῖοι à ὑπερε- 
βάλοντο τῇ δόσι τῶν χρημάτων. μετὰ δέ, οὗ 
πολλῷ λόγῳ εἰπεῖν, χρόνος διέφυ καὶ πάντα σφι 
ἐξήρτυτο ἐς τὴν κάτοδον' καὶ γὰρ ᾿Αργεῖοι pts- 
θωτοὶ ἆ ἀπίκοντο ἐκ Πελοποννήσου, καὶ Νάξιός σφι 
ἀνὴρ ἀπιγμένος ἐθελοντής, τῷ οὔνομα ἦν Λύγ- 
δαµις, προθυμίην πλείστην παρείχετο, κομίσας 
καὶ χρήματα καὶ ἄνδρας. 


1ο 


BOOK I. 6ο-6χ 


herself honoured beyond all men and was bringing 
back to her own citadel.” So the heralds went about 
and spoke thus: immediately it was reported in the 
demes that Athene was bringing Pisistratus back, 
and the townsfolk, persuaded that the woman was 
indeed the goddess, worshipped this human creature 
and welcomed Pisistratus. 

61. Having won back his sovereignty in the man- 
ner which I have shown, Pisistratus married Megacles' 
daughter according to his agreement with Megacles. 
But as he had already young sons, and the Alemeonid 
family were said to be under a curse, he had no wish 
that his newly wed wife should bear him children, 
and therefore had wrongful intercourse with her. At 
first the woman hid the matter: presently she told 
her mother (whether being asked or not, I know not) 
and the mother told her husband. Megacles was 
very angry that Pisistratus should do him dishonour: 
and in his wrath he made up his quarrel with the 
other faction.  Pisistratus, learning what was afoot, 
went by himself altogether away from the country, 
and came to Eretria, where he took counsel with 
his sons. The counsel of Hippias prevailing, that 
they should recover the sovereigntv, they set to 
collecting gifts from all cities which owed them some 
requital. Many of these gave great sums, the 
Thebans more than any, and in course of time, 
not to make a long story, all was ready for their 
return: for they brought Argive mercenaries from 
Peloponnesus, and there came also of his own free 
will a man of Naxos called Lygdamis, who was 
most zealous in their cause and brought them 
money and men. 


71 


HERODOTUS 


62. Ἐξ Ἐρετρίης δὲ ὁρμηθέντες διὰ ἑνδεκάτου 
ἔτεος ἀπίκοντο ὀπίσω, καὶ πρῶτον τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς 
ἴσχουσι Μαραθῶνα. ἐν δὲ τούτῳ τῷ χώρῳ σφι 
στρατοπεδευομένοισι οὗ τε ἐκ τοῦ ἄστεος στα- 
σιῶται ἀπίκοντο ἄλλοι τε ἐκ τῶν δήµων προσ- 
έρρεον, τοῖσι ἡ τυραννὶς πρὸ ἐλευθερίης ἡ ἦν acta- 
στότερον. οὗτοι μὲν δὴ συνηλίζοντο, ᾿Αθηναίων 
δὲ οἱ ἐκ τοῦ ἄστεος, ἕως μὲν Πεισίστρατος τὰ 
χρήματα ἤγειρε, καὶ μεταῦτις ὡς ἔσχε Μαραθῶνα, 
λόγον οὐδένα εἶχον" ἐπείτε δὲ ἐπύθοντο ἐκ 
τοῦ Μαραθῶνος αὐτὸν πορεύεσθαι ἐπὶ τὸ ἄστυ, 
οὕτω δὴ Βοηθέουσι ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν. καὶ οὗτοί τε 
πανστρατιῇ ἤισαν ἐπὶ τοὺς κατιόντας, καὶ οἱ 
ἀμφὶ Πεισίστρατον, ὡς ὁρμηθέντες ἐ ἐκ Μαραθῶνος 
ἤισαν ἐπὶ τὸ ἄστυ, ἐς τὠυτὸ συνιόντες ἀπικ- 
νέονται ἐπὶ Παλληνίδος ᾿Αθηναίης i ἱρόν, καὶ ἀντία 
ἔθεντο τὰ ὅπλα. ἐνθαῦτα θείῃ πομπῇ Χρεώμενος 
παρίσταται Πεισιστράτῳ ᾽Αμϕίλυτος. ο Ακαρνὰν 
χρησμολόγος ἀνήρ, ὃς οἱ προσιὼν χρᾷ ἐν ἑξαμέτρῳ 
τόνῳ τάδε λέγων" 


i Ἔρρυπται δ᾽ ὁ βόλος, τὸ δὲ δίκτυον ἐ ἐκπεπέτασται, 
θύννοι δ᾽ οἰμήσουσι σεληναίης διὰ νυκτός. 


63. Ὃ μὲν δή οἱ ἐνθεάξων χρᾷ τάδε, Hesi- 
στρατος δὲ συλλαβὼν τὸ χρηστήριον καὶ φὰς 
δέκεσθαι τὸ χρησθὲν ἐ ἐπῆγε τὴν στρατιήν. ᾿Αθη- 
vato δὲ οἱ ἐκ τοῦ ἄστεος πρὸς ἄριστον τετραμ- 
μένοι ἧσαν δὴ τηνικαῦτα, καὶ μετὰ τὸ ἄριστον 
μετεξέτεροι αὐτῶν οἳ μὲν πρὸς κύβους οἳ δὲ πρὸς 
ὕπνον. οἱ δὲ ἀμφὶ Πεισίστρατον ἐσπεσόντες 
τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους τράπουσι. φευγόντων δέ τούτων 
βουλὴν ἐνθαῦτα σοφωτάτην Πεισίστρατος ἐπετε- 


72 


BOOK I. 62-63 


62. Soafter ten years they set out from Eretria and 
returned home. The first place in Attica which 
they took and held was Marathon: and while en- 
camped there they were joined by their partisans 
from the city, and by others who flocked to them 
from the country demes—men who loved the rule of 
one more than freedom. These, then, assembled; but 
the Athenians in the city, who, while Pisistratus was 
collecting money and afterwards when he had taken 
Marathon, made no account of it, did now, when 
they learnt that he was marching from Marathon 
against Athens, set out to attack him. They came 
out with all their force to meet the returning exiles. 
Pisistratus men, in their march from Marathon 
towards the city, encountered the enemy when they 
had reached the temple of Pallenian Athene, and 
encamped face to face with them. There (by the 
providence of heaven) Pisistratus met Amphilytus 
the Acarnanian, a diviner, who came to him and 
prophesied as follows in hexameter verses : 


* Now hath the cast been thrown and the net of 
the fisher is outspread : 
All in the moonlight clear shall the tunny-fish 
come for the taking." 


63. So spoke Amphilytus, being inspired; Pisi- 
stratus understood him, and, saying that he received 
the prophecy, led his army against the enemy. The 
Athenians of the city had at this time gone to their 
breakfast, and after breakfast some betook themselves 
to dicing and some to sleep: they were attacked by 
Pisistratus men and put to flight. So they fled, 
and Pisistratus devised a very subtle plan to keep 


73 


HERODOTUS 


χνᾶται, ὅκως μήτε ἁλισθεῖεν ἔτι οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι 
διεσκεδασμένοι τε εἶεν: ἀναβιβάσας τοὺς παῖδας 
ἐπὶ ἵππους προέπεμπε, οἳ δὲ καταλαμβάνοντες 
τοὺς φεύγοντας ἔλεγον τὰ ἐντεταλμένα ὑπὸ Πεισι- 
στράτου, θαρσέειν τε κελεύοντες καὶ ἀπιέναι 
ἕκαστον ἐπὶ τὰ ἑωυτοῦ. 

64. Πειθομένων δὲ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων, οὕτω δὴ 
Πεισίστρατος τὸ τρίτον σχὼν ᾿Αθήνας ἐρρίζωσε 
τὴν τυρρανίδα ἐπικούροισί τε πολλοῖσι καὶ χρη- 
μάτων συνόδοισι, τῶν μὲν αὐτόθεν τῶν δὲ ἀπὸ 
Στρυμόνος ποταμοῦ συνιόντων, ὁμήρους τε τῶν 
παραμεινάντων ᾿Αθηναίων καὶ μὴ αὐτίκα φυγόν- 
των παῖδας λαβὼν καὶ καταστήσας ἐς Νάξον 
(καὶ γὰρ ταύτην ὁ Πεισίστρατος κατεστρέψατο 
πολέμῳ καὶ ἐπέτρεψε Λυγδάμι), πρός τε ἔτι 
τούτοισι τὴν νῆσον Δῆλον καθήρας ἐκ τῶν λογίων, 
καθήρας δὲ ὧδε' ἐπ᾽ ὅσον ἔποψις τοῦ ἱροῦ εἶχε, 
ἐκ τούτου τοῦ χώρου παντὸς ἐξορύξας τοὺς 
νεκροὺς μετεφόρεε ἐς ἄλλον χῶρον τῆς Δήλου. 
καὶ Ι]εισίστρατος μὲν ἐτυράννευε ᾿Αθηνέων, Αθη- 
ναίων δὲ o? μὲν ἐν τῇ μά» η ἐπεπτώκεσαν, oi δὲ 
αὐτῶν μετ᾽ ᾽Αλκμεωνιδέων εφευγον ἐκ τῆς οἰκηΐης. 

65. Τοὺς μέν νυν ᾿Αθηναίους τοιαῦτα τὸν χρό- 
νον τοῦτον ἐπυνθάνετο ὁ Κροῖσος κατέχοντα, τοὺς 
δὲ Λακεδαιμονίους ἐκ κακῶν τε μεγάλων πεφευ- 
γότας καὶ ἐόντας ἤδη τῷ πολέμῳ κατυπερτέρους 
Τεγεητέων. ἐπὶ γὰρ Λέοντος βασιλεύοντος καὶ 
Ἡγησικλέος ἐν Σπάρτῃ τοὺς ἄλλους πολέμους 
εὐτυχέοντες οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι πρὸς Τεγεήτας μού- 
νους προσέπταιον. τὸ δὲ ἔτι πρότερον τούτων 
καὶ κακονομώτατοι ἦσαν σχεδὸν πάντων Ἑλλή- 
νων κατά τε σφέας αὐτοὺς καὶ ξείνοισι ἀπρόσμι- 


74 


BOOK I. 63-65 


them scattered and prevent their assembling again : 
he mounted his sons and bade them ride forward : 
they overtook the fugitives and spoke to them as 
they were charged by Pisistratus, bidding them take 
heart and depart each man to his home. 

64. This the Athenians did; and by this means 
Pisistratus gained Athens for the third time, where, 
that his sovereignty might be well rooted, he made 
himself a strong guard and collected revenue both 
from Athens and from the district of the river 
Strymon, and took as hostages the sons of the Athen- 
ians who remained and did not at once leave the city, 
and placed these in Naxos. (He had conquered 
Naxos too and given it in charge to Lygdamis.) 
Moreover, he purified the island of Delos according 
to the bidding of the oracles, and this is how he did 
it: he removed all the dead that were buried in 
ground within sight of the temple and carried them 
to another part of Delos. So Pisistratus was 
sovereign of Athens: and as for the Athenians, some 
had fallen in the battle, and some, with the 
Alcmeonids, were exiles from their native land. 

65. Croesus learnt, then, that such at this time 
was the plight of the Athenians: the Lacedaemon- 
ians, as he heard, had escaped from great calamities, 
and had by this time got the upper hand of the 
men of Tegea in their war; for in the kingship 
of Leon and Hegesicles at Sparta, the Lacedae- 
monians were victorious in their other wars, but 
against Tegea alone they met with no success. And 
not only so, but before this they were the worst 
governed of well nigh all the Greeks, having little 
intercourse among themselves or with strangers. 


VOL.1. D 15 


HERODOTUS 


κτοι' μετέβαλον δὲ ὧδε ἐς εὐνομίην. Λυκούργου 

τῶν Σπαρτιητέων δοκίμου ἀνδρὸς ἐλθόντος ἐς 

Δελφοὺς ἐπὶ τὸ χρηστήριον, ὡς ἐσήιε ἐς τὸ μέ- 
sys e* / / ή 

γαρον, εὐθὺς ἡ Πυθίη λέγει τάδε. 


** "Heic ὦ Λυκόοργε ἐμὸν ποτὶ πίονα νηόν 
Ζηνὶ φίλος καὶ πᾶσιν Ὀλύμπια δώματ᾽ ἔχουσι. 
δίζω Ñ σε θεὸν μαντεύσομαι ἢ ἄνθρωπον. 
ἀλλ᾽ ἔτι καὶ μᾶλλον θεὸν ἔλπομαι, ὦ Λυκόοργε.᾽ 


οἳ μὲν δή τινες πρὸς τούτοισι λέγουσι καὶ φράσαι 
αὐτῷ τὴν Πυθίην τὸν νῦν κατεστεῶτα κόσμον 
Σπαρτιήτῃσι: ὡς δ᾽ αὐτοὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι λέγουσι, 
Λυκοῦργον ἐπιτροπεύσαντα Λεωβώτεω, ἀδελφι- 
δέου μὲν ἑωυτοῦ βασιλεύοντος δὲ Σπαρτιητέων, 
ἐκ Κρήτης ἀγαγέσθαι ταῦτα. ὡς γὰρ ἐπετρό- 
πευσε τάχιστα, μετέστησε τὰ νόμιμα πάντα, καὶ 
ἐφύλαξε ταῦτα μὴ παραβαίνειν: μετὰ δὲ τὰ ἐς 
πόλεμον ἔχοντα, ἐνωμοτίας καὶ τριηκάδας καὶ 
συσσίτια, πρός τε τούτοισι τοὺς ἐφόρους καὶ γέ- 
ροντας ἔστησε Λυκοῦργος. 
e? b [4 , ΄ - 
l 66. Οὕτω μὲν μεταβαλόντες εὐνομήθησαν, τῷ 
δὲ Λυκούργῳ τελευτήσαντι ἱρὸν εἰσάμενοι σέβον- 
4 \ , 3 ^ M 4 
ται μεγάλως. οἷα δὲ ἔν τε χώρῃ ἀγαθῇ καὶ πλή- 
θεῖ οὐκ ὀλίγων ἀνδρῶν, ἀνά τε ἔδραμον αὐτίκα καὶ 
60 46 . ὃ , 9 / , [4 ς ΄ 
εὐθηνήθησαν, καὶ δή σφι οὐκέτι ἀπέχρα ἡσυχίην 
y 9 4 3 / Η 
ἄγειν, ἀλλὰ καταφρονήσαντες ᾿Αρκάδων κρέσ- 
j ” ; , ? ^ C \ 
σονες εἶναι ἐχρηστηριάζοντο ἐν Δελφοῖσι ἐπὶ 
^9» ^ 
πάσῃ τῇ Αρκάδων χώρῃ. ἡ δὲ Πυθίη σφι χρᾷ 
τάδε. 
16 


BOOK I. 65-66 


Thus then they changed their laws for the better :— 
Lycurgus, à notable Spartan, visited the oracle at 
Delphi, and when he entered the temple hall, 
straightway the priestess gave him this response: 


* Dear to Zeus thou hast come to my well-stored 
temple, Lycurgus, 
Dear to Zeus and to all who dwell in the courts of 
Olympus. 
Art thou a man or a god? 'Tis a god I deem thee, 
Lycurgus." 


Some say that the priestess moreover declared to 
him the whole governance of Sparta which is now 
established ; but the Lacedaemonians themselves 
relate that it was from Crete that Lycurgus brought 
these changes, he being then guardian of Leobotes 
his nephew, king of Sparta. As soon as he became 
guardian he changed all the laws of the country and 
was careful that none should transgress his ordi- 
nances, and afterwards it was Lycurgus who estab- 
lished all that related to war, the sworn companies, 
and the bands of thirty, and the common meals: 
and besides these, the ephors, and the council of 
elders. 

66. So they changed their bad laws for good ones, 
and when Lycurgus died they built him a shrine 
and now greatly revere him. Then, since their land 
was good and their men were many, very soon they 
began to flourish and prosper. Nor were they 
satisfied to remain at peace: but being assured that 
they were stronger than the Arcadians, they inquired 
of the oracle at Delphi, with their minds set on the 
whole of Arcadia. The Pythian priestess gave them 
this reply : 


77 


HERODOTUS 


“Αρκαδίην p αἰτεῖς" μέγα μ᾽ αἰτεῖς' οὔ τοι δώσω. 
πολλοὶ ἐν ᾿Αρκαδίῃ βαλανηφάγοι ἄνδρες ἔασιν, 
οἵ σ᾽ ἀποκωλύσουσιν. ἐγὼ δέ τοι οὔτι µεγαίρω' 
δώσω τοι Τεγέην ποσσίκροτον ὀρχήσασθαι 

b / / , 3» 
καὶ καλὸν πεδίον σχοίνῳ διαμετρήσασθαι. 


ταῦτα ὡς ἀπενειχθέντα ἤκουσαν οἱ Λακεδαιμό- 
νιοι, ᾿Αρκάδων μὲν τῶν ἄλλων ἀπείχοντο, οἳ δὲ 
πέδας φερόμενοι ἐπὶ Τεγεήτας ἐστρατεύοντο, χρη- 
^ / / ε \ 3 4 
σμῷ κιβδήλῳ πίσυνοι, ὡς δὴ ἐξανδραποδιούμενοι 
4 / ς / N ^ ~A ο 
τοὺς Τεγεήτας. ἑσσωθέντες δὲ τῇ συμβολῇ, ὅσοι 
3. ^ > 4 / y 4 3 / 
αὐτῶν ἐξωγρήθησαν, πέδας τε ἔχοντες τὰς ἐφέ- 
ροντο αὐτοὶ καὶ σχοίνῳ διαμετρησάμενοι τὸ πεδίον 
. ’ 3 / ε pS , 2 3 
τὸ Τεγεητέων ἐργάζοντο. αἱ δὲ πέδαι αὗται ἐν 
e 25 ὃ 4 X 9 > \ 4 4 Σ ld 
τῇσι ἐδεδέατο ETL καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ ἦσαν coat ἐν Teyén, 
NE NE ` κ. 2 / / , j 
περὶ τὸν νηὸν τὴς Αλέης ᾿Αθηναίης κρεμάμεναι. 
67. Κατὰ μὲν δὴ τὸν πρότερον πόλεμον συνε- 
/ , ^ 97 N \ 7 
χέως αἰεὶ κακῶς ἀέθλεον πρὸς τοὺς Τεγεήτας, 
N \ v M ^ / M 9 
κατὰ δὲ τὸν κατὰ Κροῖσον χρόνον καὶ τὴν ᾿Ανα- 
ξανδρίδεώ τε καὶ ᾿Αρύστωνος βασιληίην ἐν Aaxe- 
δαύμονι ἤδη οἱ Σπαρτιῆται κατυπέρτεροι τῷ πο- 
λέμῳ ἐγεγόνεσαν, τρόπῳ τοιῷδε γενόμενοι. ἐπειδὴ 
9 ^ / e ^ e N / / 
αἰεὶ τῷ πολέμῳ ἑσσοῦντο ὑπὸ Τεγεητέων, πέµψαν- 
, 2 s 3 , ld 
τες θεοπρόπους ἐς Δελφοὺς ἐπειρώτων τίνα ἂν 
^ ε / 4 ^ / ’ 
θεῶν ἱλασάμενοι κατύπερθε τῷ πολέμῳ Τεγεητέων 
ή . , 
γενοίατο. ἡ δὲ Πυθίη σφι ἔχρησε τὰ Ὀρέστεω 
^ 3 2 ? [4 > ε 
τοῦ ᾿Αγαμέμνονος ὀστέα ἐπαγαγομένους. ὡς δὲ 
78 


BOOK I. 66-67 


* Askest Arcadia from me? ’Tis a boon too great 

for the giving. 

Many Arcadians there are, stout heroes, eaters of 
acorns,— 

These shall hinder thee sore. Yet 'tis not I that 
begrudge thee: 

Lands Tegeaean I'll give thee, to smite with feetin 
the dancing, ( 

Also the fertile plain with line I'll give thee to 
measure.” 


When this was brought back to the ears of the 
Lacedaemonians, they let the rest of the Arcadians be, 
and marched against the men of Tegea carrying 
fetters with them ; for they trusted in the quibbling 
oracle and thought they would enslave the Tegeans, 
But they were worsted in the encounter, and those 
of them who were taken captive were made to till 
the Tegean plain, wearing the fetters which they 
themselves had brought and measuring the land with 
a line.| These fetters, in which they were bound, 
were still in my time kept safe at Tegea, where they 
were hung round the temple of Athene Alea. 

67. In the former war, then, the Lacedaemonians 
wereunceasingly defeated in their contest with Tegea; 
but in the time of Croesus, and the kingship of 
Anaxandrides and Ariston at Sparta, the Spartans 
had now gained the upper hand ; and this is how it 
came about. Being always worsted by the Tegeatae, 
they sent inquirers to Delphi and asked what god 
they should propitiate so as to gain the mastery over 
Tegea in war. The Pythian priestess declared that 
they must bring home the bones of Orestes son of 
Agamemnon. Being unable to discover Orestes' 


1 That is, mapping the land out for cultivation. 


79 


HERODOTUS 


? ^ 3 ẹ + 9 7 X 4 e^)» / 

ἀνευρεῖν οὐκ olot τε ἐγίνοντο τὴν θήκην τοῦ Opé- 

στεω, ἔπεμπον αὖτις τὴν ἐς θεὸν ἐπειρησομένους 

τὸν χῶρον ἐν τῷ κέοιτο Ὀρέστης. εἰρωτῶσι δὲ 
^ ^ , [4 e / , 

ταῦτα τοῖσι θεοπρόποισι λέγει ἡ Πυθίη τάδε. 


“«"Ἔστι τις ᾿Αρκαδίης Τεγέη λευρῷ ἐνὶ χώρῳ, 
ἔνθ᾽ ἄνεμοι πνείουσι δύω κρατερῆς ὑπ᾽ ἀνάγκης, 
καὶ τύπος ἀντίτυπος, καὶ πῆμ ἐπὶ πήματι 

κεῖται. 
ἔνθ᾽ ᾿Αγαμεμνονίδην κατέχει φυσίξοος aia, 
τὸν σὺ κομισσάμενος Τεγέης ἐπιτάρροθος Exon.” 


ὡς δὲ καὶ ταῦτα ἤκουσαν οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, ἀπεῖ- 
^ > $ 204 » Ld , 
χον τῆς ἐξευρέσιος οὐδὲν ἔλασσον, πάντα διζή- 
μενοι, ἐς οὗ δὴ Λίχης τῶν ἀγαθοεργῶν καλεομέ- 
νων Σπαρτιητέων ἀνεῦρε. οἱ δὲ ἀγαθοεργοὶ εἰσὶ 
τῶν ἀστῶν, ἐξιόντες ἐκ τῶν ἑὑππέων αἰεὶ οἱ 
πρεσβύτατοι, πέντε ἔτεος ἑκάστου' τοὺς δεῖ τοῦ- 
τον τὸν ἐνιαυτόν, τὸν ἂν ἐξίωσι ἐκ τῶν ἱππέων, 
/, ^ e^ ΄ . 

Σπαρτιητέων τῷ κοινῷ διαπεμπομένους μὴ ἐλινύειν 
ἄλλους ἄλλη. 

68. Ῥούτων ὧν τῶν ἀνδρῶν Λίχης ἀνεῦρε ἐν 

’ , 

Teyén καὶ συντυχίῃ χρησάμενος καὶ σοφίῃ. ἐού- 
σης γὰρ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον ἐπιμιξίης πρὸς τοὺς 
Τεγεήτας, ἐλθὼν ἐς χαλκήιον ἐθηεῖτο σίδη- 
ρον ἐξελαυνόμενον, καὶ ἐν θώματι ἦν ὀρέων τὸ 
ποιεόμενον. μαθὼν δέ μιν ὁ χαλκεὺς ἀποθωμάζοντα 
4 ͵ a y co? wv . ^ 
εἶπε παυσάμενος τοῦ ἔργου “΄ Ἡ κου ἄν, ὦ ξεῖνε 
Λάκων, εἴ περ εἶδες τό περ ἐγώ, κάρτα ἂν ἐθώ- 
80 


BOOK 1. 67-68 


tomb, they sent their messengers again to the god ! 
to ask of the place where Orestes lay: and the 
priestess said in answer to their question: 


“There is a place, Tegeé, in the level plain of 

Arcadia, l 

Where by stark stress driven twain winds are evèr 
a-blowing, 

Shock makes answer to shock, and anguish is laid 
upon anguish. 

There in the nourishing earth Agamemnon’s son 
lieth buried : 

Bring him, and so thou shalt be the lord of the 
land of thy foemen.” 


When the Lacedaemonians heard this too, they 
were no nearer finding what they sought, though 
they made search everywhere, till at last Lichas, one 
of the Spartans who are called Benefactors, dis- 
covered it. These Benefactors are the Spartan citi- 
. zens who pass out of the ranks of the knights, the 
five oldest in each year; for the year in which they 
pass out from the knights they are sent on divers 
errands by the Spartan state, and must use all 
despatch. 

68. Lichas, then, one of these men, by good luck 
and cleverness found the tomb at Tegea. At that 
time there was free intercourse with Tegea; so, 
entering a smithy, he watched the forging of iron 
and marvelled at the work which he saw. When the 
smith perceived that he was much astonished, he 
ceased from working, and said, “ Laconian, you won- 
der at the working of iron, but had you seen what 

1 τὴν ἐς θεόν, explained as = τὴν és θεὸν ὁδόν. τὴν ἔνθεον 


(= the inspired one: after ἐπειρησομένους) would be an easy 
correction. Butall MSS. have ἐς θεόν. 


81 


HERODOTUS 


pates, ὅκου νῦν οὕτω τυγχάνεις θῶμα ποιεύμενος 
τὴν ἐργασίην τοῦ σιδήρου. ἐγὼ γὰρ ἐν τῇδε θέ- 
λων τῇ αὐλῇ φρέαρ ποιήσασθαι, ὀρύσσων ἐπέ- 
τυχον σορῷ ἑπταπήχεϊ' ὑπὸ δὲ ἀπιστίης μὴ μὲν 
γενέσθαι μηδαμὰ μέζονας ἀνθρώπους τῶν νῦν 
ἄνοιξα αὐτὴν καὶ εἶδον τὸν νεκρὸν μήκεῖ ἴσον 
ἐόντα τῇ σορῷ' μετρήσας δὲ συνέχωσα ὀπίσω." 
ὃ μὲν δή οἱ ἔλεγε τά περ ὀπώπεε, ὃ δὲ ἐννώσας τὰ 
λεγόμενα συνεβάλλετο τὸν ᾿Ὀρέστεα κατὰ τὸ 
θεοπρόπιον τοῦτον εἶναι, τῇδε συμβαλλόμενος" 
τοῦ χαλκέος δύο ὁρέων φύσας τοὺς ἀνέμους εὖ- 
ρισκε ἐόντας, τὸν δὲ ἄκμονα καὶ τὴν σφῦραν τόν 
τε τύπον καὶ τὸν ἀντύτυπον, τὸν δὲ ἐξελαυνόμενον 
σίδηρον τὸ πῆμα ἐπὶ πήματι κείμενον, κατὰ τοι- 
ovde τι εἰκάξων, ὡς ἐπὶ κακῷ ἀνθρώπου σίδηρος 
ἀνεύρηται. συμβαλόμενος δὲ ταῦτα καὶ ἀπελθὼν 
ἐς Σπάρτην ἔφραξε Λακεδαιμονίοισι πᾶν τὸ πρῆ- 
ypa. ot δὲ ἐκ λόγου πλαστοῦ ἐπενείκαντές οἱ 
αἰτίην ἐδίωξαν. ὃ δὲ ἀπικόμενος ἐς Τεγέην καὶ 
φράξων τὴν ἑωυτοῦ συμφορὴν πρὸς τὸν χαλκέα 
ἐμισθοῦτο παρ᾽ οὐκ ἐκδιδόντος τὴν αὐλήν' χρόνῳ 
δὲ ὡς ἀνέγνωσε, ἐνοικίσθη, ἀνορύξας δὲ τὸν τάφον 
καὶ τὰ ὀστέα συλλέξας οἴχετο φέρων ἐς Σπάρτην. 
καὶ ἀπὸ τούτου τοῦ χρόνου, ὅκως πειρῴατο ἀλλή- 
λων, πολλῷ κατυπέρτεροι τῷ πολέμῳ ἐγίνοντο οἱ 
Λακεδαιμόνιοι. ἤδη δέ σφι καὶ ἡ πολλὴ τῆς 
Πελοποπνήσου ἦν κατεστραμμένη. 

69. Tatra δὴ ὧν πάντα πυνθανόμενος ὁ Kpoi- 
σος ἔπεμπε ἐς Σπάρτην ἀγγέλους δῶρά τε φέ- 
povras καὶ δεησομένους συμμαχίης, ἐντειλάμενός 
τε τὰ λέγειν χρῆν. o? δὲ ἐλθόντες ἔλεγον '"Ἔπεμ- 
we ἡμέας Κροῖσος ὁ Λυδῶν τε καὶ ἄλλων ἐθνέων 
82 


BOOK I. 68-69 


I have seen you would have indeed had somewhat to 
marvel at. For I was making me a well in this 
courtyard, when in my digging I chanced upon a 
coffin seven cubits long. As I could not believe that 
there had ever been men taller than those of our time, 
I opened the coffin, and found within it the corpse 
as long as itself; I measured it, and buried it in 
earth again." So the smith told what he had seen; 
Lichas marked what he said, and argued from the 
oracle that this must be Orestes, reasoning that the 
Smith’s two bellows which he saw were the winds, the 
anvil and hammerthe shock and counter-shock, and the 
forged iron the anguish laid upon anguish. What led 
him so to guess was that the discovery of iron has been 
to men’s hurt. Thus he reasoned, and returning to 
Sparta told all the matter to the Lacedaemonians. 
They made pretence of bringing a charge against him 
and banishing him; so he went to Tegea, where he 
told the smith of his misfortune, and tried to hire 
the courtyard from him. The smith would not con. 
sent, but at last Lichas over-persuaded him, and 
taking up his abode there, opened the tomb and 
collected the bones and went away with them to 
Sparta. Ever after this time the Lacedaemonians 
got much the better of the men of Tegea in all their 
battles ; and they had already subdued the greater 
part of the Peloponnesus. 

69. Croesus, then, being made aware of all this 
sent messengers to Sparta with gifts, to ask an alli- 
ance in words with which he charged them. They 
came, and said: “ Croesus, King of Lydia and other 


83 


HERODOTUS 


βασιλεύς, λέγων τάδε. Ὦ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, χρή- 
σαντος τοῦ θεοῦ τὸν "Ελληνα φίλον προσθέσθαι, 
ὑμέας γὰρ πυνθάνομαι προεστάναι τῆς Ἑλλάδος, 
ὑμέας ὧν κατὰ τὸ χρηστήριον προσκαλέομαι 
τν τε θέλων γενέσθαι καὶ σύμμαχος ἄνευ τε 
ἀγγέλων ἐπεκηρυκεύετο, Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ arn- 
κοότες καὶ αὐτοὶ τὸ θεοπρόπιον τὸ Κροίσῳ γενό- 
μενον ἥσθησάν τε τῇ ἀπίξι τῶν Λυδῶν καὶ ἐποιή- 
σαντο ὅρκια ξεινίης πέρι καὶ συμμαχίης" καὶ γὰρ 
τινὲς αὐτοὺς εὐεργεσίαι εἶχον ἐκ Κροίσου πρότερον 
ἔτι γεγονυῖαν. πέμψαντες γὰρ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι 
ἐς Σάρδις χρυσὸν ὠνέοντο, ἐς ἄγαλμα βουλόμενοι 
χρήσασθαι τοῦτο τὸ νῦν τῆς Λακωνικῆς ἐν Θόρ- 
νακι ἵδρυται ᾿Απόλλωνος": Κροῖσος δέ σφι ὠνεο- 
μένοισι ἔδωκε δωτίνην. 

70. Τούτων τε ὧν εἵνεκεν οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τὴν 
συμμα ην ἐδέξαντο, καὶ ὅτι ἐκ πάντων σφέας 
προκρίνας Ἑλλήνων αἱρέετο φίλους. καὶ τοῦτο 
μὲν αὐτοὶ ἦσαν ἕτοιμοι ἐπαγγείλαντι, τοῦτο δὲ 
ποιησάμενοι κρητῆρα χάλκεον ζῳδίων τε ἔξωθεν 
πλήσαντες περὶ τὸ χεῖλος καὶ μεγάθεϊ τριηκοσί- 
ους ἀμφορέας χωρέοντα ἦγον, δῶρον βουλόμενοι 
ἀντιδοῦναι Κροίσῳ. οὗτος ὁ κρητὴρ οὐκ ἀπίκετο 
ἐς Σάρδις δι) αἰτίας διφασίας λεγομένας τάσδε’ οἱ 
μὲν Λακεδαιμόνιοι λέγουσι ὡς ἐπείτε ἀγόμενος 
ἐς τὰς Σάρδις ὁ κρητὴρ ἐγίνετο κατὰ τὴν Σαμίην, 
πυθόμενοι Σάμιοι ἀπελοίατο αὐτὸν νηυσὶ μακρῆσι 
ἐπιπλώσαντες' αὐτοὶ δὲ Σάμιοι λέγουσι ὡς ἐπείτε 
ὑστέρησαν οἱ ἄγοντες τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων τὸν 
κρητῆρα, ἐπυνθάνοντο δὲ Σάρδις τε καὶ Κροῖσον 
ἡλωκέναι, ἀπέδοντο τὸν κρητῆρα ἐν Σάμῳ, ἰδιώτας 


84 


όλου καὶ ἀπάτης. Κροῖσος μὲν δὴ ταῦτα δι᾽. 


Ic OUT cec tM EP ων Ην βρω 


BOOK I. 69-70 


nations, has sent us with this message: ‘ Lacedae- 
monians ! the god has declared that I should make 
the Greek my friend ; now, therefore, as I learn that 
you are the leaders of Hellas, I do so invite you, as 
the oracle bids; I would fain be your friend and ally, 
without deceit or guile.’ " Thus Croesus proposed by 
the mouth of his messengers: and the Lacedaemon- 
ians, who had already heard of the oracle given to 
Croesus, welcomed the coming of the Lydians and 
swore to be his friends and allies; and indeed they 
were bound by certain benefits which they had before 
received from the king. For the Lacedaemonians 
had sent to Sardis to buy gold, with intent to use 
it for the statue of Apollo which now stands on 
Thornax! in Laconia; and Croesus, when they would 
buy it, made a free gift of it to them. 

70. For this cause, and because he had chosen 
them as his friends before all other Greeks, the 
Lacedaemonians accepted the alliance. So they de- 
clared themselves ready to serve him when he should 
require, and moreover they made a bowl of bronze, 
graven outside round the rim with figures, and large 
enough to hold twenty-seven hundred gallons, and 
brought it with the intent to make a gift of re- 
quital to Croesus. This bowl never came to Sardis, 
and for this two reasons are given: the Lacedaemon- 
ians say that when the bowl was near Samos on its 
way to Sardis, the Samians descended upon them in 
warships and carried it off; but the Samians themselves 
say that the Lacedaemonians who were bringing the 
bowl, being too late, and learning that Sardis and 
Croesus were taken, sold itin Samos to certain private 


1 A mountain north-east of Sparta, overlooking the 
Eurotas valley. 


85 


HERODOTUS 


is via δὲ ὁ πριαµένους ἀναθεῖναί μιν ἐς τὸ "Ἡραιον. 
α δὲ ἃ ἂν καὶ οἱ ἀποδόμενοι λέγοιεν ἀπικόμενοι 
πάρτην ὡς ἀπαιρεθείησαν ἡ ὑπὸ Σαμίων. κατὰ 
ο. νυν τὸν κρητῆρα οὕτω ἔσχε. 

71. Κροῖσος δὲ ἁμαρτὼν τοῦ χρησμοῦ ἐποιέετο 
στρατηίην ἐς Καππαδοκίην, ἐλπίσας καταιρήσειν 
Κῦρόν τε καὶ τὴν Περσέων δύναμιν. παρασκευα- 
ζομένου δὲ Κροίσου στρατεύεσθαι ἐπὶ Πέρσας, 
τῶν τις Λυδῶν νομιξόμενος καὶ πρόσθε εἶναι 
σοφός, ἀπὸ δὲ ταύτης τῆς γνώμης καὶ τὸ κάρτα 
οὔνομα ἐν Λυδοῖσι ἔχων, συνεβούλευσε Κροίσῳ 
τάδε: οὔνομά οἱ ἦν Σάνδανις. ‘CO βασιλεῦ, ἐπ᾽ 
ἄνδρας τοιούτους στρατεύεσθαι, παρασκευάξεαι, 
οἳ σκυτίνας μὲν ἀναξυρίδας σκυτίνην δὲ τὴν ἄλλην 
ἐσθῆτα φορέουσι, σιτέονται δὲ οὐκ ὅσα ἐθέλουσι 
ἀλλ᾽ ὅσα ἔχουσι, χώρην ἔχοντες τρηχέαν. πρὸς 
δὲ οὐκ οἴνῳ διαχρέωνται ἀλλὰ ὑδροποτέουσι, ov 
σῦκα δὲ ἔ ἔχουσι. τρώγειν, οὐκ. ἄλλο ἀγαθὸν οὐδέν. 
τοῦτο μὲν δή, εἰ νικήσεις, τί σφέας ἀπαιρήσεαι, 
τοῖσί γε μὴ ἔστι μηδέν; τοῦτο δέ, ἣν νικηθῇς, 
μάθε. ὅσα ἀγαθὰ ἀποβαλέεις' γευσάμενοι γὰρ 
τῶν ἡμετέρων ἀγαθῶν περιέξονται οὐδὲ ἀπωστοὶ 
ἔσονται. ἐγὼ μέν νυν θεοῖσι ἔχω χάριν, ot οὖν 
ἐπὶ νόον ποιέουσι Πέρσῃσι στρατεύεσθαι ἐπὶ 
Λυδούς.᾽ ταῦτα λέγων οὐκ ἔπειθε τὸν Κροῖσον. 
Πέρσῃσι γάρ, πρὶν Λυδοὺς καταστρέψασθαι, ἦν 
οὔτε ἁβρὸν οὔτε ἀγαθὸν οὐδέν. 

72. Οἱ δὲ Καππαδόκαι ὑπὸ Ἑλλήνων Σύριοι 
ὀνομάξονται" ἦσαν δὲ οἱ Σύριοι οὗτοι τὸ μὲν 
πρότερον ἢ Πέρσας ἄρξαι Μήδων κατήκοοι, τότε 
δὲ Κύρου, ὁ yao οὗρος ἦν τῆς τε Μηδικῆς ἀρχῆς 


86 


BOOK I. 70-72 


men, who set it up in the the temple of Here. And 
it may be that the sellers of the bowl, when they re- 
turned to Sparta, said that they had been robbed of 
it by the Samians. Such are the tales about the 
bowl. 

71. Croesus, mistaking the meaning of the oracle, 
invaded Cappadocia, thinking to destroy Cyrus and 
the Persian power. But while he was preparing to 
march against the Persians, a certain Lydian, who 
was already held to be a wise man, and from the ad- 
vice which he now gave won great renown among 
the Lydians, thus counselled him (his name was 
Sandanis): ** O King, you are making ready to march 
against men who wear breeches of leather and their 
other garments of the same, and whose fare is not 
what they desire but what they have; for their land 
is stony. Further they use no wine, but are water- 
drinkers, nor have they figs to eat, nor aught else 
that is good. Now if you conquer them, of what 
will you deprive them, seeing that they have nothing ? 
But if on the other hand you àre conquered, then see 
how many good things you will lose; for once they 
have tasted of our blessings they will cling so close 
to them that nothing will thrust them away. For 
myself, then, I thank the gods that they do not 
put it in the hearts of the Persians to march 
against the Lydians.” Thus spoke Sandanis; for 
the Persians, before they subdued the Lydians, had 
no luxury and no comforts; but he did not move 
Croesus. 

72. Now the Cappadocians are called by the 
Greeks Syrians, and these Syrians before the Per- 
sian rule were subjects of the Medes, and, at this 
time, of Cyrus. For the boundary of the Median 


87 


Nr 


HERODOTUS 


καὶ τῆς Λυδικῆς ὁ "AXvs ποταμος, ὃς ῥέει ἐξ 
αν ὄρεος διὰ Κιλίκων, μετὰ. δὲ Ματιηνοὺς 
μὲν ἐν δεξιῇ ἔχει ῥέων, | ἐκ δὲ τοῦ ἑτέρου. Φρύγας: 
παραμειβόμενος δὲ “ο καὶ ῥέων ἄνω πρὸς 
Βορέην ἄνεμον ἔνθεν μὲν Συρίους Καππαδόκας 
ἀπέργει, ἐξ εὐωνύμου δὲ Παφλαγόνας. οὕτω ὁ 
΄Αλυς ποταμὸς ἀποτάμνει σχεδὸν πάντα τῆς 
᾿Ασίης τὰ κάτω ἐκ θαλάσσης τῆς ἀντίον «Κύπρου 
ἐς τὸν Εὔξεινον πόντον. ἔστι δὲ αὐχὴν οὗτος 
τῆς ώρης ταύτης ἁπάσης” μῆκος ὁδοῦ εὐζώνῳ 
ἀνδρὶ πέντε ἡμέραι ἀναισιμοῦνται. 

13. ᾿Εστρατεύετο δὲ ὁ Κροῖσος ἐ ἐπὶ τὴν Καππα- 
δοκίην τῶνδε εἶ εἵνεκα, καὶ γῆς ἱμέρῳ προσκτήσασθαι 
πρὸς τὴν ἑωυτοῦ μοῖραν βουλόμενος, καὶ μάλιστα 
τῷ χρηστηρίῳ πίσυνος ἑὼν καὶ τίσασθαι θέλων 
ὑπὲρ ᾿Αστυάγεος Kópov. ᾿Αστυάγεα γὰρ τὸν 
Κυαξάρεω, ἐόντα Κροίσου μὲν γαμβρὸν Μήδων 
δὲ βασιλέα, Κῦρος ὁ Καμβύσεω καταστρεψάμενος 
εἶχε, γενόμενον γαμβρὸν Κροίσῳ ὧδε. Σκυθέων 
τῶν νομάδων εἴλη ἀνδρῶν στασιάσασα ὑπεξῆλθε 
ἐς γῆν τὴν Μηδικήν: ἐτυράννευε δὲ τὸν χρόνον 
τοῦτον Μήδων Κυαξαρης ὁ 0 Φραόρτεω. τοῦ Δηιόκεω, 
ὃς τοὺς. Σκύθας τούτους τὸ μὲν πρῶτον περιεῖπε 
εὖ ὡς ἐόντας κετας' ὥστε δὲ περὶ πολλοῦ ποιεό- 
μενος αὐτούς, παῖδάς σφι παρέδωκε τὴν γλῶσσάν 
τε ἐκμαθεῖν καὶ τὴν τέχνην τῶν τόξων. χρόνου. δὲ 
γενομένου, καὶ αἰεὶ φοιτεόντων τῶν Σκυθέων ἐπ᾽ 
ἄγρην καὶ αἰεύ TL φερόντων, καί KOTE συνήνεικε 
ἑλεῖν σφεας μηδέν' νοστήσαντας δὲ αὐτοὺς κεινῇσι 


1 τῆς ᾽Ασίης τὰ κάτα means here and elsewhere in Hdt. the 
western part of Asia, west of the Halys (Kizil Irmak). The 


88 


BOOK I. 72-73 


and Lydian empires was the river Halys; which 
flows from the Armenian mountains first through 
Cilicia and afterwards between the Matieni on the 
right and the Phrygians on the other hand; then 
passing these and flowing still northwards it separates 
the Cappadocian Syrians on the right from the Paph- 
lagonians on the left. Thus the Halys river cuts 
off wellnigh the whole of the lower part of Asia, 
from the Cyprian to the Euxine sea. Here is the 
narrowest neck of all this land; the length of the 
journey across is five days, for a man going un- 
burdened.! 

73. The reasons of Croesus' expedition against 
Cappadocia were these: he desired to gain territory 
in addition to his own share, and (these were the chief 
causes) he trusted the oracle, and wished to avenge 
Astyages on Cyrus ; for Cyrus, son of Cambyses, had 
subdued Astyages and held him in subjection. 
Now Astyages, king of Media, son of Cyaxares, was 
Croesus’ brother-in-law : and this is how he came to 
be so. A tribe of wandering Scythians separated 
itself from the rest, and escaped into Median terri- 
tory. This was then ruled by Cyaxares, son of 
Phraortes, son of Deioces. Cyaxares at first treated 
the Scythians kindly, as being suppliants for his 
mercy ; and as he held them in high regard he en- 
trusted boys to their charge to be taught their 
language and the craft of archery. As time went 
on, it chanced that the Scythians, who were wont to 
go hunting and ever to bring something back, once 
had taken nothing, and when they returned 
width from sea to sea of the αὐχήν is obviously much under 
estimated by Hdt., as also by later writers; the actual dis- 


tance at the narrowest part is about 280 miles as the crow 
flies ; much more than a five days’ march. 
89 


HERODOTUS 


χερσὶ ὁ Κυαξάρης (3v γάρ, ὡς διέδεξε, ὀργὴν 
ἄκρος) τρηχέως κάρτα περιέσπε ἀεικείῃ. οἳ δὲ 
ταῦτα πρὸς Κυαξάρεω παθόντες, ὥστε ἀνάξια 
σφέων αὐτῶν πεπονθότες, ἐβούλευσαν τῶν παρὰ 
σφίσι ' διδασκομένων παίδων ἕνα κατακόψαι, 
σκευάσαντες δὲ αὐτὸν ὥσπερ ἐώθεσαν καὶ τὰ 
θηρία σκευάξειν, Κυαξάρῃ δοῦναι φέροντες ὡς 
ἄγρην. δῆθεν, δόντες δὲ τὴν ταχίστην κομίξεσθαι 
παρὰ ᾿Αλυάττεα τὸν Σαδυάττεω ἐς Σάρδις. ταῦτα 
καὶ ἐγένετο" καὶ γὰρ Κυαξάρης. καὶ οἱ παρεόντες 
δαιτυμόνες τῶν κρεῶν τούτων ἐπάσαντο, καὶ οἱ 
Σκύθαι ταῦτα ποιήσαντες ᾽Αλυάττεω ἱκέται 
ἐγένοντο. 

74. Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα, οὐ γὰρ δὴ ὁ ᾿Αλυάττης 
ἐξεδίδου τοὺς Σκύθας ἐξαιτέοντι Κυαξάρῃ, πόλε- 
pos τοῖσι Λυδοῖσι καὶ τοῖσι Μήδοισι. ἐγεγόνεε ἐπ᾽ 
ἔτεα πέντε, ἐν τοῖσι πολλάκις μὲν οἱ Μήδοι τοὺς 
Λυδοὺς ἐνίκησαν, πολλάκις δὲ oí Λυδοὶ τοὺς 
Μήδους, ἐν δὲ καὶ νυκτομαχίην τινὰ ἐποιήσαντο" 
διαφέρουσι δέ σφι ἐπὶ, ἴσης τὸν πόλεμον τῷ ἕκτῳ 
ἔτεϊ συμβολῆς «γενομένης. συνήνεικε ὥστε τῆς 
μάχης συνεστεώσης τὴν ἡμέρην ἐξαπίνης νύκτα 
γενέσθαι. τὴν δὲ μεταλλαγὴν ταύτην τῆς ἡμέρης 
Θαλῆς ὁ , Μιλήσιος τοῖσι Ἴωσι προηγόρευσε 
ἔσεσθαι, οὗρον προθέµενος ἐνιαυτὸν τοῦτον ἐν τῷ 
δὴ καὶ ἐ ἐγένετο ἡ μεταβολή. οἱ δὲ Λυδοί τε καὶ 
οἱ Μῆδοι ἐπείτε εἶδον νύκτα ἀντὶ ἡμέρης γενο- 
μένην, τῆς μάχης τε ἐπαύσαντο καὶ μᾶλλόν τι 
ἔσπευσαν καὶ ἀμφότεροι εἰρήνην ἑωυτοῖσι γενέσθαι. 


1 All evidence, historical and astronomical, fixes the date 
of this eclipse as May 28, 585 B.o. There was another eclipse 
of the sun in Alyattes’ reign, on Sept. 30, 610; but it appears 


90 


BOOK I. 73-74 


empty-handed, Cyaxares (being, as hereby appeared, 
prone to anger) treated them very roughly and 
despitefully. The Scythians, deeming themselves 
wronged by the usage they had from Cyaxares, plot- 
ted to take one of the boys who were their pupils 
and cut him in pieces, then, dressing the flesh as 
they were wont to dress the animals which they 
killed, to bring and give it to Cyaxares as if it were 
the spoils of the chase ; and after that, to make their 
way with all speed to Alyattes son of Sadyattes at 
Sardis. All this they did. Cyaxares and the guests 
who feasted with him ate of the boy's flesh, and the 
Scythians, having done as they planned, fled to 
Alyattes for protection. 

74. After this, seeing that Alyattes would not give 
up the Scythians to Cyaxares at his demand, there was 
war between the Lydians and the Medes for five 
years; each won many victories over the other, and 
once they fought a battle by night. They were still 
warring with equal success, when it chanced, at an en- 
counter which happened in the sixth year, that during 
the battle the day was suddenly turned to night. 
Thales of Miletus had foretold this loss of daylight to 
the Ionians, fixing it within the year in which the 
change did indeed happen. So when the Lydians 
and Medes saw the day turned to night they ceased 
from fighting, and both were the more zealous to make 


that this latter was not total in Asia Minor: and Pliny's 
mention of the phenomenon places it in the 170th year from 
the foundation of Rome. Thales died at an advanced age 
in 548 B.C. 


gt 


„jb 


HERODOTUS 


οἱ δὲ συμβιθάσαντες αὐτοὺς ἦσαν οἵδε, Συέννεσίς 
τε ὁ King καὶ Λαβύνητος ὁ Βαβυλώνιος. οὗτοί 
σφι καὶ τὸ ὅρκιον οἱ σπεύσαντες γενέσθαι ἡ ἦσαν 
καὶ γάμων ἐπαλλαγὴν ἐποίησαν: ᾿Αλυάττεα yap 
at ba δοῦναι τὴν θυγατέρα ᾿Αρύηνιν ᾿Αστυάγεϊ 


M oie io παιδί: ἄνευ γὰρ ἀναγκαΐης ἰσχυρῆς 


σιες ἰσχυραὶ οὐκ ἐθέλουσι συμμένειν. ὅρκια 
δὲ ποιέεται ταῦτα τὰ ἔθνεα τά πέρ τε "Έλληνες, 
καὶ πρὸς τούτοισι, ἐπεὰν τοὺς βραχίονας ἐπιτά- 
μωνται ἐς τὴν ὁμοχροίην, τὸ αἷμα ἀναλείχουσι 
ἀλλήλων. 

75. Τοῦτον δὴ ὧν τὸν ᾿Αστυάγεα Κῦρος ἐόντα. 
ἑωυτοῦ μητροπάτορα. καταστρεψάμενος ἔσχε δὲ’ 
αἰτίην τὴν ἐγὼ ἐν τοῖσι ὀπίσω λόγοισι σημανέω: 
τὰ Κροῖσος -ἐπιμεμφόμενος τῷ Κύρῳ ἔς τε τὰ 
χρηστήρια ἔπεμπε εἰ στρατεύηται ἐπὶ Πέρσας, 
καὶ δη καὶ ἀπικομένου χρησμοῦ κιβδήλου, ἐλπίσας 
πρὸς ἑωυτοῦ τὸν χρησμὸν εἶναι, ἐστρατεύετο ἐς 
τὴν Περσέων μοῖραν. ὡς δὲ ἀπίκετο ἐπὶ τὸν 
"ANu ποταμὸν 0 Κροῖσος, τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν, ὡς μὲν 
ἐγὼ λέγω, κατὰ τὰς ἐούσας γεφύρας διεβίβασε 
τὸν στρατόν, ὡς δὲ ὁ πολλὸς λόγος Ἑλλήνων, 
Θαλῆς οἱ 0 | Μιλήσιος διεβίβασε. ἀπορέοντος γὰρ 
Κροίσου ὅκως οἱ διαβήσεται τὸν ποταμὸν 0 
στρατός (οὐ γὰρ δὴ εἶναί κω τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον 
τὰς γεφύρας ταύτας) λέγεται παρεόντα τὸν Θαλῆν 
ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ ιῆσαι αὐτῷ τὸν ποταμὸν (é ἐξ 
ἀριστερῆς χειρὸς ῥέοντα)τοῦ στρατοῦ καὶ ἐκ δεξιῆς 

, ποιῆσαι δὲ ὧδε' ἄνωθεν τοῦ στρατοπέδου 
ἀρξάμενον διώρυχα βαθέαν ὀρύσσειν, ἄγοντα 
μηνοει έα, ὅκως ἂν τὸ ,στρατόπεδον ἑδρυμένον 
κατὰ νώτου λάβοι, ταύτῃ κατὰ τὴν διώρυχα 


ον 


BOOK l. 74-75 


peace. Those who reconciled them were Syennesis 
the Cilician and Labynetus the Babylonian ; they it 
was who brought it about that there should be a 
sworn agreement and an exchange of wedlock be- 
tween them : they adjudged that Alyattes should give 
his daughter Aryenis to Astyages, son of Cyaxares; 
for without a strong bond agreements will not keep 
their strength. These nations make sworn compacts 
as do the Greeks ; moreover, they cut the skin of 
their arms and lick each other's blood. 

75. This Astyages then was Cyrus’ mother's father, 
and was by him subdued and held subject for the 
reason which I shall presently declare. Having this 
cause of quarrel with Cyrus, Croesus sent to ask the 
oracles if he should march against the Persians ; and 
when a quibbling answer came he thought it to be 
favourable to him, and so led his army to the Persian 
territory. When he came to the river Halys, he trans- 
ported his army across it, —by the bridges, as I hold, 
which then were there ; but the general belief of the 
Greeks is that the army was cz vried across by Thales of 
Miletus. This is the story : As the bridges aforesaid 
did not then yet exist, Croesus knew not how his 
army should pass the river: then Thales, being in 
the encampment, made the river, which flowed on 
the left hand, flow also on the right of the army in 
the following way. Starting from a point on the river 
higher up than the camp, he dug a deep semicircular 
trench, so that the stream, turned from its ancient 
course, should flow in the trench to the rear of the 

93 


y 


V 


HERODOTUS 


ἐκτραπόμενος ἐκ τῶν ἀρχαίων ῥεέθρων, καὶ arts 
παραμειβόμενος τὸ στρατόπεδον ἐς τὰ ἀρχαῖα 
ἐσβάλλοι' ὥστε ἐπείτε καὶ ἐσχίσθη τάχιστα ὁ 
ποταμός, ἀμφοτέρῃ διαβατὸς ἐγένετο. [οἳ δὲ καὶ 
τὸ παράπαν λέγουσι καὶ τὸ ἀρχαῖον ῥέεθρον 
ἀποξηρανθῆναι. ἀλλὰ τοῦτο μὲν οὐ προσίεμαι" 
κῶς γὰρ ὀπίσω πορευόμενοι διέβησαν αὐτόν; 


| 7——76. Κροῖσος δὲ ἐπείτε διαβὰς σὺν τῷ στρατῷ 


ἀπίκετο τῆς Καππαδοκίης ἐς τὴν Πτερίην καλεο- 
μένην (ἡ δὲ Πτερίη ἐστὶ τῆς χώρης ταύτης τὸ 1 
ἰσχυρότατον, κατὰ Σινώπην πόλιν τὴν ἐν Ἐὐξείνῳ 
πόντῳ μάλιστά κῃ κειμένη), ἐνθαῦτα ἐστρατο- 
πεδεύετο φθείρων τῶν Συρίων τοὺς κλήρους’ καὶ 
εἷλε μὲν τῶν Πτερίων τὴν πόλιν καὶ ἠνδραποδί- 
σατο, εἷλε δὲ τὰς περιοικίδας αὐτῆς πάσας, 
Συρίους τε οὐδὲν ἐόντας αἰτίους ἀναστάτους 
ἐποίησε. Κῦρος δὲ ἀγείρας τὸν ἑωυτοῦ στρατὸν 
καὶ παραλαβὼν τοὺς μεταξὺ οἰκέοντας πάντας 
ἠντιοῦτο Κροίσῳ. πρὶν δὲ ἐξελαύνειν ὁρμῆσαι 
τὸν στρατόν, πέμψας κήρυκας ἐς τοὺς Ἴωνας ἐπει- 
ρᾶτο σφέας ἀπὸ Κροίσου ἀπιστάναι. "Ίωνες μέν 
νυν οὐκ ἐπείθοντο’ Κῦρος δὲ ὡς ἀπίκετο καὶ 
ἀντεστρατοπεδεύσατο Κροίσῳ, ἐνθαῦτα ἐν τῇ 
Πτερίῃ χώρῃ ἐπειρῶντο κατὰ τὸ ἰσχυρὸν ἀλλή- 
λων. μάχης δὲ καρτερῆς γενομένης καὶ πεσόντων 
ἀμφοτέρων πολλῶν, τέλος οὐδέτεροι νικήσαντες 
διέστησαν νυκτὸς ἐπελθούσης. καὶ τὰ μὲν στρατό- 
πεδα ἀμφότερα οὕτω ἠγωνίσατο. 

77. Κροῖσος δὲ μεμφθεὶς κατὰ τὸ πλῆθος τὸ 
ἑωυτοῦ στράτευμα (ἦν γάρ οἱ ὁ συμβαλὼν στρατὸς 
πολλὸν ἐλάσσων ἢ ὁ Κύρου), τοῦτο µεμφθείς, ὡς 

1 [τὸ] Stein. 
94 


e a 


de 


E N 
v 


x BOOK I. 45-73 


camp, and, again passing it, should issue into its 
former bed, so that, as soon as the river was thus 
divided into two, both channels could be forded. 


/ Some even say that the ancient channel was al- 


together dried up. But I do not believe this; for 
how then did they pass the river when they were 
returning ? 

76. Croesus then passing over with his army came 
to the part of Cappadocia called Pteria (it is the 
strongest part of this country and lies nearest to the 
city of Sinope on the Euxine sea), where he encamped, 
and laid waste the farms of the Syrians ; and he took 
and enslaved the city of the Pterians, and took also 
all the places about it, and drove the Syrians from 
their homes, though they had done him no harm. 
Cyrus, mustering his army, and gathering to him all 
those who dwelt upon his way, went to meet Croesus. 
But before beginning his march he sent heralds to 
the Ionians to try to draw them away from Croesus, 
The Ionians would not be persuaded; but when 
Cyrus had come, and encamped face to face with 
Croesus, the armies made trial of each other's 
strength with might and main in the Pterian country. 
The battle was stubborn; many on both sides fell, 
and when they were parted at nightfall neither had 
the advantage. With such fortune did the two 
armies contend. 

77. Croesus was not content with the number of 
his force, for his army which had fought was by far 
smaller than that of Cyrus ; therefore, seeing that on 

95 


-- 


EY 


HERODOTUS ος 
: | 


e 
τῇ ὑστεραίῃ οὐκ ἐπειρᾶτο ἐπβὼν ὁ Κῦρος, àmh- 
λαυνε ἐς τὰς Σάρδις, ἐν νόῳ ἔχων παρακαλέσας 
μὲν Αἰγυπτίους κατὰ τὸ ὅρκιον (ἐποιήσατο γὰρ 
καὶ πρὸς "Apaciw βασιλεύοντα Αἰγύπτου ovp- 
μαχίην πρότερον ἤ περ πρὸς Λακεδαιμονίους)» 
μεταπεμψάμενος δὲ καὶ Βαβυλωνίους (καὶ γὰρ 
πρὸς τούτους αὐτῷ ἐπεποίητο συμμαχίη, ἐτυράν- 
νευε δὲ τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον τῶν Βαβυλωνίων 
Λαβύνητος), ἐπαγγείλας δὲ καὶ Λακεδαιμονίοισι 
παρεῖναι ἐς χρόνον ῥητόν, ἁλίσας τε δὴ τούτους 
καὶ τὴν ἑωυτοῦ συλλέξας στρατιὴν ἐνένωτο, τὸν 
χειμῶνα παρείς, ἅμα τῷ ἔαρι στρατεύειν ἐπὶ τοὺς 
Πέρσας. καὶ ὃ μὲν ταῦτα φρονέων, ὡς ἀπίκετο 
ἐς τὰς Σάρδις, ἔπεμπε κήρυκας κατὰ τὰς 'συμ- 
μαχίας προερέοντας ἐς πέμπτον μῆνα συλλέγεσθαι 
ἐς Σάρδις: τὸν δὲ παρεόντα καὶ μαχεσάμενον 
στρατὸν Πέρσῃσι, ὃς ἦν αὐτοῦ ξεινικός, πάντα 
ἀπεὶς διεσκέδασε οὐδαμὰ ἐλπίσας µή κοτε ἄρα 
ἀγωνισάμενος οὕτω παραπλησίως Κῦρος ἐλάσῃ 
ἐπὶ Σάρδις. 

18. Ταῦτα ἐπιλεγομένῳ Κροίσῳ τὸ προάστειον 
πᾶν ὀφίων ἐνεπλήσθη" φανέντων δὲ αὐτῶν, οἱ 
ἵπποι μετιέντες τὰς νομὰς νέμεσθαι φοιτέοντες 
κατήσθιον. ἰδόντι δὲ τοῦτο Κροίσῳ, ὥσπερ καὶ 
ἦν, ἔδοξε τέρας εἶναι αὐτίκα δὲ ἔπεμπε θεοπρό- 
πους ἐς τῶν ἐξηγητέων Τελμησσέων. ἀπικομέ- 
vorst δὲ τοῖσι θεοπρόποισι καὶ μαθοῦσι πρὸς Τελ- 
μησσέων τὸ θέλει σημαίνειν τὸ τέρας, οὐκ ἐξεγέ- 
νετο Κροίσῳ ἀπαγγεῖλαι: πρὶν γὰρ ἢ ὀπίσω 


96 


BOOK I. 77-78 


the day after the battle Cyrus essayed no second 
attack, he marched away to Sardis, intending to invite 
help from the Egyptians in fulfilment of their pledge 
(for before making an alliance with the Lacedaemon- 
ians he had made one also with Amasis king of Egypt), 
and to send for the Babylonians also (for with these 
too he had made an alliance, Labynetus being at this 
time their sovereign), and to summon the Lacedae- 
monians to join him ata fixed time. It was in his 
mind to muster all these forces and assemble his own 
army, then to wait till the winter was over and march 
against the Persians at the beginning of spring. 
With such intent, as soon as he returned to Sardis, 
he sent heralds to all his allies, summoning them to 
assemble at Sardis in five months’ time; and as for 
the soldiers whom he had with him, who had fought 
with the Persians, all of them who were not of his 
nation he disbanded, never thinking that after so 
equal an issue of the contest Cyrus would march 
against Sardis. | 

18. Thus Croesus reasoned. Meantime it chanced 
that snakes began to swarm in the outer part of the 
city ; and when they appeared the horses would ever 
leave their accustomed pasture and devour them. 
When Croesus saw this he thought it to be a portent, 
and so it was. Forthwith he sent to the abodes of the 
Telmessian interpreters,! to inquire concerning it; 
butthough his messengers came and learnt from the 
Telmessians what the portent should signify, they 
could never bring back word to Croesus, for he was 


1 These were a caste of priests of Apollo at Telmessus or 
Telmissus in Lycia. τῶν ἐξηγητέων Τελμησσέων is contrary 
to Greek usage, ἐξηγ. being a substantive: Stein suggests 
that the true reading may be Τελμησσέων τῶν ἐξηγητέων. 


97 


HERODOTUS 


σφέας ἀναπλῶσαι ἐς τὰς Σάρδις ἥλω ὁ Κροῖσος. 
Τελμησσέες μέντοι τάδε ἔγνωσαν, στρατὸν ἀλλό- 
θροον προσδόκιμον εἶναι Κροίσῳ ἐπὶ τὴν χώρην, 
ἀπικόμενον δὲ τοῦτον καταστρέψεσθαι τοὺς ἐπι- 
χωρίους, λέγοντες ὄφιν εἶναι γῆς παῖδα, ἵππον δὲ 
πολέμιόν τε καὶ ἐπήλυδα. Τελμησσέες μέν νυν 
ταῦτα ὑπεκρίναντο Κροίσῳ ἤδη ἡλωκότι, οὐδέν 
κὠ εἰδότες τῶν ἣν περὶ Σάρδις τε καὶ αὐτὸν 
Κροῖσον. 

19. Κῦρος δὲ αὐτίκα ἀπελαύνοντος Κροίσου 
μετὰ τὴν μάχην τὴν γενομένην ἐν τῇ Ττερίῃ, 
μαθὼν ὡς ἀπελάσας μέλλοι Κροῖσος διασκεδᾶν 
τὸν στρατόν, βουλευόμενος εὕρισκε πρῆγμά οἳ 
εἶναι ἐλαύνειν ὡς δύναιτο τάχιστα ἐπὶ τὰς Σάρδις, 

2 TO UN ` / e ^ ^ ^ ` / 
ν (τρὶν ἢ τὸ δεύτερον ἁλισθῆναι τῶν Λυδῶν τὴν δύ- 
ναμιν, ὡς δέ οἱ ταῦτα ἔδοξε, καὶ ἐποίεε κατὰ 
τάχος' ἐλάσας γὰρ τὸν στρατὸν ἐς τὴν Λυδίην 
> VN 4 / 4 3 ^ e 
αὐτὸς ἄγγελος Κροίσῳ ἐληλύθεε. ἐνθαῦτα Κροῖ- 
σος ἐς ἀπορίην πολλὴν ἀπιγμένος, ὥς οἱ παρὰ 
δόξαν ἔσχε τὰ πρήγματα ἡ ὡς αὐτὸς κατεδόκες, 
ὅμως τοὺς Λυδοὺς ἐξῆγε ἐς μάχην. ἣν δὲ τοῦτον 
a > 
τὸν χρόνον ἔθνος οὐδὲν ἐν τῇ ᾿Ασίῃ οὔτε ἀνδρηιό- 
τερον οὔτε ἀλκιμώτερον τοῦ Λυδίου. ἡ δὲ μάχη 
σφέων ἦν ἀπ᾽ ἵππων, δόρατά τε ἐφόρεον μεγάλα, 
καὶ αὐτοὶ ἦσαν ἱππεύεσθαι ἀγαθοί. 
ς ᾽να, , ν / ν / ^ M \ 
80. "Es τὸ πεδίον δὲ συνελθόντων τοῦτο τὸ πρὸ 
τοῦ ἄστεος ἐστὶ τοῦ Σαρδιηνοῦ, ἐὸν μέγα τε καὶ 
/ . 9 ^ \ es » 
ψιλόν (διὰ δὲ αὐτοῦ ποταμοὶ ῥέοντες καὶ ἄλλοι 
καὶ "Ύλλος συρρηγνῦσι ἐς τὸν μέγιστον, καλεό- 
.Φ Φ Ige ν € ^ ν 
μενον δὲ "Ἕρμον, ὃς ἐξ ὄρεος ἱροῦ μητρὸς Δινδυ- 
μήνης ῥέων ἐκδιδοῖ ἐς θάλασσαν κατὰ Φωκαίην 
^ e ^ 
πόλιν), ἐνθαῦτα ὁ Κῦρος ὡς εἶδε τοὺς Λυδοὺς ἐς 
98 


i 


BOOK I. 78-80 


a prisoner before they could make their voyage back 
to Sardis. Howbeit, this was the judgment of the 
Telmessians—that Croesus must expect a foreign 
army to attack his country, and that when it came it 
would subdue the dwellers in the land: for the snake, 
they said, was the child of the earth, but the horse 
was a foe and a foreigner. Such was the answer 
which the Telmessians gave Croesus, knowing as yet 
nothing of the fate of Sardis and the king himself; 
but when they gave it Croesus was already taken. 
79. When Croesus marclied away after the battle 
in the Pterian country, Cyrus, learning that Croesus 
had gone with intent to disband his army, took coun- 
sel and perceived thereby that it was his business to 
march with all speed against Sardis, before the power 
of the Lydians could again be assembled. So he re- 
solved and so he did speedily; he marched his army 
into Lydia and so himself came to bring the news of 
it to Croesus. All had turned out contrariwise to 
Croesus' expectation, and he was in a great quandary; 
nevertheless, he led out the Lydians to battle. Now 
at this time there was no nation in Asia more valiant 
or warlike than tlie Lydian. It was their custom to 
fight on horseback, carrying long spears, and they 
were skilled in the management of horses. | 
80. So the armies met in the plain, wide and bare, 
which is before the city of Sardis: the Hyllusand other 
rivers flow across it and rush violently together into 
the greatest of them, which is called Hermus (this 
flows from the mountain sacred to the Mother Dindy- 
mene! and issues into the sea near the city of Pho- 
caea) Here when Cyrus saw the Lydians arraying 


1 Identified with the Phrygian and Lydian goddess 
Cybele. 


99 


HERODOTUS 


μάχην τασσομένους, καταρρωδήσας τὴν ἵππον 
ἐποίησε ᾿Αρπάγου ὑποθεμένου ἀνδρὸς Μήδου 
τοιόνδε: ὅσαι τῷ στρατῷ τῷ ἑωυτοῦ εἵποντο 
σιτοφόροι τε καὶ σκευοφόροι κάμηλοι, ταύτας πά- 
σας ἁλίσας καὶ ἀπελὼν τὰ ἄχθεα ἄνδρας ἐπ᾿ 
αὐτὰς ἀνέβησε ἱππάδα στολὴν ἐνεσταλμένους, 
σκευάσας δὲ αὐτοὺς προσέταξε τῆς ἄλλης στρα- 
τιῆς προϊέναι πρὸς τὴν Κροίσου ἵππον, τῇ δὲ 
καμήλῳ ἕπεσθαι τὸν πεξὸν στρατὸν ἐκέλευσε, 
ὄπισθε δὲ τοῦ grelod ἐπέταξε τὴν πᾶσαν ἵππον. 
ὡς δέ οἱ πάντες διετετάχατο, παραίνεσε τῶν μὲν 
ἄλλων Λυδῶν μὴ φειδομένους κτείνειν πάντα τὸν 
ἐμποδὼν γινόμενον, Κροῖσον δὲ αὐτὸν μὴ κτείνειν, 
μηδὲ ἣν συλλαμβανόμενος ἀμύνηται. ταῦτα μὲν 
παραίνεσε, τὰς δὲ καμήλους ἔταξε ἀντία τῆς ἵπ- 
που τῶνδε εἵνεκεν: κάμηλον ἵππος φοβέεται, καὶ 
οὐκ ἀνέχεται οὔτε τὴν ἰδέην αὐτοῦ ὁρέων οὔτε. 
τὴν ὀδμὴν ὀσφραινόμενος. αὐτοῦ δὴ ὧν τούτου 
εἵνεκεν ἐσεσόφιστο, ἵνα τῷ Κροίσῳ ἄχρηστον 7 
τὸ ἱππικόν, τῷ δή τι καὶ ἐπεῖχε ἐλλάμψεσθαι ὁ 
Λυδός. ὡς δὲ καὶ συνήισαν ἐς τὴν μάχην, ἐν- 
θαῦτα ὡς ὤσφραντο τάχιστα τῶν καμήλων οἱ 
ἵπποι καὶ εἶδον αὐτάς, ὀπίσω ἀνέστρεφον, διέ- 
Φθαρτό τε τῷ Κροίσῳ ἡ ἐλπίς. οὐ μέντοι ot γε 
Λυδοὶ τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν δειλοὶ ἦσαν, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἔμαθον τὸ 
γινόμενον, ἀποθορόντες ἀπὸ τῶν ἵππων πεζοὶ 
τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι συνέβαλλον. χρόνῳ δὲ πεσόντων 
ἀμφοτέρων πολλῶν ἐτράποντο οἱ Λυδοί, κατειλη- 
θέντες δὲ ἐς τὸ τεῖχος ἐπολιορκέοντο ὑπὸ τῶν 
Περσέων. 

81. Τοῖσι μὲν δὴ κατεστήκεε πολιορκίη. Kopoi- 
σος δὲ δοκέων οἱ χρόνον ἐπὶ μακρὸν ἔσεσθαι τὴν 


100 


BOOK I. 80-81 


their battle, he was afraid of their horse, and there- 
fore did as I will show by the counsel of one Har- 
pagus, a Mede. Assembling all the camels that 
followed his army bearing food and baggage, he took 
off their burdens and set men upon them equipped 
like cavalrymen; having so equipped them he 
ordered them to advance before his army against 
Croesus’ horse; he charged the infantry to follow 
the camels, and set all his horse behind the infantry. 
When they were all arrayed, he commanded them to 
kill all other Lydians who came in their way, and 
spare none, but not to kill Croesus himself, even if he 
should defend himself against capture. Such was his 
command. The reason of his posting the camels to 
face the cavalry was this: horses fear camels and can 
endure neither the sight nor the smell of them ; this 
then was the intent of his device, that Croesus’ 
cavalry, on which the Lydian relied for the winning 
of some glory, might be of no use. So when battle 
was joined, as soon as the horses smelt and saw the 
camels they turned to flight, and all Croesus’ hope 
was lost. Nevertheless the Lydians were no cowards ; 
when they saw what was happening they leaped from 
their horses and fought the Persians on foot. Many 
of both armies fell; at length the Lydians were 
routed and driven within their city wall, where they 
were besieged by the Persians. 

81. So then they were beleaguered. But Croesus, 
supposing that the siege would last a long time, sent 


IO1 


HERODOTUS 


πολιορκίην ἔπεμπε ἐκ τοῦ τείχεος ἄλλους ἀγγέ- 
λους ἐς τὰς συμμαχίας: οἱ μὲν γὰρ πρότεροι 
διεπέμποντο ἐς πέμπτον μῆνα προερέοντες συλ.- 
λέγεσθαι ἐς Σάρδις, τούτους δὲ ἐξέπεμπε τὴν 
ταχίστην δέεσθαι βοηθέειν ὡς πολιορκεομένου 
Κροίσου. 

82. Ἔς τε δὴ ὧν τὰς ἄλλας ἔπεμπε συμμαχίας 
καὶ δὴ καὶ ἐς Λακεδαίμονα. τοῖσι δὲ καὶ αὐτοῖσε 
τοῖσι Σπαρτιήτησι κατ᾽ αὐτὸν τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον 
συνεπεπτώκεε ἔρις ἐοῦσα «πρὸς ᾿Αργείους περὶ 
χώρου καλεομένου Θυρέης' τὰς γὰρ Θυρέας ταύ- 
τας ἐούσας τῆς ᾿Αργολίδος μοίρης ἀποταμόμενοι 
ἔσχον οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι. ἦν δὲ καὶ ἡ μέχρι Ma- 
λέων ἡ πρὸς ἑσπέρην ᾿Αργείων, ἥ τε ἐν τῇ ἠπείρῳ 
χώρη καὶ ἡ Κυθηρίη νῆσος καὶ αἱ λοιπαὶ τῶν 
νήσων. βοηθησάντων δὲ ᾿Αργείων τῇ σφετέρῃ 
ἀποταμνομένῃ, ἐνθαῦτα συνέβησαν ἐς λόγους 
συνελθόντες ὥστε τριηκοσίους ἑκατέρων payé- 
σασθαι, ὁκότεροι δ᾽ ἂν περιγένωνται, τούτων εἶναι 
τὸν χῶρον: τὸ δὲ πλῆθος τοῦ στρατοῦ ἀπαλλάσ- 
σεσθαι ἑκάτερον ἐς τὴν ἑωυτοῦ μηδὲ παραμένειν 
ἀγωνιζομένων, τῶνδε εἵνεκεν ἵνα μὴ (παρεόντων 
τῶν στρατοπέδων) ὁρῶντες οἱ ἕτεροι ἑσσουμένους 
τοὺς σφετέρους ἐπαμύνοιεν. συνθέμενοι ταῦτα 
ἀπαλλάσσοντο, λογάδες δὲ ἑκατέρων ὕπολει- 
φθέντες συνέβαλον. μαχομένων δὲ σφέων καὶ 
γινομένων ἰσοπαλέων ὑπελείποντο ἐξ ἀνδρῶν 
ἑξακοσίων τρεῖς, ᾿Αργείων μὲν ᾿Αλκήνωρ τε 
καὶ Χρομίος, Λακεδαιμονίων δὲ ᾿Οθρυάδης: ὑπε- 
λείφθησαν δὲ οὗτοι νυκτὸς ἐπελθούσης. οἱ μὲν 

δύο τῶν ᾿Αργείων ὡς νενικηκότες ἔθεον ἐς 
τὸ Αργος, ὁ δὲ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ᾿Ὀθρυάδης 
. 102 


BOOK I. 81-82 


messengers again from the city to his allies; whereas 
the former envoys had been sent to summon them to 
muster at Sardis in five months’ time, these were to 
announce that Croesus was besieged and to entreat 

help with all speed. | 
82. So he sent to the Lacedaemonians as well as 
the rest of the allies. Now at this very time the 
Spartans themselves had a feud on hand with the 
Argives, in respect of the country called Thyrea; 
for this was a part of the Argive territory which the 
Lacedaemonians had cut off and occupied. (All the 
land towards the west, as far as Malea, belonged then 
to the Argives, and not the mainland only, but the 
island of Cythera and the other islands.) The Argives 
came out to save their territory from being cut off; 
then after debate the two armies agreed that three 
hundred of each side should fight, and whichever 
party won should possess the land. The rest of each 
army was to go away to its own country and not be 
present at the battle; for it was feared that if the 
armies remained on the field, the men of either party 
would render help to their comrades if they saw 
them losing. Having thus agreed, the armies drew 
off, and picked men of each side were left and fought. 
Neither could gain advantage in the battle ; at last, of 
six hundred there were left only three, Alcenor and 
Chromios of the Argives, Othryades of the Lacedae- 
monians: these three were left alive at nightfall. 
Then the two Argives, deeming themselves victors, 
ran to Argos; but Othryades, the Lacedaemonian, 
103 


HERODOTUS 


σκυλεύσας TOUS ᾿Αργείων νεκροὺς καὶ προσφορή- 
σας τὰ ὅπλα πρὸς τὸ ἑωυτοῦ στρατόπεδον ἐν τῇ 
τάξι εἶχε ἑωυτόν. ἡμέρῃ δὲ δευτέρῃ παρῆσαν 
πυνθανόμενοι ἀμφότεροι, τέως μὲν δὴ αὐτοὶ ὁ ἑκά- 
τεροι ἔφασαν νικᾶν, λέγοντες οἳ μὲν ὡς ἑωυτῶν 
πλεῦνες περιγεγόνασι, οἳ δὲ τοὺς μὲν ἀποφαίνον- 
τες πεφευγότας, τὸν δὲ σφέτερον παραμείναντα 
καὶ σκυλεύσαντα τοὺς ἐκείνων νεκρούς" Τέλος δὲ 
ἐς τῆς ἔριδος συμπεσόντες ἐμάχοντο, πεσόντων 
δὲ καὶ ἀμφοτέρων πολλῶν ἐνίκων Λακεδαιμόνιοι. 
᾿Αργεῖοι μέν νυν ἀπὸ τούτου τοῦ χρόνου͵ κατα- 
κειράμενοι τὰς κεφαλάς, πρότερον ἐπάναγκες 
κομῶντες, ἐποιήσαντο νόμον τε κα κατάρην μὴ 
πρότερον θρέψειν κόμην ᾿Αργείων μηδένα, μηδὲ 
τὰς γυναῖκάς σφι χρυσοφορήσειν, πρὶν Θυρέας 
ἀνασώσωνται.. Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ τὰ ἐναντία τού- 
των ἔθεντο νόμον" οὐ γὰρ κομῶντες πρὸ τούτου 
ἀπὸ τούτου κομᾶν. τὸν δὲ ἕνα λέγουσι τὸν περι- 
λειφθέντα τῶν, τριηκοσίων Ὀθρυάδην, αἰσχυνό- 
μενον ἀπονοστέειν ἐς Σπάρτην τῶν οἱ συλλοχι- 
τέων διεφθαρμένων, αὐτοῦ μιν ἐν τῇσι Θυρέῃσι 
καταχρήσασθαι ἑ ἑωυτόν, 

88. Τοιούτων δὲ τοῖσι Σπαρτιήτῃσι ἐνεστεώτων 
πρηγμάτων ἧκε ὁ Σαρδιηνὸς κῆρυξ δεόμενος 
Κροίσῳ βοηθέειν πολιορκεομένῳ. ù δὲ ὅμως, 
ἐπείτε ἐπύθοντο τοῦ κήρυκος, ἁρμέατο βοηθέειν. 
καί σφι ἤδη παρεσκευασμένοισι καὶ νεῶν ἐουσέων 
ἑτοίμων ἦλθε ἄλλη ἀγγελίη, ὡς ἡλώκοι τὸ τεῖχος 
τῶν Λυδῶν καὶ ἔχοιτο Κροῖσος ξωγρηθείς. οὕτω 
δὴ οὗτοι μὲν συμφορὴν ποιησάμενοι μεγάλην 
ἐπέπαυντο. 

84. Σάρδιες δὲ ἥλωσαν ὧδε. ἐπειδὴ τεσσερεσ- 


104 


BOOK I. 82-84 


spoiled the Argive dead, bore the armour to his own 
army's camp and remained in his place. On the next 


day both armies came to learn the issue. Fora while . 


both claimed the victory, the Argives pleading that 
more of their men had survived, the Lacedaemonians 
showing that the Argives had fled, while their man 
had stood his ground and despoiled the enemy dead. 
At last the dispute so ended that they joined battle 
and fought ; many of both sides fell, but the Lacedae- 
monians had the victory. Ever after this the Argives, 
who before had worn their hair long by fixed custom, 
shaved their heads, and made a law, with a curse 
added thereto, that no Argive should grow his hair, 
and no Argive woman should wear gold, till they 
should recover Thyreae; and the Lacedaemonians 
made a contrary law, that ever after they should wear 
their hair long; for till now they had not so worn it. 
Othryades, the one survivor of the three hundred, 
was ashamed, it is said, to return to Sparta after all 
the men of his company had been slain, and killed 
himself on the spot at Thyreae. 

83. All this had befallen the Spartans when the 
Sardian herald came to entreat their help for Croesus, 
now besieged; yet for all that, when they heard 
the herald they prepared to send help; but when 
they were already equipped and their ships ready, 
there came a second message which told that the 
fortress of the Lydians was taken and Croesus held a 
prisoner. Then indeed, though greatly grieved, they 
ceased from their enterprise. 

84. Now this is how Sardis was taken. When 


105 


Pe 


-i 


HERODOTUS 


καιδεκάτη ἐγένετο ἡμέρη πολιορκεομένῳ Κροίσῳ, 
Κῦρος τῇ στρατιῇ τῇ ἑωυτοῦ διαπέμψας ἱ ἱππέας 
προεῖπε τῷ πρώτῳ ἐπιβάντι τοῦ τείχεος δῶρα 
δώσειν. μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο πειρησαμένης τῆς στρα- 
τιῆς ὡς ov προεχώρεε, ἐνθαῦτα τῶν ἄλλων πε- 
παυμένων ἀνῆρ. Μάρδος ἐπειρᾶτο προσβαίνων, 
τῷ οὔνομα ἦν Ὑροιάδης, κατὰ τοῦτο τῆς ἀκρο- 
πόλιος τῇ οὐδεὶς ἐτέτακτο φύλακος" οὐ γὰρ ἦν 
δεινὸν κατὰ τοῦτο μὴ ἁλῷ κοτέ. ἀπότομός τε 
γὰρ ἐστὶ ταύτῃ ἡ ἀκρόπολις καὶ ἄμαχος" τῇ οὐδὲ 
Μήλης ὁ πρότερον βασιλεὺς Σαρδίων μούνῃ 
οὗ περιήνεικε τὸν λέοντα TOV οἱ ἡ παλλακὴ 
ἔτεκε, Τελμησσέων δικασάντων ὡς περιενεῖ- 
χθέντος τοῦ λέοντος τὸ τεῖχος ἔσονται Σάρδιες 
ἀνάλωτοι. ὁ δὲ Μήλης κατὰ τὸ ἄλλο τεῖχος 
περιενείκας, τῇ ἦν ἐπίμαχον τὸ χωρίον]. τῆς 
ἀκροπόλιος, κατηλόγησε τοῦτο ὡς ἐὸν ἄμαχόν τε 
καὶ ἆ ἀπότομον: ἔστι δὲ πρὸς τοῦ Ἑμώλου τετραμ- 
μένον τῆς πόλιος. 0 ὧν δὴ Ὕροιάδης οὗτος ὁ 
Μάρδος ἐδὼν τῇ προτεραίῃ τῶν τινα Λυδῶν κατὰ 
τοῦτο τῆς ἀκροπόλιος καταβάντα ἐπὶ κυνέην 
ἄνωθεν κατακυλισθεῖσαν καὶ «ἀνελόμενον, ἐφρά- 
σθη καὶ ἐς θυμὸν ἐβάλετο: τότε δὲ δὴ αὐτός τε 
ἀναβεβήκεε καὶ κατ᾽ αὐτὸν ἄλλοι. Περσέων avé- 
βαινον' προσβάντων δὲ συχνῶν οὕτω δὴ Σάρδιές 
τε ἡλώκεσαν καὶ πᾶν τὸ ἄστυ ἐπορθέετο, 

86. Kar αὐτὸν δὲ , Κροῖσον τάδε ἐγίνετο. ἦν 
οἱ παῖς, ToU καὶ πρότερον ἐπεμνήσθην, τὰ μὲν 
ἄλλα ἐπιεικής, ἄφωνος δέ. ἐν τῇ ὧν παρελθούσῃ 
εὐεστοῖ ὁ Κροῖσος τὸ πᾶν ἐς αὐτὸν ἐπεποιήκεε, 
ἄλλα τε (Ti ppa le καὶ δὴ καὶ ἐς Δελφοὺς 

1 τὸ χωρίον is bracketed by Stein. 
106 


BOOK I. 84-85 


Croesus had been besieged for fourteen days, Cyrus 
sent horsemen about in his army to promise rewards to 
him who should first mount the wall After this the 
army made an assault, but with no success. Then, all 
the rest being at a stand, a certain Mardian! called 
H yroeades essayed to mount by a part of the citadel 
where no guard had been set; for here the height on 
which the citadel stood was sheer and hardly to be 
assaulted, and none feared that it could be taken by 
an attack made here. This was the only place where 
Meles the former king of Sardis had not carried the 
lion which his concubine had borne him, the Telmes- 
sians having declared that if this lion were carried 
round the walls Sardis could never be taken. Meles 
then carried the lion round the rest of the wall of the 
acropolis where it could be assaulted, but neglected 
this place, because the height was sheer and defied 
attack. It is on the side of the city which faces 
towards Tmolus. So then it chanced that on the day 
before this Mardian, Hyroeades, had seen one of the 
Lydians descend by this part of the citadel after a 
helmet that had fallen down, and fetch it; he took 
note of this and considered it, and now he himself 
climbed up, and other Persians after him. Many 
ascended, and thus was Sardis taken and all the city 
like to be sacked. 

85. I will now tell what befell Croesus himself. 
He had a son, of whom I have already spoken, a 
likely youth enough save that he was dumb. Now 
in his past days of prosperity Croesus had done all 
that he could for his son ; and besides resorting to 
other plans he had sent to Delphi to inquire of the 


1 The Mardi were a nomad Persian tribe. 


107 
VOL. I. E 


-D 


HERODOTUS 


περὶ αὐτοῦ ἐπεπόμφεε χρησομένους. ἡ δὲ Πυθίη 
οἱ εἶπε τάδε. 


Λυδὲ γένος, πολλῶν βασιλεῦ, μέγα νήπιε 
«Κροῖσε, 

μὴ βούλου πολύευκτον i inv ἑνὰ δώματ ἀκούειν 

παιδὸς φθεγγομένου, τὸ δέ σοι πολὺ λώιον 


ἀμφίς 
ἔμμεναι' αὐδήσει γὰρ ἐν ἤματι πρῶτον ἀνόλβῳ. 


ἁλισκομένου δὴ τοῦ τείχεος, Tee γὰρ τῶν τις 
Περσέων ἀλλογνώσας Κροῖσον ὡς ἀποκτενέων, 
Κροῖσος μέν νυν ὁρέων ἐπιόντα ὑπὸ τῆς παρεούσης 
συμφορῆς παρηµελήκεε, οὐδέ τί οἱ διέφερε πλη- 
γέντι ἀποθανεῖν' ὁ ὁ δὲ παῖς οὗτος ὁ ἄφωνος. ὡς εἶδε 
ἐπιόντα τὸν Πέρσην, ἱ ὑπὸ δέους τε καὶ κακοῦ ἔρρηξε 
φωνήν, εἶπε δὲ ''"Ὠνθρώπε, μὴ κτεῖνε Κροῖσον." 
οὗτος μὲν δὴ τοῦτο πρῶτον ἐφθέγξατο, μετὰ δὲ 
τοῦτο ἤδη ἐφώνεε τὸν πάντα χρόνον τῆς Cons. 
86. Οἱ δὲ Πέρσαι τάς τε δὴ Σάρδις ἔσχον καὶ 
αὐτὸν Κροῖσον ἐζώγρησαν, ἄρξαντα € ἔτεα τεσσερεσ- 
καίδεκα καὶ τεσσερεσκαίδεκα ἡμέρας πολιορκη- 
θέντα, κατὰ τὸ χρηστήριόν τε καταπαύσαντα τὴν 
ἑωυτοῦ μεγάλην ἀρχήν. .λαβόντες δὲ αὐτὸν οἱ 
Πέρσαι ἤγαγον παρὰ Üpov. ὃ δὲ συννήσας 
πυρὴν μεγάλην ἀνεβίβασε ἐπ᾽ αὐτὴν τὸν Κροῖσόν 
τε ἐν πέδῃσι δεδεμένον καὶ δὶς ἑπτὰ Λυδῶν Tap 
αὐτὸν παῖδας, ἐν νόῳ ἔχων εἴτε δὴ ἀκροθίνια 
ταῦτα καταγιεῖν θεῶν ὅτεῳ δή, εἴτε καὶ εὐχὴν 
ἐπιτελέσαι θέλων, εἴτε καὶ πυθόμενος τὸν Κροΐσον 
εἶναι θεοσεβέα τοῦδε εἵνεκεν ἀνεβίβασε ἐπὶ τὴν 
πυρήν, βουλόμενος εἰδέναι εἴ τίς μιν δαιμόνων 
ῥύσεται τοῦ μὴ ξῶντα κατακαυθῆναι. τὸν μὲν δὴ 


τοῦ 


BOOK I. 85-86 


oracle concerning him. The Pythian priestess thus 
answered him: 


< Lydian, of many the lord, thou know’st not the 

boon that thou askest. 

Wish not nor pray that the voice of thy son may 
be heard in the palace ; 

Better it were for thee that dumb he abide as 
aforetime ; 

Luckless that day shall be when first thou hearest 
him speaking.” 


So at the taking of the fortress a certain Persian, 
not knowing who Croesus was, came at him with in- 
tent to kill him. Croesus saw him coming, but by 
stress of misfortune he was past caring, and would as 
soon be smitten to death as not ; but this dumb son, 
seeing the Persian coming, in his fear and his grief 
broke into speech and cried, “Man, do not kill 
Croesus!" This was the first word he uttered ; and 
after that for all the days of his life he had power 
of speech. 

86. So the Persians took Sardis and made Croesus 
himself prisoner, he having reigned fourteen years and 
been besieged fourteen days, and, as the oracle 
foretold, brought his own great empire to an end. 
Having then taken him they led him to Cyrus. 
Cyrus had a great pyre built, on which he set Croesus, 
bound in chains, and twice seven Lydian boys beside 
him: either his intent was to sacrifice these firstfruits 
to some one of his gods, or he desired to fulfil a vow, 
or it may be that, learning that Croesus was a god- 


fearing man, he set him for this cause on the pyre, 


because he would fain know if any deity would 
save him from being burnt alive. It is related 


109 


i: 


HERODOTUS 


ποιέειν ταῦτα. TQ δὲ Κροίσῳ ἑστεῶτι ἐπὶ τῆς 
πυρῆς ἐσελθεῖν, καίπερ ἐν κακῷ ἐόντι τοσούτῳ, 
τὸ τοῦ Σόλωνος ὥς οἱ εἴη σὺν θεῷ εἰρημένον, τὸ 
μηδένα εἶναι τῶν ζωόντων ὄλβιον. ὡς δὲ ἄρα μιν 
προσστῆναι τοῦτο, ἀνενεικάμενόν TE καὶ ava- 
στενάξαντα ἐκ πολλῆς ἡσυχίης ἐς τρὶς ὀνομάσαι 
T Σόλων." καὶ τὸν Κῦρον ἀκούσαντα κελεῦσαι 
τοὺς ἑρμηνέας ἐπειρέσθαι τὸν Κροῖσον τίνα τοῦτον 
ἐπικαλέοιτο, καὶ τοὺς προσελθόντας. ἐπειρωτᾶν" 
Κροῖσον δὲ τέως μὲν σιγὴν. ἔχειν εἰρωτώμενον, 
μετὰ δὲ ὡς ἠναγκάξετο, εἰπεῖν “ Tov ἂν ἐγὼ πᾶσι 
τυράννοισι προετίµησα μεγάλων Χρημάτων ἐς 
λόγους ἐλθεῖν." ὡς δέ σφι ἄσημα ἔφραξε, πάλιν 
ἐπειρώτων τὰ λεγόμενα. λεπαρεόντων δὲ αὐτῶν 
καὶ ὄχλον παρεχόντων, ἔλεγε δὴ ὡς ἦλθε ἀρχὴν 
ὁ Σόλων ἐὼν ᾿Αθηναῖος, καὶ θεησάμενος πάντα 
τὸν ἑωυτοῦ ὄλβον ἀποφλαυρίσειε οἷα δὴ εἴπας, 
ὥς τε αὐτῷ πάντα ἀποβεβήκοι τῇ περ ἐκεῖνος 
εἶπε, οὐδέν τι μᾶλλον ἐς ἑωυτὸν λέγων 5 οὐκ ἐς 
ἅπαν τὸ ἀνθρώπινον καὶ μάλιστα τοὺς παρὰ σφίσι 
αὐτοῖσι ὀλβίους δοκέοντας εἶναι. τὸν μὲν Κροῖσον 
ταῦτα ἀπηγέεσθαι, τῆς δὲ πυρῆς ἤδη ἁμμένης 
καίεσθαι. τὰ περιέσχατα. καὶ τὸν Κῦρον ἀκού- 
σαντα τῶν ἑρμηνέων ' τὰ Κροῖσος εἶπε, μεταγνόντα 
τε καὶ ἐννώσαντα ὅτι καὶ αὐτὸς ἄνθρωπος ἐὼν 
ἄλλον ἄνθρωπον, γενόμενον ἑωυτοῦ εὐδαιμονίῃ 
οὐκ ἐλάσσω, ξῶντα πυρὶ διδοίη, πρός τε τούτοισι 
δείσαντα τὴν τίσιν καὶ ἐπιλεξάμενον ὡς οὐδὲν εἴη 
τῶν ἐν ἀνθρώποισι ἀσφαλέως ἔχον, κελεύειν 
σβεννύναι τὴν ταχίστην τὸ καιόμενον Tip! καὶ 


119 


2 πῦρ is bracketed by Stein. 


BOOK 1. 86 


then that he did this; but Croesus, as he stood 
on the pyre, remembered even in his evil plight 
how divinely inspired was that saying of Solon, that 
no living man was blest. When this came to his 
mind, having till now spoken no word, he sighed 
deeply and groaned, and thrice uttered the name of 
Solon. Cyrus heard it, and bade his interpreters 
ask Croesus who was this on whom he called; they 
came near and asked him ; Croesus at first would say 
nothing in answer, but presently, being compelled, he 
said, * It is one with whom I would have given much 
wealth that all sovereigns should hold converse." 
This was a dark saying to them, and again they 
questioned him of the words which he spoke. As they 
were instant, and troubled him, he told them then how 
Solon, an Athenian, had first come, and how he had 
seen all his royal state and made light of it (saying 
thus and thus), and how all had happened to Croesus 
as Solon said, though he spoke with less regard to 
Croesus than to mankind in general and chiefly those 
who deemed themselves blest, While Croesus thus 
told his story, the pyre had already béen kindled and 
the outer parts of it were burning. Then Cyrus, 
when he heard from the interpreters what Croesus 
said, repented of his purpose. He bethought him 
that he, being also a man, was burning alive another 
man who had once been as fortunate as himself; 
moreover, he feared the retribution, and it came to his 
mind that there was no stability in human affairs; 
wherefore he gave command to quench the burning 

III 


Qo 


HERODOTUS 


καταβιβάξειν Κροῖσόν τε καὶ τοὺς μετὰ Κροίσου. 
καὶ τοὺς πειρωμένους οὐ δύνασθαι ἔτι τοῦ πυρὸς 
ἐπικρατῆσαι. 

87. ᾿Ενθαῦτα λέγεται, ὑπὸ Λυδῶν Κροῖσον 
μαθόντα τὴν Κύρου μετάγνωσιν, ὡς ὥρα πάντα 
μὲν ἄνδρα σβεννύντα τὸ πῦρ, δυναμένους δὲ 
οὐκέτι καταλαβεῖν, ἐπιβώσασθαι τὸν ᾿Απόλλωνα 
ἐπικαλεόμενον, εἴ τί οἱ κεχαρισμένον ἐξ αὐτοῦ 
ἐδωρήθη, παραστῆναι καὶ ῥύσασθαι αὐτὸν ἐκ τοῦ 
παρεόντος κακοῦ. τὸν μὲν δακρύοντα ἐπικαλέ- 
εσθαι τὸν θεόν, ἐκ δὲ αἰθρίης τε καὶ νηνεμίης 
συνδραμεῖν ἐξαπίνης νέφεα καὶ χειμῶνά τε καταρ- 
ραγῆναι καὶ ὗσαι ὕδατι λαβροτάτῳ, κατασβε- 
σθῆναί τε τὴν πυρήν. οὕτω δὴ μαθόντα. τὸν 
Κῦρον ὡς εἴη ὁ Κροῖσος καὶ θεοφιλὴς καὶ ἀνὴρ 
ἀγαθός, καταβιβάσαντα αὐτὸν ἀπὸ τῆς πυρῆς 
εὐρέσθαι τάδε. s Κροῖσε, τίς σε ἀνθρώπων 
ἀνέγνωσε ἐπὶ γῆν τὴν ἐμὴν στρατευσάμενον 

ολέμιον ἀντὶ φίλου ἐ ἐμοὶ καταστῆναι; ᾿ ὃ δὲ εἶπε 
“Ὦ βασιλεῦ, ' ἐγὼ ταῦτα ἔπρηξα τῇ σῇ μὲν 
εὐδαιμονίῃ, τῇ ἐμεωυτοῦ δὲ κακοδαιμονίῃ, αἴτιος 
δὲ τούτων ἐγένετο ὁ Ἑλλήνων θεὸς. ἐπαείρας ἐμὲ 
στρατεύεσθαι. οὐδεὶς γὰρ οὕτω ἀνόητος ἐστὶ 
ὅστις πόλεμον πρὸ εἰρήνης αἱρέεται" ἐν μὲν γὰρ 
τῇ οἱ | παῖδες τοὺς πατέρας θάπτουσι, ἐ ἐν δὲ τῷ οἱ 
πατέρες τοὺς παῖδας. ἀλλὰ ταῦτα δαϊμοσί κου 
φίλον ἣν οὕτω γενέσθαι." 

88. Ὃ μὲν ταῦτα ἔλεγε, Κῦρος δὲ αὐτὸν λύσας 
κατεῖσέ τε ἐγγὺς ἑωυτοῦ καὶ κάρτα ev πολλῇ 
προμηθίῃ εἶχε, ᾽ἀπεθώμαξέ τε ὁρέων καὶ αὐτὸς 
καὶ οἱ περ ἐκεῖνον ἐόντες πάντες. ὃ δὲ συννοίῃ 
ἐχόμενος ἥσυχος ἦν' μετὰ δὲ ἐπιστραφείς τε καὶ 


112 


BOOK I. 86-88 


fire with all speed and bring Croesus and those with 
him down from the pyre. But his servants could not 
for all their endeavour now master the fire. 

87. Then (so the Lydians relate), when Croesus was 
aware of Cyrus' repentance and saw all men striving 
to quench the fire but no longer able to check it, he 
cried aloud to Apollo, praying that if the god had ever 
been pleased with any gift of his offering he would 
now come to his aid and save him from present de- 
struction. Thus with weeping he invoked the god: and 
suddenly in a clear and windless sky clouds gathered 
and a storm burst and there was a most violent rain, 
so that the pyre was quenched. Then indeed Cyrus 
perceived that Croesus was a good man and one be- 
loved of the gods; and bringing him down from the 
pyre, he questioned him, saying, “What man persuaded 
you, Croesus, to attack my country with an army, 
and be my enemy instead of my friend ?" “O King,” 
said Croesus, “it was I who did it, and brought there- 
by good fortune to you and ill to myself : but the cause 
of all was the god of the Greeks, in that he encouraged 
me to send my army. No man is so foolish as to de- 
sire war more than peace: for in peace sons bury their 
fathers, but in war fathers bury their sons. But I 
must believe that heaven willed all this so to be." 

88. So said Croesus. Then Cyrus loosed him and 
set him near to himself and took much thought for 
him, and both he and all that were with him were 
astonished when they looked upon Croesus. He for 
his part was silent, deep in thought. Presently he 


II3 


HERODOTUS 


ἰδόμενος τοὺς Πέρσας τὸ τῶν Λυδῶν ἄστυ κεραΐ- 
ἕοντας εἶπε ‘OQ βασιλεῦ, κότερον λέγειν πρὸς σὲ 
τὰ νοέων τυγχάνω ἢ σιγᾶν ἐν τῷ παρεόντι χρή; ý 
Kópos δέ μιν θαρσέοντα. ἐκέλευε λέγειν ὅ τι 
βούλοιτο. ὃ δὲ αὐτὸν εἰρώτα λέγων “ Οὗτος ὁ 
πολλὸς ὅμιλος Tí ταῦτα πολλῇ σπουδῇ ἐργά- 
ἕεται; ὃ δὲ εἶπε “Πόλιν τε τὴν σὴν διαρπάξει 
καὶ χρήματα, τὰ σὰ διαφορέει." Κροῖσος δὲ 
ἀμείβετο «Οὔτε πόλιν τὴν ἐμὴν οὔτε χρήματα τὰ 
ἐμὰ διαρπάξει: οὐδὲν γὰρ ἐμοὶ ἔτι τούτων μέτα: 
ἀλλὰ φέρουσί τε καὶ ἄγουσι τὰ σά. j 

89. Κύρῳ δὲ ἐπιμελὲς ἐγένε το τὰ Κροῖσος εἶπε" 
μεταστησάμενος. δὲ τοὺς ἄλλους, εἴρετο Κροῖσον 
ὅ τι οἱ ἐνορῴη ἐν τοῖσι ποιευμένοισι. ὃ δὲ εἶπε 
ae Ἐπείτε pe θεοὶ ἔδωκαν δοῦλον σοί, δικαιῶ, εἴ τι 
ἐνορέω πλέον, σημαίνειν σοί. Πέρσαι φύσιν 
ἐόντες ὑβρισταὶ εἰσὶ ἀχρήματοι. ἣν ὧν σὺ 
τούτους περιίδῃς διαρπάσαντας καὶ κατασχόντας 
χρήματα μεγάλα, τάδε τοι ἐξ αὐτῶν ἐπίδοξα 
γενέσθαι" ὃς ἂν αὐτῶν πλεῖστα -κατάσχῃ, τοῦτον 
προσδέκεσθαί τοι ἐπαναστησόμενον. νῦν ὧν 
ποίησον ὧδε, εἴ τοι ἀρέσκει τὰ ἐγὼ λέγω" κάτισον 
τῶν δορυφόρων ἐπὶ πάσῃσι τῇσι πύλησι φυλά- 
κους, οἳ λεγόντων πρὸς τοὺς ἐκφέροντας τὰ χρή- 
ματα ἀπαιρεόμενοι ὡς σφέα ἀναγκαίως ἔχει δεκα- 
τευθῆναι τῷ Διί. καὶ σύ τέ σφι οὐκ ἀπεχθήσεαι 
βίῃ ἀπαιρεόμενος τὰ χρήματα, καὶ ἐκεῖνοι συγ- 
γνόντες ποιέειν σε δίκαια ἑκόντες προήσουσι." 

90. Ταῦτα ἀκούων ὃ Κῦρος ὑπερήδετο, ὥς οἱ 
ἐδόκεε εὖ ὑποτίθεσθαι: αἰνέσας δὲ πολλά, καὶ 
ἐντειλάμενος τοῖσι δορυφόροισι τὰ Κροῖσος ὗπε- 
θήκατο ἐπιτελέειν, εἶπε πρὸς Κροῖσον τάδε. 


114 


BOOK I. 88-90 


turned and said (for he saw the Persians sacking the 
city of the Lydians), “O King, am I to say to you now 
what is in my mind, or keep silence ?" Cyrus bidding 
him to say boldly what he would, Croesus asked, 
“Yonder multitude, what is this whereon they are so 
busily engaged ?" * They are plundering,” said Cyrus, 
“ your city and carrying off your possessions." “Nay,” 
Croesus answered, * not my city, nor my possessions ; 
for I have no longer any share of all this; it is your 
wealth that they are ravishing?” 

89. Cyrus thought upon what Croesus said, and 
bidding the rest withdraw he asked Croesus what 
fault he saw in what was being done. ‘Since the 
gods," replied the Lydian, ** have given me to be your 
slave, it is right that if I have any clearer sight of 
wrong done 1 should declare it to you. The Persians 
are violent men by nature, and poor withal; if then 
you suffer them to seize and hold great possessions, 
you may expect that he who has won most will rise 
in revolt against you. Now therefore do this, if 
what I say finds favour with you. Set men of your 
guard to watch all the gates; let them take the 
spoil from those who are carrying it out, and say that 
it must be paid as tithe to Zeus. Thus shall you not 
be hated by them for taking their wealth by force, and 
they for their part will acknowledge that you act 
justly, and will give up the spoil willingly." 

90. When Cyrus heard this he was exceedingly 
pleased, for he deemed the counsel good ; and praising 
him greatly, and bidding his guards to act as Croesus 

115 


HERODOTUS 


** Kpoice, ἀναρτημένου σεῦ ἀνδρὸς βασιλέος 
χρηστὰ ἔργα καὶ ἔπεα ποιέειν, αὐτέο δόσιν ij ἥντινα 
βΒούλεαί τοι γενέσθαι παραυτίκα." ô δὲ εἶπε 
“"Ὦ δέσποτα, ἐάσας HE χαριεῖ µάλ/ιστα τὸν θεὸν 
τῶν Ἑλλήνων, τὸν ἐγὼ ἐτίμησα θεῶν μάλιστα, 
ἐπειρέσθαι πέμψαντα τάσδε τὰς πέδας, εἰ ἐξα- 
πατᾶν τοὺς εὖ ποιεῦντας νόμος ἐστί οἱ. Κῦρος 
δὲ εἴρετο ὅ τι οἱ τοῦτο ἐπηγορέων παραιτέοιτο. 
Κροῖσος δέ οἱ ἐπαλιλλόγησε πᾶσαν τὴν ἑωυτοῦ 
διάνοιαν καὶ τῶν χρηστηρίων τὰς ὑποκρίσιας καὶ 
μάλιστα τὰ ava Ἰήματα, καὶ ὡς ἐπαερθεὶς τῷ 
μαντηίῳ ἐστρατεύσατο ἐπὶ Πέρσας: λέγων δὲ 
ταῦτα κατέβαινε αὖτις παραιτεὀµενος ἐπεῖναί οἱ 
τῷ θεῷ τοῦτο ὀνειδίσαι. Κῦρος δὲ γελάσας eime 
«Καὶ τούτου τεύξεαι παρ ἐμεῦ, Κροῖσε, καὶ 
ἄλλου παντὸς τοῦ ἂν ἑκάστοτε δέῃ." ὡς δὲ ταῦτα 
ἤκουσε ὃ Κροῖσος, πέμπων τῶν Λυδῶν ἐ ἐς Δελφοὺς 
ἐνετέλλετο τιθέντας τὰς πέδας ἐπὶ τοῦ νηοῦ τὸν 
οὐδὸν , εἰρωτᾶν εἰ οὔ τι ἐπαισχύνεται τοῖσι 
μαντηίοισι ἐπαείρας Κροῖσον στρατεύεσθαι ἐπὶ 
Πέρσας ὡς καταπαύσοντα τὴν Κύρου δύναμιν, 
an ἧς οἱ ἀκροθίνια τοιαῦτα γενέσθαι, δεικνύντας 
τὰς πέδας" ταῦτα τε ἐπειρωτᾶν, καὶ εἰ ἀχαρισ- 
τοισι νόμος εἶναι τοῖσι Ἑλληνικοῖσι θεοῖσι. 

91. ᾿Απικομένοισι δὲ τοῖσι Λυδοῖσι καὶ λέγουσι 
τὰ ἐντεταλμένα την Πυθίην λέγεται εὐπεῖν τάδε. 
i Τὴν πεπρωμένην μοῖραν ἀδύνατα ἐ ἐστὶ ἀποφυγεῖν 
καὶ θεῷ Κροῖσος δὲ πέμπτου γονέος ἁμαρτάδα 
ἐξέπλησε, ὃς ἐὼν δορυφόρος Ἡ ρακλειδέων, δόλῳ 
γυναικηίῳ ἐπισπόμενος «ἐφόνευσε τὸν δεσπότεα 
καὶ ἔσχε τὴν ἐκείνου τιμὴν οὐδέν οἱ προσήκουσαν. 
προθυμεομένου δὲ Λοξίεω ὅκως ἂν κατὰ τοὺς 


116 


BOOK I. 9o-9: 


had counselled, he said: * Croesus,now that you,a king, 
are resolved to act and to speak aright, ask me now for 
whatever boon you desire forthwith.” ‘ Master,” said 
Croesus, “ you will best please me if you suffer me to 
send these my chains to that god of the Greeks whom 
I chiefly honoured, and to ask him if it be his custom to 
deceive those who serve him well." Cyrusthenasking 
him what charge he brought against the god that he 
made this request, Croesus repeated to him the tale of 
all his own intent, and the answers of the oracles, and 
more especially his offerings, and how it was the oracle 
that had heartened him to attack the Persians; and so 
saying he once more instantly entreated that he might 
be suffered to reproach the god for this. At this Cyrus 
smiled, and replied, “This I will grant you, Croesus, 
and what other boon soever you may at any time ask 
me.” When Croesus heard this, he sent men of 
the Lydians to Delphi, charging them to lay his 
chains on the threshold of the temple, and to ask if 
the god were not ashamed that he had persuaded 
Croesus to attack the Persians, telling him that he 
would destroy Cyrus’ power; of which power (they 
should say, showing the chains) these were the first- 
fruits. Thus they should inquire; and further, if it 
were the manner of the Greek gods to be thankless. 

91. When the Lydians came, and spoke as they 
were charged, the priestess (it is said) thus replied : 
* None may escape his destined lot, not even a god. 
Croesus hath paid for the sin of his ancestor of the 
_ fifth generation: who, being of the guard of the 
Heraclidae, was led by the guile of a woman to slay 
his master, and took to himself the royal state of that 
master, whereto he had no right. And it was the 
desire of Loxias that the evil hap of Sardis should 


117 


-- 


HERODOTUS 


παῖδας τοῦ Κροίσου γένοιτο τὸ Σαρδίων πάθος 
καὶ μὴ κατ᾿ αὐτὸν Κροῖσον, οὐκ οἷόν τε ἐγίνετο 
παραγαγεῖν μοίρας. ὅσον δὲ ἐνέδωκαν αὗται, 
ἤνυσέ τε καὶ ἐ αρίσατόὀ οἱ" τρία γὰρ ἔτεα ἐπανε- 
βάλετο τὴν Σαρδί ίων ἅλωσιν, καὶ τοῦτο ἐπιστάσθω 
Κροῖσος ὡς ὕστερον τοῖσι ἔτεσι τούτοισι ἁλοὺς 
τῆς πεπρωμένης. δεύτερα δὲ τούτων καιομένῳ 
αὐτῷ ἐπήρκεσε. κατὰ δὲ τὸ μαντήιον τὸ γενόμενον 
οὐκ ὀρθῶς Κροῖσος μέμφεται. προηγόρευε γὰρ οἱ 
Λοξίης, ἦν στρατεύηται ἐπὶ Πέρσας, μεγάλην 
ἀρχὴν αὐτὸν καταλύσειν. τὸν δὲ πρὸς ταῦτα 
χρῆν εὖ μέλλοντα βουλεύεσθαι ἐπειρέσθαι πέμ- 
ψαντα κότερα τὴν ἑωυτοῦ. ἢ τὴν Κύρου λέγοι 
ἀρχήν. ov συλλαβὼν δὲ τὸ ῥηθὲν οὐδ᾽ ἐπανειρό- 
μενος ἑωυτὸν αἴτιον ἀποφαινέτω" τῷ καὶ τὸ 
τελευταῖον χρηστηριαξομένῳ εἶπε .Λοξίης περὶ 
ἡμιόνου, οὐδὲ τοῦτο συνέλαβε. ἦν γὰρ δὴ ὁ Κῦρος 
οὗτος ἡμίονος". ἐκ γὰρ δυῶν οὐκ ὁμοεθνέων ἐγε- 
γόνεε, μητρὸς ἀμεένονος, πατρὸς δὲ ὑποδεεστέρου' 
f) μὲν γὰρ ἦν Μηδὶς καὶ ᾿Αστυάγεος θυγάτηρ τοῦ 
Μήδων βασιλέος, ὃ δὲ Πέρσης τε ἦν καὶ ἀρχό- 
μενος ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνοισι καὶ ἔνερθε ἐὼν τοῖσι ἅπασι 
δεσποίνῃ τῇ ἑωυτοῦ συνοίκεε.” ταῦτα μὲν ἡ 
Πυθίη ὑπεκρίνατο. τοῖσι Λυδοῖσι, οἳ δὲ ἀνήνει- 
καν ἐς Σάρδις καὶ ἀπήγγειλαν Κροίσῳ. ὃ δὲ 
ἀκούσας συνέγνω ἑωυτοῦ εἶναι τὴν ἁμαρτάδα 
καὶ οὐ τοῦ θεοῦ. κατὰ μὲν δὴ τὴν Κροίσου 
τε ἀρχὴν καὶ Ἰωνίης τὴν πρώτην καταστροφὴν 
ἔσχε οὕτω. 

92. Κροίσῳ δὲ ἐστὶ ἄλλα ἀναθήματα ἐν τῇ 


: Ἑλλάδι πολλὰ καὶ οὐ τὰ εἰρημένα μοῦνα. ἐν μὲν 


BOOK I. 91-92 


fall in the lifetime of Croesus’ sons, not his own, 
but he could not turn the Fates from their pur- 
pose; yet did he accomplish his wil and favour 
Croesus in so far as they would yield to him: for he 
delayed the taking of Sardis for three years, and 
this let Croesus know, that though he be now taken 
it is by so many years later than the destined hour. 
And further, Loxias saved Croesus from the burn- 
ing. But as to the oracle that was given him, 
Croesus doth not right to complain concerning it. 
For Loxias declared to him that if he should lead an 
army against the Persians he would destroy a great 
empire. Therefore it behoved him, if he would take 
right counsel, to send and ask whether the god spoke 
of Croesus’ or of Cyrus’ empire. But he understood 
not that which was spoken, nor made further inquiry : 
wherefore now let him blame himself. Nay, when he 
asked that last question of the oracle and Loxias gave 
him that answer concerning the mule, even that 
Croesus understood not. For that mule was in truth 
Cyrus ; who was the son of two persons not of the same 
nation, of whom the mother was the nobler and the 
father of lesser estate ; for she was a Median, daughter 
of Astyages king of the Medians: but he was a 
Persian and under the rule of the Medians, and was 
wedded, albeit in all regards lower than she, to one 
that should be his sovereign lady.” Such was the 
answer of the priestess to the Lydians; they carried 
it to Sardis and told it to Croesus; and when he 
heard it, he confessed that the sin was not the god's, 
but his own. And this is the story of Croesus’ rule, 
and of the first overthrow of Ionia. 

92. Now there are many offerings of Croesus in 
Hellas, and not only those whereof I have spoken. 


119 


HERODOTUS 


yàp Θήβῃσι τῇσι Ἰδοιωτῶν τρίπους χρύσεος, τὸν 
ἀνέθηκε τῷ ᾿Απόλλωνι τῷ Ἰσμηνίῳ, ἐν δὲ ᾿Εφέσῳ 
αἵ τε βόες αἱ ρύσεαι καὶ τῶν κιόνων αἱ πολλαί, 
ἐν δὲ Προνηίης τῆς ἐν Δελφοῖσι ἀσπὶς χρυσέη 
μεγάλη. ταῦτα μὲν καὶ ἔτι ἐς ἐμὲ ἦν περιεόντα, 
τὰ Ò ἐξαπόλωλε τῶν ἀναθημάτων" τὰ ὃ ἐν 
Βραγχίδησι τῇσι Μιλησίων ἀναθήματα Κροίσῳ, 
ὡς ἐγὼ πυνθάνομαι, ἴσα τε σταθμὸν καὶ ὅμοια 
τοῖσι ἐν Δελφοῖσι; <.. © TQ μέν νυν ἔς τε Δελφοὺς 
καὶ ἐς τοῦ ᾿Αμϕιάρεω. ἀνέθηκε οἰκήιώ τε ἐόντα καὶ 
τῶν πατρωίων χρημάτων ἀπαρχήν' τὰ δὲ ἄλλα 
ἀναθήματα ἐξ ἀνδρὸς é ἐγένετο οὐσίης ἐχθροῦ, ὅς οἱ 
πρὶν ἢ βασιλεῦσαι ἀντιστασιώτης κατεστήκεε, 
συσπεύδων Πανταλέοντι γενέσθαι τὴν Λυδῶν 
ἆ ρχή». ὁ δὲ Πανταλέων ἦν ᾿Αλυάττεω μὲν παῖς, 
Κροίσου δὲ ἀδελφεὸς οὐκ ὁμομήτριος Κροῖσος 
μὲν γὰρ ἐκ Καείρης ἦν γυναικὸς ᾿Αλυάττῃ, 
Πανταλέων δὲ ἐξ Ἰάδος. ἐπείτε δὲ δόντος τοῦ 
πατρὸς ἐκράτησε τῆς ἀρχῆς ὁ Κροῖσος, τὸν 
ἄνθρωπον τὸν ἀντιπρήσσοντα ἐπὶ κνάφου ἕλκων 
διέφθειρε, τὴν δὲ οὐσίην αὐτοῦ ἔτι πρότερον 
κατιρώσας τότε τρόπῳ τῷ εἰρημένῳ ἀνέθηκε ἐς 
τὰ εἴρηται. καὶ περὶ μὲν ἀναθημάτων τοσαῦτα 
εἰρήσθω. 

93. Θώματα δὲ γῆ ἡ Λυδίη ἐς συγγραφὴν οὐ 
para ἔχει, οἷά τε καὶ ἄλλη χώρη, πάρεξ τοῦ ἐκ 
τοῦ Τμώλου καταφερομένου. ψήγµατος. ἓν δὲ 
ἔργον πολλὸν μέγιστον παρέχεται χωρὶς τῶν τε 
Αἰγυπτίων ἔργων καὶ τῶν Βαβυλωνίων" ἔστι 
αὐτόθι ᾽Αλυάττεω τοῦ Κροίσου πατρὸς σῆμα, τοῦ 


1 The sentence is incomplete, lacking a predicate. 


120 


BOOK I. 92-93 


There is a golden tripod at Thebes in Boeotia, which 
he dedicated to Apollo of Ismenus; at Ephesus! 
there are the oxen of gold and the greater part of the 
pillars; and in the temple of Proneia at Delphi, 
a golden shield.? All these yet remained till my 
lifetime; but some other of the offerings have 
perished. And the offerings of Croesus at Branchidae 
of the Milesians, as I have heard, are equal in 
weight and like to those at Delphi. Those which he 
dedicated at Delphi and the shrine of Amphiaraus 
were his own, the firstfruits of the wealth in- 
herited from his father; the rest came from the 
estate of an enemy who had headed a faction against 
Croesus before he became king, and conspired to 
win the throne of Lydia for Pantaleon. This Pan- 
taleon was a son of Alyattes, and half-brother of 
Croesus: Croesus was Alyattes' son by a Carian and 
Pantaleon by an Ionian mother. So when Croesus 
gained the sovereignty by his father's gift, he put the 
man who had conspired against him to death by draw- 
ing him across a carding-comb, and first confiscated 
his estate, then dedicated it as and where I have said. 
This is all that I shall say of Croesus' offerings. 

93. There are not in Lydia many marvellous 
things for me to tell of, if it be compared with 
other countries, except the gold dust that comes 
down from Tmolus. But there is one building to be 
seen there which is more notable than any, saving 
those of Egypt and Babylon. There is in Lydia the 
tomb of Alyattes the father of Croesus, the base 


1 The temple at Ephesus was founded probably in Alyattes’ 
reign, and not completed till the period of the Graeco-Persian 

ar. 

2 The temple of Athene Proneia (== before the shrine) was 
situated outside the temple of Apollo. 


121 


HERODOTUS 


ἡ κρηπὶς μὲν ἐστὶ λίθων μεγάλων, τὸ δὲ ἄλλο 
σῆμα χῶμα γῆς. ἐξεργάσαντο δέ μιν οἱ ἀγοραῖοι 
ἄνθρωποι καὶ οἱ χειρώνακτες καὶ αἱ ἐνεργαζόμεναι 
παιδίσκαι. οὗροι δὲ πέντε ἐόντες ἔτι καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ 
ἦσαν ἐπὶ τοῦ σήματος ἄνω, καί σφι γράμματα 
ἐνεκεκόλαπτο τὰ ἕκαστοι ἐξεργάσαντο, καὶ ἐφαί- 
νετο μετρεόμενον τὸ τῶν παιδιφκέων ἔργον ἐὸν 
μέγιστον. τοῦ γὰρ δὴ Λυδῶν δήμου αἱ θυγατέρες 
πορνεύονται πᾶσαι, συλλέγουσαι σφίσι φερνάς, 
ἐς ὃ ἂν συνοικήσωσι τοῦτο ποιέουσαι’ ἐκδιδοῦσ, 
δὲ αὐταὶ ἑωυτάς. ἡ μὲν δὴ περίοδος τοῦ σήματος 
εἰσὶ στάδιοι ἓξ καὶ δύο πλέθρα, τὸ δὲ εὖρος ἐστὶ 
πλέθρα τρία καὶ δέκα. λίμνη δὲ ἔχεται τοῦ 
σήματος μεγάλη, τὴν λέγουσι Λυδοὶ ἀείναον εἶναι" 
καλέεται δὲ αὕτη Γυγαίη. τοῦτο μὲν δὴ τοιοῦτο 
ἐστί. 

94, Λυδοὶ δὲ νόμοισι μὲν παραπλησίοισι χρέ- 
ωνται καὶ "Ελληνες, χωρὶς ἢ ὅτι τὰ θήλεα τέκνα 
καταπορνεύουσι, πρῶτοι δὲ ἀνθρώπων τῶν ἡμεῖς 
ἴδμεν νόµισµα χρυσοῦ καὶ ἀργύρου κοψάμενοι 
ἐχρήσαντο, πρῶτοι δὲ καὶ κάπηλοι ἐγένοντο. 
φασὶ δὲ αὐτοὶ Λυδοὶ καὶ τὰς παιγνίας τὰς νῦν 


σφίσι τε καὶ "Ελλησι κατεστεώσας ἑωυτῶν ἐξεύ-. 


ρήμα γενέσθαι" ἅμα δὲ ταύτας τε ἐξευρεθῆναι 
παρὰ σφίσι λέγουσι καὶ Τυρσηνίην ἀποικίσαι, 
ὧδε περὶ αὐτῶν λέγοντες. ἐπὶ " Arvos τοῦ Μάνεω 
βασιλέος σιτοδείην ἰσχυρὴν ἀνὰ τὴν Λυδίην 
πᾶσαν γενέσθαι, καὶ τοὺς Λυδοὺς τέως μὲν διάγειν 
λιπαρέοντας, μετὰ δὲ ὡς οὐ παύεσθαι, ἄκεα δίζη- 
σθαι, ἄλλον δὲ ἄλλο ἐπιμηχανᾶσθαι αὐτῶν. 
ἐξευρεθῆναι δὴ ὧν τότε καὶ τῶν κύβων καὶ τῶν 
ἀστραγάλων καὶ τῆς σφαίρης καὶ τῶν ἀλλέων 
122 


BOOK I. 93-94 


whereof is made of great stones and the rest of it of 
mounded earth. It was built by the men of the mar- 
ket and the artificers and the prostitutes. There 
remained till my time five corner-stones set on the 
top of the tomb, and on these was graven the record 
of the work done by each kind: and measurement 
showed that the prostitutes' share of the work was 
the greatest. All the daughters of the common 
people of Lydia ply the trade of prostitutes, to 
collect dowries, till they can get themselves hus- 
bands; and they offer themselves in marriage. 
Now this tomb has a circumference of six furlongs 
and a third, and its breadth is above two fur- 
longs; and there is a great lake hard by the tomb, 
which, say the Lydians, is fed by ever-flowing 
springs; it is called the Gygaean lake. Such then 
is this tomb. 

94. The customs of the Lydians are like those of 
the Greeks, save that they make prostitutes of their 
female children. They were the first men (known to 
us) who coined and used gold and silver currency ; 
and they were the first to sell by retail. And, accord- 
ing to what they themselves say, the pastimes now in 
use among them and the Greeks were invented by the 
Lydians: these, they say, were invented among them 
at the time when they colonised Tyrrhenia. This is 
their story : In the reign of Atys son of Manes there 
was great scarcity of food in all Lydia. For a while 
the Lydians bore this with what patience they could ; 
presently, when there was no abatement of the 
famine, they sought for remedies, and divers plans 
were devised by divers men. Then it wasthat they 
invented the games of dice and knuckle-bones and 


123 


EF X Ῥ Ἢ 


HERODOTUS 


πασέων παιγνιέων τὰ εἴδεα, πλὴν πεσσῶν' τούτων 
γὰρ. ὧν τὴν ἐξεύρεσιν οὐκ οἰκηιοῦνται Λυδοί. 
ποιέειν δὲ ὧδε πρὸς τὸν λιμὸν ἐξευρόντας, τὴν μὲν 
ἑτέρην τῶν ἡμερέων παίξειν πᾶσαν, ἵνα δὴ μὴ 
ζητέοιεν outta, τὴν δὲ é ἑτέρην σιτέεσθαι παυοµένους 
τῶν παιγνιέων. | τοιούτῳ τρόπῳ διάγειν ἐπ᾽ ἔτεα 
δυῶν δέοντα εἴκοσι. ἐπείτε δὲ οὐκ ἀνιέναι τὸ 
κακὸν ἀλλ ἔτι ἐπὶ μᾶλλον, βΒιάζεσθαι, «οὕτω δὴ 
τὸν βασιλέα αὐτῶν δύο μοίρας διελόντα Λυδῶν 
πάντων κληρῶσαι τὴν μὲν ἐπὶ μόνῃ τὴν δὲ, ἐπὶ 
ἐξόδῳ ἐκ τῆς χώρης, καὶ ἐπὶ μὲν. τῇ μένειν αὐτοῦ 
λαγχανούσῃ τῶν μοιρέων ἑωυτὸν τὸν βασιλέα 
προστάσσειν, ἐπὶ δὲ τῇ ἀπαλλασσομένῃ τὸν ἑωυ- 
τοῦ παῖδα, τῷ οὔνομα εἶναι Τυρσηνόν. .λαχόντας 
δὲ αὐτῶν τοὺς ἑτέρους ἐξιέναι ἐκ τῆς χώρης κατα- 
βῆναι ἐς Σμύρνην καὶ μηχανήσασθαι πλοῖα, ἐ ἐς τὰ 
ἐσθεμένους τὰ πάντα, ὅσα σφι ἦν χρηστὰ ἐπί- 
πλοα, ἀποπλέειν κατὰ βίου τε καὶ γῆς ἑήτησιν, 
ἐς ὃ ἔθνεα πολλὰ παραμειψαμένους ἀπικέσθαι ἐ ἐς 
Ὀμβρικούς, ἔνθα σφέας ἐνιδρύσασθαι πόλιας καὶ 
οἰκέειν τὸ μέχρι τοῦδε. ἀντὶ δὲ Λυδῶν μετονο- 
μασθῆναι. αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ τοῦ βασιλέος τοῦ παιδός, ὅ ὃς 
σφεας ἀνήγαγε, ἐπὶ τούτου τὴν ἐπωνυμίην ποιευ- 
μένους ὀνομασθῆναι Τυρσηνούς. 

Av6ol μὲν δὴ ὑπὸ Πέρσῃσι ἐδεδούλωντο. 

95. ᾿Επιδίξηται δὲ δὴ, τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν ἡμῖν ὁ λόγος 
τόν τε Κῦρον ὅστις ἐὼν τὴν Κροίσου | ἀρχὴν 
κατεῖλε, καὶ τοὺς Πέρσας 6 ὅτεῳ τρόπῳ ἡγήσαντο 
τῆς ᾿Ασίης. ὡς ὧν Περσέων μετεξέτεροι λέγουσι, 
οἱ μὴ ,Βουλόμενοι σεμνοῦν τὰ περὶ Kópov ἀλλὰ 
τὸν ἐόντα λέγειν λόγον, κατὰ ταῦτα γράψω, 


124 


BOOK I. 94-95 


ball, and all other forms of pastime except only 
draughts, which the Lydians do not claim to have 
discovered. Then, using their discovery to lighten 
the famine, they would play for the whole of every 
other day, that they might not have to seek for food, 
and the next day they ceased from their play and ate. 
This was their manner of life for eighteen years. 
But the famine did not cease to plague them, and 
rather afflicted them yet more grievously. At last 
their king divided the people into two portions, and 
made them draw lots, so that the one part should 
remain and the other leave the country; he himself 
was to be the head of those who drew the lot to re- 
main there, and his son, whose name was Tyrrhenus, 
of those who departed. Then one part of them, 
having drawn the lot, left the country and came down 
to Smyrna and built ships, whereon they set all their 
goods that could be carried on shipboard, and sailed 
away to seek a livelihood and a country; till at last, 
after sojourning with many nations in turn, they came 
to the Ombrici,! where they founded cities and have 
dwelt ever since. They no longer called themselves 
Lydians, but Tyrrhenians, after the name of the 
king's son who had led them thither. 

The Lydians, then, were enslaved by the 
Persians. 

95. But it is next the business of my history to 
inquire who this Cyrus was who brought down the 
power of Croesus, and how the Persians came to be 
rulers of Asia. I mean then to be guided in what 
I write by some of the Persians who desire not to 
make a fine tale of the story of Cyrus but to tell 


! In northern and central Italy; the Umbria of Roman 
history perpetuates the name. 


à 125 


HERODOTUS 


ἐπιστάμενος περὶ Κύρου καὶ τριφασίας ἄλλας 
λόγων ὁδοὺς φῆναι. 

᾿Ασσυρίων ἀρχόντων τῆς ἄνω ᾿Ασίης én’ ἔτεα 
εἴκοσι καὶ πεντακόσια, πρῶτοι an’ αὐτῶν M$- 
oL ἤρξαντο ἀπίστασθαι, καί KOŞ οὗτοι περὶ 
τῆς ἐλευθερίης μαχεσάμενοι τοῖσι ᾿Ασσυρίοισι 
ἐγένοντο ἄνδρες ἀγαθοί, καὶ ἀπωσάμενοι τὴν 
δουλοσύνην ἐλευθερώθησαν. μετὰ δὲ τούτους καὶ 
τὰ ἄλλα ἔθνεα ἐποίεε τὠυτὸ τοῖσι Μήδοισι. 

96. ᾿Εόντων δὲ αὐτονόμων πάντων ἀνὰ τὴν 
ἤπειρον, ὧδε αὖτις ἐς τυραννίδα περιῆλθον. ἀνὴρ 
ἐν τοῖσι Μήδοισι ἐγένετο σοφὸς. τῷ οὔνομα ἦν 
Δηιόκης, παῖς ὃ ἦν Φραόρτεω. οὗτος ὁ Δηιόκης 
ἐρασθεὶς τυραννίδος ἐ ἐποίεε τοιάδε. κατοικημένων 
τῶν Μήδων κατὰ κώμας, ἐν τῇ ἑωυτοῦ ἐὼν καὶ 
πρότερον δόκιμος καὶ μᾶλλόν τι καὶ προθυμότερον 
δικαιοσύνην ἐπιθέμενος ἥσκεε" καὶ ταῦτα μέντοι 
ἐούσης ἀνομίης πολλῆς ἀνὰ πᾶσαν τὴν Μηδικὴν 
ἐποίεε, ἐπιστάμενος ὅτι τῷ δικαίῳ τὸ ἄδικον πολέ- 
μιον ἐστί. οἱ δ' ἐκ τῆς αὐτῆς κώμης Μήδοι 
ὁρῶντες αὐτοῦ τοὺς τρόπους δικαστήν μιν ἑωυτῶν 
αἱρέοντο. ὃ δὲ δή, οἷα μνώμενος ἀρχήν, ἰθύς τε 
καὶ δίκαιος ἦν, ποιέων τε ταῦτα ἔπαινον εἶχε οὐκ 
ὀλίγον πρὸς τῶν πολιητέων, οὕτω ὥστε πυνθανό- 
μενοι οἱ ἐν τῇσι ἄλλῃσι κώμῃσι ὡς Δηιόκης εἴη 
ἀνὴρ μοῦνος κατὰ τὸ ὀρθὸν δικάξων, πρότερον 
περιπίπτοντες ἀδίκοισι γνώμῃσι, τότε ἐπεύτε 
ἤκουσαν ἄσμενοι ἐφοίτων. παρὰ τὸν Δηιόκεα 
καὶ αὐτοὶ δικασόμενοι, τέλος δὲ οὐδενὶ ἄλλῳ 
ἐπετράποντο. 

97. Πλεῦνος δὲ αἰεὶ γινομένου τοῦ ἐπιφοιτέ- 
οντος, οἷα πυνθανομένων τὰς δίκας ἀποβαίνειν 


126 


BOOK l. 95-97 


the truth, though there are no less than three other 
accounts of Cyrus which I could give. 

When the Assyrians had ruled Upper Asia for five 
hundred and twenty years! their subjects began to 
revolt from them: first of all, the Medes. These, it 
would seem, proved their valour in fighting forfreedom 
againstthe Assyrians; they cast off their slavery and 
won freedom. Afterwards the other subject nations 
too did the sare as the Medes. 

96. All of thos the mainland were now free 
men ; but they came onée~mgre to be ruled by mon- 
archs as I will now relate. was among the 
Medians a clever man called Deioces : Ire.was the son 
of Phraortes. Deioces was enamoured of sovereignty, 
and thus he set about gaining it. Being already a 
notable man in his own township (one of the man 
townships into which Media was parcelled), he began 
to profess and practise justice more constantly and 
zealously than ever, and this he did although there 
was much lawlessness in all the land of Media, and 
though he knew that injustice is ever the foe of jus- 
tice. Then the Medes of the same township, seeing 
his dealings, chose him to be their judge, and he (for 
he coveted sovereign power) was honest and just. 
By so acting he won no small praise from his fellow 
townsmen, insomuch that when the men of the 
other townships learned that Deioces alone gave 
righteous judgments (they having before suffered 
from unjust decisions) they, then, on hearing this, 
came often and gladly to plead before Deioces; and 
at last they would submit to no arbitrament but his. 

97. The number of those who came grew ever 
greater, for they heard that each case ended as 


1 From 1229 to 709 5.0., as Deioces’ reign began in 709. 
127 


ἓν 


HERODOTUS 


κατὰ τὸ ἐόν, γνοὺς ὁ Δηιόκης ἐς ἑωυτὸν πᾶν 
ἀνακείμενον οὔτε κατίξειν ἔτι ἤθελε ἔνθα περ 
πρότερον προκατίξων ἐδίκαξε, οὔτ᾽ ἔφη δικᾶν ἔτι" 
οὐ γάρ οἱ λυσιτελέειν τῶν ἑωυτοῦ ἐξημεληκότα 
τοῖσι πέλας δι ἡμέρης δικάζειν. ἐούσης ὧν 
ἁρπαγῆς καὶ ἀνομίης. ἔτι πολλῷ μᾶλλον, ἀνὰ τὰς 
κώμας ἦ πρότερον ἦν, συνελέχθησαν οἱ Μῆδοι 
és τὠυτὸ καὶ ἐδίδοσαν σφίσι λόγον, λέγοντες περὶ 
τῶν κατηκόντων. ὡς δ᾽ ἐγὼ δοκέω, μάλιστα 
ἔλεγον οἱ τοῦ Δηιόκεω φίλοι “Οὐ γὰρ δὴ τρόπῳ 
τῷ παρεόντι χρεώμενοι δυνατοὶ εἰμὲν οἰκέειν τὴν 
χώρην, φέρε στήσωμεν ἡμέων αὐτῶν βασιλέα" 
καὶ οὕτω ἤ τε χώρη εὐνομήσεται καὶ αὐτοὶ πρὸς 
ἔργα τρεψόμεθα, οὐδὲ UT ἀνομίης ἀνάστατοι 
ἐσόμεθα.᾽ ταῦτά κῃ λέγοντες πείθουσι ἑωυτοὺς 
βασιλεύεσθαι. 

Αὐτίκα δὲ προβαλλομένων ὄντινα στή- 
σονται βασιλέα, ὁ Δηιόκης ἦν πολλὸς ὑπὸ παντὸς 
ἀνδρὸς καὶ προβαλλόμενος καὶ αἰνεόμενος, ἐς ὃ 
τοῦτον καταινέουσι βασιλέα σφίσι εἶναι. ὃ δ᾽ 
ἐκέλευε αὐτοὺς οἰκία τε ἑωυτῷ ἄξια τ Βασιληΐης 
οἰκοδομῆσαι καὶ κρατῦναι αὐτὸν δορυφόροισι" 
ποιεῦσι δὴ ταῦτα οἱ Μῆδοι" οἰκοδομέουσί τε γὰρ 
αὐτῷ οἰκία μεγάλα τε καὶ ἰσχυρά, ἵνα αὐτὸς 
ἔφρασε τῆς χώρης, καὶ δορυφόρους αὐτῷ ἐπι- 
τράπουσι ἐκ πάντων Μήδων καταλέξασθαι. ὃ 
δὲ ὡς ἔσχε τὴν ἀρχήν, τοὺς Μήδους ἠνάγκασε 
ἓν ᾿πόλισμα ποιήσασθαι καὶ τοῦτο περιστέλλοντας 
τῶν ἄλλων ἧσσον ἐπιμέλεσθαι. πειθομένων δὲ 
καὶ ταῦτα τῶν Μήδων οἰκοδομέει τείχεα μεγάλα 
τε καὶ καρτερὰ, ταῦτα τὰ νῦν ᾿Αγβάτανα κέ- 
κληται, ἕτερον ἑτέρῳ κύκλῳ ἐνεστεῶτα. peN- 


128 


BOOK I. 97-98 


accorded with the truth. Then Deioces, seeing that all 
was now entrusted to him, would not sit in his former 
seat of judgment, and said he would give no more 
decisions; for it was of no advantage to him (he said) 
to leave his own business and spend all the day 
judging the cases of his neighbours. This caused 
robbery and lawlessness to increase greatly in the 
townships; and the Medes gathering together con- 
ferred about their present affairs, and said (here, as I 
suppose, the chief speakers were Deioces' friends), 
* Since we cannot with our present manner of life 
dwell peacefully in the country, come, let us set up 
a king for ourselves; thus will the country be weli 
governed, and we ourselves shall betake ourselves 
to our business, and cease to be undone by lawless- 
ness" By such words they persuaded themselves 
to be ruled by a king. 

98. Thequestion was forthwith propounded: Whom 
should they make king? Then every man was loud 
in putting Deioces forward and praising Deioces, till 
they agreed that he should be their king. He bade 
them build him houses worthy of his royal power, 
and arm him with a bodyguard : the Medes did so; 
they built him great and strong houses at what places 
soever in the country he showed them, and suffered 
him to choose a bodyguard out of all their people. 
But having obtained the power, he constrained the 
Medes to make him one stronghold and to fortify 
this more strongly than all the rest. This too the 
Medes did for him: so he built the great and mighty 
circles of walls within walls which are now called 
Agbatana.! This fortress is so planned that each 


1 Modern Hamadán, probably : but see Rawlinson’s note. 
129 


HERODOTUS 


χάνηται δὲ οὕτω τοῦτο τὸ τεῖχος ὥστε ὁ ἕτερος 
τοῦ ἑτέρου κύκλος τοῖσι προμαχεῶσι μούνοισι 
ἐστι ὑψηλότερος. τὸ μέν κού τι καὶ τὸ «Χωρίον 
συμμαχέει κολωνὸς ἐὼν ὥστε τοιοῦτο εἶναι, τὸ 
δὲ καὶ μᾶλλόν τί ἐπετηδεύθη. κύκλων δ᾽ ἐόντων 
τῶν συναπάντων ἑπτά, ἐν δὴ τῷ τελευταίῳ τὰ 
βασιλήια ἔνεστι καὶ οἱ θησαυροί. τὸ δ᾽ αὐτῶν 
μέγιστον ἐστὶ τεῖχος κατὰ τὸν ᾿Αθηνέων κύκλον 
μάλιστά. κῃ τὸ μέγαθος. τοῦ μὲν δὴ πρώτου 
κύκλου οἱ προμαχεῶνες εἰσὶ λευκοί, τοῦ δὲ δευτέ- 
ρου μέλανες, τρίτου δὲ κύκλου φοινίκεοι, τετάρτου 
δὲ κυάνεοι, πέμπτου δὲ σανδαράκινοι. οὕτω τῶν 
πέντε κύκλων οἱ προμαχεῶνες ἠνθισ μένοι εἰσὶ 
φαρμάκοισι" δύο δὲ οἱ τελευταῖοι εἰσὶ ὃ .μὲν 
καταργυρωμένους ὃ δὲ κατακεχρυσωμένους ἔχων 
τοὺς προμαχεῶνας. 

99. Ταῦτα μὲν δὴ ὁ Δηιόκης é ἑωυτῷ τε ἐτείχεε 
καὶ περὶ τὰ ἑωυτοῦ οἰκία, τὸν δὲ ἄλλον δῆμον 
πέριξ. ἐκέλευε τὸ τεῖχος οἰκέειν. οἰκοδομηθέντων 
δὲ πάντων κόσμον τόνδε Δηιόκης πρῶτος ἐστὶ 
ὁ καταστησάμενος, μήτε ἐσιέναι παρὰ βασιλέα 

μηδένα, bv ἀγγέλων δὲ πάντα χρᾶσθαι, ὁρᾶσθαι 
τε βασιλέα ὑπὸ μηδενός, πρός τε τούτοισι ἔτι 
γελᾶν τε καὶ ἀντίον πτύειν καὶ ἅπασι εἶναι τοῦτό 
ye αἰσχρόν. ταῦτα δὲ περὶ ἑωυτὸν ἐσέμνυνε 
τῶνδε εἵνεκεν, ὅκως ἂν μὴ ὁρῶντες οἱ ὁμήλικες, 
ἐόντες σύντροφοί τε ἐκείνῳ καὶ οἰκίης οὐ Φλαυρο- 
τέρης οὐδὲ ἐς ἀνδραγαθίην λειπόμενοι, λυπεσίατο 
καὶ ἐπιβουλεύοιεν, ἀλλ) ἑτεροῖός σφι δοκέοι εἶναι 
μὴ ὁρῶσι. 

100. ᾿Επείτε δὲ ταῦτα διεκόσµησε καὶ ἐκρά- 
τυνε ἑωυτὸν τῇ τυραννίδι, ἦν τὸ δίκαιον φυλάσσων 


130 


BOOK I. g8—100 


circle of walls is higher than the next outer circle by 
no more than the height of its battlements; to which 
end the site itself, being on a hill in the plain, some- 
what helps, but chiefly it was accomplished by art. 
There are seven circles in all; within the innermost 
circle are the king's dwellings and the treasuries; 
and the longest wall is about the length of the wall 
that surrounds the city of Athens.! The battlements 
of the first circle are white, of the second black, of 
the third circle purple, of the fourth blue, and of 
the fifth orange : thus the battlements of five circles 
are painted with colours ; and the battlements of the 
last two circles are coated, these with silver and those 
with gold. 

99. Deioces built these walls for himself and around 
his own palace; the people were to dwell without the 
wall. And when all was built, it was Deioces first who 
established the rule that no one should come into the 
presence of the king, but all should be dealt with by 
the means of messengers; that the king should be 
seen by no man ; and moreover that it should be in 
particular a disgrace for any to laugh or to spit in his 
presence. He was careful to hedge himself with all 
this state in order that the men of his own age (who 
had been bred up with him and were as nobly born as 
he and his equals in manly excellence), instead of 
seeing him and being thereby vexed and haply 
moved to plot against him, might by reason of not 
seeing him deem him to be changed from what he 
had been.? 

100. Having ordered all these matters and strongly 
armed himself with sovereign power, he was a hard 

1 About eight miles, according to a scholiast's note 


on Thucyd. ii. 13; but this is disputed. 
2 Or, perhaps, different from themselves. 


13! 


HERODOTUS 


χαλεπός: καὶ τάς τε δίκας γράφοντες ἔσω παρ᾽ 
ἐκεῖνον ἐσπέμπεσκον, καὶ ἐκεῖνος διακρίνων τὰς 
ἐσφερομένας ἐκπέμπεσκε. ταῦτα μὲν κατὰ τὰς 
δίκας ἐποίεε, τάδε δὲ ἄλλα ἐκεκοσμέατό οἱ" εἴ 
τινα πυνθάνοιτο ὑβρίζοντα, τοῦτον ὅκως µετα- 
πέμψαιτο κατ EE ἑκάστου ἀδικήματος ἐδικαίευ, 
καί οἱ κατάσκοποΐ τε καὶ κατήκοοι ἦσαν ἀνὰ 
πᾶσαν τὴν χώρην, τῆς ἦρχε. 

101. Δηιόκης μέν νυν τὸ Μηδικὸν ἔθνος συνέ- 
στρεψε μοῦνον καὶ τούτον ἦρξε' ἔστι δὲ Μήδων 
τοσάδε γένεα, Βοῦσαι Ἡαρητακηνοὶ Στρούχατες 
᾿Αριξαντοὶ Βούδιοι Μάγοι. γένεα μὲν δὴ Μήδων 
ἐστὶ τοσάδε. 

102. Δηιόκεω δὲ παῖς γίνεται Φραόρτης, ὃς 
τελευτήσαντος Δηιόκεω, βασιλεύσαντος, τρία καὶ 
πεντήκοντα ἔτεα, παρεδέξατο τὴν ἀρχήν, παρα- 
δεξάμενος δὲ οὐκ | ἀπεχρᾶτο μούνων Μήδων ἆ ἄρχειν, 
ἀλλὰ στρατευσάμενος ἐπὶ τοὺς Πέρσας πρώτοισί 
τε τούτοισι ἐπεθήκατο καὶ πρώτους Μήδων à ὑπη- 
κόους ἐποίησε. μετὰ δὲ ἔχων δύο ταῦτα ἔθνεα 
καὶ ἀμφότερα ἰσχυρά, κατεστρέφετο τὴν ᾿Ασίην 
ἀπ᾽ ἄλλου ἐπ᾿ ἄλλο ἰὼν ἔθνος, ἐς ὃ στρατευσά- 
μενος. ἐπὶ τοὺς ᾿Ασσυρίους καὶ ᾿Ασσυρίων τούτους 
οἳ Νίνον εἶχον καὶ ἦρχον πρότερον πάντων, τότε 
δὲ ἦσαν μεμουνωμένοι μὲν συμμάχων ἅτε an- 
εστεώτων, ἄλλως μέντοι ἑωυτῶν εὖ ἥκοντες, ἐπὶ 
τούτους δὴ, στρατευσάμενος ὁ Φραόρτης, αὐτός τε 
διεφθάρη, ἄρξας δύο καὶ εἴκοσι ἔτεα, καὶ ὁ στρατὸς 
αὐτοῦ ὁ πολλός. 

103. Φραόρτεω δὲ τελευτήσαντος ἐξεδέξατο 
Κυαξάρης ô Φραόρτεω τοῦ Δηιόκεω παῖς. οὗτος 
λέγεται πολλὸν ἔτι γενέσθαι ἀλκιμώτερος τῶν 


132 


BOOK I. 100-103 


man in the observance of justice. They would write 
down their pleas and send them in to him; then would 
he adjudge upon what was brought him and send his 
judgments out. This was his manner of deciding cases 
at law, and he took order too about other matters; 
for when he heard that a man was doing violence he 
would send for him and punish him as befitted each 
offence : and he had spies and eavesdroppers every- 
where in his dominions. 

101. Deioces, then, united the Median nation, and 
no other, and ruled it. The Median tribes are these— 
the Busae, the Paretaceni, the Struchates, the Arizanti, 
the Budii, the Magi: so many are their tribes. 

102. Deioces had a son, Phraortes, who inherited 
the throne at Deioces’ death after a reign of fifty- 
three years.! Having so inherited, he was not content 
to rule the Medes alone: marching against the Per- 
sians, he attacked them first, and they were the first 
whom he made subject to the Medes. Then, with 
these two strong nations at his back, he subdued one 
nation of Asia after another, till he marched against 
the Assyrians, to wit, those of the Assyrians who held 
Ninus. These had formerly been rulers of all; but 
now their allies had dropped from them and they 
were left alone, yet in themselves a prosperous people: 
marching then against these Assyrians, Phraortes him- 
self and the greater part of his army perished, after 
he had reigned twenty-two years. 

103. At his death he was succeeded by his son 
Cyaxares. He is said to have been a much greater 


1 Deioces died in 656 B.O. 


133 


HERODOTUS 


προγόνων, καὶ πρῶτός τε ἑλόχισε κατὰ τέλεα 
τοὺς ἐν τῇ ᾿Ασίῃ καὶ πρῶτος διέταξε χωρὶς 
ἑκάστους εἶναι, τούς τε αἰχμοφόρους καὶ τοὺς 
τοξοφόρους καὶ τοὺς ἱππέας' πρὸ τοῦ δὲ ἀναμὶξ 
ἦν πάντα ὁμοίως ἀναπεφυρμένα. οὗτος ὁ τοῖσι 
Λυδοῖσι ἐστὶ μαχεσάµενος ὅτε νὺξ ἡ ἡμέρη 
ἐγένετό σφι μαχομένοισι, καὶ ὁ τὴν " AXvos ποτα- 
μοῦ ἄνω ᾿Ασίην πᾶσαν συστήσας ἑωυτῷ. συλ. 
λέξας δὲ τοὺς ὑπ᾽ ἑωυτῷ ἀρχομένους πάντας 
ἐστρατεύετο ἐπὶ τὴν Νίνον, τιμωρέων τε τῷ πατρὶ 
καὶ τὴν πόλιν ταύτην θέλων ἐξελεῖν. καί οἱ, ὡς 
συμβαλὼν ἐνίκησε τοὺς ᾿Ασσυρίους, περικατη- 
μένῳ τὴν Νίνον ἐπῆλθε Σκυθέων στρατὸς μέγας, 
ἦγε δὲ αὐτοὺς βασιλεὺς ὁ Σκυθέων Μαδύης 
Προτοθύεω παῖς" of ἐσέβαλον μὲν ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίην 
Κιμμερίους ἐκβαλόντες ἐκ τῆς Εὐρώπης, τούτοισι 
δὲ ἐπισπόμενοι φεύγουσι οὕτω ἐς τὴν Μηδικὴν 
χώρην ἀπίκοντο. 

104. Ἔστι δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς λίμνης τῆς Μαιήτιδος 
ἐπὶ Φᾶσιν ποταμὸν καὶ ἐς Κόλχους τριήκοντα 
ἡμερέων εὐξώνῳ odds, ἐκ δὲ τῆς Κολχίδος οὐ 
πολλὸν ὑπερβῆναι ἐς τὴν Μηδικήν, ἀλλ ἓν τὸ 
διὰ μέσου ἔθνος αὐτῶν ἐστι, Σάσπειρες, τοῦτο δὲ 
παραμειβομένοισι εἶναι ἐν τῇ Μηδικῇ. οὐ μέντοι 
οἵ γε Σκύθαι ταύτῃ ἐσέβαλον, ἀλλὰ τὴν κατύ- 
περθε ὁδὸν πολλῷ μακροτέρην ἐκτραπόμενοι, ἐν 
δεξιῇ ἔχοντες τὸ Καυκάσιον ὄρος. ἐνθαῦτα οἱ 
μὲν Μῆδοι συμβαλόντες τοῖσι Σκύθῃσι καὶ ἕσσω- 
θέντες τῇ μάχῃ τῆς ἀρχῆς κατελύθησαν, οἱ δὲ 
Σκύθαι τὴν ᾿Λσίην πᾶσαν ἐπέσχον. 


134 


BOOK I. 103-104 


warrior than his fathers: it was he who first arrayed 
the men of Asia in companies and set each kind in 
bands apart, the spearmen and the archers and the — 
horsemen : before this they were all blended alike 
confusedly together. This was the king who fought 
against the Lydians when the day was turned to night 
in the battle, and who united under his dominion all 
Asia that is beyond theriver Halys. Collecting all his 
subjects, he marched against Ninus, wishing to avenge 
his father and to destroy the city. He defeated the 
Assyrians in battle; but while he was besieging their 
city there came down upon him a great army of 
Scythians, led by their king Madyes son of Protothyes. 
These had invaded Asia after they had driven the 
Cimmerians out of Europe: pursuing them in their 
flight the Scythians came to the Median country.! 

104. It is thirty days' journey for an unburdened 
man from the Maeetian lake? to the river Phasis and 
the land of the Colchi ; from the Colchi it is an easy 
matter to cross into Media: there is but one nation 
between, the Saspires; to pass these is to be in 
Media. Nevertheless it was not by this way that 
the Scythians entered; they turned aside and came 
by the upper and much longer road, having on their 
right the Caucasian mountains. There the Medes 
met the Scythians, who worsted them in battle and 
deprived them of their rule, and made themselves 
masters of all Asia. 

1 This is the same story as that related in the early 
chapters of Book IV. The Scythians, apparently, marched 
eastwards along the northern slope of the Caucasus, turning 
south between the end of the range and the Caspian. But 
Herodotus’ geography in this story is difficult to follow.— 


The **Saspires" are in Armenia. 
3 The Maeetian lake is the Sea of Azov. 


135 


HERODOTUS 


105. ᾿Ενθεῦτεν δὲ ἤισαν ἐπ᾽ Αἴγυπτον: καὶ 
ἐπείτε ἐγένοντο ἐν τῇ Παλαιστίνῃ Συρίη, Ψαμμή- 
TLXOS σφέας Αἰγύπτου βασιλεὺς ἀντιάσας ώ- 
poisi τε καὶ λετῇσι ἀποτράπει τὸ προσωτέρω μὴ 
πορεύεσθαι. of δὲ ἐπείτε ἀναχωρέοντες ὀπίσω 
ἐγένοντο τῆς Συρίης ἐν ᾿Ασκάλωνι πόλι, τῶν 
πλεόνων Σκυθέων παρεξελθόντων ἀσινέων, ὀλίγοι 
τινὲς αὐτῶν ὑπολειφθέντες ἐσύλησαν τῆς οὐρανίης 
᾿Αφροδίτης τὸ ἱρόν. ἔστι δὲ τοῦτο τὸ ἱρόν, ὡς 
ἐγὼ πυνθανόμενος εὑρίσκω, πάντων ἀρχαιότατον 
ἱρῶν ὅσα ταύτης τῆς θεοῦ" καὶ γὰρ τὸ ἐν Κύπρῳ 
ἱρὸν ἐνθεῦτεν ἐγένετο, ὡς αὐτοὶ Κύπριοι λέγουσι, 
καὶ τὸ ἐν Κυθήροισι Φοίνικες εἰσὶ οἱ ἱδρυσάμενοι 
ἐκ ταύτης τῆς Συρίης ἐόντες. τοῖσι δὲ τῶν Σκυ- 
θέων συλήσασι τὸ ἱρὸν τὸ ἐν ᾿Ασκάλωνι καὶ τοῖσι 
τούτων αἰεὶ ἐκγόνοισι ἐνέσκηψε ὁ θεὸς θήλεαν 
νοῦσον' ὥστε ἅμα λέγουσί τε οἱ Σκύθαι διὰ τοῦτο 
σφέας νοσέειν, καὶ ὁρᾶν παρ᾽ ἑωυτοῖσι τοὺς 
ἀπικνεομένους ἐς τὴν Σκυθικὴν χώρην ὡς δια- 
κέαται τοὺς καλέουσι ᾿Ενάρεας οἱ Σκύθαι. 

106. Ἐπὶ μέν νυν ὀκτὼ καὶ εἴκοσι ἔτεα ἦρχον 
τῆς ᾿Ασίης οἱ Σκύθαι, καὶ τὰ πάντα σφι ὑπό τε 
ὕβριος καὶ ὀλιγωρίης ἀνάστατα ἦν' χωρὶς μὲν 
γὰρ φόρον ἔπρησσον παρ᾽ ἑκάστων τὸν ἑκάστοισι 
ἐπέβαλλον, χωρὶς δὲ τοῦ φόρου ἥρπαζον περιε- 
λαύνοντες τοῦτο ὅ τι ἔχοιεν ἕκαστοι. καὶ τούτων 
μὲν τοὺς. πλεῦνας Κυαξάρης τε καὶ Μῆδοι ξεινί- 
σαντες καὶ καταμεθύσαντες κατεφόνευσαν, καὶ 
οὕτω ἀνεσώσαντο τὴν ἀρχὴν Μῆδοι καὶ ἐπεκρά- 
τεον τῶν περ καὶ πρότερον, καὶ τήν τε Νίνον 


136 


BOOK I. 108-106 


105. ‘Thence they marched against Egypt: and 
when they were in the part of Syria called Palestine, 
Psammetichus king of Egypt met them and persuaded 
them with gifts and prayers to come no further. So 
they turned back, and when they came on their way 
to the city of Ascalon in Syria, most of the Scythians 
_ passed by and did no harm, but a few remained behind 
and plundered the temple of Heavenly Aphrodite.! 
This temple, as I learn from what I hear, is the oldest 
of all the temples of the goddess, for the temple in 
Cyprus was founded from it, as the Cyprians them- 
selves say: and the temple on Cythera was founded 
by Phoenicians from this same land of Syria. But the 
Scythians who pillaged the temple, and all their des- 
cendants after them, were afflicted by the goddess 
with the “female” sickness: insomuch that the Scy- 
thians say that this is the cause of their disease, and 
that those who come to Scythia can see there the 
plight of the men whom they call “ Enareis." ? 

106. The Scythians, then, ruled Asia for twenty- 
eight years: and all the land was wasted by reason of 
their violence and their pride, for, besides that they 
exacted from each the tribute which was laid upon 
him, they rode about the land carrying off all men’s 
possessions. The greater number of them were enter- 
tained and made drunk and then slain by Cyaxares and 
the Medes: so thus the Medes won back their empire 
and all that they had formerly possessed ; and they 

1 The great goddess (Mother of Heaven and Earth) wor- 
shipped by Eastern nations under various names—M ylitta in 
Assyria, Astarte in Phoenicia: called Heavenly Aphrodite, 
or simply the Heavenly One, by Greeks. 


2 The derivation of this word is uncertain; it is agreed 
that the disease was a loss of virility. In iv. 67 évaphs = 


ἀνδρόγυνος. Bees Mete M Wee ον 


2 LU 
έτος αρ Y 


137 


t» 


HERODOTUS 


el Xov (ὡς δὲ εἶλον, ἐν ἑτέροισι λόγοισι δηλώσω) 
καὶ τοὺς ᾿Ασσυρίους ὑποχειρίους ἐποιήσαντο 
πλὴν τῆς Βαβυλωνίης μοίρης. 

107. Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα Κυαξάρης μέν, βασιλεύσας 
τεσσεράκοντα ἔτεα σὺν τοῖσι Σκύθαι ἦρξαν, 
τελευτᾷ, ἐκδέκεται δὲ ᾿Αστυάγης Κυαξάρεω παῖς 
τὴν βασιληίην. 

Καί οἱ ἐγένετο θυγάτηρ τῇ οὔνομα ἔθετο Μαν- 
δάνην' τὴν ι ἐδόκεε ᾿Αστυάγης ἐν τῷ ὕπνῳ. οὐρῆσαι 
τοσοῦτον ὥστε πλῆσαι μὲν τὴν ἑωυτοῦ πόλιν, 
ἐπικατακλύσαι δὲ καὶ τὴν ᾿Ασίην πᾶσαν. ὑπερ- 
θέμενος δὲ τῶν Μάγων τοῖσι -ὀνειροπόλοισι τὸ 
ἐνύπνιον, ἐφοβήθη Tap αὐτῶν αὐτὰ ἕκαστα 
μαθών. μετὰ δὲ τὴν Μανδάνην ταύτην ἐοῦσαν 
ἤδη ἀνδρὸς ὡραίην. Μήδων μὲν τῶν ἑωυτοῦ ἀξίων 
οὐδενὶ διδοῦ γυναῖκα, δεδοικὼς τὴν ὄψιν. ὃ δὲ 
Πέρσῃ διδοῖ τῷ οὔνομα ἦν Καμβύσης, τὸν ᾿εὕρισκε 
οἰκίης μὲν ἐόντα ἀγαθῆς τρόπου δὲ ἡσυχίου, 


πολλῷ ἔνερθε ἄγων αὐτὸν μέσου ἀνδρὸς Μήδου. 


108. Συνοικεούσης δὲ τῷ Καμβύσῃ τῆς Μαν- 
δάνης, ὁ ᾿Αστυάγης τῷ πρώτῳ ἔτεῖ εἶδε ἄλλην 
ὄψιν, ἐδόκεε δέ οἱ ἐκ τῶν αἰδοίων τῆς θυγατρὸς 
ταύτης φῦναι ἄμπελον, τὴν δὲ ἄμπελον ἐπισχεῖν 
τὴν ᾿Ασίην πᾶσαν. ἰδὼν δὲ τοῦτο καὶ ὑπερθέ- 
μενος τοῖσι «ὀνειροπόλοισι, μετεπέμψατο ἐκ τῶν 
Περσέων τὴν θυγατέρα ἐπίτεκα ἐοῦσαν, ἀπικο- 
μένην δὲ ἐφύλασσε βουλόμενος τὸ γενόμενον ἐξ 
αὐτῆς διαφθεῖραι" ἐκ γάρ οἱ τῆς ὄψιος οἱ τῶν 
Μάγων ὀνειροπόλοι ἐσήμαινον ὅτι μέλλοι. ὁ τῆς 
θυγατρὸς αὐτοῦ γόνος βασιλεύσειν ἀντὶ ἐκείνου. 
ταῦτα δὴ ὧν φυλασσόμενος ὁ ᾿Αστυάγης, ὡς 
ἐγένετο ὁ Κῦρος, καλέσας "Αρπαγον ἄνδρα οἰκήιον 


148 


BOOK I. 106—108 


took Ninus (in what manner I will show in a later 
part of my history), and brought all Assyria except 
the province of Babylon under their rule. 

107. Afterwards Cyaxares died after a reign of 
forty years (among which I count the years of the 
Scythian domination) : and his son Astyages reigned 
in his stead. 

Astyages had a daughter, whom he called Man- 
dane: concerning whom he had a dream, that 
enough water flowed from her to fill his city and 
overflow all Asia. He imparted this vision to those 
of the Magi who interpreted dreams, and when he 
heard what they told him he was terrified: and 
presently, Mandane being now of marriageable age, 
he feared the vision too much to give her to any 
Median worthy to mate with his family, but wedded 
her to a Persian called Cambyses, a man whom he 
knew to be well born and of a quiet temper: for 
Astyages held Cambyses to be much lower than a 
Mede of middle estate. 

108. But in the first year of Mandane’s marriage to 
Cambyses Astyages saw a second vision. He dreamt 
that there. grew from his daughter a vine, which 
covered the whole of Asia. Having seen this vision, 
and imparted it to the interpreters of dreams, he 
sent to the Persians for his daughter, then near 
her time, and when she came kept her guarded, 
desiring to kill whatever child she might bear: for 
the interpreters declared that the meaning of his 
dream was that his daughter's offspring should rule 
in his place. Wishing to prevent this, Astyages 
on the birth of Cyrus summoned to him a man 
of his household called Harpagus, who was his 


VOL. I. Ε 149 


HERODOTUS 


καὶ πιστότατόν τε Μήδων καὶ πάντων ἐπίτροπον 
τῶν ἑωυτοῦ, ἔλεγέ οἱ τοιάδε. '"Άρπαγε, πρῆγμα 
τὸ ἄν τοι προσθέω, μηδαμῶς παραχρήσῃ, μηδὲ 
ἐμέ τε παραβάλῃ καὶ ἄλλους ἑλόμενος ἐξ d ὑστέρης 
σοὶ αὐτῷ περιπέσῃς" λάβε τὸν Μανδάνη € ἔτεκε 
παῖδα, φέρων δὲ ἐς σεωυτοῦ ἀπόκτεινον, μετὰ δὲ 
θάψον τρόπῳ ὅτεῳ αὐτὸς βούλεαι," ὃ δὲ ἀμεί- 
Berar Q βασιλεῦ, οὔτε ἄλλοτέ κω παρεῖδες 
ἀνδρὶ τῷδε ἄχαρι οὐδέν, φυλασσόμεθα δὲ ἐς σὲ 
καὶ ἐς τὸν μετέπειτα χρόνον μηδὲν ἐξαμαρτεῖν. 
ἀλλ᾽ εἶ τοι φίλον τοῦτο οὕτω γίνεσθαι, χρὴ δὴ τό 
γε ἐμὸν ὑπηρετέεσθαι ἐπιτηδέως.᾽ 

109. Τούτοισι ἀμειψάμενος ὁ ΄Αρπαγος, ὦ ὥς οἱ 
παρεδόθη τὸ παιδίον κεκοσμημένον τὴν ἐπὶ 
θανάτῳ, ἤιε κλαίων ἐς τὰ οἰκία παρελθὼν δὲ 
ἔφραζε τῇ ἑωυτοῦ γυναικὶ τὸν πάντα ᾿Αστυάγεος 
ῥηθέντα λόγον. ἣ δὲ πρὸς αὐτὸν λέγει «Νῦν ὧν Tí 
σοὶ ἐν νόῳ ἐστὶ ποιέειν; ὃ δὲ ἀμείβεται “Οὐ τῇ 
ἐνετέλλετο ᾿Αστυάγης, οὐδ᾽ ei παραφρονήσει Te 
καὶ μανέεται κάκιον 7 νῦν μαίνεται, οὔ οἱ ἔγωγε 
προσθήσομαι τῇ γνώμῃ οὐδὲ ἐς φόνον τοιοῦτον 
ὑπηρετήσω. πολλῶν δὲ εἴνεκα οὐ φονεύσω μεν, 
καὶ ὅτι αὐτῷ μοι συγγενής ἐστὶ ὁ παῖς, καὶ ὅτι 
᾿Αστυάγης μὲν ἐστὶ γέρων καὶ ἄπαις ἔρσενος 
γόνου" εἰ δ᾽ ἐθελήσει τούτου τελευτήσαντος ἐς 
τὴν θυγατέρα ταύτην ἀναβῆναι 7 τυραννίς, τῆς 
νῦν τὸν υἱὸν κτείνει δι ἐμεῦ, ἄλλο τι ἢ λείπεται 
τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν ἐμοὶ κινδύνων ὁ μέγιστος; ἀλλὰ τοῦ 
μὲν ἀσφαλέος εἵνεκα ἐμοὶ δεῖ τοῦτον τελευτᾶν. τὸν 
παῖδα, δεῖ μέντοι τῶν τινα ᾿Αστυάγεος αὐτοῦ 
φονέα γενέσθαι καὶ μὴ τῶν ἐμῶν." 


140 


BOOK I. 108-109 


faithfullest servant among the Medes and was 
steward of all his possessions: then he said, * Do 
not mishandle this command of mine, Harpagus, nor 
forsake me for the service of others; lest hereafter 
it be the worse for yourself. Take the boy whom 
Mandane has borne, and carry him to your house and 
kill him: and then bury him in what manner you 
yourself will" “King,” Harpagus answered, “ never 
yet have you seen me do aught unpleasing to you; 
and I will ever be careful not to offend against you. 
But if it is your will that this should so be done, then 
it behoves that for my part I render you fitting 
service.” 

109. Thus answered Harpagus. The child was 
then given to him, adorned for its death, and he went 
to his.house weeping. When he came in he told his 
wife all the command given him by Astyages. ** Now, 
therefore," said she to him, “what purpose you to 
do?" * Not," he answered, “ to obey Astyages' behest, 
no, not though he lose his wits and be more frantic 
than now he is: even so I myself will not serve 
his purpose, nor be his instrument for such a murder. 
There are many reasons why I will not kill the child: 
he is akin to myself, and further, Astyages is old, 
and has no male issue: now if after his death the 
sovereignty passes to this daughter of his, whose son 
he is now using me to slay, what is left for me but 
the greatest of all dangers? Nay, for my safety I 
must see that the boy dies, but the deed must be 
done by some one of Astyages’ own men and not of 
mine.” 

14! 


HERODOTUS 


110. Ταῦτα εἶπε καὶ αὐτίκα ἄγγελον ἔπεμπε 
ἐπὶ τῶν βουκόλων τῶν ᾿Αστυάγεος τὸν ἠπίστατο 
νομάς τε ἐπιτηδεοτάτας νέμοντα καὶ ὄρεα θηριω- 
δέστατα' τῷ οὔνομα. ἣν Μιτραδάτης, συνοίκεε δὲ 
ἑωυτοῦ συνδούλη, οὔνομα δὲ τῇ γυναικὶ ἦν τῇ 
συνοίκεε Κυνὼ κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλήνων γλῶσσαν, 
κατὰ δὲ τὴν. Μηδικὴν Σπακώ: τὴν γὰρ κύνα 
καλέουσι σπάκα Μῆδοι. αἱ δὲ ὑπώρεαι͵ εἰσὶ τῶν 

ὀρέων, ἔνθα τὰς νομὰς τῶν βοῶν εἶχε οὗτος δὴ ὁ 
βουκόλος, πρὸς Bopéw TE ἀνέμου τῶν ᾿Αγβατάνων 
καὶ πρὸς τοῦ πόντου τοῦ Εὐξείνου" ταύτῃ μὲν γὰρ 
ἡ Μηδικὴ χώρη πρὸς Σασπείρων ὀρεινή ἐστι 
κάρτα καὶ ὑψηλή τε καὶ ἴδῃσι συνηρεφής, ἡ δὲ 
ἄλλη Μηδικὴ χώρη ἐστὶ πᾶσα ἄπεδος. ἐπεὶ ὧν ὁ 
βουκόλος. σπουδῇ πολλῇ καλεόμενος ἀπίκετο, 
ἔλεγε ὁ " Aprraryos τάδε. “ Κελεύει σε ᾿Αστυάγης 
τὸ παιδίον τοῦτο λαβόντα θεῖναι ἐς τὸ ἐρημότατον 
τῶν ὀρέων, ὅκως ἂν τάχιστα διαφθαρείη" καὶ 
τάδε τοι ἐκέλευσε εἰπεῖν, ἣν μὴ ἀποκτείνῃς αὐτὸ 
ἀλλὰ τεῷ τρόπῳ περιποιήσῃς, ὀλέθρῳ τ τῷ κακίστῳ 
σε διαχρήσεσθαι. ἐπορᾶν δὲ ἐκκείμενον τέταγμαι 
ἐγώ.᾽ 

111. Ταῦτα ἀκούσας ὁ βουκόλος καὶ ἀναλαβὼν 
τὸ παιδίον ἤιε τὴν αὐτὴν ὀπίσω. ὁδὸν καὶ ἀπι- 
κνέεται ἐς τὴν ἔπαυλιν. τῷ δ᾽ ἄρα καὶ αὐτῷ ἡ 
γυνή, ἐπίτεξ ἐ ἐοῦσα πᾶσαν ἡμέρην, τότε κως κατὰ 
δαίμονα τίκτει οἰχομένου τοῦ βουκόλου ἐς πόλιν. 
ἦσαν δὲ ἐν. φροντίδι ἀμφότεροι ἀλλήλων πέρι, 
ὃ μὲν τοῦ τόκου τῆς γυναικὸς ἀρρωδέων, ἡ ἡ δὲ γυνὴ 
ὅ τι οὐκ ἑωθὼς ὁ ὁ " Aprraryos μεταπέμψαιτο αὐτῆς 
τὸν ἄνδρα. ἐπείτε δὲ ἀπονοστήσας ἐπέστη, οἷα 
ἐξ ἀέλπτου ἰδοῦσα ἡ γυνὴ εἴρετο προτέρη ὅ τι µιν 


142 


BOOK I. r1o—111 


110. So saying, he sent forthwith a messenger to 
that one of Astyages cowherds whom he knew to 
pasture his herds in the likeliest places and where 
the mountains were most haunted of wild beasts. 
The man's name was Mitradates, and his wife 
was a slave like him ; her name was in the Greek 
language Cyno, in the Median Spako: for *spax"' 
is the Median name for a dog. The foothills ot 
the mountains where this cowherd pastured his 
kine are to the north of Agbatana, towards the 
Euxine sea: for the rest of Media is everywhere 
a level plain, but here, on the side of the Saspires,! 
the land is very high and mountainous and covered 
with woods. So when the cowherd came with all 
speed at the summons, Harpagus said: “ Astyages . 
bids you take this child and lay it in the most 
desolate part of the mountains, that it may thus 
perish as soon as may be. And he bids me say, that 
if you kill not the child, but in any way save it alive, 
you shall die a terrible death: and it is I who am 
ordered to see it exposed." 

111. Hearing this, the cowherd took up the child 
and returned by the same way and came to his stead- 
ing. Now it chanced that his wife too had been 
expecting her time every day, and providence so 
ordained that she was brought to bed while her man 
was away in the city. Each of them was anxious for 
the other, the husband being afraid about his wife’s 
travail, and the wife because she knew not why 
Harpagus had so unwontedly sent for her husband. 
So when he returned and came before her, she was 
startled by the unexpected sight and asked him before 


1 In the north-western part of Media: modern Azer- 
baijan. 


143 


153 


HERODOTUS 


οὕτω προθύμως "A ρπαγος μετεπέμψατο. | ὃ δὲ 
εἶπε O γύναι, εἶδόν τε ἐς πόλιν ἐλθὼν καὶ ἤκουσα 
τὸ μήτε ἰδεῖν ὄφελον μήτε κοτὲ γενέσθαι ἐς 
δεσπότας τοὺς ἡμετέρους. οἶκος μὲν πᾶς Aprá- 
yov κλαυθμῷ κατείχετο, ἐγὼ δὲ .ἐκπλαγεὶς jia 
ἔσω. ὡς δὲ τάχιστα ἐσῆλθον, ὁ ὀρέω παιδίον προ- 
κείµενον ἀσπαῖρόν τε καὶ κρανγανώμενον, κεκοσµη- 
μένον χρυσῷ τε καὶ ἐσθῆτι ποικίλῃ. "Aprravyos δὲ 
ὡς εἶδέ µε, ἐκέλευε τὴν ταχίστην ἀναλαβόντα τὸ 
παιδίον οἴχεσθαι φέροντα καὶ θεῖναι ἔνθα θηριωδέ- 
στατον εἴη τῶν ὀρέων, φὰς ᾿Αστυάγεα εἶναι τὸν 
ταῦτα ἐπιθέμενόν μοι, πόλλ᾽ ἀπειλήσας εἰ μή 
σφεα ποιήσαιμι. καὶ ἐγὼ ἀναλαβὼν ἔφερον, 
δοκέων τῶν τινος οἰκετέων elvat οὐ γὰρ ἂν κοτὲ 
κατέδοξα ἔνθεν γε ἦν. ἐθάμβεον δὲ ὁ ὀρέων χρυσῷ 
τε καὶ εἶμασι κεκοσμημένον, πρὸς δὲ καὶ ὁ κλαυθμὸν 
κατεστεῶτα ἐμφανέα ἐν ᾿Αρπάγου. καὶ πρόκατε 
δὴ κατ᾽ ὁδὸν πυνθάνομαι τὸν πάντα λόγον θερά- 
ποντος, ὃς ἐμὲ προπέμπων ἔξω πόλιος ἐνεχείρισε 
τὸ βρέφος, ὡς ἄρα Μανδάνης τε εἴη παῖς τῆς 
᾿Αστυάγεος θυγατρὸς καὶ Καμβύσεω. τοῦ Κύρου, 
καί μιν Ἀστυάγης ἐντέλλεται ἀποκτεῖναι. νῦν τε 
ὅδε ἐστί. 

119. "Αμα δὲ ταῦτα ἔλεγε ὁ βουκόλος καὶ 
ἐκκαλύψας ἀπεδείκνυε. f$) δὲ ὡς εἶδε τὸ παιδίον 
μέγα T€ καὶ εὐειδὲς ἐ ἐόν, δακρύσασα n λαβομένη 
τῶν γουνάτων τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἐχρήιξε μη δεμιῇ τέχνῃ 
ἐκθεῖναί μιν. ὃ δὲ οὐκ ἔφη οἷός T εἶναι ἄλλως 
αὐτὰ ποιέειν' ἐπιφοιτήσειν γὰρ κατασκόπους ἐξ 
“Αρπάγου ἐποψομένους, ἀπολέεσθαί τε κάκιστα 
ἦν μή σφεα ποιήσῃ. ὡς δὲ οὐκ ἔπειθε ἄρα τὸν 
ἄνδρα, δεύτερα λέγει ἡ γυνὴ τάδε. “᾿Επεὶ τοίνυν 


144 


BOOK I. σιι-1ι2 


he could speak why Harpagus had so instantly sum- 
moned him. ** Wife," he said, “ when I came to the 
city, I saw and heard what I would I had never seen, 
and what I would had never happened to our masters. 
All the house of Harpagus was full of weeping; and 
_ I was astonished, and entered in; and immediately 
I saw a child laid there struggling and crying, decked 
out with gold and many-coloured raiment. And when 
Harpagus saw me, he bade me take the child wivh all 
speed and bear it away and lay it where there are most 
wild beasts in the mountains: it was Astyages, he 
said, who laid this command on me, and Ha 
threatened me grievously if I did not do his will. So 
I took up the child and bore him away, supposing 
him to be the child of someone in the household ; for 
I could never have guessed whose he was. But I was 
amazed at seeing him decked with gold and raiment, 
and at hearing moreover the manifest sound of weep- 
ing in the house of Harpagus. Very soon on the way 
I heard all the story from a servant who brought me 
out of the city and gave the child into my charge : 
to wit, that it was the son of Mandane the king's 
daughter and Cambyses the son of Cyrus, and that 
Astyages bade him slay the child. And now, here 
is the child." 

112. And with that the cowherd uncovered it 
and showed it. But when the woman saw how fine 
and fair the child was, she fell a-weeping and laid 
hold of the man's knees and entreated him by 
no means to expose him. But the husband said he 
could do no other; for, he said, there would be com- 
ings of spies from Harpagus to see what was done, 
and he must die a terrible death if he did not obey. 
So then being unable to move her husband, the 
woman said next: “Since I cannot move you from your 

145 


HERODOTUS 


oU δύναμαί σε πείθειν μὴ ἐκθεῖναι, σὺ δὲ ὧδε 
ποίησον, e εἰ δὴ πᾶσα ἀνάγκη ὀφθῆναι ἐ ἐκκείμενον. 
τέτοκα γὰρ καὶ ἐ ἐγώ, τέτοκα δὲ τεθνεός. τοῦτο μὲν 
φέρων πρόθες, τὸν δὲ τῆς ᾿Αστυάγεος θυγατρὸς 
παῖδα ὡς ἐξ ἡμέων ἐόντα τρέφωμεν. καὶ οὕτω 
οὔτε σὺ ἁλώσεαι ἀδικέων τοὺς δεσπότας οὔτε ἡμῖν 
κακῶς βεβουλευμένα, ἔσται" ὅ T€ yap τεθνεὼς 
βασιληίης ταφῆς κυρήσει καὶ 0 περιεὼν οὐκ ATO- 
λέει τὴν ψυχήν.᾽ 

113. Κάρτα τε ἔδοξε τῷ βουκόλῳ, πρὸς τὰ 
παρεόντα, εὖ λέγειν ἡ γυνή, καὶ αὐτίκα ἐποίεε 
ταῦτα' τὸν μὲν ἔφερε θανατώσων παῖδα, τοῦτον 
μὲν παραδιδοῖ τῇ ἑωυτοῦ γυναικί, τὸν δὲ ἑωυτοῦ 
ἐόντα νεκρὸν λαβὼν ἔθηκε ἐς τὸ ἄγγος ἐν τῷ 
ἔφερε τὸν ἕτερον: κοσμήσας δὲ τῷ κόσμῳ παντὶ 
τοῦ ἑτέρου παιδός, φέρων ἐς τὸ ἐρημότατον τῶν 
ὀρέων τιθεῖ. ὡς δὲ τρίτη ἡμέρη τῷ παιδίῳ ἐκκει- 
μένῳ ἐγένετο, Tue ἐς πόλιν ὁ βουκόλος, τῶν τινα 
προβοσκῶν φύλακον αὐτοῦ καταλιπών, ἐλθὼν δὲ 
ἐς τοῦ “Αρπάγου ἀποδεικνύναι ἔφη ἕτοιμος εἶναι 
τοῦ παιδίου τὸν νέκυν. πέμψας δὲ ὅ “Αρπαγος 
τῶν ἑωυτοῦ δορυφόρων τοὺς πιστοτάτους εἶδέ τε 
διὰ τούτων καὶ ἔθαψε τοῦ βουκόλου τὸ παιδίον, 
καὶ τὸ μὲν ἐτέθαπτο, τὸν δὲ ὕστερον τούτων 
Κῦρον ὀνομασθέντα παραλαβοῦσα ἔτρεφε ἡ γυνὴ 
τοῦ βουκόλου, οὔνομα ἄλλο κού τι καὶ οὐ Küpov 
θεμένη. 

114. Καὶ ὅτε ἦν δεκαέτης ὁ παῖς, πρῆγμα ἐς 
αὐτὸν τοιόνδε γενόμενον ἐξέφηνέ μιν. ἔπαιξε ἐν 
τῇ κώμῃ ταύτῃ ἐν τῇ ἦσαν καὶ αἱ βουκολίαι 
αὗται, ἔπαιξε δὲ μετ᾽ ἄλλων ἡλίκων ἐν ὁδῷ. καὶ 
οἱ παῖδες παίζοντες εἵλοντο ἑωυτῶν βασιλέα 


146 


BOOK lI. 112-114 


purpose to expose, then do you do this, if needs must 
that a child be seen exposed. Know that I too have 
borne a child, but it was dead; take it now and lay 
it out, but, for the child of the daughter of Astyages, - 
let us rear it as it were our own ; so shall you escape 
punishment for offending against our masters, and we 
shall have taken no evil counsel. For the child that is 
dead will have royal burial, and he that is alive will 
not lose his life."' 

113. Thinking that his wife counselled him ex- 
ceeding well in his present strait, the cowherd 
straightway did as she said. He gave his wife 
‘the child whom he had brought to kill him, and 
his own dead child he put into the chest wherein 
he carried the other, and decked it with all the 
other child’s adornment and laid it out in the most 
desolate part of the mountains. Then on the third 
day after the laying out of the child, the cowherd 
left one of his herdsmen to guard it and went to the 
city, where he came to Harpagus’ house and said he 
was ready to show the child’s dead body. Harpagus 
sent the most trusty of his bodyguard, and these 
saw for him and buried the cowherd’s child. So it 
was buried: and the cowherd’s wife took and reared 
the boy who was afterwards named Cyrus; but she 
gave him not that but some other name. 

114. Now when the boy was ten years old, it was 
revealed in some such wise as this who he was. 
He was playing in the village where these herds- 
men’s quarters were: there he was playing in the 
road with others of his age. The boys in their 


147 


HERODOTUS 


εἶναι τοῦτον δὴ τὸν τοῦ βουκόλου ἐπίκλησιν 
παῖδα. ὃ δὲ αὐτῶν διέταξε τοὺς μὲν οἰκίας 
οἰκοδομέειν, τοὺς δὲ δορυφόρους εἶναι, τὸν δέ κου 
τινὰ αὐτῶν ὀφθ αλμὸν βασιλέος εἶναι, τῷ δὲ 
τινὶ τὰς ἀγγελίας φέρειν ἐδίδου γέρας, ὡς ἑκάστῳ 
ἔργον προστάσσων. εἷς δὴ τούτων τῶν παίδων 
συμπαίξων, € ἐὼν ᾿Αρτεμβάρεος παῖς ἀνδρὸς δοκί- 
µου ἐν Μήδοισι, οὐ γὰρ δὴ ἐποίησε τὸ προσ- 
ταχθὲν ἐκ τοῦ Κύρου, ἐκέλευε αὐτὸν τοὺς 
ἄλλους παῖδας διαλαβεῖν, πειθομένων δὲ τῶν 
παίδων ὁ Κῦρος τὸν παῖδα τρηχέως κάρτα 
περιέσπε μαστιγέων. ὃ δὲ ἐπείτε μετείθη τά- 
χιστα, ὡς γε δὴ ἀνάξια é ἑωυτοῦ παθών, μᾶλλόν TL 
περιημέκτεε, κατελθὼν δὲ ἐς πόλιν πρὸς τὸν 
πατέρα ἀποικτίξετο τῶν ὑπὸ Κύρου ἤντησε, 
λέγων δὲ οὗ Κύρου (οὐ γάρ κω ἣν τοῦτο τοὔνομα), 
ἀλλὰ πρὸς τοῦ βουκόλου τοῦ ᾿Αστυάγεος παιδός. 
ὁ δὲ ᾿Αρτεμβάρης ὀργῇ, ὡς εἶχε ἐλθὼν παρὰ τὸν 
στυάγεα καὶ ἅμα ἀγόμενος τὸν παῖδα ἀνάρσια 
πρήγματα ἔφη πεπονθέναι, λέγων “OQ βασιλεῦ, 
ὑπὸ τοῦ σοῦ δούλου, βουκόλου δὲ παιδὸς ὧδε 
περιυθρίσμεθα,᾽ δεικνὺς τοῦ παιδὸς τοὺς ὤμους. 
115. ᾿Ακούσας δὲ καὶ ἰδὼν ᾿Αστυάγης, θέλων 
τιμωρῆσαι τῷ παιδὶ τιμῆς τῆς ᾿Αρτεμβάρεος 
εἵνεκα, μετεπέμπετο τόν τε βουκόλον καὶ τὸν 
παῖδα. ἐπείτε δὲ παρῆσαν ἀμφότεροι, βλέψας 
πρὸς τὸν Κύρον͵ ὁ ᾿Αστυάγης ἔφη “ Σὺ δὴ ἐὼν 
τοῦδε τοιούτου ἐόντος παῖς ἐτόλμησας τὸν τοῦδε 
παῖδα ἐόντος πρώτου παρ᾽ ἐμοὶ ἀεικείῃ τοιῆδε 
περισπεῖν;᾽ "6 δὲ ἀμείβετο ὧδε. “OQ δέσποτα, ἐγὼ 
ταῦτα τοῦτον ἐποίησα σὺν δίκῃ. οἱ γὰρ µε ἐκ 
τῆς κώμης παῖδες, τῶν καὶ ὅδε ἦν, παίζοντες 


148 


BOOK lI. 114-115 


play chose for their king that one who passed for 
the son of the cowherd. Then he set them severally 
to their tasks, some to the building of houses, some 
to be his bodyguard, one (as I suppose) to be 
the King’s Eye; to another he gave the right of 
bringing him messages; to each he gave his proper 
work. Now one of these boys who played with 
him was son to Artembares, a notable Median; as 
he did not obey the command Cyrus gave him, Cyrus 
bade the other boys seize him, and when they did 
so he dealt very roughly with the boy and scourged 
him. As soon as he was loosed, very angry at the 
wrong done him, he went down to his father in the 
city and complained of what he had met with at the 
hands of the son of Astyages’ cowherd,—not calling 
him Cyrus, for that name had not yet been given. 
Artembares went with his anger fresh upon him to 
Astyages, bringing his son and telling of the cruel 
usage he had had: “O King,” said he, “see the 
outrage done to us by the son of your slave, the son 
of a cowherd!” and with that he showed his son’s 
shoulders. 

115. When Astyages heard and saw, he was ready 
to avenge the boy in justice to Artembares’ rank : so 
hesent for the cowherd and his son. When they were 
both present, Ástyages said, fixing his eyes on Cyrus, 
* [s it you, then, the son of such a father, who have 
dared to deal so despitefully with the son of the 
greatest of my courtiers?” “Nay, master," answered 
Cyrus, “ what I did to him I did with justice. The 
boys of the village, of whom he was one, chose me 


149 


HERODOTUS 


σφέων αὐτῶν ἐστήσαντο βασιλέα" ἐδόκεον γάρ 
σφι εἶναι ἐς τοῦτο ἐπιτηδεότατος. οἱ μέν νυν 
ἄλλοι παῖδες τὰ ἐπιτασσόμενα ἐπετέλεον, οὗτος 
δὲ ἀνηκούστεέ τε καὶ λόγον εἶχε οὐδένα, ἐς ὃ 
ἔλαβε τὴν δίκην. εἰ ὧν δὴ τοῦδε εἵνεκα ἄξιός τευ 
κακοῦ εἰμί, ὅδε τοι πάρειμι." 

116. Ταῦτα λέγοντος τοῦ παιδὸς τὸν ᾿Αστυάγεα 
ἐσήιε ἀνάγνωσις αὐτοῦ, καί οἱ ὅ τε χαρακτὴρ τοῦ 
προσώπου προσφέρεσθαι ἐδόκεε ἐς ἑωυτὸν καὶ ἡ 
ὑπόκρισις ἐλευθερωτέρη εἶναι, ὅ τε χρόνος τῆς 
ἐκθέσιος τῇ ἡλικίῃ τοῦ παιδὸς ἐδόκεε συμβαίνειν. 
ἐκπλαγεὶς δὲ τούτοισι ἐπὶ χρόνον ἄφθογγος ἦν" 
μόγις δὲ δή κοτε ἀνενειχθεὶς εἶπε, θέλων ἐκπέμψαι 
τὸν ᾿Αρτεμβάρεα, ἵνα τὸν βουκόλον μοῦνον λαβὼν 
βασανίσῃ, “᾿Αρτέμβαρες, ἐγὼ ταῦτα ποιήσω 
ὥστε σὲ καὶ τὸν παῖδα τὸν σὸν μηδὲν ἐπιμέμ- 
φεσθαι.᾽ τὸν μὲν δὴ ᾿Αρτεμβάρεά πέμπει, τὸν 
δὲ Κῦρον ἦγον ἔσω οἱ θεράποντες κελεύσαντος τοῦ 
᾿Αστυάγεος, ἐπεὶ δὲ ὑπελέλειπτο ὁ βουκόλος 
μοῦνος μουνόθεν, τάδε αὐτὸν εἴρετο ὁ ᾿Αστυάγης, 
κόθεν λάβοι τὸν παῖδα καὶ τίς εἴη ὁ παραδούς. 
ὃ δὲ ἐξ ἑωυτοῦ τε ἔφη γεγονέναι καὶ τὴν τεκοῦσαν 
αὐτὸν εἶναι ἔτι παρ ἑωυτῷ. ᾿Αστυάγης δέ μιν 
οὐκ εὖ βουλεύεσθαι ἔφη ἐπιθυμέοντα ἐς ἀνάγκας 
μεγάλας ἀπικνέεσθαι, ἅμα τε λέγων ταῦτα 
ἐσήμαινε τοῖσι δορυφόροισι λαμβάνειν αὐτόν. ὃ 
δὲ ἀγόμενος ἐς τὸς ἀνάγκας οὕτω δὴ ἔφαινε τὸν 
ἐόντα λόγον" ἀρχόμενος δὲ ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς διεξήιε τῇ 
ἀληθείῃ χρεώμενος, καὶ κατέβαινε ἐς λιτάς τε καὶ 
συγγνώμην ἑωυτῷ κελεύων ἔχειν αὐτόν. 

117. ᾿Αστυάγης δὲ τοῦ μὲν βουκόλου τὴν ἆλη- 
θείην ἐκφήναντος λόγον ἤδη καὶ ἐλάσσω ἐποιέετο, 
150 


BOOK I. 115-117 


in their play to be their king : for they thought me 
the fittest to rule. The other boys then did as I 
bid them: but this one was disobedient and cared 
nothing for me, till he got his deserts. So now if I 
deserve punishment for this, here am I to take it.” 

116. While he spoke, it seemed to Astyages that 
he recognised Cyrus; the fashion of the boy's 
countenance was like (he thought) to his own, and 
his manner of answering was freer than customary : 
and the time of the exposure seemed to agree with 
Cyrus age. Being thereby astonished, he sat awhile 
silent; but when at last with difficulty he could 
collect his wits, he said (for he desired to rid him- 
self of Artembares and question the cowherd with 
none present), “I will so act, Artembares, that you 
and your son shall have no cause of complaint." 
So he sent Artembares away, and the servants led 
Cyrus within at Astyages' bidding. Then, the cowherd 
being left quite alone, Astyages asked him whence he 
had got the boy and from whose hands. The cowherd 
answered that Cyrus was his own son and that the 
mother was still in his house. * You are ill advised," 
said Astyages, “ desiring, as you do, to find yourself in 
a desperate strait,"—and with that he made a sign to 
the guard to seize hím. Then under stress of necessity 
the cowherd declared to him all the story, telling all 
truly as it had happened from the beginning : and 
at the last he prayed and entreated that the king 
would pardon him. 

117. When the truth had been so declared Asty- 
ages took thereafter less account of the cowherd, but 


I51 


HERODOTUS 


"A ρπάγῳ δὲ καὶ μεγάλως μεμφόμενος καλέειν 
αὐτὸν τοὺς δορυφόρους ἐκέλευε. ὡς δέ οὗ παρῆν 
ὁ "Aprraryos, εἴρετό µιν ὁ ᾿Αστυάγης “ Αρπαγε, 
τέῳ δὴ μόρῳ τὸν παῖδα κατεχρήσαο τόν τοι 
παρέδωκα ἐκ θυγατρὸς γεγονότα τῆς ἐμῆς;᾽ "o δὲ 
“Αρπαγος ὡς εἶδε τὸν βουκόλον ἔνδον ἐόντα, οὐ 
τράπεται ἐπὶ ψευδέα ὁδον, ἵνα μὴ ἐλεγχόμενος 
ἁλίσκηται, ἀλλὰ λέγει τάδε. “COQ βασιλεῦ, € ἐπείτε 
παρέλαβον τὸ παιδίον, ἐβούλευον σκοπέων ὅκως 
σοί τε ποιήσω κατὰ νόον, καὶ ἐγὼ πρὸς σὲ γινό- 
μενος ἀναμάρτητος μήτε θυγατρὶ τῇ σῇ pay re 
αὐτῷ σοὶ εἴην αὐθέντης. ποιέω δὴ der καλέσας 
τὸν ᾿βουκόλον τόνδε παραδίδωμι τὸ παιδίον, φὰς 
cé re εἶναι τὸν κελεύοντα ἀποκτεῖναι αὐτό. καὶ 
λέγων τοῦτό γε οὐκ ἐψευδόμην: σὺ γὰρ ἐνετέλλεο 
οὕτω. παραδίδωμι μέντοι τῷδε κατὰ τάδε ἐντει- 
λάμενος, θεῖναί pw ἐς ἔρημον ὄρος καὶ παρα- 
μένοντα φυλάσσειν ἄχρι οὗ τελευτήσῃ, ἀπειλήσας 
παντοῖα τῷδε ἣν μὴ τάδε ἐπιτελέα ποιήσῃ. ἐπείτε 
δὲ ποιήσαντος τούτου τὰ κελευόμενα ἐτελεύτησε 
τὸ παιδίον, πέμψας τῶν εὐνούχων τοὺς πιστο- 
τάτους καὶ εἶδον ov ἐκείνων καὶ ἔθαψά μιν. οὕτω 
ἔσχε ὦ βασιλεῦ περὶ τοῦ πρήγματος τούτου, καὶ 
τοιούτῳ «μόρῳ ἐχρήσατο ὁ παῖς. 

118. "Αρπαγος μὲν δὴ τὸν ἰθὺν ἔφαινε λόγον" 
᾿Αστυάγης δὲ κρύπτων τόν οἱ ἐνεῖχε χόλον διὰ τὸ 
γεγονός, πρῶτα μέν, κατά περ ἤκουσε αὐτὸς πρὸς 
τοῦ βουκόλου τὸ πρῆγμα, πάλιν ἀπηγέετο τῷ 
᾿Αρπάγῳ, μετὰ δὲ ὦ ὥς οἱ ἐπαλιλλόγητο, κατέβαινε 
λέγων ὡς περίεστύ τε ὁ παῖς καὶ τὸ γεγονὸς ἔχει 
καλῶς" «Τῷ τε γὰρ πεποιημένῳ” ᾿ ἔφη λέγων «ἐς 
τὸν παῖδα τοῦτον ἔκαμνον μεγάλως, καὶ θυγατρὶ 


152 


BOOK Il. 117-118 


he was very wroth with Harpagus and bade the guards 
summon him.  Harpagus came, and Astyages asked 
him, * Harpagus, in what manner did you kill the boy, 
my daughter's son, whom I gave you? " Harpagus saw 
the cowherd in the house, and did not take the way 
of falsehood, lest he should be caught and confuted : 
* O King," he said, * when I took the boy, I thought 
and considered how I should do you pleasure, and 
not offend against you, yet not be held a murderer by 
your daughter or yourself. This then I did: I called 
to me yonder cowherd, and gave over the child to him, 
telling him that it was you who gave the command to 
kill it. And that was the truth; for such was your 
command. ButI gave the child with the charge that 
the cowherd should lay it on a desolate mountain- 
side, and wait there and watch till it be dead; and I 
threatened him with all punishments if he did not 
accomplish this. Then, when he had done what he 
was bid, and the child was dead, I sent the trustiest 
of my eunuchs and by them I saw and buried the 
body. This, O king, is the tale of the matter, and 
such was the end of the boy." 

118. So Harpagus spoke the plain truth. Astyages 
hid the anger that he had against him for what had 
been done, and first he related the story again to Har- 
pagus as he had heard it from the cowherd, then, after 
so repeating it, he made an end by saying that the 
boy was alive and good had come of it all. ** For," 
so he said in his speech, “I was greatly afflicted 
by what had been done to this boy, and it weighed 


153 


HERODOTUS 


τῇ ἐμῇ διαβεβλημένος οὐκ ἐν ἐλαφ ρῷ ἐποιεύμην. 
ὡς ὧν τῆς τύχης εὖ μετεστεώσης, τοῦτο μὲν τὸν 
σεωυτοῦ παῖδα ἀπόπεμψον παρὰ τὸν παῖδα τὸν 
νεήλυδα, τοῦτο δέ (σῶστρα γὰρ τοῦ παιδὸς 
μέλλω θύειν τοῖσι θεῶν τιμὴ αὕτη προσκέεται) 
πάρισθί μοι ἐπὶ δεῖπνον.” 

119. Αρπαγος μὲν ὡς ἤκουσε ταῦτα, προσκυ- 
νήσας καὶ μεγάλα ποιησάμενος ὅτι τε ἡ ἁμαρτάς 
οἱ ἐς δέον ἐ ἐγεγόνεε καὶ ὅτι ἐπὶ τύχῃσι χρηστῇσι 
ἐπὶ δεῖπνον -ἐκέκλητο, ἤιε ἐς τὰ οἰκία. ἐσελθὼν 
δὲ τὴν ταχίστην, ἦν yap οἱ παῖς εἷς μοῦνος ἔτεα 
τρία καὶ δέκα κου μάλιστα γεγονώς, τοῦτον 
ἐκπέμπει ἰέναι τε κελεύων ἐς ᾿Αστυάγεος καὶ 
ποιέειν ὅ τι ἂν ἐκεῖνος κελεύῃ, αὐτὸς δὲ περιχαρὴς 
ἐὼν φράζει τῇ γυναικὶ τὰ συγκυρήσαντα. ᾿Ασ- 
τυάγης é, ὥς oí ἀπίκετο ὁ Αρπάγου παῖς, 
σφάξας αὐτὸν καὶ κατὰ μέλεα διελὼν τὰ μὲν 
ὥπτησε τὰ δὲ ἤψησε τῶν κρεῶν, εὔτυκα δὲ ποιη- 
σάμενος εἶχε ἕτοιμα. ἐπείτε δὲ τῆς ὥρης γινο- 
μένης τοῦ δείπνου παρῆσαν | oi τε ἄλλοι δαιτυμόνες 
καὶ ὁ "Αρπαγος, τοῖσι μὲν ἄλλοισι καὶ αὐτῷ 
᾿Αστυάγεϊ παρετιθέατο τράπεξαι ἐπίπλεαι μηλέων 
κρεῶν, Αρπάγῳ. δὲ τοῦ παιδὸς τοῦ ἑωυτοῦ, πλὴν 
κεφαλῆς τε καὶ ἄκρων ειρῶν τε καὶ è ποδῶν, τἆλλα 
πάντα' ταῦτα δὲ Αη, ἔκειτο ἐπὶ κανέῳ κατα- 
κεκαλυμμένα. ὡς δὲ τῷ ᾿Αρπάγῳ ἐδόκεε ἅλις 
ἔχειν τῆς βορῆς, ᾿Αστυάγης εἴρετό μεν εἰ ἡσθείη 
τι τῇ θοίνῃ. φαμένου δὲ Ἀρπάγου καὶ κάρτα 
ἡσθῆναι, παρέφερον τοῖσι προσέκειτο τὴν κεφαλὴν 
τοῦ παιδὸς κατακεκαλυμμένην καὶ τὰς χεῖρας καὶ 
τοὺς πόδας, “Αρπαγον δὲ ἐκέλευον προσστάντες 
ἀποκαλύπτειν τε καὶ λαβεῖν τὸ βούλεται αὐτῶν. 


154 


BOOK I. 118-119 


heavily on me that I was estranged trom my 
daughter. Now, therefore, in this lucky turn of 
fortune, send your own son to the boy who is newly 
come, and come hither to dine with me, for I am 
about to make sacrifice for the safety of my grandson 
to the gods to whom this honour is due." 

119. When Harpagus heard this he did obeisance 
and went to his home, greatly pleased to find that 
his offence had served the needful end and that he 
was invited to dinner in honour of this fortunate day. 
Coming in, he bade his only son, a boy of about 
thirteen years of age, to go to Astyages' palace and 
do whatever the king commanded, and in his great 
joy he told his wife all that had happened. But 
when Harpagus’ son came, Astyages cut his throat 
and tearing him limb from limb roasted some and 
boiled some of the flesh, and the work being 
finished kept all in readiness. So when it came to the 
hour for dinner and Harpagus was present among 
the rest of the guests, dishes of sheeps' flesh were 
set before Astyages and the others, but Harpagus 
was served with the flesh of his own son, all but the 
head and hands and feet, which lay apart covered up 
in a basket. And when Harpagus seemed to have 
eaten his fill, Astyages asked him, * Are you pleased 
with your meal, Harpagus?" “Exceeding well 
pleased," Harpagus answered. Then those whose 
business it was brought him in the covered basket 
the head and hands and feet of his son, and they 
stood before Harpagus and bade him uncover and 
take of them what he would. Harpagus did so; 


155 


=r 


HERODOTUS 


πειθόµενος δὲ ὁ ο “Αρπαγος καὶ ἀποκαλύπτων ὁρᾷ 
τοῦ παιδὸς τὰ Ἀείμματα, ἰδὼν δὲ οὔτε ἐξεπλάγη 
ἐντὸς τε ἑωυτοῦ γίνεται. εἴρετο δὲ αὐτὸν ὁ 
᾿Αστυάγης εἰ γινώσκοι ὅτευ θηρίου κρέα βε- 
βρώκοι. ὃ δὲ καὶ γινώσκειν ἔφη καὶ ἀρεστὸν 
εἶναι πᾶν τὸ ἂν βασιλεὺς ἔρδῃ. τούτοισι δὲ 
ἀμειψάμενος, καὶ ἀναλαβὼν τὰ λοιπὰ τῶν κρεῶν 
ἤιε ἐς τὰ οἰκία, ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ ἔμελλε, ὡς ἐγὼ δοκέω, 
ἁλίσας θάψειν τὰ πάντα. 

120. Αρπάγφ μὲν ᾿Αστυάγης δίκην ταύτην 
ἐπέθηκε, Κύρου δὲ πέρι βουλεύων ἐκάλεε τοὺς 
αὐτοὺς τῶν Μάγων οἳ τὸ ἐνύπνιόν οἱ ταύτῃ 
ἔκριναν. ἀπικομένους δὲ εἴρετο ὁ ᾿Αστυάγης τῇ 
ἔκρινάν οἱ τὴν ὄψιν. οἳ δὲ κατὰ ταὐτὰ εἶπαν, 
λέγοντες ὡς .Βασιλεῦσαι χρῆν τὸν παῖδα, εἰ ἐπέ- 
ἕωσε καὶ μὴ ἀπέθανε πρότερον. ὃ δὲ ἀμείβεται 
αὐτοὺς τοῖσιδε. “Ἔστι τε 0 παῖς καὶ περίεστι, 
καί μιν. ἐπ᾽ ἀγροῦ διαιτώμενον οἱ ἐκ τῆς κώμης 
παῖδες € ἐστήσαντο βασιλέα. ὃ δὲ πάντα ὅσα περ 
οἱ ἀληθέι λόγῳ βασιλέες ἐτελέωσε ποιήσας" καὶ 
γὰρ δορυφόρους καὶ θυρωροὺς καὶ ἀγγελιηφόρους 
καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ πάντα διατάξας ἦρχε. καὶ νῦν ἐς 
Tí ὑμῖν ταῦτα φαίνεται φέρειν; ᾽ E εἶπαν οἱ Μάγοι 
“E μὲν περίεστί τε καὶ ἐβασίλευσε ὁ ὁ παῖς μὴ ἐκ 
προνοίης τινός, θάρσεέ Te τούτου εἶν εκα καὶ θυμὸν 
ἔχε ἀγαθόν" οὗ γὰρ ἔτι τὸ δεύτερον à ἄρχει. παρὰ 
σμικρὰ γὰρ καὶ τῶν λογίων ἡμῖν ἔνια κεχώρηκε, 
καὶ τά γε τῶν ὀνειράτων ἐχόμενα τελέως ἐς 
ἀσθενὲς ἔ ἔρχεται. - ἀμείβεται ὁ ὁ ᾿Αστυάγης τοῖσιδε. 
ώς Καὶ αὐτὸς ὦ Μάγοι ταύτῃ πλεῖστος γνώμην 
εἰμί, βασιλέος ὀνομασθέντος τοῦ παιδὸς ἐξή- 
κειν τε τὸν ὄνειρον καί μοι τὸν παῖδα τοῦτον 


156 


BOOK I. 119-120 


he uncovered and saw what was left of his son: 
this he saw, but he mastered himself and was not 
dismayed. Astyages asked him, * Know you what 
beast’s flesh you have eaten?" “ Yea," he said, “I 
know, and all that the king does is pleasing to me.” 
With that answer he took the rest of the flesh and 
went to his house, purposing then, as I suppose, to 
collect and bury all. 

120. Thus did Astyages punish Harpagus. But, 
to aid him to resolve about Cyrus, he called to him 
the same Magians who had interpreted his dream 
as I have said: and when they came Astyages asked 
them how they had interpreted his vision. They 
answered as before, and said that the boy must have 
been made king had he lived and not died first. 
Then said Astyages, * The boy is saved and alive, 
and when he was living in the country the boys of 
his village made him king, and he did duly all that 
is done by true kings: for he assigned to each 
severally the places of bodyguards and sentinels and 
messengers and all else, and so ruled. And to what, 
think you, does this tend?" “If the boy is alive,” 
said the Magians, *and has been made king 
without foreknowledge, then fear not for aught that 
he can do but keep a good heart: he will not be 
made king a second time. Know that even in our 
prophecies it is often but a small thing that has been 
foretold, and the perfect fulfilment of the dream is 
but a trifling matter." “I too, ye Magians," said 
Astyages, “am much of your mind—that the dream 
came true when the boy was called king, and that I 


157 


Εν] 


HERODOTUS 


εἶναι δεινὸν ἔτι ovdev. ὅμως μέν γέ τοι 
συμβουλεύσατέ μοι εὖ περισκεψ άµενοι τὰ μέλλει 
ἀσφαλέστατα εἶναι οἴκῳ τε τῷ ἐμῷ καὶ ὑμῖν. 
εἶπαν πρὸς ταῦτα οἱ Μάγοι ««Ὦ βασιλεῦ, καὶ 
αὐτοῖσι ἡμῖν περὶ πολλοῦ ἐστι κατορθοῦσθαι 
ἀρχὴν τὴν σήν. κείνως μὲν γὰρ ἀλλοτριοῦται és 
TÓV παῖδα τοῦτον περιιοῦσα ἐόντα Πέρσην, καὶ 
ἡμεῖς ἐόντες Μῆδοι δουλούμεθά τε καὶ λόγου 
οὐδενὸς γινόμεθα πρὸς Περσέων, ἐόντες ξεῖνοι" 
σέο δ᾽ ἐνεστεῶτος βασιλέος, ἐόντος πολιήτεω, καὶ 
ἄρχομεν τὸ μέρος καὶ τιμὰς πρὸς σέο μεγάλας 
ἔχομεν. οὕτω ὧν πάντως ἡμῖν σέο καὶ τῆς σῆς 
ἀρχῆς προοπτέον ἐστί. καὶ νῦν εἰ φοβερὸν τι 
ἐνωρῶμεν, πᾶν ἂν σοὶ προεφράξομεν. νῦν δὲ 
ἀποσκήψαστος τοῦ ἐνυπνίου ἐς φαῦλον, αὐτοί τε 
θαρσέομεν καὶ σοὶ ἕτερα τοιαῦτα παρακελενόμεθα. 
τὸν δὲ παῖδα τοῦτον ἐξ ὀφθαλμῶν ἀπόπεμψαι ἐς 
Πέρσας. τε καὶ τοὺς γειναμένους. i 

121. ᾿Ακούσας ταῦτα ὁ ᾿Αστυάγης ἐχάρη τε 
καὶ καλέσας τὸν Κῦρον ἔλεγέ οἱ τάδε. “OQ παῖ, 
σὲ γὰρ ἐγὼ δι᾽ ὄψιν ὀνειρου οὐ τελέην ἠδίκεον, τῇ 
σεωυτοῦ δὲ μοίρῃ περίεις' νῦν ὧν ἴθι χαίρων ἐς 
Πέρσας, πομποὺς δὲ € ἐγὼ ἅμα πέμ ω. ἐλθὼν δὲ 
ἐκεῖ πατέρα τε καὶ μητέρα εὑρήσεις οὐ κατὰ 
Μιτραδάτην τε τὸν βουκόλον καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα 
αὐτοῦ." 

122. Ταῦτα εἴπας ὁ ᾿Αστυάγης ἀποπέμπει τὸν 
Κῦρον. νοστήσαντα δέ μιν ἐς τοῦ Καμβύσεω τὰ 
οἰκία ἐδέξαντο οἱ γεινάμενοι, καὶ δεξάμενοι ὡς 
ἐπύθοντο, μεγάλως ἀσπάξοντο οἷα δὴ ἐπιστάμενοι 
αὐτίκα τότε τελευτῆσαι, ἱστόρεόν τε ὅτεῳ τρόπῳ 
περιγένοιτο, ὃ δέ σφι ἔλεγε, φὰς πρὸ τοῦ μὲν οὐκ 


158 


BOOK Í. 120-122 


have no more to fear from him. Nevertheless 
consider well and advise me what shall be safest 
both for my house and for you." The Magians 
said, * King, we too are much concerned that your 
sovereignty should stand: for in the other case it 
goes away from your nation to this boy who is a 
Persian, and so we Medes are enslaved and deemed 
of no account by the Persians, being as we are of 
another blood, but while you are established king, 
who are our countryman, we have our share of power, 
and great honour is paid us by you. Thus, then, it 
behoves us by all means to take thought for you and 
your sovereignty. And at the present time if we 
saw any danger we would declare all to you: but 
now the dream has had but a trifling end, and we 
ourselves have confidence and counsel you to be 
like-minded. As for this boy, send him away from 
your sight to the Persians and to his parents." 

121. Hearing this, Astyages was glad, and calling 
Cyrus, * My lad," he said, *I did you wrong by 
reason of the vision I had in a dream, that meant 
naught, but by your own destiny you still live; now 
therefore, get you to the Persians, and good luck go 
with you; I will send those that shall guide you. 
When you are there you shall find a father and mother 
of other estate than Mitradates the cowherd and his 
wife." 

122. So said Astyages and sent Cyrus away. 
When he returned to Cambyses' house, his parents 
received him there, and learning who he was they 
welcomed him heartily, for they had supposed that 
long ago he had straightway been killed, and they 
asked him how his life had been saved. Then he 
told them, and said that till now he had known 


159 


HERODOTUS 


εἰδέναι GAN ἡμαρτηκέναι πλεῖστον, κατ ὁδὸν δὲ 
πυθέσθαι πᾶσαν τὴν ἑωυτοῦ πάθην" ἐπίστασθαι 
μὲν γὰρ ὡς βουκόλου τοῦ ᾿Αστυάγεος εἴη παῖς, 
ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς κεῖθεν ὁδοῦ τὸν πάντα λόγον τῶν 
πομπῶν πυθέσθαι. τραφῆναι δὲ .ἔλεγε ὑπὸ τῆς 
τοῦ βουκόλου γυναικός, ἤιέ τε ταύτην αἰνέων διὰ 
παντός, ἦν τέ οἱ ἐν τῷ λόγῳ͵ τὰ πάντα ἡ Κυνώ. 
οἱ δὲ τοκέες παραλαβόντες τὸ οὔνομα τοῦτο, ἵνα 
θειοτέρως δοκέῃ τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι περιεῖναί σφι ὁ 
παῖς, κατέβαλον φάτιν ὡς ἐκκείμενον Κῦρον κύων 
ἐξέθρεψε. 

123. ᾿Ενθεῦτεν μὲν ἡ φάτις αὕτη κεχώρηκε. 
Κύρῳ δὲ ἀνδρευμένῳ καὶ ἐόντι τῶν ἡλίκων ἀνδρηιο- 
τάτῳ καὶ προσφιλεστάτῳ προσέκειτο ὁ "Αρπαγος 
δῶρα πέμπων, τίσασθαι ᾿Αστυάγεα ἐπιθυμέων' 
ἀπ’ ἑωυτοῦ γὰρ ἐόντος ἰδιώτεω οὐκ ἐνώρα τιμωρίην 
ἐσομένην ἐς ᾿Αστυάγεα, Κῦρον δὲ ὀρέων ἐπιτρε- 
φόμενον è ἐποιέετο σύμμαχον, τὰς πάθας τὰς Κύρου 
τῇσι ἑωυτοῦ ὁμοιούμενος. πρὸ δ᾽ ἔτι τούτου τάδε 
οἵ κατέργαστο' ἐόντος τοῦ ᾿Αστυάγεος πικροῦ ἐς 
τοὺς Μήδους, συμμίσγων ἑνὶ ἑ ἑκάστῳ ὁ “Αρπαγος 
τῶν πρώτων Μήδων ἀνέπειθε ὡς χρὴ Κῦρον προ- 
στησαμένους ᾿Αστυάγεα παῦσαι τῆς βασιληίης. 
κατεργασμένου. δέ οἱ τούτου καὶ ἐόντος ἑτούμου, 
οὕτω δὴ τῷ Κύρῳ διαιτωμένῳ ἐ ἐν Πέρσῃσι βουλό- 
μενος ΄Αρπαγος δηλῶσαι τὴν ἑωυτοῦ γνώμην 
ἄλλως μὲν οὐδαμῶς εἶχε ἅτε τῶν ὁδῶν φυλασσο- 
μενέων, ὃ δὲ ἐπιτεχνᾶται τοιόνδε" λαγὸν µηχανη- 
σάμενος, καὶ ἀνασχίσας τούτου τὴν γαστέρα καὶ 
οὐδὲν ἀποτίλας, ὡς δὲ εἶχε οὕτω ἐσέθηκε βυβλίον, 
γράψας τά οἱ ἐδόκεε: ἀπ γαρ δὲ τοῦ λαγοῦ 
τὴν γαστέρα, καὶ δίκτυα δοὺς ἅτε θηρευτῇ τῶν 


τόο 


BOOK I. 122-123 


nothing but been greatly deceived, but that on the 
way he had heard all the story of his misfortune ; 
for he had thought, he said, that Astyages' cowherd 
was his father, but in his journey from the city his 
escort had told him all the tale. And he had been 
reared, he said, by the cowherd's wife, and he was 
full of her praises, and in his tale he was ever 
speaking of Cyno. Hearing this name, his parents 
set about a story that Cyrus when exposed was 
suckled by a bitch, thinking thereby to make the 
story of his saving seem the more marvellous to the 
Persians. 

123. This then was the beginning of that legend. 
But as Cyrus grew to man's estate, being the 
manliest and best loved of his peers, Harpagus 
courted him and sent him gifts, wishing to be 
avenged on Astyages; for he saw no hope of a 
private man like himself punishing Astyages, but 
as he saw Cyrus growing up he sought to make him 
an ally, for he likened Cyrus' misfortune to his own. 
He had already brought matters so far that—since 
Astyages dealt harshly with the Medians —he 
consorted with each of the chief Medians and 
persuaded them to make Cyrus their leader and 
depose Astyages. So much being ready and done, 
Harpagus desired to make known his intent to 
Cyrus, then dwelling among the Persians; but the 
roads were guarded, and he had no plan for sending 
a message but this—he artfully slit the belly of a 
hare, and then leaving it as it was without further 
harm he put into it a paper on which he wrote what 
he thought fit. Then he sewed up the hare's belly, 
‘and sent it to Persia by the trustiest of his servants, 


161 


Ft 


HERODOTUS 


οἰκετέων TO πιστοτάτῳ, ἀπέστελλε ἐς τοὺς 
Πέρσας, ἐντειλάμενός οἱ ἀπὸ γλώσσης διδόντα 
τὸν λαγὸν Κύρῳ ἐπειπεῖν αὐτοχειρίῃ μιν διελεῖν 
καὶ μηδένα οἱ ταῦτα ποιεῦντι παρεῖναι. 

. 194. Ταῦτά τε δὴ ὧν ἐπιτελέα. ἐγίνετο καὶ 0 
Κῦρος παραλαβὼν τὸν λαγὸν ἀνέσχισε" εὑρὼν 
δὲ ἐν αὐτῷ τὸ βυβλίον ἐνεὸν λαβὼν ἐπελέγετο, τὰ 
δὲ γράμματα ἔλεγε τάδε. Q παῖ Καμβύσεω, 
σὲ γὰρ θεοὶ ἐπορῶσι' οὐ γὰρ ἃ ἂν κοτὲ ἐς τοσοῦτο 
τύχης ἀπίκευ' σύ νυν ᾿Αστυάγεα τὸν σεωυτοῦ 
φονέα τῖσαι. κατὰ μὲν γὰρ τὴν τούτου προθυμίην 
τέθνηκας, τὸ δὲ κατὰ θεούς τε καὶ ἐμὲ περίεις' τά 
σε καὶ πάλαι δοκέω πάντα ἐκμεμαθηκέναι, σέο τε 
αὐτοῦ πέρι ὡς ἐπρήχθη, καὶ οἷα € ἐγὼ ὑπὸ ᾿Αστυά- 
Ύεος πέπονθα, ὅ ὅτι σε οὐκ ἀπέκτεινα ἀλλὰ ἔδωκα 
τῷ βουκόλῳ. σύ νυν, ἦν βούλῃ ἐμοὶ πείθεσθαι, 
τῆς περ ᾿Αστυάγης ἄρχει χώρης, ταύτης ἁπάσης 
ἄρξεις. Πέρσας γὰρ ἀναπείσας ἀπίστασθαι στρα- 
τηλάτεε ἐπὶ Μήδους: καὶ ἤν τε ἐγὼ ὑπὸ ᾿Αστυά- 
Ύεος ἀποδεχθέω στρατηγὸς ἀντία σεῦ, ἔστι τοι τὰ 
σὺ βούλεαι, ἤ ἦν τε τῶν τις δοκίμων ἄλλος Μήδων 
πρῶτοι γὰρ οὗτοι ἀποστάντες ἀπ᾽ ἐκείνου καὶ 
γενόμενοι. πρὸς σέο ᾿Αστυάγεα καταιρέειν πειρή- 
σονται. ὡς ὧν ἑτοίμου τοῦ ye ἐνθάδε ἐόντος, ποίεε 
ταῦτα καὶ ποίεε κατὰ τάχος." 

125. ᾿Ακούσας ταῦτα ὁ Κῦρος ἐφρόντιξε ὃ ὅτεῳ 
τρόπῳ σοφωτάτῳ Πέρσας ἀναπείσει ἀπίστασθαι, 
φροντίζων δὲ | εὑρίσκεται ταῦτα καιριώτατα εἶναι" 
ἐποίεε δὴ ταῦτα. γράψας ἐς βυβλίον τὰ ἐβούλετο, 
ἁλέην τῶν Περσέων ἐ ἐποιήσατο, μετὰ δὲ ἀναπτύξας 
τὸ βυβλίον καὶ ἐπιλεγόμενος ἔφη ᾿Αστυάγεά pay 
στρατηγὸν Περσέων ἀποδεικνύναι. '* Νῦν re,” ἔφη 


162 


BOOK l. 123-125 


giving him nets to carry as if he were a huntsman, 
The messenger was charged to give Cyrus the hare 
and bid bim by word of mouth cut it open with his 
own hands, none other being present. 

124. All this was done. Cyrus took the hare and 
slit it and read the paper which was in it; the writing 
was as follows: “Son of Cambyses, seeing that the 
gods watch over you (for else you had not so pros- 
pered) do you now avenge yourself on Astyages, 
your murderer; for according to his intent you are 
dead; it is by the gods' doing, and mine, that you 
live. Methinks you have long ago heard the story of 
what was done concerning yourself and how Astyages 
entreated me because I slew you not but gave you to 
the cowherd. If then you will be counselled by me, 
you shall rule all the country which is now ruled by 
Astyages. Persuade the Persians to rebel, and lead 
their army against the Medes; then you have your 
desire, whether I be appointed to command the army 
against you or some other notable man among the 
Medians; for they will of themselves revolt from 
Astyages and join you and endeavour to pull him down. 
Seeing then that all here is ready, do as I say and do 
it quickly.” | 

125. When Cyrus heard this, he considered how 
most cunningly he might persuade the Persians to 
revolt; and this he thought most apt to the occasion, 
and this he did: writing what he would on a paper, 
he gathered an assembly of the Persians, and then un- 
folded the paper and declared that therein Astyages 
appointed him leader of the Persian armies. “ Now," 


163 


HERODOTUS 


λέγων, i: ὦ Πέρσαι, προαγορεύω ὑμῖν παρεῖναι 
ἕκαστον ἔχοντα, δρέπανον, Κῦρος μὲν ταῦτα 
προηγόρευσε. ἔστι δὲ Περσέων συχνὰ γένεα, καὶ 
τὰ μὲν αὐτῶν ὁ Κῦρος συνάλισε καὶ ἀνέπεισε 
ἀπίστασθαι ἀπὸ Μήδων. ἔστι δὲ τάδε, ἐξ ὧν 
ὧὦλλοι πάντες ἀρτέαται Πέρσαι, Πασαργάδαι 
Μαράφιοι Μάσπιοι. τούτων Πασαργάδαι εἰσὶ 
ἄριστοι, ἐν τοῖσι καὶ ᾿Αχαιμενίδαι εἰσὶ φρήτρη, 
ἔνθεν οἱ βασιλέες οἱ Περσεῖδαι γεγόνασι. ἄλλοι 
δὲ Πέρσαι εἰσὶ οἶδε, Πανθιαλαῖοι Αηρουσιαῖοι 
Γερμάνιοι. οὗτοι μὲν πάντες ἀροτῆρες εἰσί, οἱ δὲ 
ἄλλοι νομάδες, Δάοι Μάρδοι Δροπικοὶ Σαγάρτιοι. 

126. Ὡς δὲ παρῆσαν ἅπαντες ἔχοντες τὸ προ- 
εἰρημένον, ἐνθαῦτα ὁ Κῦρος, ἦν γάρ τις χῶρος τῆς 
Περσικῆς ἀκανθώδης ὅσον τε ἐπὶ ὀκτωκαίδεκα 
σταδίους ἢ εἴκοσι πάντῃ, τοῦτόν σφι τὸν χῶρον 
προεῖπε ἐξημερῶσαι ἐν ἡμέρῃ. ἐπιτελεσάντων δὲ 
τῶν Περσέων. τὸν προκείμενον ἄεθλον, δεύτερά 
σφι προεῖπε ἐς τὴν ὑστεραίην παρεῖναι λελου- 
μένους. ἐν δὲ τούτῳ τά τε αἰπόλια καὶ τὰς 
ποίμνας καὶ τὰ βουκόλια ὃ Κῦρος πάντα τοῦ 
πατρὸς συναλίσας ἐς τὠυτὸ ἔθυσε καὶ παρεσκεύ- 
abe ὡς δεξόµενος τὸν Περσέων στρατόν, πρὸς δὲ 
οἴνῳ τε καὶ σιτίοισι ὡς ἐπιτηδεοτάτοισι. ἄπικο- 
μένους δὲ τῇ, ὑστεραίῃ τοὺς Πέρσας κατακλίνας ἐ ἐς 
λειμῶνα εὐώχεε. ἐπείτε δὲ ἀπὸ δεύπνου ἦσαν, 
εἰ ipeto σφέας ὁ Κῦρος κότερα τὰ τῇ προτεραίῃ 
εἶχον ἢ τὰ παρεόντα σφι εἴη αἱρετώτερα. οἳ δὲ 
ἔφασαν πολλὸν εἶναι αὐτῶν τὸ μέσον" τὴν μὲν 
γὰρ προτέρην ἡμέρην πάντα σφι κακὰ ἔχειν, τὴν 
δὲ τότε παρεοῦσαν πάντα ἀγαθά. παραλαβὼν δὲ 
τοῦτο τὸ ἔπος ὁ Κῦρος παρεγύμνου τὸν πάντα 


164 


BOOK I. 125-126 


said he in his speech, * I bid you all, men of Persia, 
to come each of you with a sickle." (There are many 
tribes in Persia : those of them whom Cyrus assembled 
and persuaded to revolt from the Medes were the 
Pasargadae, the Maraphii, and the Maspii. On these 
hang all the other Persians. The chief tribe is that 
of the Pasargadae ; to them belongs the clan of the 
Achaemenidae, the royal house of Persia. The other 
Persian tribes are the Panthialaei, the Derusiaei, and 
the Germanii, all tillers of the soil, and the Dai, 
the Mardi, the Dropici, the Sagartii, all wandering 
herdsmen.) 

126. So when they all came with sickles as com- 
manded, Cyrus bade them clear and make service- 
able in one day a certain thorny tract of Persia, 
of eighteen or twenty furlongs each way in ex- 
tent. The Persians accomplished the appointed 
task; Cyrus then commanded them to wash them- 
selves and come on the next day; and mean- 
while, gathering together his father's goats and 
sheep and oxen in one place, he slew and prepared 
them as a feast for the Persian host, providing 
also wine and all foods that were most suitable. 
When the Persians came on the next day he made 
tliem sit and feast in a meadow. After dinner he 
asked them which pleased them best, their task of 
yesterday or their present state. They answered 
that the difference was great: all yesterday they 
had had nought but evil, to-day nought but good. 
Then taking their word from their mouths Cyrus laid 

165 


HERODOTUS 


λόγον, λέγων “"Avdpes Πέρσαι, οὕτω ὑμῖν ἔχει. 
βουλομένοισι μὲν ἐμέο πείθεσθαι ἔστι τάδε τε 
καὶ ἄλλα μυρία ἀγαθά, οὐδένα πόνον δουλοπρεπέα 
ἔχουσι, μὴ βουλομένοισι δὲ ἐμέο πείθεσθαι εἰσὶ 
ὑμῖν πόνοι τῷ χθιζῷ παραπλήσιοι ἀναρίθμητοι. 
νῦν ὧν ἐμέο πειθόμενοι γίνεσθε ἐλεύθεροι. αὐτός 
τε γὰρ δοκέω θείῃ τύχῃ γεγονὼς τάδε ἐς χεῖρας 
ἄγεσθαι, καὶ ὑμέας ἥγημαι ἄνδρας Μήδων εἶναι 
οὐ φαυλοτέρους οὔτε τἆλλα οὔτε τὰ πολέμια. ὡς 
ὧν ἐχόντων ὧδε, ἀπίστασθε ἀπ᾽ ᾿Αστυώγεος τὴν 
ταχίστην. 

191. Πέρσαι μέν vvv προστάτεω ἐπιλαβόμενοι 
ἄσμενοι ἐλευθεροῦντο, καὶ πάλαι δεινὸν ποιεύ- 
μενοι ὑπὸ Μήδων ἄρχεσθαι. ᾿Αστυάγης δὲ ὡς 
ἐπύθετο Κῦρον ταῦτα πρήσσοντα, πέμψας ay- 
γελον ἐκάλεε αὐτόν. ὁ δὲ Κῦρος ἐκέλευε τὸν 
ἄγγελον ἀπαγγέλλειν ὅτι πρότερον ἥξοι παρ᾽ 
ἐκεῖνον ἢ ᾿Αστυάγης αὐτὸς βουλήσεται. ἀκούσας 
δὲ ταῦτα ὁ ᾿Αστυάγης Μήδους τε ὥπλισε πάντας, 

. » ^ ν M $4 ο 
καὶ στρατηγὸν αὐτῶν ὥστε θεοβλαβὴς ἑὼν " Ap- 
παγον ἀπέδεξε, λήθην ποιεύμενος τά μιν ἐόργεε. 
ὡς δὲ οἱ Μῆδοι στρατευσάμενοι τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι 
συνέμισγον, οἳ μὲν τινὲς αὐτῶν ἐμάχοντο, ὅσοι μὴ 
τοῦ λόγου μετέσχον, οἳ δὲ αὐτομόλεον πρὸς τοὺς 
Πέρσας, οἱ δὲ πλεῖστοι ἐθελοκάκεόν τε καὶ 
ἔφευγον. 

128. Διαλυθέντος δὲ τοῦ Μηδικοῦ .στρατεύ- 
ματος αἰσχρῶς, ὡς ἐπύθετο τάχιστα ὁ ᾿Αστυάγης, 
ἔφη ἀπειλέων τῷ Κύρῳ ‘ANN οὐδ᾽ ὣς Κῦρός γε 
χαιρήσει." τοσαῦτα εἴπας πρῶτον μὲν τῶν Μάγων 
τοὺς ὀνειροπόλους, οἵ μιν ἀνέγνωσαν μετεῖναι τὸν 
Κῦρον, τούτους ἀνεσκολόπισε, μετὰ δὲ ὥπλισε 
166 


BOOK I. 126-128 


bare all his purpose, and said: ** This is your case, 
men of Persia: obey me and you shall have these 
good things and ten thousand others besides with no 
toil and slavery; but if you will not obey me you 
will have labours unnumbered, like to your toil of 
yesterday. Now, therefore, do as I bid you, and 
win your freedom. For I think that I myself was 
born by a marvellous providence to take this work 
in hand; and I deem you full as good men as 
the Medes in war and in all else. All this is 
true; wherefore now revolt from Astyages with all 
speed ! " 

127. The Persians had long been ill content that 
the Medes should rule them, and now having got 
them a champion they were glad to win their freedom. 
But when Astyages heard that Cyrus was at this busi- 
ness, hesenta messenger to summon him ; Cyrus bade 
the messenger bring back word that Astyages would 
see him sooner than he desired. Hearing this, 
Astyages armed all his Medians, and was so infatu- 
ated that he forgot what he had done to Harpagus, 
and appointed him to command the army. So no 
sooner had the Medes marched out and joined battle 
with the Persians than some of them deserted to the 
enemy, but most of them of set purpose played the 
coward and fled; those only fought who had not 
shared Harpagus’ counsels, 

128. Thus the Median army was foully scattered. 
Astyages, hearing this, sent a threatening message 
to Cyrus, “that even so he should not go un- 
punished "; and with that he took the Magians who 
interpreted dreams and had persuaded him to let 
Cyrus go free, and impaled them; then he armed 


167 


km 


HERODOTUS 


τοὺς ὑπολειφθέντας ἐν τῷ ἄστεϊ τῶν Μήδων, 
νέους Te καὶ πρεσβύτας ἄνδρας. ἐξαγαγὼν δὲ 
τούτους καὶ συμβαλὼν τοῖσι Πέρῃσι ἑσσώθη, καὶ 

αὐτὸς τε ᾿Αστυάγης ἐξωγρήθη καὶ τοὺς ἐξήγαγε 
τῶν Μήδων ἀπέβαλε. 

139, ᾿Εόντι δὲ αἰχμαλώτῳ τῷ ᾿Αστυάγεῖ προσ- 
στὰς ὁ Ἅρπαγος κατέχαιρέ τε καὶ κατεκερτόµες, 
καὶ ἄλλα λέγων ἐς αὐτὸν θυμαλγέα ἔπεα, καὶ δὴ 
καὶ εἴρετό μιν πρὸς τὸ ἑωυτοῦ δεῖπνον, τό μιν 
ἐκεῖνος σαρξὶ τοῦ παιδὸς ἐθοίνησε, ὅ τι εἴη ἡ 
ἐκείνου δουλοσύνη ἆ ἀντὶ τῆς βασιληίης. ὃ δέ μιν 
προσιδὼν ἆ ἀντείρετο ei ἑωυτοῦ ποιέεται τὸ νου 
ἔργον. “Αρπαγος δὲ ἔφη, αὐτὸς γὰρ γράψαι, τὸ 
πρῆγμα ἑωυτοῦ δὴ δικαίως εἶναι. ᾿Αστυάγης δέ 
μιν ἀπέφαινε τῷ λόγῳ σκαιότατόν τε καὶ ἀδικώ- 
τατον ἐόντα, πάντων ἀνθρώπων, σκαιότατον μέν 
γε, εἰ παρεὸν αὐτῷ βασιλέα γενέσθαι, εἰ δὴ δι 
ἑωυτοῦ γε ἐπρήχθη τὰ παρεόντα, ἄλλῳ περιέθηκε 
τὸ κράτος, ἀδικώτατον δέ, ὅ ὅτι τοῦ δείπνου εἵνεκεν 
Μήδους κατεδούλωσε. εἰ γὰρ δὴ δεῖν πάντως 
περιθεῖναι ἄλλῳ τεῷ τὴν βασιληίην καὶ μὴ αὐτὸν 
ἔχειν, δικαιότερον εἶναι Μήδων τεῷ περιβαλεῖν 
τοῦτο τὸ ἀγαθὸν ἡ 7) Περσέων. νῦν δὲ Μήδους μὲν 
ἀναιτίους τούτου ἐόντας δούλους ἀντὶ δεσποτέων 
γεγονέναι, Πέρσας δὲ δούλους ἐόντας τὸ πρὶν 
Μήδων νῦν γεγονέναι δεσπότας. 

180. ᾿Αστυάγης μέν νυν βασιλεύσας ἐπ᾽ ἔτεα 
πέντε καὶ τριήκοντα. οὕτω τῆς βασιληίης κατε- 
παύσθη, Μῆδοι δὲ ὑπέκυψαν Πέρσῃσι διὰ τὴν 
τούτου πικρότητα, ἄρξαντες τῆς ἄνω " AXvos 
ποταμοῦ ᾿Ασίης én’ ἔτεα τριήκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν 
δυῶν δέοντα, πάρεξ ἢ ὅσον οἱ Σκύθαι ἦρχον. 


168 


BOOK I. 128-130 


the Medes who were left in the city, the youths and 
old men. Leading these out, and encountering the 
Persians, he was worsted: Astyages himself was 
taken prisoner, and lost the Median army which 
he led. 

129. He being then a captive, Harpagus came and 
exulted over him and taunted him, and with much 
other bitter mockery he brought to mind his banquet, 
when Astyages had fed Harpagus on his son’s flesh, 
and asked Astyages what it was to be a slave after 
having been a king. Fixing his gaze on Harpagus, 
Astyages asked, “Think you that this, which Cyrus 
has done, is your work ?" “ It was I," said the other, 
* who wrote the letter; the accomplishment of the 
work is justly mine." “Then,” said Astyages, “you 
stand confessed the most foolish and most unjust 
man on earth; most foolish, in giving another the 
throne which you might have had for yourself, if the 
present business be indeed your doing ; most unjust, 
in enslaving the Medes by reason of that banquet. 
For if at al] hazards another and not yourself must 
possess the royal power, then in justice some Mede 
should enjoy it, not a Persian: but now you have 
made the Medes, who did you no harm, slaves instead 
of masters and the Persians, who were the slaves, are 
now the masters of the Medes." 

130. Thus Astyages wes deposed from his sove- 
reignty after a reign of thirty-five years: and the 
Medians were made to bow down before the Per- 
sians by reason of Astyages cruelty. They had 
ruled all Asia beyond the Halys for one hundred 
and twenty-eight years,! from which must be taken 
the time when the Scythians held sway. At a later 


1 687 to 559 B.o. The Scythians ruled 634-606 B.c. 
169 


HERODOTUS 


ὑστέρῳ μέντοι χρόνῳ μετεμέλησέ τέ σφι ταῦτα 
ποιήσασι καὶ ἀπέστησαν ἀπὸ Δαρείου, ἀποστάν- 
τες δὲ ὀπίσω κατεστράφθησαν μάχῃ νικηθέντες. 
τότε δὲ ἐπὶ ᾿Αστυάγεος οἱ Πέρσαι τε καὶ ὁ Κῦρος 
ἐπαναστάντες τοῖσι Μήδοισι ἦρχον τὸ ἀπὸ τούτου 
τῆς ᾿Ασίης. ᾿Αστυάγεα δὲ Κῦρος κακὸν οὐδὲν 
ἄλλο ποιήσας εἶχε παρ ἑωυτῷ, ἐς ὃ ἐτελεύτησε. 

Οὕτω δὴ Κῦρος γενόμενός τε καὶ τραφεὶς ἐβα- 
σίλευσε καὶ Κροῖσον ὕστερον τούτων ἄρξαντα 
ἀδικίης κατεστρέψατο, ὡς εἴρηταί μοι πρότερον, 
τοῦτον δὲ καταστρεψάμενος οὕτω πάσης τῆς 
᾿Ασίης ἦρξε. 

131. Ἡέρσας δὲ οἶδα νόμοισι τοιοῖσιδε χρεω- 
μένους, ἀγάλματα μὲν καὶ νηοὺς καὶ βωμοὺς οὐκ ἐν 
νόμῳ ποιευμένους ἱδρύεσθαι, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῖσι 
ποιεῦσι μωρίην ἐπιφέρουσι, ὡς μὲν ἐμοὶ δοκέειν, 
ὅτι οὐκ ἀνθρωποφυέας ἐνόμισαν τοὺς θεοὺς κατά 
περ οἱ "Έλληνες εἶναι: ot δὲ νομίζουσι Διὶ μὲν 
ἐπὶ τὰ ὑψηλότατα τῶν ὀρέων ἀναβαίνοντες θυσίας 
ἔρϑειν, τὸν κύκλον πάντα τοῦ οὐρανοῦ Δία καλέ- 
οντες' θύουσι δὲ ἡλίῳ τε καὶ σελήνῃ καὶ γῇ καὶ 
πυρὶ καὶ ὕδατι καὶ ἀνέμοισι. τούτοισι μὲν δὴ 
θύουσι μούνοισι ἀρχῆθεν, ἐπιμεμαθήκασι δὲ καὶ 
τῇ Οὐρανίῃ θύειν, παρά τε ᾿Ασσυρίων μαθόντες 

, } ; x? ΄ DNE 
καὶ ᾿Αραβίων. καλέουσι δὲ Ασσύριοι τὴν 'Adpo- 
δίτην Μύλιττα, ᾿Αράβιοι δὲ ᾿Αλιλάτ, Πέρσαι δὲ 
Μίτραν. 

132. Quoin δὲ τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι περὶ τοὺς εἰρη- 
μένους θεοὺς ἥδε κατέστηκε' οὔτε βωμοὺς ποιεῦν- 
ται οὔτε πῦρ ἀνακαίουσι μέλλοντες θύειν, οὐ 
σπονδῇ χρέωνται, οὐκὶ αὐλῷ, οὐ στέμμασι, οὐκὶ 
οὐλῇσι' τῶν δὲ ὡς ἑκάστῳ θύειν θέλῃ, ἐς χῶρον 
170 


BOOK I. 130—132 


time they repented of what they now did, and re- 
belled against Darius!; but they were defeated in 
battle and brought back into subjection. But now, 
in Astyages’ time, Cyrus and the Persians rose in 
revolt against the Medes, and from this time ruled 
Asia. As for Astyages, Cyrus did him no further 
harm, and kept him in his own house till Astyages 
died. 

This is the story of the birth and upbringing of 
Cyrus, and thus he became king; and afterwards, as 
I have already related, he subdued Croesus in punish- 
ment for the unprovoked wrong done him; and after 
this victory he became sovereign of all Asia. 

131.. As to the usages of the Persians, | know 
them to be these. It is not their custom to make 
and set up statues and temples and altars, but those 
who make such they deem foolish, as I suppose, be- 
cause they never believed the gods, as do the Greeks, 
to be in the likeness of men ;- but they call the whole 
circle of heaven Zeus, and to him they offer sacrifice 
on the highest peaks of the mountains; they sacri- 
fice also to the sun and moon and earth and fire and 
water and winds. These are the only gods to whom 
they have ever sacrificed from the beginning; they 
have learnt later, to sacrifice to the * heavenly "? 
Aphrodite, from the Assyrians and Arabians. She is 
called by the Assyrians Mylitta, by the Arabians 
Alilat, by the Persians Mitra. 

132. And this is their fashion of sacrifice to the 
aforesaid gods: when about to sacrifice they neither 
build altars nor kindle fire, they use no libations, nor 
music, nor fillets, nor barley meal; but to whomso- 
ever of the gods a man will sacrifice, he leads the 

1 In 520 5.0.; the event is recorded in a cuneiform in- 
scription. 3 See note on ch. 105. 


vOL.I. G ds 


HERODOTUS 


καθαρὸν ἀγαγὼν τὸ κτῆνος καλέει τὸν θεόν, ἐστε- 
φανωμένος τὸν τιάραν μυρσίνῃ μάλιστα. ἑωυτῷ 
μὲν δὴ τῷ θύοντι ἰδίῃ μούνῳ οὔ οἱ ἐγγίνεται ἀρᾶ- 
σθαι ἀγαθά, ὃ δὲ τοῖσι πᾶσι Πέρσῃσι κατεύχεται 
ev γίνεσθαι καὶ τῷ βασιλέι" ἐν γὰρ δὴ τοῖσι 
ἅπασι Πέρσῃσι καὶ αὐτὸς γίνεται. ἐπεὰν δὲ δια- 
μιστύλας κατὰ μέλεα τὸ ἱρήιον ἑψήσῃ τὰ κρέα, 
ὑποπάσας ποίην ὡς ἁπαλωτάτην, μάλιστα δὲ τὸ 
τρίφυλλον, ἐπὶ ταύτης ἔθηκε ὧν πάντα τὰ κρέα. 
διαθέντος δὲ αὐτοῦ Μάγος ἀνὴρ παρεστεὼς 
ἐπαείδει θεογονίην, οἵην δὴ ἐκεῖνοι λέγουσι εἶναι 
τὴν ἐπαοιδήνν ἄνευ γὰρ δὴ Μάγου οὔ σφι νόμος 
ἐστὶ θυσίας ποιέεσθαι. ἐπισχὼν δὲ ὀλίγον χρόνον 
ἀποφέρεται ὁ θύσας τὰ κρέα καὶ χρᾶται ὅ τι μιν 
λόγος αἱρέει. 

133. Ἡμέρην δὲ ἁπασέων μάλιστα ἐκείνην 
τιμᾶν νομίξουσι τῇ ἕκαστος ἐγένετο. ἐν ταύτῃ δὲ 
πλέω δαῖτα τῶν ἀλλέων δικαιεῦσι προτίθεσθαι: 
ἐν τῇ οἱ εὐδαίμονες αὐτῶν βοῦν καὶ ἵππον καὶ 
κάμηλον καὶ ὄνον προτιθέαται ὅλους ὀπτοὺς ἐν 
καμίνοισι, οἱ δὲ πένητες αὐτῶν τὰ λεπτὰ τῶν 
προβάτων. προτιθέαται. σίτοισι δὲ ὀλίγοισι 
χρέωνται, ἐπιφορήμασι δὲ πολλοῖσι καὶ οὐκ ἁλέσι" 
καὶ διὰ τοῦτο φασὶ Πέρσαι τοὺς "Ελληνας σιτεο- 
μένους πεινῶντας παύεσθαι, ὅτε σφι ἀπὸ δείπνου 
παραφορέεται οὐδὲν λόγου ἄξιον: εἰ δέ τι mapa- 
φέροιτο, ἐσθίοντας ἂν οὐ παύεσθαι. οἴνῳ δὲ κάρτα 
προσκέαται, Καί σφι οὐκ ἐμέσαι ἔξεστι, οὐκὶ 
οὐρῆσαι ἀντίον ἄλλου. ταύτα μὲν νυν οὕτω 
φυλάσσεται, μεθυσκόμενοι δὲ ἑώθασι βουλεύεσθαι 
τὰ σπουδαιέστατα τῶν πρηγμάτων" τὸ ὃ ἂν aby 
σφι βουλευομένοισι, τοῦτο τῇ ὑστεραίῃ νήφουσι 
172 


BOOK I. 132-133 ý 


beast to an open space and then calls on the god, 
himself wearing a wreath on his cap, of myrtle for 
choice. Το pray for blessings for himself alone is 
not lawful for the sacrificer ; rather he prays that it 
may be well with the king and all the Persians ; for 
he reckons himself among them. He then cuts the 
victim limb from limb into portions, and having 
boiled the flesh spreads the softest grass, trefoil by 
choice, and places all of it on this. When he has 
so disposed it a Magian comes near and chants over 
it the song of the birtlr of the gods, as the Persian 
tradition relates it; for no sacrifice can be offered 
without a Magian. Then after a little while the 
sacrificer carries away the flesh and uses it as he 
pleases. 

133. The day which every man most honours is 
his own birthday. On this he thinks it right to 
serve a more abundant meal than on other days; 
before the rich are set oxen or horses or camels 
or asses, roasted whole in ovens; the poorer serve 
up the lesser kinds of cattle. Their courses are 
few, the dainties that follow are many and not 
all served together. This is why the Persians say 
of the Greeks, that they rise from table still hungry, 
because not much dessert is set before them: were 
this too given to the Greek (say the Persians) 
he would never cease eating. They are greatly 
given to wine; none may vomit or make water in 
another's presence. This then is prohibited among 
them. Moreover it is their custom to deliberate 
about the gravest matters when they are drunk; 
and what they approve in their counsels is proposed 
to them the next day by the master of the house 
where they deliberate, when they are now sober 


173 


HERODOTUS 


προτιθεῖ ὁ στέγαρχος, ἐν τοῦ ἂν ἐόντες βουλεύων- 
ται, καὶ ἣν μὲν ἅδῃ καὶ νήφουσι, χρέωνται αὐτῷ, 
ἣν δὲ μὴ Gdn, μετιεῖσι. τὰ δ᾽ ἂν νήφοντες mpo- 
βουλεύσωνται, μεθυσκόμενοι ἐπιδιαγινώσκουσι. 

134. Ἐντυγχάνοντες © ἀλλήλοισι ἐν τῆσι 
ὁδοῖσι, τῷδε ἄν τις Stayvoin εἰ ὅμοιοι εἰσὶ οἱ cuv- 
τυγχάνοντες: ἀντὶ γὰρ τοῦ προσαγορεύειν ἀλλή- 
λους φιλέουσι τοῖσι στόμασι" ἦν δὲ ᾖ οὕτερος 
ὑποδεέστερος ὀλίγῳ, τὰς παρειὰς φιλέονται: ἣν 
δὲ πολλῷ ᾖ οὕτερος ἀγεννέστερος, προσπίπτων 
προσκυνέει τὸν ἕτερον. τιμῶσι δὲ ἐκ πάντων τοὺς 
ἄγχιστα ἑωυτῶν οἰκέοντας µετά γε ἑωυτούς, 
δεύτερα δὲ τοὺς δευτέρους: μετὰ δὲ κατὰ λόγον 
προβαίνοντες τιμῶσι: ἥκιστα δὲ τοὺς ἑωυτῶν 
ἑκαστάτω οἰκημένους ἐν τιμῇ ἄγονται, νομίξοντες 
ἑωυτοὺς εἶναι ἀνθρώπων μακρῷ τὰ πάντα ἀρίσ- 
τους, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους κατὰ λόγον] τῆς ἀρετῆς 
ἀντέχεσθαι, τοὺς δὲ ἑκαστάτω οἰκέοντας ἀπὸ 
ἑωυτῶν κακίστους εἶναι. ἐπὶ δὲ Μήδων ἀρχόν- 
των καὶ ἦρχε τὰ ἔθνεα ἀλλήλων, συναπάντων 
μὲν Μῆδοι καὶ τῶν ἄγχιστα οἰκεόντων σφίσι, 
οὗτοι δὲ καὶ τῶν ὁμούρων, οἳ δὲ μάλα τῶν ἐχο- 
μένων, κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν δὴ λόγον καὶ οἱ Πέρσαι 
τιμῶσι" προέβαινε γὰρ δὴ τὸ ἔθνος ἄρχον τε καὶ 
ἐπιτροπεῦον. | 

135. Εεινικὰ δὲ νόμαια Πέρσαι προσίενται 
ἀνδρῶν μάλιστα. καὶ γὰρ δὴ τὴν Μηδικὴν ἐσθῆτα 
νομίσαντες τῆς ἑωυτῶν εἶναι καλλίω φορέουσι, 
καὶ ἐς τοὺς πολέμους τοὺς Αἰγυπτίους θώρηκας" 
καὶ εὐπαθείας τε παντοδαπὰς πυνθανόμενοι ἐπι- 


1 κατὰ λόγον [τῷ λεγομένῳ] Stein.. 
174 


BOOK 1. 133-135 


and if being sober they still approve it, they act 
thereon, but if not, they cast it aside. And when 
they have taken counsel about a matter when sober, 
they decide upon it when they are drunk. 

194. When one man meets another in the way, it 
is easy to see if the two are equals; for then with- 
out speaking they kiss each other on the lips; if the 
difference in rank be but little, it is the cheek that is 
kissed ; if it be great, the humbler bows down and 
does obeisance to the other. They honour most of 
all those who dwell nearest them, next those who 
are next farthest removed, and so going ever onwards 
they assign honour by this rule ; those who dwell far- 
thest off they hold least honourable of all; for they 
deem themselves to be in all regards by far the best of 
all men, the rest to have but a proportionate claim to 
merit, till those who dwell farthest away have least 
merit of all. Under the rule of the Medes one tribe 
would even govern another; the Medes held sway 
over all alike and specially over those who dwelt 
nearest to themselves; these ruled their neighbours, 
and the neighbours again those who came next to 
them, on the same plan whereby the Persians assign 
honour; for according as the Median nation ad- 
vanced its dominion farther from home, such was the 
measure of its rule and suzerainty.! 

135. But of all men the Persians most welcome 
foreign customs, They wear the Median dress, 
deeming it more beautiful than their own, and the 
Egyptian cuirass in war. Their luxurious practices 

1 This appears to mean, that the farther off a subject 
nation is, the less direct is the control exercised by the 
Medes; on the same principle as that which makes the 


Persians hold their subjects in less and less estimation in 
proportion to their distance from the seat of empire. 


175 


HERODOTUS 


τηδεύουσι, καὶ δὴ καὶ ἀπ᾽ “Ἑλλήνων μαθόντες 
παισὶ μίσγονται. αμέουσι. δὲ ἕκαστος αὐτῶν 
πολλὰς μὲν κουριδίας γυναῖκας, πολλῷ Ò ἔτι 
πλεῦνας παλλακὰς κτῶνται. 

196. ᾿Ανδραγαθίη δὲ αὕτη ἀποδέδεκται, μετὰ τὸ 
μάχεσθαι εἶναι ἀγαθόν, ὃ ὃς ἂν πολλοὺς ἀποδέξῃ 
παῖδας" τῷ δὲ τοὺς πλείστους ἀποδεικνύντι δῶρα 
ἐκπέμπει. βασιλεὺς ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος. τὸ πολλὸν δ᾽ 
ἡγέαται ἰσχυρὸν εἶναι. παιδεύουσι δὲ τοὺς παῖδας 
ἀπὸ πενταέτεος ἀρξάμενοι μέχρι εὐκοσαέτεος 
μοῦνα, ἱππεύειν καὶ τοξεύειν καὶ ἠληθίζεσθαι 
πρὶν δὲ ἢ πενταέτης γένηται, οὐκ ἀπικνέεται ἐς 
ὄψιν τῷ πατρί, ἀλλὰ παρὰ τῆσι γυναιξὶ δίαιταν 
ἔχει. τοῦδε δὲ εἵνεκα τοῦτο οὕτω ποιέεται, ἶνα ἦν 
ἀποθάνῃ τρεφόμενος, μηδεμίαν ἄσην τῷ πατρὶ 
προσβάλῃ. 

191. Αἰνέω μέν νυν τόνδε τὸν νόμον, αἰνέω δὲ 
καὶ τόνδε, τὸ μὴ μιῆς αἰτίης εἵνεκα μήτε αὐτὸν 
τὸν βασιλέα μηδένα φονεύειν, μήτε τῶν ἄλλων 
Περσέων, μηδένα τῶν ἑωυτοῦ οἰκετέων ἐπὶ μιῇ 
αἰτίῃ ἀνήκεστον πάθος ἔρδειν" ἀλλὰ λογισάμενος 
ἦν εὑρίσκῃ πλέω τε καὶ μέξω τὰ ἀδικήματα. ἐόντα 
τῶν ὑπουργημάτων, οὕτω τῷ θυμῷ χρᾶται. ἀπο- 
κτεῖναι δὲ οὐδένα κω λέγουσι τὸν ἑωυτοῦ πατέρα 
οὐδὲ μητέρα, ἀλλὰ ὀκόσα ἤδη τοιαῦτα ἐγένετο, 
πᾶσαν ἀνάγκην φασὶ ἀναξητεόμενα ταῦτα ἀνευρε- 
θῆναι 1j ἤτοι ὑποβολιμαῖα ἐ ἐόντα ἦ μοιχίδια" οὗ γὰρ 
δή φασι οἰκὸς εἶναι τόν γε ἀληθέως τοκέα ὑπὸ τοῦ 
ἑωυτοῦ παιδὸς ἀποθνήσκειν. 

138. "Acca δέ σφι ποιέειν οὐκ ἔξεστι, ταῦτα 
οὐδὲ λέγειν ἔξεστι. αἴσχιστον δὲ αὐτοῖσι τὸ ψεύ- 
δεσθαι νενόμισται, δεύτερα δὲ τὸ ὀφείλειν χρέος, 


176 


BOOK I. 135-138 


are of all kinds, and all borrowed; the Greeks 
taught them unnatural vices. Every Persian marries 
many lawful wives, and keeps still more concubines. 

136. After valour in battle it is most reckoned as 
manly merit to show the greatest number of sons: the 
king sends gifts yearly to him who can show most. 
Numbers, they hold, are strength. They educate 
their boys from five to twenty years old, and teach 
them three things only, riding and archery and truth- 
telling. A boy is not seen by his father before he is 
five years old, but lives with the women: the reason 
of this is that, if the boy should die in the time of 
his rearing, the father may suffer no dolour. 

137. This is a law which I praise; and it is a 
praiseworthy law too which suffers not the king 
himself to slay any man for one offence, nor any 
other Persian for one offence to do incurable hurt to 
one of his servants. Not till reckoning shows that 
the offender's wrongful acts are more and greater than 
his services may a man give vent to his anger. They 
say that none has ever yet killed his father or mother; 
when suchlike deeds have been done, it cannot be 
but that on inquest made the doer is shown to be 
a child falsely substituted or born of a concubine ; 
for it is not to be believed (say they) that a son 
should kill his true parent. 

198. Moreover of what they may not do neither 
may they speak. They hold lying to be foulest 
of all and next to that debt; for which they have 


177 


HERODOTUS 


πολλῶν μὲν καὶ ἄλλων εἵνεκα, μάλιστα δὲ avay- 
καίην φασὶ εἶναι τὸν ὀφείλοντα καί τι ψεῦδος 
λέγειν. ὃς ἂν δὲ τῶν ἀστῶν λέπρην ἢ λεύκην 
ἔχη, ἐς πόλιν οὗτος οὐ κατέρχεται οὐδὲ συμμίσ- 
γεται τοῖσι ἄλλοισι Πέρσησι' φασὶ δέ μιν ἐς τὸν 
ἥλιον ἁμαρτόντα τι ταῦτα ἔχειν. ξεῖνον δὲ πάντα 
τὸν λαμβανόμενον ὑπὸ τουτέων πολλοὶ ἐξελαύ- 
νουσι ἐκ τῆς χώρης, καὶ τὰς λευκὰς περιστεράς, 
τὴν αὐτὴν αἰτίην ἐπιφέροντες. ἐς ποταμὸν 
δὲ οὔτε ἐνουρέουσι οὔτε ἐμπτύουσι, οὐ χεῖρας 
ἐναπονίζονται, οὐδὲ ἄλλον οὐδένα περιορῶσι, 
ἀλλὰ σέβονται ποταμοὺς μάλιστα. 

199. Καὶ τόδε ἄλλο σφι ὧδε συμπέπτωκε γίνε- 
σθαι, τὸ Πέρσας μὲν αὐτοὺς λέληθε, ἡμέας μέντοι 
ov τὰ οὐνόματά σφι ἐόντα ὅμοια τοῖσι σώμασι 
καὶ τῇ μεγαλοπρεπείῃ τελευτῶσι πάντα ἐς τὠυτὸ 
γράμμα, τὸ Δωριέες μὲν σὰν καλέουσι, Ίωνες δὲ 
σίγμα: ἐς τοῦτο διζήμενος εὑρήσεις τελευτῶντα 
τῶν Περσέων τὰ οὐνόματα, ov τὰ μὲν τὰ δ᾽ οὔ, 
ἀλλὰ πάντα ὁμοίως. 

140. Ταῦτα μὲν ἀτρεκέως ἔχω περὶ αὐτῶν εἰδὼς 
εἰπεῖν: τάδε μέντοι ὡς κρυπτόμενα λέγεται καὶ οὐ 
σαφηνέως περὶ τοῦ ἀποθανόντος, ὡς οὐ πρότερον 
θάπτεται ἀνδρὸς Πέρσεω ὁ νέκυς πρὶν ἂν ὑπ' 
ὄρνιθος ἢ κυνὸς ἑλκυσθῆ. Μάγους μὲν γὰρ ἆτρε- 
κέως οἶδα ταῦτα ποιέοντας: ἐμφανέως γὰρ δὴ 
ποιεῦσι. κατακηρώσαντες δὲ ὧν τὸν νέκυν Πέρ- 
σαι γῇ κρύπτουσι. Μάγοι δὲ κεχωρίδαται πολ- 
λὸν τῶν τε ἄλλων ἀνθρώπων καὶ τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτ 
ἱρέων. ot μὲν γὰρ ἀγνεύουσι ἔμψυχον μηδὲν rrei- 
νειν, εἰ μὴ ὅσα θύουσι" οἱ δὲ δὴ Μάγοι αὐτοχειρίῃ 
πάντα πλὴν κυνὸς καὶ ἀνθρώπου κτείνουσι, κ 
178 


BOOK I. 138-140 


many other reasons, but this in especial, that the 
debtor must needs (so they say) speak some falsehood. 
The citizen who has leprosy or the white sickness 
may not come into a town or consort with other Per- 
sians. They say that he is so afflicted because he has 
sinned in some wise against the sun. Many drive 
every stranger, who takes such a disease, out of the 
country; and so they do to white doves, for the 
reason aforesaid. Rivers they chiefly reverence; 
they will neither make water nor spit nor wash their 
hands therein, nor suffer anyone so to do. 

139. There is another thing which always happens 
among them; we have noted it though the Persians 
have not: their names, which agree with the nature 
of their persons and their nobility, all end in the 
same letter, that which the Dorians call san, and the 
Jonians sigma; you shall find, if you search, that not 
some but all Persian names alike end in this letter. 

140. So much I can say of them of my own certain 
knowledge. But there are other matters concerning 
the dead which are secretly and obscurely told—how 
the dead bodies of Persians are not buried before 
they have been mangled by bird or dog. That this 
is the way of the Magians I know for a certainty ; 
for they do not conceal the practice. But this is cer- 
tain, that before the Persians bury the. body in earth 
they embalm it in wax. These Magians are much 
unlike to the priests of Egypt, as to all other men: 
for the priests count it sacrilege to kill aught that 
lives, save what they sacrifice ; but the Magians kill 
with their own hands every creature, save only dogs 


179 


HERODOTUS 


ἀγώνισμα μέγα τοῦτο ποιεῦνται, κτείνοντες ὁμοίως 
μύρμηκάς τε καὶ ὄφις καὶ τἆλλα ἑρπετὰ καὶ me- 
τεινά. καὶ ἀμφὶ μὲν τῷ νόμῳ τούτῳ ἐχέτω ὡς 
καὶ ἀρχὴν ἐνομίσθη, ἄνειμι δὲ ἐπὶ τὸν πρότερον 
λόγον. 

141. Ἴωνες δὲ καὶ Αἰολέες, ὡς οἱ Λυδοὶ τάχιστα 
κατεστράφατὀ ὑπὸ Περσέων, ἔπεμπον ἀγγέλους 
ἐς Σάρδις παρὰ Κῦρον, ἐθέλοντες ἐπὶ τοῖσι aù- 
τοῖσι εἶναι τοῖσι καὶ Κροίσῳ ἧσαν κατήκοοι. ὃ 
δὲ ἀκούσας αὐτῶν τὰ προΐσχοντο ἔλεξέ σφι 
λόγον, ἄνδρα φὰς αὐλητὴν ἰδόντα ἰχθῦς ἐν τῇ 
θαλάσσῃ αὐλέειν, δοκέοντα σφέας ἐξελεύσεσθαι 
ἐς γῆν" ὡς δὲ ψευσθῆναι τῆς ἐλπίδος, λαβεῖν 
ἀμφίβληστρον καὶ περιβαλεῖν τε πλῆθος πολλὸν 
τῶν ἰχθύων καὶ ἐξειρύσαι, ἰδόντα δὲ παλλομένους 
εἰπεῖν ἄρα αὐτὸν πρὸς τοὺς ἰχθῦς “ Παύεσθέ μοι 
ὀρχεόμενοι, ἐπεὶ οὐδ᾽ ἐμέο αὐλέοντος ἠθέλετε 
ἐκβαίνειν ὀρχεόμενοι.; Κῦρος μὲν τοῦτον τὸν 
λόγον τοῖσι Ἴωσι καὶ τοῖσι Αἰολεῦσι τῶνδε εἵνεκα 
ἔλεξε, ὅτι δὴ οἱ Ἴωνες πρότερον αὐτοῦ Κύρου 
δεηθέντος δι ἀγγέλων ἀπίστασθαι σφέας ἀπὸ 
Κροίσου οὐκ ἐπείθοντο, τότε δὲ κατεργασμένων 
τῶν πρηγμάτων ἦσαν ἕτοιμοι πείθεσθαι Κύρῳ. ὃ 
μὲν δὴ ὀργῇ ἐχόμενος ἔλεγέ σφι τάδε Ἴωνες δὲ 
e y : » / , ` ῃ 
ὡς ἤκουσαν τούτων ἀνενειχθέντων ἐς τὰς TOMAS, 
τείχεά τε περιεβάλοντο ἕκαστοι καὶ συνελέγοντο 
ἐς Πανιώνιον οἱ ἄλλοι, πλὴν Μιλησίων' πρὸς 
μούνους γὰρ τούτους ὅρκιον Κῦρος ἐποιήσατο ἐπ᾽ 
οἷσί περ ὁ Λυδός. τοῖσι δὲ λοιποῖσι Ἴωσι ἔδοξε 
κοινῷ λόγῳ πέμπειν ἀγγέλους ἐς Σπάρτην δεησο- 
μένους Ἴωσε τιμωρέειν. 


1δο 


BOOK I. 140-141 


and men; they kill all alike, ants and snakes, creeping 
and flying things, and take much pride therein. 
Leaving this custom to be such as it has been from 
the first,! I return now to my former story. 

141. As soon as the Lydians had been subdued by 
the Persians, the Ionians and Aeolians sent messen- 
gers to Cyrus, offering to be his subjects on the same 
terms as those which they had under Croesus. 
Having heard what they proposed, Cyrus told them 
a story. Once, he said, there was a flute-player who 
saw fishes in the sea and played upon his flute, 
thinking that so they would come out on to the land. 
Being disappointed of his hope, he took a net and 
gathered in and drew out a great multitude of the 
fishes; and seeing them leaping, “You had best,” 
said he, “ cease from your dancing now ; you would not 
come out and dance then, when I played to you.” 
The reason why Cyrus told the story to the Ionians 
and Aeolians was that the Ionians, who were ready to 
obey him when the victory was won, had before 
refused when he sent a message asking them to revolt 
from Croesus. So he answered them in his anger. 
But when the message came to the Ionians in their 
cities, they fortified themselves severally with walls, 
and assembled in the Panionion,? all except the 
Milesians, with whom alone Cyrus had made a treaty 
on the same terms as that which they had with the 
Lydians. The rest of the Ionians resolved to send 
envoys in the name of them all to Sparta, to ask 
help for the Ionians. 

1 Lit. “let matters stand concerning this custom as it 
was first instituted”: $.e., apparently, ‘‘let us be content 
with knowing that this custom is as it has ben from its 
origin. 

3 See ch. 148. 

181 


HERODOTUS 


142. Οἱ δὲ Ἴωνες οὗτοι, τῶν καὶ τὸ Πανιώνιον 
ἐστί, τοῦ μὲν οὐρανοῦ καὶ τῶν ὡρέων ἐν τῷ καλ- 
λίστῳ ἐτύγχανον ἱδρυσάμενοι πόλιας πάντων 
ἀνθρώπων τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν". οὔτε γὰρ. τὰ ἄνω αὖ- 
τῆς χωρία τὠυτὸ ποιέει, τῇ ᾿Ιωνίῃ οὔτε τὰ Κάτω 
οὔτε τὰ πρὸς τὴν ἠῶ οὔτε τὰ πρὸς τὴν ἑσπέρην, ᾽ 
τὰ μὲν. ὑπὸ τοῦ ψυχροῦ τε καὶ ὑγροῦ πιεζόµενα, 
τὰ δὲ Ù ὑπὸ τοῦ θερμοῦ τε καὶ αὐχμώδεος. γλῶσ- 
σαν δὲ οὐ τὴν αὐτὴν οὗτοι νενομίκασι, ἀλλὰ τρό- 
πους τέσσερας παραγωγέων. Μίλητος μὲν αὐτέων 
πρώτη κέεται πόλις πρὸς μεσαμβρίην, μετὰ δὲ 
Μυοῦς τε καὶ Πριήνη. αὗται μὲν ἐν τῇ Kapin 
κατοίκηνται κατὰ ταὐτὰ διαλεγόμεναι σφίσι, αἶδε 
δὲ ἐν τῇ Λυδίῃ, Ἔφεσος Κολοφὼν Λέβεδος Τέως 
Κλαξομεναὶ Φώκαια' αὗται δὲ αἱ πόλιες τῇσι 
πρότερον λεχθείσῃσι ὁμολογέουσι κατὰ γλῶσσαν 
οὐδέν, σφίσι δὲ ὁμοφωνέουσι. ἔτι δὲ τρεῖς ὑπό- 
λοιποι Ἰάδες πόλιες, τῶν αἱ δύο μὲν νήσους οἶκέ- 
arat, Σάμον τε καὶ Χίον, 5 δὲ µία ἐν τῇ ἠπείρῳ 
ἵδρυται, ᾿Ερυθραί.. Χῖοι μέν vvv καὶ ᾿Ερυθραῖοι 
κατὰ τὠυτὸ διαλέγονται, Σάμιοι, δὲ ἐπ᾿ ἑωυτῶν 
μοῦνοι. οὗτοι χαρακτῆρες γλώσσης τέσσερες 
γίνονται. 

148. Τούτων δὴ ὧν τῶν Ἰώνων oí Μιλήσιοι μὲν 
ἦσαν ἐν σκέπῃ τοῦ φόβου, .ὅρκιον. ποιησάμενοι, 
τοῖσι δὲ αὐτῶν. νησιώτῃσι ἦν δεινὸν οὐδέν" οὔτε 
γὰρ Φοίνικες ἦσάν κω Περσέων κατήκοοι οὔτε 
αὐτοὶ οἱ ᾿Πέρσαι ναυβάται. ἀπεσχίσθησαν δὲ 
ἀπὸ τῶν ἄλλων Ἰώνων οὗτοι κατ᾽ ἄλλο μὲν οὐδέν, 
ἀσθενέος δὲ ἐόντος τοῦ παντὸς τότε Ἑλληνικοῦ 


1 οὔτε τὰ πρὸς... ἑσπέρην bracketed by Stein. 
182 


BOOK I. 142-143 


142. Now these Ionians, who possessed the 
Panionion, had set their cities in places more 
favoured by skies and seasons than any country 
known to us. For neither to the north of them 
nor to the south nor to the east nor to the west 
does the land accomplish the same effect as Ionia, 
being afflicted here by the cold and wet, there by 
the heat and drought. "They use not all the same 
speech but four different dialects. Miletus lies 
farthest south among them, and next to it come 
Myus and Priene; these are settlements in Caria, 
and they use a common language; Ephesus, Colo- 
phon, Lebedos, Teos, Clazomenae, Phocaea, all of 
them being in Lydia, have a language in common 
which is wholly different from the speech of the 
three cities aforementioned. There are yet three 
Ionian cities, two of them situate on the islands of 
Samos and Chios, and one, Erythrae, on the main- 
land; the Chians and Erythraeans speak alike, but 
the Samians have a language which is their own 
and none other's. It is thus seen that there are 
four fashions of speech. 

145. Among these Ionians, the Milesians were 
sheltered from the danger (for they had made a 
treaty), and the islanders among them had nothing 
to fear; for the Phoenicians were not yet subjects 
of the Persians, nor were the Persians themselves 
shipmen. But they of Asia were cut off from the 
rest of the Ionians in no other way save as I shall 
show. The whole Hellenic race was then but small, 


183 


HERODOTUS 


γένεος, πολλῷ δὴ ἦν ἀσθενέστατον τῶν ἐθνέων τὸ 
Ἰωνικὸν καὶ λόγου ἐλαχίστου: ὅτι γὰρ μὴ ᾿Αθῆ- 
ναι, ἣν οὐδὲν ἄλλο πόλισμα λόγιμον. οἱ μέν νυν 
ἄλλοι Ἴωνες καὶ οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἔφυγον τὸ οὔνομα, 
οὐ βουλόμενοι Ἴωνες κεκλῆσθαι, ἀλλὰ καὶ νῦν 
φαίνονταί μοι οἱ πολλοὶ αὐτῶν ἐπαισχύνεσθαι τῷ 
οὐνόματι: αἱ δὲ δυώδεκα πόλιες αὗται τῷ τε οὐνό- 
ματι ἠγάλλοντο καὶ ἱρὸν ἱδρύσαντο ἐπὶ σφέων 
αὐτέων, τῷ οὔνομα ἔθεντο ἰανιώνιον, ἐβουλεύ- 
σαντο δὲ αὐτοῦ μεταδοῦναι μηδαμοῖσι ἄλλοισι 
Iy 7 IAI 2 / X , ^ e 
Ιώνων (οὐδ᾽ ἐδεήθησαν δὲ οὐδαμοὶ μετασχεῖν ὅτι 
μὴ Σμυρναῖοι) 144. κατά περ οἱ ἐκ τῆς mevta- 
πόλιος νῦν χώρης Δωριέες, πρότερον δὲ ἑξαπόλιος 
τῆς αὐτῆς ταύτης καλεομένης, φυλάσσονται ὧν 
μηδαμοὺς ἐσδέξασθαι τῶν προσοίκων Δωριέων ἐς 
τὸ Τριοπικὸν ἱρόν, ἀλλὰ καὶ σφέων αὐτῶν τοὺς 
περὶ τὸ ἱρὸν ἀνομήσαντας ἐξεκλήισαν τῆς μετοχῆς. 
ἐν γὰρ τῷ ἀγῶνι τοῦ Τριοπίου ᾿Απόλλωνος ἐτί- 
θεσαν τὸ πάλαι τρίποδας χαλκέους τοῖσι νικῶσι, 
καὶ τούτους χρῆν τοὺς λαμβάνοντας ἐκ τοῦ ἱροῦ 
μὴ ἐκφέρειν ἀλλ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἀνατιθέναι τῷ θεῷ. ἀνὴρ 
ὧν '᾿Αλεκαρνησσεύς, τῷ οὔνομα ἦν ᾿Αγασικλέης, 
νικήσας τὸν νόμον κατηλόγησε, φέρων δὲ πρὸς τὰ 
ἑωυτοῦ οἰκία προσεπασσάλευσε τὸν τρίποδα. διὰ 
ταύτην τὴν αἰτίην αἱ πέντε πόλιες, Λίνδος καὶ 
Ἰήλυσός τε καὶ Κάμειρος καὶ Kas τε καὶ Κνίδος 
ἐξεκλήισαν τῆς μετοχῆς τὴν ἕκτην πόλιν AM- 
καρνησσόν, τούτοισι μὲν νυν οὗτοι ταύτην τὴν 
ζημίην ἐπέθηκαν. 

145. Δυώδεκα δέ µοι δοκέουσι πόλιας ποιή- 
σασθαι οἱ Ἴωνες καὶ οὐκ ἐθελῆσαι πλεῦνας ἐσδέ- 
ξασθαι τοῦδε εἵνεκα, ὅτι καὶ ὅτε ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ 


184 


BOOK I. 143-145 


and the lcast of all its parts, and the least regarded, 
was the lonian stock; for saving Athens it had no 
considerable city. Now the Athenians and the rest 
would not be called Ionians, but spurned the name; 
nay, even now the greater number of them seem to 
me to be ashamed of it; but the twelve cities afore- 
said gloried in this name, and founded a holy place 
for themselves which they called the Panionion, and 
agreed among them to allow no other Ionians to use 
it (nor indeed did any save the men of Smyrna ask 
to be admitted) ; 144. even as the Dorians af what is 
now the country of the * Five Cities" —the same being 
formerly called the country of the “Six Cities "— 
forbid the admitting of any of the neighbouring 
Dorians to the Triopian temple, nay, they barred 
from sharing the use of it even those of their own 
body who had broken the temple law. For long 
ago in the games in honour of Triopian Apollo 
they offered certain bronze tripods to the victors; 
and those who won these must not carry them away 
from the temple but dedicate them there to the 
god. Now a man of Halicarnassus called Agasicles, 
being a winner, disregarded this law, and carrying 
the tripod away nailed it to the wall of his own 
house. For this offence the five cities, Lindus, Ialysus, 
Camirus, Cos, and Cnidus, forbade the sixth city, 
-Halicarnassus, to share in the use of the temple. 
Such was the penalty imposed on the Halicarnassians. 
145. As for the Ionians, the reason why they made 
twelve cities and would admit no more was in my 
judgment this, that there were twelve divisions of 
185 


k» 


HERODOTUS 


οἴκεον, δυώδεκα ἦν αὐτῶν μέρεα, κατά περ νῦν 
᾿Αχαιῶν τῶν ἐξελασάντων Ἴωνας δυώδεκα ἐστὶ 
μέρεα, Πελλήνη μέν Ye “πρώτη πρὸς Σικυῶνος, 
μετὰ δὲ Αἴγειρα καὶ Αἰγαί, ἐν τῇ Κρᾶθις ποταμὸς 
ἀείναος ἐστί, aw ὅτευ ὁ ἐν Ἱταλίῃ ποταμὸς τὸ 
οὔνομα ἔσχε, καὶ Βοῦρα καὶ Ελίκη, ἐς τὴν κατέ- 
φυγον Ἴωνες ὑπὸ ᾿Αχαιῶν μάχῃ ἑσσωθέντες, καὶ 
Αἴγιον καὶ Pec καὶ Πατρέες καὶ Φαρέες καὶ 
Ὄλενος, ἐν τῷ Πεῖρος ποταμὸς μέγας ἐστί, καὶ 
Δύμη καὶ Τριταιεες, of μοῦνοι τούτων μεσόγαιοι 
οἰκέουσι. ταῦτα δυώδεκα μέρεα νῦν ᾿Αχαιῶν ἐστὶ 
καὶ τότο γε Ἰώνων ἦν. 

146. Τούτων δὴ εἵνεκα καὶ οἱ Ἴωνες δυώδεκα 
πόλιας ἐποιήσαντο" ἐπεὶ ὥς yé τι μᾶλλον οὗτοι 
ν 3 ^ 9) 3 r ^ , [4 . 
]ωνες εἰσὶ τῶν ἄλλων Ἰώνων ἡ κάλλιόν τι γεγὸ- 
νασι, μωρίη πολλὴ λέγειν" τῶν "Αβαντες μὲν ἐξ 
Εὐβοίης εἰσὶ οὐκ ἐλαχίστη μοῖρα, τοῖσι ᾿Ιωνίης 
μέτα οὐδὲ τοῦ οὐνόματος οὐδέν, Μινύαι δὲ Ὄρχο- 
μένιοί σφι ἀναμεμίχαται καὶ Καδμεῖοι καὶ Δρύ- 
οπες καὶ Φωκέες ἀποδάσμιοι καὶ Μολοσσοὶ καὶ 
᾿Αρκάδες Πελασγοὶ καὶ Δωριέες ᾿Επιδαύριοι, 
ἄλλα τε ἔθνεα πολλὰ ἀναμεμίχαται' οἱ δὲ αὐτῶν 
ἀπὸ τοῦ πρυτανηίου τοῦ ᾿Αθηναίων ὁρμηθέντες 
καὶ νομίζοντες γενναιότατοι εἶναι Ιώνων, οὗτοι δὲ 
οὐ γυναῖκας ἠγάγοντο ἐς τὴν ἀποικίην ἀλλὰ Καεί- 
pas ἔσχον, τῶν ἐφόνευσαν τοὺς γονέας. διὰ τοῦ- 
τον δὲ τὸν φόνον αἱ γυναῖκες αὗται νόμον θέμεναι 
σφίσι αὐτῇσι ὅρκους ἐπήλασαν καὶ παρέδοσαν 
τῆσι θυγατράσι, μή κοτε ὁμοσιτῆσαι τοῖσι ἀνδρά- 
σι μηδὲ οὐνόματι βῶσαι τὸν ἑωυτῆς ἄνδρα, τοῦδε 
εἵνεκα ὅτι ἐφόνευσαν σφέων τοὺς πατέρας καὶ 


186 


BOOK I. 145-146 


them when they dwelt in Peloponnesus, just as there 
are twelve divisions of the Achaeans who drove the 
Ionians out, Pellene nearest to Sicyon, then Aegira 
and Aegae, where is the never-failing river Crathis, 
from which the river in Italy took its name; Bura 
and Helice, whither the Ionians fled when they were 
worsted in battle by the Achaeans; Aegion, Rhype, 
Patrae, Phareae, and Olenus, where is the great 
river Pirus; Dyme and Tritaeae, the only inland 
city of all these ; these were the twelve divisions of 
the Ionians, as they are now of the Achaeans. 

146. For this reason the Ionians too made twelve 
cities, and for no other; for it were but foolishness 
to say that these are more truly Ionian or better born 
than the other Ionians ; seeing that not the least part 
of them are Abantes from Euboea, who are not Ionians 
even in name, and that there are mingled with them 
Minyans of Orchomenus, Cadmeans, Dryopians, Pho- 
cian seceders from their nation, Molossians, Pelasgian 
Arcadians, Dorians of Epidaurus, and many other 
tribes ; and as for those who came from the very town 
hall of Athens and deem themselves the best born 
of the Ionians, these did not bring wives with them 
totheir settlements, but married Carian women whose 
parents they had put to death. For this slaughter, 
these women made a custom and bound themselves 
by oath (and enjoined the same on their daughters) 
that none would sit at meat with her husband nor 
call him by his name, because the men had married 


187 


HERODOTUS 


ἄνδρας καὶ παῖδας καὶ ἔπειτα ταῦτα ποιήσαντες 
αὐτῆσι συνοίκεον. 

141. Ταῦτα δὲ ἦν γινόμενα ἐν Μιλήτῳ. βασι- 
λέας δὲ ἐστήσαντο οἳ μὲν αὐτῶν Λυκίους ἀπὸ 
Γλαύκου τοῦ Ἱππολόχου γεγονότας, οἳ δὲ Καύ- 
κωνας Πυλίους ἀπὸ Κόδρου τοῦ Μελάνθου, οἳ δὲ 
καὶ συναμφοτέρους. ἀλλὰ γὰρ περιέχονται τοῦ 
οὐνόματος. μᾶλλόν τι τῶν ἄλλων Ἰώνων, ἔστωσαν 
5 καὶ οἱ καθαρῶς γεγονότες Ἴωνες. εἰσὶ δὲ 
πάντες Ἴωνες ὅσοι ἀπ᾽ ᾿Αθηνέων γεγόνασι καὶ 
᾿Απατούρια à ἄγουσι ὁρτήν", ἄγουσι δὲ πάντες πλὴν 
᾿Εφεσίων καὶ Κολοφωνίων: οὗτοι γὰρ μοῦνοι 
Ἰώνων οὐκ ἄγουσι ᾿Απατούρια, καὶ οὗτοι κατὰ 
φόνου τινὰ σκῆψιν. 

148. Τὸ δὲ Πανιώνιον ἐ ἐστὶ τῆς Μυκάλης χῶρος 
ἱρὸς πρὸς ἄρκτον τετραμμένος, κοινῇ ἐξαραιρη- 
μένος, ὑπὸ ᾿]ώνων Ποσειδέωνι Ἑλικωνίῳ. 7) 
Μυκάλη ἐστὶ τῆς ἠπείρου ἄκρη πρὸς ξέφυρον 
ἄνεμον κατήκουσα άμῳ καταντίον, ἐς τὴν συλ- 
λεγόμενοι ἀπὸ τῶν πολίων Ἴωνες ἄγεσκον ὁρτὴν 
τῇ ἔθεντο οὔνομα Πανιώνια. [πεπόνθασι δὲ οὔτι 
μοῦναι αἱ ᾿Ιώνων ὁ ὁρταὶ τοῦτο, ἀλλὰ καὶ Ἑλλήνων 
πάντων ὁμοίως πᾶσαι ἐς τὠυτὸ γράμμα τελευτῶσι, 
κατά περ τῶν Περσέων τὰ οὐνόματα.] , 

149. Αὗται μὲν αἱ Ἰάδες πόλιες εἰσί, αἶδε δὲ 
αἱ Αἰολίδες, Κύμη ἡ ὩΦρικωνὶς καλεομένη, Λή- 
ρισαι, Νέον τεῖχος, Τῆμνος, Κίλλα, Νότιον, 


1 The bracketed words are clearly out of place. Probably 
they are & marginal note with reference to some commen- 
tator’s assertion that the a-ending of names of festivals was 
specially Ionic. 


188 


BOOK I. 146-149 


them after slaying their fathers and husbands and 
Sons. 

147. This happened at Miletus. And for kings 
some of them chose Lycian descendants of Glaucus 
son of Hippolochus, and some Caucones of Pylus, 
descendants of Codrus son of Melanthus, and some 
both. Yet seeing that they set more store by the 
name than the rest of the Ionians, let it be granted 
that those of pure birth are Ionians; and all are 
Ionians who are of Athenian descent and keep the 
feast Apaturia.! All do so keep it, saving the men of 
Ephesus and Colophon; these are the only Ionians 
who do not keep it, and these by reasen, they say, of 
a certain deed of blood. 

148. The Panionion is a sacred ground in Mycale, 
facing the north; it was set apart for Poseidon of 
Helicon by the joint will of the Ionians. Mycale is 
a western promontory of the mainland opposite to 
Samos; the lonians were wont to assemble there 
from their cities and keep the festival to which they 
gave the name of Panionia. [The names of all the 
Greek festivals, not the Ionian alone, end alike in 
the same letter, just as do the names of the 
Persians.] 

149. I have now told of the Ionian cities. The 
Aeolian cities are these:—Cyme (called * Phri- 
conian"),? Lerisae, “the New Fort," Temnos, Cilla, 

1 A festival celebrated at Athens and most Ionian cities by 
the members of each “ phratria" or clan, lasting three days; 
on the last day grown-up youths were formally admitted as 
members of the phratria. The festival was held in the 
month Pyanepsion (late October and early November). 

3 Perhaps so called from a mountain in Aeolis, Phricion, 


near which the Aeolians had been settled before their migra- 
tion to Asia. 


189 


HERODOTUS 


Αἰγιρόεσσα, Πιτάνη, Αἰγαῖαι, Μύρινα, Γρύνεια. 
. Ld b 3 , [4 € 9? ^ 5 4 a 
αὗται ἕνδεκα Αἰολέων πόλιες αἱ apxatat’ µία yap 
σφέων παρελύθη Σμύρνη ὑπὸ Ἰώνων' ἦσαν γὰρ 
καὶ αὗται δυώδεκα αἱ ἐν τῇ ἠπείρῳ. οὗτοι δὲ οἱ 
Αἰολέες χώρην μὲν ἔτυχον κτίσαντες ἀμείνω 

Ἰώνων, ὡρέων δὲ ἥκουσαν οὐκ ὁμοίως. 

150, Σμύρνην δὲ ὧδε ἀπέβαλον Αἰολέες. Κολο- 
φωνίους ἄνδρας στάσι ἑσσωθέντας καὶ ἐκπεσόν- 

9 ^ /, e , N ε 

τας ἐκ τῆς πατρίδος ὑπεδέξαντο. μετὰ δὲ οἱ 
φυγάδες τῶν Κολοφωνίων φυλάξαντες τοὺς Σμυρ- 
ναίους ὁρτὴν ἔξω τείχεος ποιευμένους Διονύσῳ, 
τὰς πύλας ἀποκληίσαντες ἔσχον τὴν πόλιν. 
βοηθησάντων δὲ πάντων Αἰολέων, ὁμολογίῃ ἐχρή- 
σαντο τὰ ἔπιπλα ἀποδόντων τῶν Ἰώνων ἐκλιπεῖν 
Σμύρνην Αἰολέας, ποιησάντων δὲ ταῦτα Σμυρ- 
ναίων ἐπιδιείλοντο σφέας αἱ ἕνδεκα πόλιες καὶ 
ἐποιήσαντο σφέων αὐτέων πολιήτας. 

151, Αὗται μέν vvv αἱ ἠπειρώτιδες Αἱολίδες 

8 » ^ 3 ^ X 2 2 / 
πόλιες, ἔξω τῶν ἐν τῇ Ἴδη οἰκημενέων' κεχωρί- 
δαται γὰρ αὗται. αἱ δὲ τὰς νήσους ἔχουσαι πέντε 

b / M 2 2 N M ο 
μὲν πόλιες τὴν Λέσβον νέμονται (τὴν γὰρ ἕκτην 
3 ^ , > / 3 , > , 
ἐν τῇ Λέσβῳ οἰκημένην ᾿Αρίσβαν ἠνδραπόδισαν 

^ 297 e / 3 , . ld 
Μηθυμναῖοι ἐόντας ὁμαίμους), ἐν Τενέδῳ δὲ μία 
2 ^ 
οἴκηται πόλις, καὶ ἐν τῇσι Ἕκατον νήσοισι kaXeo- 
μένησι ἄλλη μία. Λεσβίοισι μέν νυν καὶ Τενε- 
δίοισι, κατά περ ᾿Ιώνων τοῖσι τὰς νήσους ἔχουσι, 
ἦν δεινὸν οὐδέν: τῆσι δὲ λοιπῇσι πόλισι ἕαδε 
^ N ο ^ À . 3 / 

κοινῇ “Iwo. ἕπεσθαι τῇ ἂν οὗτοι ἐξηγέωνται. 
10ο 


BOOK I. 149-151 


Notium, Aegiroessa, Pitana, Aegaeae, Myrina, Grynea.! 
These are the ancient Aeolian cities, eleven in 
number; these, too, the mainland cities, were once 
twelve; but one of them, Smyrna, was taken away 
by the Ionians. These Aeolians had settled where 
the land was better than the Ionian territory, but the 
climate was not so good. 

150. Now this is how the Aeolians lost Smyrna. 
Certain men of Colophon, worsted in civil strife and 
banished from their country, had been received by 
them into the town. These Colophonian exiles 
waited for the time when the men of Smyrna were 
holding a festival to Dionysus outside the walls; they 
then shut the gates and so won the city. Then all 
the Aeolians came to recover it; and an agreement 
was made, whereby the Aeolians should receive back 
their movable goods from the Ionians, and quit the 
city. This being done, the other eleven cities divided 
the Smyrnaeans among themselves and made them 
citizens of their own. 

151. These then are the Aeolian cities of the 
mainland, besides those that are situate on Ida, and 
are separate. Among those on the islands, five divide 
Lesbos among them (there was a sixth on Lesobs, 
Arisba, but its people were enslaved by their kinsfolk 
of Methymna); there is one on Tenedos, and one 
again in the * Hundred isles”? as they are called. 
The men of Lesbos and Tenedos, then, like the 
Ionian islanders, had nothing to fear. The rest of 
the cities took counsel together and resolved to 
follow whither the Ionians should lead. 

1 These places lie between Smyrna and Pergamum, on or near 
the coast. But Aegiroessa has not been exactly identified. 


3 A group of small islands between Lesbos and the main- 
land. 


191 


z k 


HERODOTUS 


169. Ὡς δὲ ἀπίκοντο ἐς τὴν Σπάρτην τῶν 


Ἰώνων καὶ Αἰολέων οἱ ἄγγελοι (κατὰ γὰρ δὴ 
τάχος ἣν ταῦτα πρησσοµενα), εἵλοντο πρὸ πάντων 
λέγειν τὸν Φωκαέα, τῷ οὔνομα ἦν Πύθερμος. ὃ 
δὲ πορφύρεόν τε elua περιβαλόμενος, ὡς ἂν 
πυνθανόμενοι πλεῖστοι συνέλθοιεν Σπαρτιητέων, 
καὶ καταστὰς ἔλεγε πολλὰ τιμωρέειν ἑωυτοῖσι 
χρηίζων. Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ οὔ κως ἐσήκουον, 
ἀλλ ἀπέδοξέ σφι μὴ τιμωρέειν Ἴωσι. of μὲν δὴ 
ἀπαλλάσσοντο, Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ (ἀπωσάμενοι 
τῶν Ἰώνων τοὺς ἀγγέλους! ὅμως “ἀπέστειλαν 
πεντηκοντέρῳ ἄνδρας, ὡς μὲν ἐμοὶ δοκέει, κατα- 
σκόπους τῶν τε Κύρου πρηγμάτων καὶ Ἰωνίης. 
ἀπικόμενοι δὲ οὗτοι ἐς Φώκαιαν ἔπεμπον ἐς 
Σάρδις σφέων αὐτῶν τὸν δοκιμώτατον, τῷ οὔνομα 
ἦν Λακρίνης, ἀπερέοντα Κύρῳ Λακεδαιμονίων 
ῥῆσιν, γῆς τῆς Ἑλλάδος μηδεμίαν πόλιν σινα- 
μωρέειν, ὡς αὐτῶν οὐ περιοψομένων. 

153. Ταῦτα εἰπόντος τοῦ κήρυκος, λέγεται 
Κῦρον ἐπειρέσθαι τοὺς παρεόντας οἱ "Ελλήνων 
τίνες ἐόντες ἄνθρωποι Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ κόσοι 
πλῆθος ταῦτα ἑωυτῷ προαγορεύουσι: πυνθανόμενον 
δέ μιν εἰπεῖν πρὸς τὸν κήρυκα τὸν Σπαρτιήτην 
«Οὐκ ἔδεισά κω ἄνδρας τοιούτους, τοῖσι ἐστὶ χῶρος 
ἐν μέσῃ τῇ πόλι ἀποδεδεγμένος ἐς τὸν συλλεγό- 
μενοι ἀλλήλους ὀμνύντες ἐξαπατῶσι' τοῖσι, ἣν 
ἐγὼ ὑγιαίνω, οὐ τὰ Ἰώνων πάθεα ἔσται ἕλλεσχα 
ἀλλὰ τὰ οἰκήια. ταῦτα ἐς τοὺς πάντας" Ελληνας 
ἀπέρριψε ὁ Κῦρος τὰ ἔπεα, ὅτι ἀγορὰς στησά- 
μενοι ὠνῇ τε καὶ πρήσι χρέωνται αὐτοὶ γὰρ οἱ 
Πέρσαι ἀγορῆσι οὐδὲν ἐώθασι χρᾶσθαι, οὐδέ σφι 
ἐστὶ τὸ παράπαν ἀγορή. μετὰ ταῦτα ἐπιτρέψας 
192 


BOOK I. 152-153 


f£ 
152. So’ when the envoys of the Ionians and 
Aeolians came to Sparta (for this was set afoot with 
all speed) they chose the Phocaean, whose name was 
Pythermos, to speak for all He then put on-a 
purple cloak, that as many Spartans as possible might 
assemble to hear him, and stood up and made a long 
speech asking aid for his people. But the Lacedae- 
monians would not listen to him and refused to aid 
the Ionians. So the Ionians departed; but the 
Lacedaemonians, though they had rejected their 
envoys, did nevertheless send men in a ship of fifty 
oars to see (as I suppose) how it fared with Cyrus 
and Ionia. These, coming to Phocaea, sent Lacrines, 
who was the most esteemed among them, to Sardis, to 
repeat there to Cyrus a proclamation of the Lacedae- 
monians, that he must harm no city on Greek terri- 
tory; else the Lacedaemonians would punish him. 
153. When the herald had so spoken, Cyrus (it is 
said) asked the Greeks that were present who and 
how many in number were these Lacedaemonians 
who made him this declaration. When he was told, 
he said to the Spartan herald, *I never yet feared 
men who have a place set apart in the midst of their 
city where they perjure themselves and deceive each 
other. These, if I keep my health, shall have their 
own mishaps to talk of, not those of the Ionians." 
This threat he uttered against the whole Greek 
nation, because they have market-places and buy 
and sell there; for the Persians themselves use no 
market-places, nor have they such at all. Presently, 
I93 


HERODOTUS 


τὰς μὲν Σάρδις Ταβάλῳ ἀνδρὶ Πέρσῃ, τὸν δὲ 
~ A ^ 
χρυσὸν τόν T€ Κροίσου καὶ τὸν τῶν ἄλλων Λυδῶν 
^ L4 
Πακτύῃ ἀνδρὶ Λυδῷ κομίζειν, ἀπήλαυνε αὐτὸς ἐς 
᾿Αγβάτανα, Κροῖσόν τε ἅμα ἀγόμενος καὶ τοὺς 
7 7 ΄ 
Ἴωνας ἐν οὐδενὶ λόγῳ ποιησάμενος τὴν πρώτην 
9 σ \ B ά e $ 3 0 pi * 
εἶναι. Ñ τε yap Βαβυλών οἱ ἣν ἐμπόδιος καὶ τὸ 
Βάκτριον ἔθνος καὶ Σάκαι τε καὶ Αἰγύπτιοι, ἐπ᾿ 
οὓς ἐπεῖχέ τε στρατηλατέειν αὐτός, ἐπὶ δὲ Ἴωνας 
ἄλλον πέμπειν στρατηγόν. 
ε - ^ 
154. Ὡς δὲ ἀπήλασε ὁ Κῦρος ἐκ τῶν Σαρδίων, 
X AY > / € r 2 , 2 
τοὺς Λυδοὺς ἀπέστησε ὁ Πακτύης ἀπότε Ταβάλου 
. / M N09» \ / e M 
καὶ Κύρου, καταβὰς δὲ ἐπὶ θάλασσαν, ἅτε τὸν 
χρυσὸν ἔχων πάντα τὸν ἐκ τῶν Σαρδίων, ἐπικού- 
^ , 
ρους Te ἐμισθοῦτο καὶ τοὺς ἐπιθαλασσίους «v- 
θρώπους ἔπειθε σὺν ἑωυτῷ στρατεύεσθαι. ἐλάσας 
4 
δὲ ἐπὶ τὰς Σάρδις ἐπολιόρκεε Τάβαλον ἀπεργ- 
μένον ἐν τῇ ἀκροπόλι. 
3, M ^ M ^ 
155. Πυθόμενος δὲ κατ ὁδὸν ταῦτα ὁ Κῦρος 
εἶπε πρὸς Κροῖσον τάδε. “Κροῖσε, τί ἔσται 
τέλος τῶν γινομένων τούτων ἐμοί; οὐ παύσονται 
Λυδοί, ὡς οἴκασι, πρήγματα παρέχοντες καὶ αὐτοὶ 
ἔχοντες. φροντίζω μὴ ἄριστον ᾖ ἐξανδραποδί- 
e e^ 
σασθαι σφέας. ὁμοίως γὰρ μοι νῦν ye φαίνομαι 
πεποιηκέναι ὡς εἴ τις πατέρα ἀποκτείνας τῶν 
d 3 ^ / a \ NV» N ^ A 
παίδων αὐτοῦ φείσατο' ὣς δὲ καὶ ἐγὼ Λυδῶν τὸν 
/ `~ 
μὲν πλέον τι ἢ πατέρα ἐόντα σὲ λαβὼν ἄγω, 
^ i ^ 4 
αὐτοῖσι δὲ Λυδοῖσι τὴν πόλιν παρέδωκα, καὶ 
A 3 
ἔπειτα θωμάξω εἴ μοι ἀπεστᾶσι.᾽ ὃ μὲν δὴ τά 
> 7 A 0 » 7 ^ , ` 
περ ἐνόεε ἔλεγε, ὃ δ᾽ ἀμείβετο τοῖσιδε, δείσας μὴ 
ἀναστάτους ποιήσῃ τὰς Σάρδις. “Q βασιλεῦ, 
τὰ μὲν οἰκότα εἴρηκας, σὺ μέντοι μὴ πάντα θυμῷ 
χρέο, μηδὲ πόλιν ἀρχαίην ἐξαναστήσῃς ἀναμάρ- 


194 


BOOK I. 153-155 


entrusting Sardis to a Persian called Tabalus, and 
charging Pactyes, a Lydian, to take charge of the 
gold of Croesus and the Lydians, he himself marched 
away to Agbatana, taking with him Croesus, and at 
first making no account of the Ionians. For he had 
Babylon on his hands and the Bactrian nation and 
the Sacae and Egyptians; he was minded to lead 
an army himself against these and to send another 
commander against the Ionians. 

154. But no sooner hac Cyrus marched away from 
Sardis than Pactyes made the Lydians to revolt from 
Tabalus and Cyrus; and he went down to the sea, 
where, as he had all the gold of Sardis, he hired 
soldiers and persuaded the men of the coast to join 
his army. Then marching to Sardis he penned 
Tabalus in the citadel and besieged him there. 

155. When Cyrus had news of this on his journey, 
he said to Croesus, *«* What end am I to make, Croesus, 
of this business? it seems that the Lydians will 
never cease making trouble for me and for themselves. 
It is in my mind that it may be best to make slaves 
of them ; for now methinks I have done like one that 
should slay the father and spare the children. So 
likewise I have taken with me you who were more 
than a father to the Lydians, and handed the city 
over to the Lydians themselves; and then forsooth 
I marvel that they revolt!" So Cyrus uttered his 
thought; but Croesus feared that he would destroy 
Sardis, and thus answered him: * O King, what you 
say is but reasonable. Yet do not ever yield to anger, 
nor destroy an ancient city that is guiltless both of 


195 


HERODOTUS 


τητον ἐοῦσαν καὶ τῶν πρότερον καὶ τῶν νῦν 
ἑστεώτων. τὰ μὲν γὰρ πρότερον ἐγώ τε ἔπρηξα 
καὶ ἐγὼ κεφαλῇ ἀναμάξας «φέρω: τὰ δὲ νῦν 
Ἰαρεόντα Πακτύης γὰρ ἐστὶ ὁ ἀδικέων, τῷ σὺ 
ἐπέτρεψας Σάρδις, οὗτος δότω TOL δίκην. Λυ- 
δοῖσι δὲ συγγνώμην ἔχων τάδε αὐτοῖσι ἐπίταξον, 
ὡς μήτε ἀποστέωσι μήτε. δεινοί τοι ἔωσι: ἄπειπε 
μέν σφι πέμψας ὅπλα ἀρήια μὴ ἐκτῆσθαι, κέλευε 
δὲ σφέας κιθῶνάς τε ὑποδύνειν τοῖσι εἵμασι καὶ 
κοθόρνους ὑποδέεσθαι, πρόειπε δ᾽ αὐτοῖσι κιθαρί- 
ζειν τε καὶ ψάλλειν καὶ καπηλεύειν παιδεύειν τοὺς 
παῖδας. καὶ ταχέως σφέας à βασιλεῦ γυναῖκας 
ἀντ᾽ ἀνδρῶν ὄψεαι γεγονότας, ὥστε οὐδὲν δεινού 
τοι ἔσονται μὴ ἀποστέωσι. 

156. Κροῖσος μὲν δὴ ταῦτά οἱ ὑπετίθετο, αἱρε- 
repa ταῦτα εὑρίσκων Λυδοῖσι 7 ἀνδραποδι- 
σθέντας πρηθῆναι σφέας, ἐπιστάμενος ὅτι ἦν μὴ 
ἀξιόχρεον πρόφασιν προτείνῃ, οὐκ ἀναπείσει μέν 
μεταβουλεύσασθαι, ἀρρωδέων δὲ μὴ καὶ ὕστερον 
κοτὲ οἱ Λυδοί, ἡ ἣν τὸ παρεὸν ὑπεκδράμωσι, ἀπο- 
στάντες ἀπὸ τῶν Περσέων ἀπόλωνται, Κῦρος δὲ 
ἡσθεὶς τῇ ὑποθήκῃ καὶ ὑπεὶς τῆς ὀργῆς ἔφη oi 
πείθεσθαι: καλέσας δὲ Μαξάρεα ἄνδρα Μῆδον, 
ταῦτά τέ οἱ ἐνετείλατο προειπεῖν Λυδοῖσι τὰ ὁ 
Κροῖσος ὑπετίθετο, καὶ πρὸς ἐξανδραποδίσασθαι 
τοὺς ἄλλους πάντας οἳ μετὰ Λυδῶν ἐπὶ Σάρδις 
ἐστρατεύσαντο, αὐτὸν δὲ Πακτύην πάντως ξῶντα 
ἀγαγεῖν παρ᾽ ἑωυτόν. 

157. ^O μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ἐκ τῆς ὁδοῦ ἐντειλά- 
μενος ἀπήλαυνε ἐς ἤθεα τὰ Περσέων, Πακτύης δὲ 
πυθόμενος ἀγχοῦ εἶναι -στρατὸν ἐπ᾽ ἑωυτὸν ἰόντα 
δείσας οἴχετο φεύγων ἐς Κύμην. Μαξάρης δὲ ὁ 


το6 


BOOK 1. 155-157 


the former and of the latter offence. For the begin- 
ning was my work, and on my head is the penalty ; 
but it is Pactyes, in whose charge you left Sardis, 
who does this present wrong; let him therefore be 
punished. But let the Lydians be pardoned; and 
lay on them this command, that they may not revolt 
or be dangerous to you; send, I say, and forbid 
them to possess weapons of war, and command 
them to wear tunics under their cloaks and buskins 
on their feet, and to teach their sons lyre-playing 
and song and dance and huckstering. Then, O king, 
you will soon see them turned to women instead of 
men; and thus you need not fear lest they revolt.” 

156. Such counsel Croesus gave Cyrus, because he 
thought this was better for the Lydians than to be 
sold as slaves; he knew that without some reasonable 
plea he could not change the king’s purpose, and 
feared that even if the Lydians should now escape 
they might afterwards revolt and be destroyed by 
the Persians. Cyrus was pleased by this counsel; 
he abated his anger and said he would follow 
Croesus’ advice. Then calling Mazares, a Mede, he 
charged him to give the Lydians the commands 
which Croesus advised; further, to enslave all the 
others who had joined the Lydians in attacking 
Sardis; and as for Pactyes himself, to bring him 
by whatever means into his presence alive. 

157. Having given these commands on his journey, 
he marched away into the Persian country. But 
Pactyes, learning that an army sent against him was 
drawing near, was affrighted and fled to Cyme. 


197 


HERODOTUS 


Μῆδος ἐλάσας ἐπὶ τὰς Σάρδις τοῦ Κύρου στρατοῦ 
μοῖραν ὅσην δή κοτε ἔχων, ὡς οὐκ εὗρε ἔτι ἐόντας 
τοὺς ἀμφὶ Πακτύην ἐν Σάρδισι, πρῶτα μὲν τοὺς 
Λυδοὺς ἠνάγκασε τὰς Κύρου ἐντολὰς ἐπιτελέειν, 
ἐκ τούτου δὲ κελευσμοσύνης Λυδοὶ τὴν πᾶσαν 
δίαιταν τῆς Cons μετέβαλον. Μαξάρης δὲ μετὰ 
τοῦτο ἔπεμπε ἐς τὴν Κύμην ἀγγέλους ἐκδιδόναι 
κελεύων Πακτύην. οἱ δὲ Κυμαῖοι ἔγνωσαν cvp- 
βουλῆς πέρι ἐς θεὸν ἀνοῖσαι τὸν ἐν Βραγχίδῃσι 
ἦν γὰρ αὐτόθι μαντήιον ἐκ παλαιοῦ ἱδρυμένον, 
τῷ Ἴωνές τε πάντες καὶ Αἰολέες ἐώθεσαν χρᾶσθαι. 
ὁ δὲ χῶρος οὗτος ἐστὶ τῆς Μιλησίης ὑπὲρ Πανόρ- 
µου λιμένος. 

158. Πέμψαντες ὧν οἱ Κυμαῖοι ἐς τοὺς Βραγ- 
χίδας θεοπρόπους εἰρώτευν περὶ Πακτύην ὁκοῖόν 
τι ποιέοντες θεοῖσι μέλλοιεν χαριεῖσθαι. ἐπειρω- 
τῶσι δέ σφι ταῦτα χρηστήριον ἐγένετο ἐκδιδόναι 
Πακτύην Πέρσῃσι. ταῦτα δὲ ὡς ἀπενειχθέντα 
ἤκουσαν οἱ Κυμαῖοι, ὁρμέατο ἐκδιδόναι: ὁρμη- 
μένου δὲ ταύτῃ τοῦ πλήθεος, ᾿Αριστόδικος ὁ 
*H A (δε a . ^ 9 ^ 20) 00 2 

ρακλείδεω ἀνὴρ τῶν ἀστῶν ἐὰν δόκιμος ἔσχε 
μὴ ποιῆσαι ταῦτα Κυμαίους, ἀπιστέων τε τῷ 
χρησμῷ καὶ δοκέων τοὺς θεοπρόπους οὐ λέγειν 
ἀληθέως, ἐς ὃ τὸ δεύτερον περὶ Πακτύεω ἐπειρη- 
σόμενοι ἤισαν ἄλλοι θεοπρόποι, τῶν καὶ ᾿Αριστό- 
δικος ἦν. 

159. ᾽Απικομένων δὲ ἐς Βραγχίδας ἐχρηστη- 
ριάξετο ἐκ πάντων ᾿Αριστόδικος ἐπειρωτῶν τάδε. 
“Ovat, ἦλθε παρ ἡμέας ἱκέτης Πακτύης ὁ Λυδός, 
φεύγων θάνατον βίαιον πρὸς Περσέων' of δέ μιν 
ἐξαιτέονται, προεῖναι Κυμαίους κελεύοντες. ἡμεῖς 
δὲ δειμαίνοντες τὴν Ἠερσέων δύναμιν" τὸν ἱκέτην 
198 


BOOK I. 157-159 


Mazares the Mede, when he came to Sardis with what- 
ever part he had of Cyrus' army and found Pactyes' 
followers no longer there, first of all compelled the 
Lydians to carry out Cyrus’ commands; and by his 
order they changed their whole manner of life. 
After this, he sent messengers to Cyme demanding 
that Pactyes be given up. The Cymaeans resolved 
to make the god at Branchidae their judge as to 
what counsel they should take; for there was there 
an ancient place of divination, which all the Ionians 
and Aeolians were wont to consult; the place, is 
in the land of Miletus, above the harbour of 
Panormus. 

158. The men of Cyme then sent to Branchidae 
to inquire of the shrine what they should do in the 
matter of Pactyes that should be most pleasing to 
the gods ; and the oracle replied that they must give 
Pactyes up to the Persians. When this answer came 
back to them, they set about giving him up. But 
while the greater part were for doing this, Aristo- 
dicus son of Heraclides, a notable man among the 
citizen’, stayed the men of Cyme from this deed ; for 
he disbelieved the oracle and thought that those ‘who 
had inquired of the god spoke untruly; t till at last 
a second band of inquirers was sent to inquire con- 
cerning Pactyes, among whom was Aristodicus. 

159. When they came to Branchidae Aristodicus 
speaking for all put this question to the oracle: 
*O King, Pactyes the Lydian hath fled to us for 
refuge to save him from a violent death at the hands 
of the Persians ; and they demand him of us, bidding 
the men of Cyme to give him up. But we, for all 
that we fear the Persian power, have not made bold 


199 


HERODOTUS 


ἐς τόδε οὐ τετολμήκαμεν ἐκδιδόναι, πρὶν ἂν τὸ 
ἀπὸ σεῦ ἡμῖν δηλωθῇ ἀτρεκέως ὁκότερα mot- 
έωμεν.᾽ ὃ μὲν ταῦτα ἐπειρώτα, ὃ δ᾽ αὖτις τὸν 
αὐτόν σφι χρησμὸν ἔφαινε, κελεύων ἐκδιδόναι 
Πακτύην Πέρσῃσι. πρὸς ταῦτα ὁ ᾿Αριστόδικος 
ἐκ προνοίης ἐποίεε τάδε' περιιὼν τὸν νηὸν κύκλῳ 
ἐξαίρεε τοὺς στρουθοὺς καὶ ἄλλα ὅσα ἣν νενοσ- 
σευμένα ὀρνίθων γένεα ἐν τῷ νηῷ. ποιέοντος δὲ 
αὐτοῦ ταῦτα λέγεται φωνὴν ἐκ τοῦ ἀδύτου γε- 
νέσθαι φέρουσαν μὲν πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αριστόδικον, 
λέγουσαν δὲ τάδε “᾿Ανοσιώτατε ἀνθρώπων, τί 
τάδε τολμᾶς ποιέειν; τοὺς ἱκέτας µου ἐκ τοῦ νηοῦ 
κεραΐξεις;᾽ ᾿Αριστόδικον δὲ οὐκ ἀπορήσαντα πρὸς 
ταῦτα εἰπεῖν **"Qva£, αὐτὸς μὲν οὕτω τοῖσι ἱκέτησι 
βοηθέεις, Κυμαίους δὲ κελεύεις τὸν ἱκέτην ἐκδι- 
δόναι; τὸν δὲ αὖτις ἀμείψασθαι τοῖσιδε “Nal 
κελεύω, ἵνα γε ἀσεβήσαντες θᾶσσον ἀπόλησθε, ὡς 
μὴ τὸ λοιπὸν περὶ ἱκετέων ἐκδόσιος ἔλθητε ἐπὶ τὸ 
χρηστήριον. 

160. Ταῦτα ὡς ἀπενειχθέντα ἤκουσαν οἱ Κυ- 
μαῖοι, οὗ Βουλόμενοι οὔτε ἐκδόντες ἀπολέσθαι 
οὔτε παρ ἑωυτοῖσι ἔχοντες πολιορκέεσθαι, ἐκπέμ- 
πουσι αὐτὸν ἐς Μυτιλήνην. οἱ δὲ Μυτιληναῖοι 
ἐπιπέμποντος τοῦ Μαζάρεος ἀγγελύας ἐκδιδόναι 
τὸν Πακτύην παρεσκευάζοντο ἐπὶ μισθῷ ὅσῳ δή: 
οὐ γὰρ ἔχω τοῦτό γε εἰπεῖν ἀτρεκέως" οὐ γὰρ 
ἐτελεώθη. Κυμαῖοι γὰρ ὡς ἔμαθον ταῦτα πρησ- 
σόμενα ἐκ τῶν Μυτιληναίων, πέμψαντες πλοῖον ἐς 
Λέσβον ἐκκομίξουσι Πακτύην ἐς Χίον. ἐνθεῦτεν 
δὲ ἐξ ἱροῦ ᾿Αθηναίης πολιούχου ἀποσπασθεὶς ὑπὸ 
Χίων ἐξεδόθη" ἐξέδοσαν δὲ οἱ Χῖοι ἐπὶ τῷ ᾿Αταρνέι 
μισθῷ: τοῦ δὲ ᾿Αταρνέος τούτου ἐστὶ χῶρος 


200 


BOOK I. 159-160 


to give up this our suppliant, until thy will be clearly 
made known to us, whether we shall do this or not.” 
Thus Aristodicus questioned; and the god gave again 
the same answer, that Pactyes should be delivered up 
to the Persians. With that Aristodicus did as he had 
already purposed ; he went round about the temple, 
and stole away the sparrows and all other families of 
nesting birds that were in it. But while he so did, 

a voice (they say) came out of the inner shrine calling 
to Aristodicus, and saying, “Thou wickedest of men, 

wherefore darest thou do this? wilt thou rob my 
temple of those that take refuge with me?" Then 
Aristodicus had his answer ready: “O King,” said 
he, “wilt thou thus save thine own suppliants, yet 
bid the men of Cyme deliver up theirs?" But the 
god made answer, * Yea, I do bid them, that ye may 
the sooner perish for your impiety, and never again 
come to inquire of my oracle concerning the giving 
up of them that seek refuge with you.' 

160. Whenthis answer was brought to the hearing 
of the Cymaeans they sent Pactyesa away to Mytilene ; 
for they desired neither to perish for delivering him 
up nor to be besieged for keeping him with them. 
Then Mazares sent a message to Mytilene demanding 
the surrender of Pactyes, and the Mytilenaeans pre- 
pared to give him, for a price; I cannot say with 
exactness how much it was, for the bargain was 
never fulfilled; for when the Cymaeans learnt that 
the Mytilenaeans had this in hand, they sent a ship 
to Lesbos and brought Pactyes away to Chios. 
Thence he was dragged out of the temple of City- 
guarding Athene and delivered up by the Chians, 
they receiving in return Atarneus, which is a district 


2001 


f κ 


HERODOTUS 


τῆς Μυσιης, Λεσβου ἀντίος. Πακτύην μέν νυν 
παραδεξάμενοι οἱ Πέρσαι εἶχον ἐν φυλακῇ, θέ- 


λοντες Κύρῳ ἀποδέξαι. ἦν δὲ χρόνος. οὗτος οὐκ 


ὀλίγος γινόμενος, ὅτε Χίων οὐδεὶς ἐ ἐκ τοῦ ᾿Αταρνέος 
τούτου οὔτε οὐλὰς κριθέων πρόχυσιν ἐποιέετο 
θεῶν οὐδενὶ οὔτε πέμματα ἐπέσσετο καρποῦ τοῦ 
ἐνθεῦτεν, ἀπείχετό τε τῶν πάντων ἱρῶν τὰ πάντα 
ἐκ τῆς χώρης ταύτης γινόμενα. 

161. Χῖοι μέν νυν Πακτύην ἐξέδοσαν" Μαζάρης 
δὲ | μετὰ ταῦτα ἐστρατεύετο ἐπὶ τοὺς συμπολιορ- 
κήσαντας Τάβαλον, καὶ τοῦτο μὲν Πριηνέας έξην- 
δραποδίσατο, τοῦτο δὲ Μαιάνδρου πεδίον πᾶν 
ἐπέδραμε ληίην ποιεύμενος τῷ στρατῷ, Μαγ- 
νησίην τε ὡσαύτως. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα αὐτίκα 
κ τελευτᾷ. 

᾿Αποθανόντος δὲ τούτου, "Αρπαγος κατέβη 
διόδιλος τῆς στρατηγίης, γένος καὶ αὐτὸς ἐὼν 
Μῆδος, τὸν ὁ Μήδων βασιλεὺς ᾿Αστυάγης ἀνόμῳ 
τραπέζῃ ἔδαισε, ὁ 0 τῷ, Κύρῳ τὴν βασιληίην συγ- 
κατεργασάμενος. οὗτος ὠνὴρ τότε ὑπὸ Κύρου 
στρατηγὸς ἀποδεχθεὶς ὡς ὀπίκετο ἐς τὴν Ἰωνίην, 
aipee τὰς πόλιας χώμασι" ὅκως γὰρ τειχήρεας 
ποιήσειε, τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν χώματα χῶν πρὸς τὰ τείχεα 
ἐπόρθεε. 

163. Πρώτῃ δὲ Φωκαίῃ Ἰωνίης ἐπεχείρησε. 
oí δὲ Φωκαιέες οὗτοι ναυτιλέῃσι μακρῇσι 
πρῶτοι Ἑλλήνων, ἐχρήσαντο, καὶ τὀν τε ᾿Αδρίην 
καὶ τὴν Τυρσηνίην καὶ τὴν ᾿Ιβηρίην καὶ τὸν 
Ταρτησσὸν. οὗτοι εἰσὶ οἱ καταδέξαντες' ἐναυτίλ- 
λοντο δὲ οὐ στρογγύλῃσι νηυσὶ ἀλλὰ πεντηκον- 
τέροισι. ἀπικόμενοι δὲ ἐς τὸν Ταρτησσὸν προσ- 
φιλέες ἐγένοντο τῷ βασιλέι τῶν Ταρτησσίων, 


205 


BOOK I. 160-163 


in Mysia over against Lesbos. ‘The Persians thus 
received Pactyes and kept him guarded, that they 
might show him to Cyrus; and for a long time no 
Chian would offer sacrifice of barley meal from this 
land of Atarneus to any god, or make sacrificial cakes 
of what grew there; nothing that came from that 
country might be used for any sacred rite. 

161. Pactyes being then delivered up by the 
Chians, Mazares presently led his army against those 
who had helped to besiege Tabalus, and he enslaved 
the people of Priene, and overran the plain of the 
Maeandrus, giving it up to his army to pillage, and 
Magnesia likewise. Immediately after this he died 
of a sickness. 

162. After his death Harpagus came down to suc- 
ceed him in his command, a Median like Mazares ; 
this is that Harpagus who was entertained by Asty- 
ages the Median king at that unnatural feast, and 
who helped to win the kingship for Cyrus. This 
man was now made general by Cyrus. When he 
came to Ionia, he took the cities by building mounds ; 
he would drive the men within their walls and then 
build mounds against the walls and so take the 
cities. 

163. Phocaea was the first Ionian town that he 
assailed. These Phocaeans were the earliest of the 
Greeks to make long sea-voyages: it was they who 
discovered the Adriatic Sea, and Tyrrhenia, and 
Iberia, and Tartessus,! not sailing in round freight- 
Ships but in fifty-oared vessels. When they came to 
Tartessus they made friends with the king of the 

1 The lower valley of the Guadalquivir. Later Tartessus 
was identified with Gades (Cadiz), which Herodotus (iv. 8) 
calls Gadira. 


VOL.I. H 203 


HERODOTUS 


τῷ οὔνομα μὲν ἦν ᾿Αργανθώνιος, ἐτυράννευσε δὲ 
Ταρτησσοῦ ὀγδώκοντα ἔτεα, ἐβίωσε δὲ πάντα 
εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατόν. τούτῳ δὴ τῷ ἀνδρὶ προσ- 
φιλέες οἱ Φωκαιέες οὕτω δή τι ἐγένοντο ὡς τὰ μὲν 
πρῶτα σφέας ἐκλιπόντας Ἰωνίην ἐκέλευε τῆς 
ἑωυτοῦ χώρης οἰκῆσαι ὅκου βούλονται" μετὰ δέ, 
ὡς τοῦτό γε οὐκ ἔπειθε τοὺς Φωκαιέας, ὃ δὲ 
πυθόμενος τὸν Μῆδον παρ᾽ αὐτῶν ὡς αὔξοιτο, 
ἐδίδου σφι χρήματα τεῖχος περιβαλέσθαι τὴν 
πόλιν, ἐδίδου. δὲ ἀφειδέως" καὶ γὰρ, καὶ ἡ περίοδος 
τοῦ τείχεος οὐκ ὀλέγοι στάδιοι εἰσί, τοῦτο δὲ πᾶν 
λίθων μεγάλων καὶ εὖ συναρμοσμένων. 

164. Τὸ μὲν δὴ τεῖχος τοῖσι Φωκαιεῦσι τρόπῳ 
τοιῷδε ἐξεποιήθη. ὁ δὲ" ΄Αρπαγος ὡς ἐπήλασε, τὴν 
στρατιήν, ἐπολιόρκεε αὐτούς, προϊσχόμενος ἔπεα 
ὥς οἱ καταχρᾷ ei βούλονται Φωκαιέες προμα- 
χεῶνα ἕνα μοῦνον τοῦ τείχεος ἐρεῖψαι καὶ οἴκημα 
ἓν κατιρῶσαι. οἱ δὲ Φωκαιέες περιημεκτέοντες 
τῇ δουλοσύνῃ ἔφασαν θέλειν βουλεύσασθαι 
ἡμέρην μίαν καὶ ἔ ἔπειτα ὑποκρινέεσθαι" ἐν ᾧ δὲ 
βουλεύονται αὗτοί, ἀπαγαγεῖν ἐκεῖνον. ἐκέλευον 
τὴν στρατιὴν ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχεος. ὁ ὃ ' ΄Άρπαγος 
ἔφη εἰδέναι μὲν eb τὰ ἐκεῖνοι μέλλοιεν ποιέειν, 
ὅμως δέ σφι παριέναι βουλεύσασθαι. ἐν ᾧ ὧν 
ὁ Αρπαγος ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχεος ἀπήγαγε τὴν στρα- 
τιήν, οἱ Φωκαιέες ἐν τούτῳ. κατασπάσαντες τὰς 
πεντηκοντέρους, ἐσθέμενοι τέκνα καὶ γυναῖκας καὶ 
ἔπιπλα πάντα, πρὸς δὲ καὶ τὰ ἀγάλματα τὰ ἐκ 
τῶν ἱρῶν καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ἀναθήματα, χωρὶς ὅ τι 
χαλκὸς ἢ λίθος ἡ γραφὴ ἣν, τὰ δὲ ἄλλα πάντα 
ἐσθέντες καὶ nore, ἐσβάντες ἔπλεον ἐπὶ Χίου. τὴν 
δὲ Φωκαίην ἐρημωθεῖσαν ἀνδρῶν ἔσχον οἱ Πέρσαι. 


204 


BOOK I. 163-164 


Tartessians, whose name was Arganthonius; he ruled 
Tartessus for eighty years and lived an hundred and 
twenty.! The Phocaeans so won this man's friendship 
that he first entreated them to leave Ionia and settle 
in hís country where they would ; and then, when he 
could not persuade them to that, and learnt from 
them how the Median power was increasing, he gave 
them money to build a wall round their city there- 
with. Without stint he gave it; for the circuit of 
the wall is of many furlongs, and all this is made 
of great stones well fitted together. 

164. In such a manner was the Phocaeans’ wali 
fully made. Harpagus marched against the city and 
besieged it, but he made overtures, and said that it 
would suffice him if the Phocaeans would demolish 
one bastion of the wall and dedicate one house. 
But the Phocaeans, very wroth at the thought ot 
slavery, said they desired to take counsel for one day, 
and then they would answer; but while they were 
consulting, Harpagus must, they said, withdraw his 
army from the walls. Harpagus said that he knew 
well what they purposed to do, but that nevertheless 
he would suffer them to take counsel. So while Har- 
pagus withdrew his army from the walls, the Phocae- 
ans launched their fifty-oared ships, placed in them 
their children and women and all movable goods, 
besides the statues from the temples and all things 
therein dedicated save bronze or stonework or 
painting, and then themselves embarked and set 
sail for Chios; and the Persians took Phocaea, thus 
left uninbabited. 


! Α common Greek tradition, apparently ; Anacreon (Fr. 8) 
says ‘‘I would not... rule Tartessus for an hundred and 
fifty years." 


205 


HERODOTUS 


165. Οἱ δὲ «Φωκαιέες, ἐπείτε σφι Niot τὰς 
νήσους τὰς Οἰνούσσας καλεομένας οὔκ ἐβούλοντο 
ὠνευμένοισι πωλέειν, δειμαίνοντες μὴ αἳ μὲν ἐμ- 
πόριον γένωνται, ἡ δὲ αὐτῶν νῆσος ἀποκληισθῇ 
τούτου εἵνεκα, πρὸς ταῦτα οἱ Φωκαιέες ἐστέλλοντο 
ἐς Κύρνον: ἐν γὰρ τῇ Κύρνῳ εἴκοσι ἔτεσι πρό- 
τερον τούτων ἐκ θεοπροπίου ἀνεστήσαντο πόλιν, 
τῇ -οὔνομα ἦν ᾽Αλαλίη. ᾿Αργανθώνιος δὲ τηνι- 
καῦτα ἤδη τετελευτήκεε, στελλόμενοι δὲ ἐπὶ τὴν 
Κύρνον, πρῶτα καταπλεύσαντες ἐς τὴν Φωκαίην 
κατεφόνευσαν τῶν Περσέων τὴν φυλακήν; ἣ 
ἐφρούρεε παραδεξαμένη παρὰ Αρπάγου τὴν 
πόλιν, μετὰ δέ, ὡς τοῦτό σφι ἐξέργαστο, ἐ ἐποιή- 
σαντο ἰσχυρὰς κατάρας. τῷ ὑπολειπομένῳ ἑ ἑωυτῶν 
τοῦ στόλου, πρὸς δὲ ταύτῃσι καὶ μύδρον σιδήρεον 
κατεπόντωσαν καὶ ὤμοσαν μὴ πρὶν ἐς Φωκαίην 

ἥξειν πρὶν 7 τὸν μύδρον τοῦτον ἀναφανῆναι. 
στελλομένων δὲ αὐτῶν ἐπὶ τὴν Κύρνον, ὑπερη- 
μύσεας τῶν ἀστῶν ἔλαβε πόθος τε καὶ οἶκτος τῆς 
πόλιος καὶ τῶν ἠθέων τῆς χώρης, ψευδόρκιοι δὲ 
γενόμενοι ἀπέπλεον ὀπίσω ἐς τὴν Φωκαίην. οἳ 
δὲ αὐτῶν τὸ ὅρκιον ἐφύλασσον, ἀερθέντες ἐκ τῶν 
Οἰνουσσέων ἔπλεον. 

106. Επείτε δὲ ἐς τὴν Κύρνον ἀπίκοντο, οἴκεον 
κοινῇ μετὰ τῶν πρότερον ἀπικομένων ἐπ᾽ ἔτεα 
πέντε, καὶ ἱρὰ. ἐνιδρύσαντο. καὶ ἦγον γὰρ δὴ 
καὶ ἔφερον τοὺς περιοίκους ἅπαντας, στρατεύ- 
ονται ὧν em αὐτοὺς καινῷ λόγῳ χρησάμενοι 
Τυρσηνοὶ καὶ Καρχηδόνιοι, νηυσὶ ἑκάτεροι ἑξή- 
κόντα. οἱ δὲ Φωκαιέες πληρώσαντες καὶ αὐτοὶ 
τὰ πλοῖα, ἐόντα ἀριθμὸν ἑξήκοντα, ἀντίαζον ἐς 
τὸ Σαρδόνιον καλεόμενον πέλαγος. συμμισ- 


206 


BOOK I. 165—166 


165. The Phocaeans would have bought of the 
Chians the islands called Oenussae!; but the Chians 
would not sell them, because they feared that the 
islands would become a market and so their own 
island be cut off from its trade: so the Phocaeans 
made ready to sail to Cyrnus,? where at the command 
of an oracle they had twenty years before this built 
a city called Alalia. Arganthonius was by this time 
dead. While making ready for their voyage, they 
first sailed to Phocaea, where they slew the Persian 
guard to whom Harpagus had entrusted the defence 
of the city; and this being done, they called down 
mighty curses on whosoever of themselves should 
stay behind when the rest sailed. Not only so, but 
they sank in the sea a mass of iron, and swore never 
to return to Phocaea before the iron should again 
appear. But while they prepared to voyage to Cyrnus, 
more than half of the citizens were taken with a 
longing and a pitiful sorrow for the city and the life 
of their land, and they broke their oath and sailed 
back to Phocaea. Those of them who kept the oath 
set out to sea from the Oenussae. 

166. And when they came to Cyrnus they dwelt 
there for five years as one body with those who had 
first come, and they founded temples there. But 
they harried and plundered all their neighbours: 
wherefore the Tyrrhenians and Carchedonians made 
common cause against them, and sailed to attack 
them each with sixty ships. The Phocaeans also 
manned their ships, sixty in number, and met the 
enemy in the sea called Sardonian. They joined 


! Between Chios and the mainland. 
5 Corsica. 


207 


HERODOTUS 


γόντων δὲ τῇ ναυμαχίῃ. Καδμείη τις νίκη τοῖσι 
Φωκαιεῦσι ἐγένετο" αἱ μὲν γὰρ τεσσεράκοντά σφι 
νέες διεφθάρησαν, αἱ δὲ εἴκοσι αἱ περιεοῦσαι 
ἦσαν ἄχρηστοι" ἀπεστράφατο γὰρ τοὺς. ἐμβό- 
λους. καταπλώσαντες δὲ ἐς τὴν Αλαλίην ἀνέ- 
λαβον τὰ τέκνα καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας καὶ τὴν ἄλλην 
κτῆσιν ὅσην οἷαί τε ἐγίνοντο αἱ νέες σφι ἄγειν, 
καὶ ἔπειτα ἀπέντες τὴν Κύρνον ἔπλεον ἐς 
Ῥήγιον. 

167. Τῶν δὲ διαφθαρεισέων νεῶν τοὺς ἄνδρας 
οἵ τε Καρχηδόνιοι καὶ οἱ Τυρσηνοὶ [διέλαχον, τῶν 
δὲ Τυρσηνῶν οἱ ᾽Αγυλλαῖοι]! ἔλαχόν T€ αὐτῶν 
πολλῷ πλείστους καὶ τούτους ἐξαγαγόντες κατέ- 
λευσαν. μετὰ δὲ ᾿Αγυλλαίοισι πάντα τὰ παρι- 
όντα τὸν χῶρον, ἐν τῷ οἱ «Φωκαιέες καταλευ- 
σθέντες ἐκέατο, ἐγίνετο διάστροφα καὶ ἔμπηρα 
καὶ ἀπόπληκτα, ὁμοίως πρόβατα καὶ ὑποξύγια 
καὶ ἄνθρωποι. οἱ δὲ ᾿Αγυλλαῖοι ἐς Δελφοὺς 
ἔπεμπον βουλόμενοι ἀκέσασθαι τὴν ἁμαρτάδα. 
ἡ δὲ Πυθίη σφέας ἐκέλευσε ποιέειν τὰ. καὶ νῦν 
οἱ ᾿Αγνλλαῖοι ἔτι ἐπιτελέουσι" καὶ yàp. ἐναγί- 
ζουσί σφι μεγάλως καὶ. ἀγῶνα γυμνικὸν καὶ 
ἱππικὸν ἐπιστᾶσι. καὶ οὗτοι μὲν τῶν Φωκαιέων 
τοιούτῳ μόρῳ διεχρήσαντο, οἱ δὲ αὐτῶν ἐς τὸ 
“Ῥήγιον καταφυγόντες ἐνθεῦτεν ὁρμώμενοι ἐκτή- 
σαντο πόλιν γῆς τῆς Οἰνωτρίης ταύτην ἥτις νῦν 
Ὑέλη καλέεται" ἔκτισαν δὲ ταύτην πρὸς ἀνδρὸς 
Ποσειδωνιήτεω μαθόντες ὡς τὸν Κύρνον σφι ἡ 
Πυθίη ἔχρησε κτίσαι ἥρων ἐόντα, ἀλλ οὐ τὴν 
νῆσον. 


1 The words in brackets are Stein’s conjecture ; the MSS. 
have nothing between Τυρσηνοὶ and ἔλαχον. 


208 


BOOK I. 166-167 


battle, and the Phocaeans won, yet it was but a Cad- 
mean victory 1; for they lost forty of their ships, and 
the twenty that remained were useless, their rams 
being twisted awry. Then sailing to Alalia they took 
on board their children and women and all of their 
possessions that their ships could hold, and leaving 
Cyrnus they sailed to Rhegium. 

167. As for the crews of the destroyed ships, the 
Carchedonians and Tyrrhenians drew lots for them: 
and by far the greater share of them falling. to the 
Tyrrhenian city of Agylla,? the Agyllaeans led them 
out and stoned them to death. But after this all 
from Agylla, whether sheep or beasts of burden or 
men, that passed the place where the stoned Phocae- 
ans lay, became distorted and crippled and palsied. 
The Agyllaeanssent to Delphi, desiring to heal their 
offence; and the Pythian priestess bade them do 
what the people of Agylla to this day perform : for 
they pay great honours to the Phocaeans, with 
.religious rites and games, and horse-races. Such 
was the end of this portion of the Phocaeans. Those 
of them who fled to Rhegium set out from thence 
and gained possession of that Oenotrian? city which 
is now called Hyele*; this they founded because 
they learnt from a man of Posidonia that when the 
Pythian priestess spoke of founding a settlement and 
of Cyrnus, it was the hero that she signified and 
not the island. 


1 Polynices and Eteocles, sons of Oedipus and descendants 
of Cadmus, fought for the possession of Thebes and killed 
each other. Hence & Cadmean victory means one where 
victor and vanquished suffer alike. 

ἃ Later Caere in Etruria. 

5 Oenotria corresponds to Southern Italy (the Lucania and 
Bruttium of Roman history). * Later Elea (Velia). 


209 


HERODOTUS 


168. Φωκαίης μέν νυν πέρι τῆς ἐν “lovin οὕτω 
ἔσχε, παραπλήσια δὲ τούτοισι καὶ Τήιοι ἐποί- 
ησαν. ἐπεύτε γὰρ σφέων εἷλε χώματι τὸ τεῖχος 
7 Aprrayos, ἐσβάντες πάντες ἐς τὰ πλοῖα οἴχοντο 
πλέοντες ἐπὶ τῆς Θρηίκης, καὶ ἐνθαῦτα ë ἔκτισαν 
πόλιν "Αβδηρα, τὴν πρότερος τούτων Κλαξο- 
μένιος Τιμήσιος κτίσας οὐκ ἀπόνητο, ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὸ 
Θρηίκων ἐξελασθεὶς τιμὰς νῦν ὑπὸ Τηίων τῶν 
ἐν ᾿Αβδήροισι ὦ ὡς ἥρως ἔχει. 

169. Οὗτοι μέν νυν lovov μοῦνοι τὴν δουλο- 
σύνην οὐκ ἀνεχόμενοι ἐξέλιπον τὰς πατρίδας" οἱ 
δ᾽ ἄλλοι Ἴωνες πλὴν Μιλησίων διὰ μάχης μὲν 
ἀπίκοντο ᾿Αρπάγῳ κατά περ οἱ ἐκλιπόντες, καὶ 
ἄνδρες È ἐγένοντο ἀγαθοὶ περὶ τῆς ἑωυτοῦ ἕκαστος 
μαχόμενοι, ἑσσωθέντες δὲ καὶ ἁλόντες ἔμενον 
κατὰ χώρην ἕκαστοι καὶ τὰ ἐπιτασσόμενα ἐπετέ- 
λεον. Μιλήσιοι δέ, ὡς καὶ πρότερόν μοι εἴρηται, 
αὐτῷ Κύρ ὅρκιον ποιησάμενοι ἡσυχίην ἦγον. 
οὕτω δὴ τὸ δεύτερον ᾿Ιωνίη ἐδεδούλωτο. ὡς δὲ 
τοὺς ἐν τῇ ἠπείρῳ Ἴωνας ἐχειρώσατο "Άρπαφος, 
οἱ τὰς νήσους ἔχοντες Ἴωνες καταρρωδήσαντες 
ταῦτα σφέας αὐτοὺς ἔδοσαν Κύρῳ. 

170. Κεκακωμένων δὲ Ἰώνων καὶ συλλεγο- 
μένων οὐδὲν ἧσσον ἐς τὸ Πανιώνιον, πυνθάνομαι 
γνώμην Βίαντα ἄνδρα Πριηνέα ἀποδέξασθαι Ἴωσι 
χρησιμωτάτην, τῇ εἰ ἐπείθοντο, παρεῖχε ἄν σφι 


| εὐδαιμονέειν Ἑλλήνων μάλιστα" ὃς ἐκέλευε κοινῷ 


στόλῳ Ἴωνας ἀερθέντας πλέειν ἐς Σαρδὰ καὶ 
ἔπειτα πόλιν μίαν κτίξειν πάντων ᾿Ιώνων, καὶ 
οὕτω ἀπαλλαχθέντας᾽ σφέας δουλοσύνης εὖδαι- 
μονήσειν, νήσων τε ἁπασέων μεγίστην νεμομένους 
καὶ ἄρχοντας ἄλλων' μένουσι δέ σφι ἐν τῇ 


210 


BOOK I. 168-170 


168. Thus, then, it fared with the Ionian Phocaea. 
The Teians did in like manner with the Phocaeans : 
when Harpagus had taken their walled city by build- 
ing a mound, they all embarked on shipboard and 
sailed away for Thrace. There they founded a city, 
Abdera, which before this had been founded by 
Timesius of Clazomenae ; yet he got no good of it, 
but was driven out by the Thracians. This Timesius 
is now honoured as a hero by the Teians of Abdera. 

169. These were the only Ionians who, being 
unable to endure slavery, left their nativelands. The 
rest of the Ionians, except the Milesians, though 
they faced Harpagus in battle as did the exiles, and 
bore themselves gallantly, each fighting for his own 
country, yet, when they were worsted and their 
cities taken, remained each where he was and did as 
they were commanded. The Milesians, as I have 
already said, made a treaty with Cyrus himself and 
struck no blow. Thus was lonia for the second 
time enslaved : and when Harpagus had conquered 
the lonians of the mainland, the Ionians of the 
islands, fearing the same fate, surrendered themselves 
to Cyrus. 

170. When the Ionians, despite their evil plight, 
did nevertheless assemble at the Panionion, Bias of 
Priene, as I have heard, gave them very useful advice, 
which had they followed they might have been the 
most prosperous of all Greeks: for.he counselled them 
to put out to sea and sail all together to Sardo and 
then found one city for all Ionians: thus, possessing 
the greatest island in the world and bearing rule over 
others, they would be rid of slavery and win pros- 
perity; but if they stayed in Ionia he could see (he 


211 


“ m 


HERODOTUS 


Ἰωνίῃ οὐκ ἔφη ἐνορᾶν ἐλευθερίην ἔτι ἐσομένην. 
αὕτη μὲν Βίαντος τοῦ Πριηνέος γνώμη ἐπὶ διε- 
φθαρμένοισι Ἴωσι γενομένη, χρηστὴ δὲ καὶ πρὶν 
7 διαφθαρῆναι Ἰωνίην Odrew ἀνδρὸς Μιλησίου 
ἐγένετο, τὸ ἀνέκαθεν γένος ἐόντος Φοίνικος, ὃς 
ἐκέλευε ἓν βουλευτήριον Ἴωνας ἐκτῆσθαι, τὸ δὲ 
εἶναι ἐν 'Téo (Τέων γὰρ μέσον εἶναι Ἰωνίης), τὰς 
δὲ ἄλλας πόλιας οἰκεομένας μηδὲν ἧσσον νομί- 
ζεσθαι κατά περ εἰ δῆμοι clet οὗτοι μὲν δή σφι 
γνώμας τοιάσδε ἀπεδέξαντο. 

171. " Aprraryos δὲ καταστρεψάµενος Ἰωνίην 
ἐποιέετο στρατηΐην ἐπὶ Kápas καὶ Καυνίους καὶ 
Λυκίους, ἅμα ἀγόμενος καὶ Ἴωνας καὶ Αἰολέας. 
εἰσὶ δὲ τούτων Kápes μὲν ἀπιγμένοι ἐς τὴν ἤπειρον 
ἐκ τῶν νήσων. τὸ γὰρ παλαιὸν ἐόντες Μίνω κατή- 
κοοι καὶ καλεόμενοι Λέλεγες εἶχον τὰς νήσους, 
pm uev οὐδένα ὑποτελέοντες, ὅσον καὶ ἐγὼ 

υνατός εἰμι ἐπὶ μακρότατον ἐξικέσθαι ἀκοῇ" οἳ 
δέ, ὅκως Μίνως δέοιτο, ἐπλήρουν οἱ τὰς νέας. ἅτε 
δὴ Μίνω τε .κατεστραμμένου γῆν πολλὴν καὶ εὐ- 
τυχέοντος τῷ πολέμῳ, τὸ Καρικὸν ἢ ήν ἔθνος λογι- 
μώτατον τῶν ἐθνέων ἁπάντων κατὰ τοῦτον ἅμα 
τὸν χρόνον μακρῷ μάλιστα. καί σφι τριξὰ 
ἐξευρήματα ἐγένετο, τοῖσι οἱ “Ελληνες ἐχρήσαντο: 
καὶ yap ἐπὶ τὰ κράνεα λόφους ἐπιδέεσθαι Kápes 
εἰσὶ οἱ καταδέξαντες καὶ ἐπὶ τὰς ἀσπίδας τὰ 
σημήια ποιέεσθαι, καὶ ὄχανα ἀσπίσι οὗτοι εἰσὶ οἱ 
ποιησάμενοι πρῶτοι: τέως δὲ ἄνευ ὀχάνων͵ ἐφόρεον 
τὰς ἀσπίδας πάντες ot περ ἐώθεσαν ἀσπίσι χρᾶ- 
σθαι, τελαμῶσι σκυτίνοισι οἰηκίξοντες, περὶ τοῖσι 
αὐχέσι τε καὶ τοῖσι ἀριστεροῖσι ὤμοισι περικεί- 


212 


BOOK I. 170-171 


said) no hope of freedom for them. Such was the 
counsel which Bias of Priene gave after the destruc- 
tion of the Ionians; and good also was that given 
before the destruction by Thales of Miletus, a 
Phoenician by descent ; he would have had the Ionians 
make one common place of counsel, which should be 
in Teos, for that was the centre of Ionia; and the 
state of the other cities should be held to be no other 
than if they were but townships. Thus Bias and 
Thales advised. 

171. Harpagus, after subduing Ionia, made an 
expedition against the Carians, Caunians, and Lycians, 
taking with him Ionians and Aeolians, Now among 
these the Carians were a people who had come to the 
mainland from the islands; for in old time they were 
islanders, called Leleges and under the rule of Minos, 
not (as far as I can learn by hearsay) paying him 
tribute, but manning ships for him when he needed 
them. Seeing then that Minos had subdued much 
territory to himself and was victorious in war, this 
made the Carians too at that time to be very far 
the most regarded of all nations. Three things 
they invented in which they were followed by the 
Greeks: it was the Carians who first taught the 
wearing of crests on their helmets and devices on 
their shields, and who first made for their shields 
holders; till then all who used shields carried 
them without these holders, and guided them 
with leathern baldrics which they slung round 


213 


HERODOTUS 


\ . N ^ , e ^ 
μενοι. μετὰ δὲ τοὺς Kápas χρόνῳ ὕστερον πολλῷ 
Δωριέες τε καὶ Ίωνες ἐξανέστησαν ἐκ τῶν νήσων, 
καὶ οὕτω ἐς τὴν ἤπειρον ἀπίκοντο. κατὰ μὲν δὴ 
Κᾶρας οὕτω Κρῆτες λέγουσι γενέσθαι" οὐ μέντοι 

> [4 e L4 , e m 9 
αὐτοί γε ὁμολογέουσι τούτοισι οἱ Κᾶρες, ἀλλὰ 
νομίζουσι αὐτοὶ ἑωυτοὺς εἶναι αὐτόχθονας ἦπει- 
peras, καὶ τῷ οὐνόματι τῷ αὐτῷ αἰεὶ διαχρεωμέ- 
νους τῷ περ νῦν. ἀποδεικνῦσι δὲ ἐν Μυλάσοισι 
Διὸς Καρίου ἱρὸν ἀρχαῖον, τοῦ Μυσοῖσι μὲν καὶ 
Λυδοῖσι μέτεστι ὡς κασιγνήτοισι ἐοῦσι τοῖσι 
Kapci: τὸν γὰρ Λυδὸν καὶ τὸν Μυσὸν λέγουσι 
a b! , 4 / Ν M , 
εἶναι Καρὸς ἀδελφεούς. τούτοισι μὲν δὴ μέτεστι, 
ο . 97 y » € , ^ 
ὅσοι δὲ ἐόντες ἄλλου ἔθνεος ὁμόγλωσσοι τοῖσι 
Καρσὶ ἐγένοντο, τούτοισι δὲ οὐ μέτα. 

173. Οἱ δὲ Καύνιοι αὐτόχθονες δοκέειν ἐμοὶ 
εἰσί, αὐτοὶ μέντοι ἐκ Κρήτης φασὶ εἶναι. προσ- 
κεχωρήκασι δὲ γλῶσσαν μὲν πρὸς τὸ Καρικὸν 
» A e ^ ` ` , ^ ` 
ἔθνος, ἢ οἱ Κᾶρες πρὸς τὸ Καυνικόν (τοῦτο γὰρ 
οὐκ ἔχω ἀτρεκέως διακρῖναι), νόμοισι δὲ χρέωνται 
κεχωρισμένοισι πολλὸν τῶν τε ἄλλων ἀνθρώπων 
καὶ Καρῶν. τοῖσι γὰρ κάλλεστον ἐστὶ κατ᾿ 
ἡλικίην τε καὶ φιλότητα εἰλαδὸν συγγίνεσθαι ἐς 
πόσιν, καὶ ἀνδράσι καὶ γυναιξὶ καὶ παισί. ἱδρυ- 
θέντων δέ σφι ἱρῶν ξεινικῶν, μετέπειτα ὥς σφι 
» / » . ^ / ^ ^ 
ἀπέδοξε, ἔδοξε δὲ τοῖσι πατρίοισι μοῦνον χρᾶσθαι 
θεοῖσι, ἐνδύντες τὰ ὅπλα ἅπαντες Καύνιοι ἡβηδόν, 
τύπτοντες δόρασι τὸν ἠέρα, μέχρι οὔρων τῶν 
Καλυνδικῶν εἵποντο, καὶ ἔφασαν ἐκβάλλειν τοὺς 

4 /, 
ξεινικοὺς θεούς. 


214 


BOOK I. 171-172 


the neck and over the left shoulder! Then, a 
long time afterwards, the Carians were driven from 
the islands by Dorians and Ionians and so came to 
the mainland. This is the Cretan story about the 
 Carians; but they themselves do not consent to it, 
but hold that they are aboriginal dwellers on the 
mainland and ever bore the name which they bear 
now; and they point to an ancient shrine of Carian 
Zeus at Mylasa, whereto Mysians and Lydians, as 
brethren of the Carians (for Lydus and Mysus, they 
say, were brothers of Car), are admitted, but none of Ἢ 
any other nation, though they learned to speak 
the same language as the Carians. 

172. The Caunians, to my mind, are aborigines of 
the soil; but they themselves say that they came 
from Crete. Their speech has grown like to the 
Carian, or the Carian to theirs (for that I cannot 
clearly determine), but in their customs they are 
widely severed from the Carians, as from all other 
men. Their chief pleasure is to assemble for drink- 
ing-bouts in such companies as accord with their 
ages and friendships—men, women, and children. 
Certain foreign rites of worship were established 
among them; but presently when they were other- 
wise minded, and would worship only the gods of 
their fathers, all Caunian men of full age put on their 
armour and went together as far as the boundaries 
of Calynda, smiting the air with their spears and 
saying that they were casting out the stranger gods. 


1 This is the management of the Homeric ‘‘man-covering” 
shield, as shown in the Iliad. The shield is not carried on 
the arm, but hangs by a belt which passes over the left 
shoulder and under the right arm-pit; by a pull on the 
τελαμών it can be shifted so as to protect breast or back. 


215 


HERODOTUS 


173. Καὶ οὗτοι μὲν τρόποισι τοιούτοισι χρέ- 
ωνται, οἱ δὲ Λύκιοι ἐκ Κρήτης τὠρχαῖον γεγόνασι 
(τὴν γὰρ Κρήτην εἶχον τὸ παλαιὸν πᾶσαν βάρ- 
Bapor) διενειχθέντων δὲ ἐν Κρήτῃ περὶ τῆς 
βασιληίης τῶν Ἐὐρώπης παίδων Σαρπηδόνος τε 
καὶ Μίνω, ὡς ἐπεκράτησε τῇ στάσι Μίνως, ἐξή- 
λασε αὐτόν τε Σαρπηδόνα καὶ τοὺς στασιώτας 
αὐτοῦ, οἳ δὲ ἀπωσθέντες ἀπίκοντο τῆς ᾿Ασίης ἐς 
γῆν τὴν Μιλυάδα: τὴν γὰρ νῦν Λύκιοι νέμονται, 
αὕτη τὸ παλαιὸν ἦν Μιλυάς, οἱ δὲ Μιλύαι τότε 
Σόλυμοι ἐκαλέοντο. ἕως μὲν δὴ αὐτῶν Σαρπηδὼν 
ἦρχε, οἳ δὲ ἐκαλέοντο τό πέρ τε ἠνείκαντο οὔνομα 
καὶ νῦν ἔτι καλέονται ὑπὸ τῶν περιοίκων οἱ 
Λύκιοι, Τερμίλαι ὡς δὲ ἐξ ᾿Αθηνέων Λύκος ὁ 
Πανδίονος, ἐξελασθεὶς καὶ οὗτος ὑπὸ τοῦ ἀδελ. 
φεοῦ Λἰγέος, ἀπίκετο ἐς τοὺς Τερμίλας παρὰ 
Σαρπηδόνα, οὕτω δὴ κατὰ τοῦ Λύκου τὴν ἐπωνυ- 
μίην Λύκιοι ἀνὰ χρόνον ἐκλήθησαν. νόμοισι δὲ 
τὰ μὲν Κρητικοῖσι τὰ δὲ Καρικοῖσι χρέωνται. ἓν 
δὲ τόδε ἴδιον νενομίκασι καὶ οὐδαμοῖσι ἄλλοισι 
συμφέρονται ἀνθρώπων" καλέουσι ἀπὸ τῶν μητέ- 

e ^ : 
ρων ἑωυτοὺς καὶ οὐκὶ ἀπὸ τῶν πατέρων’ εἰρομένου 
δὲ ἑτέρου τὸν πλησίον τίς εἴη, καταλέξει ἑωυτὸν 
μητρόθεν καὶ τῆς μητρὸς ἀνανεμέεται τὰς μητέρας. 
καὶ ἣν μέν γε γυνὴ adorn δούλῳ συνοικήσῃ, yev- 
vata τὰ τέκνα νενόμισται" ἣν δὲ ἀνὴρ ἀστὸς καὶ 
ὁ πρῶτος αὐτῶν γυναῖκα ξείνην ἢ παλλακὴν ἔχῃ, 
ἄτιμα τὰ τέκνα γίνεται. 

114. Οἱ μέν νυν Κᾶρες οὐδὲν λαμπρὸν ἔργον 
ἀποδεξάμενοι ἐδουλώθησαν ὑπὸ ᾿Αρπάγου, οὔτε 
αὐτοὶ οἱ Κᾶρες ἀποδεξάμενοι οὐδέν, οὔτε ὅσοι 
Ελλήνων ταύτην τὴν χώρην οἰκέουσι' οἰκέουσι 
216 


BOOK I. 173-174 


173. Such are their fashions. The Lycians were 
of Crete in ancient times (for of old none that dwelt 
in Crete were Greek), Now there was a dispute in 
Crete about the royal power between Sarpedon and 
Minos, sons of Europe; Minos prevailed in this 
division and drove out Sarpedon and his partisans ; 
who, being thrust out, came to the Milyan land in 
Asia. What is now possessed by the Lycians was of 
old Milyan, and the Milyans were then called Solymi. 
For a while Sarpedon ruled them, and the people 
were called Termilae, which was the name that they 
had brought with them and that is still given to the 
Lycians by their neighbours ; but after the coming 
from Athens of Lycus son of Pandion—another exile, 
another exile, banished by his brother Aegeus—to 
join Sarpedon in the land of the Termilae, they 
came in time to be called Lycians after Lycus. Their 
customs are in part Cretan and in part Carian. But 
they have one which is their own and shared by no 
other men; they take their names not from their 
fathers but from their mothers; and when one is 
asked by his neighbour who he is, he will say that 
he is the son of such a mother, and recount the 
mothers of his mother. Nay, if a woman of full 
rights marry a slave, her children are deemed pure- 
born; and if a true-born Lycian man take a stranger 
wife or concubine, the children are dishonoured, 
though he be the first in the land. 

174. Neither then the Carians nor any Greeks 
who dwell in this country did any deed of note 
before they were all enslaved by Harpagus. Among 


217 


HERODOTUS 


δὲ καὶ ἄλλοι καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων ἄποικοι Κνίδιοι. 
οἳ τῆς χώρης τῆς σφετέρης τετραμμένης͵ ἐς 
πόντον, τὸ δὴ Τριόπιον καλέεται, ἀργμένης 
δὲ é ἐκ τῆς Χερσονήσου τῆς Βυβασσίης, ἐούσης τε 
πάσης τῆς Κνιδίης πλὴν ὀλύγης περιρρόου (τὰ 
μὲν γὰρ αὐτῆς πρὸς βορέην ἄνεμον. ὁ Κεραμεικὸς 
κόλπος ἀπέργει, τὰ δὲ πρὸς νότον ἡ κατὰ Σύμην 
τε καὶ Ῥόδον (θάλασσα), τὸ ὧν δὴ ὀλίγον τοῦτο, 
ἐὸν ὅσον τε ἐπὶ πέντε στάδια, ὤ ὤρυσσον οἱ Κνίδιοι 
ἐν ὅσῳ "Αρπαγος Tv , lovíqv κατεστρέφετο, 
βουλόμενοι νῆσον τὴν χώρην ποιῆσαι. ἐντὸς δὲ 
πᾶσά σφι ἐγίνετο" τῇ γὰρ ἡ Κνιδίη χώρη ἐς τὴν 
ἤπειρον τελευτᾷ, ταύτῃ ὁ ἰσθμός ἐστι τὸν ὥρυσ- 
σον. καὶ δὴ πολλῇ χειρὶ ἐργαζομένων τῶν Kr- 
δίων, μᾶλλον γάρ τι καὶ θειότερον, ἐφαίνοντο | 
τιτρώσκεσθαι͵ οἱ ἐργαξόμενοι τοῦ οἰκότος τά τε 
ἄλλα τοῦ σώματος καὶ μάλιστα τὰ περὶ τοὺς 
ὀφθαλμοὺς θραυοµένης τῆς πέτρης, ἔπεμπον ἐς 
Δελφοὺς θεοπρόπους ἐπειρησομένους τὸ ἀντίξοον. 
ἡ δὲ Πυθίη σφι, ὡς αὐτοὶ Κνίδιοι λέγουσι, χρᾶ ἐν 


πριμέτρῳ τόνῳ τάδε. 


Ἰσθμὸν δὲ μὴ πυργοῦτε μηδ᾽ ὀρύσσετε' 
Ζεὺς γάρ κ᾿ ἔθηκε νῆσον, εἴ κ᾿ ἐβούλετο. 


Κνίδιοι μὲν ταῦτα τῆς Ἠυθίης χρησάσης τοῦ τε 
ὀρύγματος ἐπαύσαντο καὶ Ἁρπάγῳ ἐπιόντι σὺν 
τῷ στρατῷ ἀμαχητὶ σφέας αὐτοὺς παρέδοσαν. 
175. "Heap Ò Πηδασέες | οἰκέοντες ὑπὲρ ᾿Αλιι- 
καρνησσοῦ μεσόγαιαν" τοῖσι ὅκως τι μέλλοι 
ἀνεπιτήδεον ἔσεσθαι, αὐτοῖσί τε καὶ τοῖσι περιού- 
κοισι, ἡ ἑρείη τῆς ᾿Αθηναίης πώγωνα μέγαν ἴσχε. 
τρίς σφι τοῦτο ἐγένετο. οὗτοι τῶν περὶ Καρίην — 


218 


BOOK I. 174-175 


those who inhabit it are certain Cnidians, colonists 
from Lacedaemon. Their country (it is called the 
Triopion) lies between the sea and that part of the 
peninsula which belongs to Bubassus, and all but a 
little part of the Cnidian territory is sea-girt; for it 
is bounded on the north by the gulf of Ceramieus, 
and on the south by the sea off Syme and Rhodes. 
Now while Harpagus was conquering lonia, the 
Cnidians dug a trench actoss this little space, which 
is about five furlongs wide, in order that so their 
country might be an island. 9ο they brought it all 
within the entrenchment; for the frontier between 
the Cnidian country and the mainland is on the 
isthmus across which they dug. Many of them 
were at this work ; and seeing that the workers were 
more often hurt and less naturally than ordinary, 
some in other parts, but most in the eyes, by the 
breaking of stones, the Cnidians sent envoys to 
Delphi to inquire what it was that so hindered them. 
Then, as they themselves say, the priestess gave 
them this answer in iambic verse: 


« Nor wall nor dig across your isthmus; long ago 
Your land had been an isle, if Zeus had willed 
it so." 


At this answer from the priestess the Cnidians ceased 
from their digging, and when Harpagus came against 
them with his army they surrendered to him without 
resistance. l 

175. There were also certain folk of Pedasa, 


dwelling inland of Halicarnassus ; when any mis- 


fortune was coming upon them or their neighbours, 
the priestess of Athene grew a great beard. This 
had happened to them thrice. These were the only 


210 


HERODOTUS 


ἀνδρῶν μοῦνοί τε ἀντέσχον χρόνον ᾿Αρπάγῳ καὶ 
πρήγματα su qd on πλεῖστα, ὄρος τειχίσαντες 
τῷ οὔνομα ἐστὶ Λίδη. 

176. Πηδασέες μέν νυν χρόνῳ ἐξαιρέθησαν" 
Λύκιοι δέ, ὡς ἐς τὸ Ἐάνθιον πεδίον ἤλασε ὁ 
“ΑΆρπαγος τὸν στρατόν, ἐπεξιόντες καὶ μαχόμενοι 
ὀλίγοι πρὸς πολλοὺς ἀρετὰς ἀπεδείκνυντο, ÉCO W- 
θέντες δὲ καὶ κατειληθέντες ἐς τὸ ἄστυ συνήλισαν 
ἐς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν τάς τε γυναῖκας καὶ τὰ τέκνα 
καὶ τὰ χρήματα καὶ τοὺς οἰκέτας, καὶ ἔπειτα 
ὑπῆψαν τὴν ἀκρόπολιν πᾶσαν ταύτην καίεσθαι. 
ταῦτα δὲ ποιήσαντες καὶ συνομόσαντες ὅρκους 
δεινούς, ἐπεξελθόντες ἀπέθανον πάντες Ξάνθιοι 
μαχόμενοι. τῶν δὲ νῦν Λυκίων φαμένων Ἐανθίων 
εἶναι οἱ πολλοί, πλὴν ὀγδώκοντα ἱστιέων, εἰσὶ 
ἐπήλυδες αἱ δὲ ὀγδώκοντα (aria, αὗται ἔτυχον 
τηνικαῦτα ἐκδημέουσαι καὶ οὕτω περιεγένοντο. 
τὴν μὲν δὴ Ἐάνθον οὕτω ἔσχε ὁ "Αρπαγος, tapa- 
πλησίως δὲ καὶ τὴν Καῦνον ἔσχε' καὶ γὰρ οἱ 
Καύνιοι τοὺς Λυκίους ἐμιμήσαντο τὰ πλέω. 

177. Τὰ μέν νυν κάτω τῆς ᾿Ασίης "Αρπαγος 
ἀνάστατα ἐποίεε, τὰ δὲ ἄνω αὐτῆς αὐτὸς Κῦρος, 
πᾶν ἔθνος καταστρεφόμενος καὶ οὐδὲν παριείς. τὰ 
μέν νυν αὐτῶν πλέω παρήσομεν: τὰ δέ οἱ Tapé- 
σχε TE πόνον πλεῖστον καὶ ἀξιαπηγητότατα ἐστί, 
τούτων ἐπιμνήσομαι. 

118. Κῦρος ἐπείτε τὰ πάντα τῆς ἠπείρου ὗπο- 

είρια ἐποιήσατο, ᾿Ασσυρίοισι ἐπετίθετο. τῆς δὲ 
Ασσυρίης ἐστὶ μέν κου καὶ ἄλλα πολίσματα 
μεγάλα πολλά, τὸ δὲ ὀνομαστότατον καὶ ἰσχυρό- 
τατον καὶ ἔνθα σφι Νίνου ἀναστάτου γενομένης 
τὰ βασιλήια κατεστήκεε, ἦν Βαβυλών, ἐοῦσα 


220 


BOOK I. 175-178 


men near Caria who held out for long against Har- 
pagus, and they gave him the most trouble; they 
fortified a hill called Lide. 

176. The Pedasian stronghold being at length 
taken, and Harpagus having led his army into the 
plain of Xanthus, the Lycians came out to meet him, 
and did valorous deeds in their battle against odds; 
but being worsted and driven into the city they 
gathered into the citadel their wives and children 
and goods and servants, and then set the whole 
citadel on fire. Then they swore each other great 
oaths, and sallying out they fell fighting, all the 
men of Xanthus. Of the Xanthians who claim 
now to be Lycians the greater number—all saving 
eighty households—are -of foreign descent; these 
eighty families as it chanced were at that time 
away from the city, and thus they survived. Thus 
Harpagus gained Xanthus, and Caunus too in some- 
what like manner, the Caunians following for the 
most part the example of the Lycians. 

177. Harpagus then made havoc of lower Asia; 
in the upper country Cyrus himself subdued every 
nation, leaving none untouched. Of the greater 
part of these I will say nothing, but will speak only 
of those which gave Cyrus most trouble and are 
worthiest to be described. 

178. When Cyrus had brought all the mainland 
under his sway, he attacked the Assyrians. There 
are in Assyria many other great cities; but the most 
famous and the strongest was Babylon, where the 
royal dwelling had been set after the destruction 
of Ninus! Babylon was a city such as I will now 


1606 r.c. Ninus = Nineveh. 


41. 


Er 


b. 


EE 


+ 


HERODOTUS 


τοιαύτη δή τις πόλις. κέεται ἐν πεδίῳ μεγάλῳ, 
μέγαθος ἐοῦσα μέτωπον ἕκαστον εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατὸν 
σταδίων, ἐούσης τετραγώνου: οὗτοι στάδιοι τῆς 
περιόδου τῆς πόλιος γίνονται συνάπαντες ὀγδώ- 
κοντα καὶ τετρακόσιοι. τὸ μέν νυν μέγαθος 
τοσοῦτον ἐστὶ τοῦ ἄστεος τοῦ Βαβυλωνίου, ἐκε- 
κόσμητο δὲ ὡς οὐδὲν ἄλλο πόλισμα τῶν ἡμεῖς 
ἴδμεν. τάφρος μὲν πρῶτά μιν βαθέα τε καὶ εὐρέα 
καὶ πλέη ὕδατος περιθέει, μετὰ δὲ τεῖχος πεντή- 
κοντα μὲν πηχέων βασιληίων ἐὸν τὸ εὖρος, ὕψος 
δὲ διηκοσίων πηχέων: ὁ δὲ βασιλήιος πῆχυς τοῦ 
μετρίου ἐστὶ πήχεος μέζων τρισὶ δακτύλοισι. 

179. Δεῖ δή µε πρὸς τούτοισι ἔτι φράσαι ἵνα 
τε ἐκ τῆς τάφρου ἡ γῆ ἀναισιμώθη, καὶ τὸ τεῖχος 
ὄντινα τρόπον ἔργαστο. ὀρύσσοντες ἅμα τὴν 
τάφρον ἐπλίνθευον τὴν γῆν τὴν ἐκ τοῦ ὀρύγματος 
ἐκφερομένην, ἑλκύσαντες δὲ πλίνθους ἱκανὰς 
ὤπτησαν αὐτὰς ἐν καμίνοισι' μετὰ δὲ τέλματι 
χρεώμενοι ἀσφάλτῳ θερμῇ καὶ διὰ τριήκοντα 
δόμων πλίνθου ταρσοὺς καλάμων διαστοιβά- 
ἕοντες, ἔδειμαν πρῶτα μὲν τῆς τάφρου τὰ χείλεα, 
δεύτερα δὲ αὐτὸ τὸ τεῖχος τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον. 
ἐπάνω δὲ τοῦ τείχεος παρὰ τὰ ἔσχατα οἰκήματα 
μουνόκωλα ἔδειμαν, τετραμμένα ἐς ἄλληλα: τὸ 
μέσον δὲ τῶν οἰκημάτων ἔλιπον τεθρίππῳ περιέ- 
λασιν. πύλαι δὲ ἐνεστᾶσι πέριξ τοῦ τείχεος 
ἑκατόν, χάλκεαι πᾶσαι, καὶ σταθμοί τε καὶ 
ὑπέρθυρα ὡσαύτως. ἔστι δὲ ἄλλη πόλις aré- 
χουσα ὀκτὼ ἡμερέων ὁδὸν ἀπὸ Βαβυλῶνος s 
οὔνομα αὐτῇ. ἔνθα ἐστὶ ποταμὸς οὐ μέγας’ “Is 
καὶ τῷ.ποταμῷ τὸ οὔνομα' ἐσβάλλει δὲ οὗτος ἐς 
τὸν Εὐφρήτην ποταμὸν τὸ ῥέεθρον. οὗτος ὧν 
222 


BOOK I. 178-179 


describe. It lies in a great plain, and is in shape a 
square, each side an hundred and twenty furlongs in 
length; thus four hundred and eighty furlongs make 
the complete circuit of the city. Such is the size of 
the city of Babylon; and it was planned like no other 
city whereof we know. Round it runs first a fosse 
deep and wide and full of water, and then a wall of 
fifty royal cubits’ thickness and two hundred cubits’ 
height. The royal cubit is greater by three fingers’ 
breadth than the common cubit.! 

179. Further, I must show where the earth was 
used as it was taken from the fosse and in what 
manner the wall was wrought. As they dug the 
fosse, they made bricks of the earth which was 
carried out of the place-they dug, and when they 
had moulded bricks enough they baked them in 
ovens; then using hot bitumen for cement and 
interposing layers of wattled reeds at every thirtieth 
course of bricks, they built first the border of the 
fosse and then the wall itself in the same fashion. 
On the top, along the edges of the wall, they built 
houses of a single chamber, facing each other, with 
space enough between for the driving of a four-horse 
chariot. There are an hundred gates in the circle of the 
wall, all of bronze, with posts and lintels of the same. 
There is another city, called Is,? eight days’ journey 
from Babylon, where is a little river, also named Is, 
a tributary stream of the river Euphrates; from the 


1 Common cubit, 184 inches: royal, 204. 
2 The modern Hit or Ait, where the Euphrates enters the 
alluvial plain. 


223 


HERODOTUS 


ὁ "Is ποταμὸς ἅμα τῷ ὕδατι θρόμβους ἀσφάλτου 
ἀναδιδοῖ πολλούς, ἔνθεν ἡ ἄσφαλτος ἐς τὸ ἐν 
Βαβυλῶνι τεῖχος ἐκομίσθη. 

180. Ἐτετείχιστο μέν νυν ý Βαβυλὼν τρόπῳ 
τοιῷδε, ἔ ἔστι δὲ δύο φάρσεα τῆς πόλιος, τὸ γὰρ 
μέσον αὐτῆς. ποταμὸς διέργει, τῷ οὔνομα ἐστὶ 
Εὐφρήτης' ῥέει. δὲ ἐξ ' Αρμενίων, ἐὼν μέγας καὶ 
βαθὺς καὶ ταχύς᾽ ἐξιεῖ δὲ οὗτος ἐς τὴν ᾿Ερυθρὴν 
θάλασσαν. τὸ ὧν δὴ τεῖχος ἑκάτερον τοὺς 
ἀγκῶνας ἐς τὸν ποταμὸν ἐλήλαται' τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ 
τούτου αἱ ἐπικαμπαὶ παρὰ χεῖλος ἑκάτερον τοῦ 
ποταμοῦ αἱμασιὴ πλίνθων ὁπτέων παρατείνει. 
τὸ δὲ ἄστυ αὐτό, ἐὸν πλῆρες οἰκιέων τριωρόφων 
καὶ τετρωρόφων, κατατέτµηται τὼς ὁδοὺς ἰθέας 
τάς τε ἄλλας καὶ τὰς ἐπικαρσίας τὰς ἐπὶ τὸν 
ποταμὸν ἐχούσας. κατὰ δὴ ὧν ἑκάστην ὁδὸν ἐν 
τῇ αἱμασιῇ τῇ παρὰ τὸν ποταμὸν πυλίδες ἐπῆ- 
σαν, ὅσαι περ αἱ λαῦραι, τοσαῦται ἀριθμόν' ἧσαν 
δὲ καὶ αὗται χάλκεαι].. . φέρουσαι [καὶ αὐταὶ] 
ἐς αὐτὸν τὸν ποταμόν. 

181. Τοῦτο μὲν δὴ τὸ τεῖχος θώρηξ ἐστί, ἕτερον 
δὲ ἔσωθεν τεῖχος περιθέει, οὐ πολλῷ TEW ἀσθενέ- 
στερον τοῦ ἑτέρου τείχεος, στεινότερον δέ. ἐν δὲ 
φάρσεϊ ἑκατέρῳ τῆς πόλιος ἐτετείχιστο ἐν μέσῳ 
ἐν τῷ μὲν τὰ βασιλήια περιβόλῳ μεγάλῳ τε καὶ 
ἐσχυρῷ, ἐν δὲ τῷ ἑτέρῳ Διὸς Βήλου ἐρὸν χαλκό- 
πυλον, καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ ἔτι τοῦτο ἐόν, δύο σταδίων 
πάντῃ, ἐὸν τετράγωνον. ἐν μέσῳ δὲ τοῦ ἱροῦ 
πύργος στερεὸς οἰκοδόμηται, σταδίου καὶ τὸ μῆκος 
καὶ τὸ εὖρος, καὶ ἐπὶ τούτῳ τῷ πύργῳ ἄλλος 


1 Stein supposes that there was here a mention of steps 
leading to theriver, and that καὶ αὐταί is needless and spurious. 


224 


BOOK I. 179-181 


source of this river Is rise with the water many 
gouts of bitumen; and from thence the bitumen was 
brought for the wall of Babylon. 

180. Thus then was this wall built; the city is 
divided into two parts; for it is cut in half by a 
river named Euphrates, a wide, deep, and swift river, 
flowing from Armenia and issuing into the Red Sea. 
The ends of the wall, then, on either side are built 
quite down to the river; here they turn, and hence 
a fence of baked bricks runs along each bank of the 
stream. The city itself is full of houses three and 
four stories high ; and the ways which traverse it— 
those that run crosswise towards the river, and the 
rest—are all straight. Further, at the end of each 
road there was a gate in the riverside fence, one 
gate for eaeh alley ; these gates also were of bronze, 
and these too opened on the river. 

181. These walls are the city's outer armour; 
within them there is another encircling wall, well- 
nigh as strong as the other, but narrower. In the 
midmost of one division of the city stands the royal 
palace, surrounded by a high and strong wall; and 
in the midmost of the other is still to this day the 
sacred enclosure of Zeus Belus,! a square of two fur- 
longs each way, with gates of bronze. In the centre 
of this enclosure a solid tower has been built, of one 
furlong's length and breadth; a second tower rises 


1 Bel or Baal, the greatest of Assyrian gods, 


225 


HERODOTUS 


πύργος ἐπιβέβηκε, καὶ ἕτερος µάλα ἐπὶ τούτῳ, 
µέχρι οὗ ὀκτὼ πύργων. ἀνάβασις δὲ ἐς αὐτοὺς 
ἔξωθεν κύκλῳ περὶ πάντας τοὺς πύργους ἔχουσα 
πεποίηται. μεσοῦντι δέ κου τῆς ἀναβάσιος ἐστὶ 
καταγωγή τε καὶ θῶκοι ἀμπαυστήριοι, ἐν τοῖσι 
κατίζοντες ἀμπαύονται οἱ ἀναβαίνοντες. ἐν δὲ 
τῷ τελευταίῳ πύργῳ νηὸς ἔπεστι μέγας" ἐν δὲ τῷ 
νηῷ κλίνη μεγάλη κέεται εὖ ἐστρωμένη, καί οἱ 
τράπεζα παρακέεται χρυσέη. ἄγαλμα δὲ οὐκ ἔνι 
οὐδὲν αὐτόθι ἐνιδρυμένον, οὐδὲ νύκτα οὐδεὶς ἐναυ- 
λίζεται ἀνθρώπων ὅτι μὴ γυνὴ μούνη τῶν ἐπι- 
χωρίων, τὴν ἂν ὁ θεὸς ἕληται ἐκ πασέων, ὡς 
λέγουσι οἱ Χαλδαῖοι ἐόντες ἱρέε τούτου τοῦ 
θεοῦ. 

182. Φασὶ δὲ οἱ αὐτοὶ οὗτοι, ἐμοὶ μὲν οὐ 
πιστὰ λέγοντες, τὸν θεὸν αὐτὸν φοιτᾶν τε ἐς 
τὸν νγὸν καὶ ἀμπαύεσθαι ἐπὶ τῆς κλίνης, κατά 
περ ἐν Θήβῃσι τῆσι Αἰγυπτίῃσι κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν 
τρόπον, ὡς λέγουσι οἱ Αἰγύπτιοι: καὶ yap δὴ 
ἐκεῖθι κοιμᾶται ἐν τῷ τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Θηβαιέος 
γυνή, ἀμφότεραι δὲ αὗται λέγονται ἀνδρῶν οὐ- 
δαμῶν ἐς ὁμιλίην φοιτᾶν: καὶ κατά περ ἐν 
Πατάροισι τῆς Λυκίης ἡ πρόμαντις τοῦ θεοῦ, 
ἐπεὰν γένηται: οὐ γὰρ ὧν αἰεί ἐστι χρηστήριον 
αὐτόθι: ἐπεὰν δὲ γένηται τότε ὧν συγκατακλη- 
ierat τὰς νύκτας ἔσω ἐν τῷ νηῷ. 

188. "Ἔστι δὲ τοῦ ἐν Βαβυλῶνι ἱροῦ καὶ ἄλλος 
κάτω νηός, ἔνθα ἄγαλμα μέγα τοῦ Διὸς ἔνι 
κατήμενον χρύσεον, καί οἱ τράπεζα μεγάλη παρα- 
κέεται χρυσέη, καὶ τὸ βάθρον οἱ καὶ ὁ θρόνος 
χρύσεος ἐστί’ καὶ ὡς ἔλεγον οἱ Χαλδαῖοι, tarav- 
των ὀκτακοσίων χρυσίου πεποίηται ταῦτα. ἔξω 


226 


BOOK I. 181-183 


from this, and from it yet another, till at last there 
are eight. The way up to them mounts spirally 
outside all the towers; about halfway in the ascent 
is a halting place, with seats for repose, where those 
who ascend sit down and rest. In the last tower 
there is a great shrine; and in it a great and well- 
covered couch is laid, and a golden table set hard 
by. But no image has been set up in the shrine, 
nor does any human creature lie therein for the 
night, except one native woman, chosen from all 
women by the god, as say the Chaldaeans, who are 
priests of this god. 

182. These same Chaldaeans say (but I do not 
believe them) that the god himself is wont to visit 
the shrine and rest upon the couch, even as in Thebes 
of Egypt, as the, Egyptians say (for there too a 
woman sleeps in the temple of Theban Zeus,! and 
neither the Egyptian nor the Babylonian woman, it 
is said, has intercourse with men), and as it is like- 
wise with the prophetess of the god? at Patara in 
Lycia, whenever she be appointed ; for there is not 
always a place of divination there; but when she is 
appointed she is shut up in the temple during the 
night. 

183. Inthe Babyloniantemple there is anothershrine 
below, where is a great golden image of Zeus, sitting 
at a great golden table, and the footstool and the chair 
are also of gold; the gold of the whole was said by 


the Chaldeans to be of eight hundred talents’ weight. 
2 Amon-Api (Greek ᾽Αμένωϕις) ; cp. ii. 42, 3 Apollo. 
| 227 


HERODOTUS 


δὲ τοῦ νηοῦ βωμός ἐστι . χρύσεος, ἔστι δὲ καὶ 
ἕλλος βωμὸς μέγας, ἐπ᾽ οὗ θύεται τὰ τέλεα τῶν 
προβάτων: ἐπὶ γὰρ τοῦ χρυσέου βωμοῦ οὐκ 
ἔξεστι θύειν ὅτι μὴ γαλαθηνὰ μοῦνα, ἐπὶ δὲ τοῦ 
μέξονος βωμοῦ καὶ καταγίξουσι λιβανωτοῦ χίλια 
τάλαντα ἔτεος ἑκάστου οἱ Χαλδαῖοι τότε ἐπεὰν 
τὴν .ὁρτὴν ἄγωσι τῷ θεῷ. τούτῳ. ἦν δὲ ἐν τῷ 
Teuévei τούτῳ ἔτι τὸν χρόνον ἐκεῖνον καὶ ἀνδριὰς 
δυώδεκα πηχέων χρύσεος στερεός" ἐγὼ μέν μιν 
οὐκ εἶδον, τὰ δὲ λέγεται ὑπὸ Χαλδαίων, ταῦτα 
λέγω. τούτῳ τῷ ἀνδριάντι Δαρεῖος μὲν ὁ Torá- 
σπεος ἐπιβουλεύσας οὐκ ἐτόλμησε. λαβεῖν, E E ép- 
ἕης δὲ ὁ Δαρείου ἔλαβε καὶ τὸν ipéa ἀπέκτεινε 
ἀπαγορεύοντα μὴ κινέειν τὸν ἀνδριάντα. τὸ μὲν. 
δὴ ἐρὸν τοῦτο οὕτω κεκόσμηται, ἔστι δὲ καὶ ἴδια 
ἀναθήματα πολλά. 

184. Τῆς δὲ Βαβυλῶνος ταύτης πολλοὶ μέν 
κου καὶ ἄλλοι ἐγένοντο βασιλέες, τῶν ἐν τοῖσι 
᾿Ασσυρίοισι λόγοισι μνήμην ποιήσομαι, οἳ τὰ 
τεύχεά τε ἐπεκόσμησαν καὶ τὰ ἱρά, ἐν δὲ δὴ καὶ 
γυναῖκες δύο. ἡ μὲν πρότερον ἄρξασα, τῆς 
ὕστερον γενεῇσι πέντε πρότερον γενομένη, τῇ 
οὔνομα ἦν Σεμίραμις, αὕτη μὲν ἀπεδέξατο χώματα 
ἀνὰ τὸ πεδίον ἐόντα. ἀξιοθέητα- πρότερον δὲ 
ἐώθεε ὁ ποταμὸς ἀνὰ τὸ πεδίον πᾶν πελαγίξειν. 

185. Ἡ δὲ δὲ δεύτερον γενομένη ταύτης βασί- 
λεία, τῇ οὔνομα ἦν Νίτωκρις, αὕτη. δὲ συνετωτέρη 
γενομένη τῆς πρότερον ἀρξάσης τοῦτο μὲν μνημό- 
συνα ἐλύπετο τὰ ἐγὼ ἀπηγήσομαι, τοῦτο δὲ τὴν 
Μήδων ὁ ὁρῶσα -ἀρχὴν μεγάλην τε καὶ οὐκ ἀτρεμί- 
ξουσαν, ἀλλ. ἄλλα τε ἀραιρημένα ἄστεα αὐτοῖσι, 
ἐν δὲ 6% καὶ τὴν Νίνον, προεφυλάξατο ὅσα ἐδύ- 


248 


BOOK I. 183-185 


Outside of the temple is a golden altar. There is 
also another great altar, whereon are sacrificed the 
full-grown of the flocks; only sucklings may be 
sacrificed on the golden altar, but on the greater 
altar the Chaldeans even offer a thousand talents' 
weight of frankincense yearly, when they keep the 
festival of this god ; and in the days of Cyrus there 
was still in this sacred demesne a statue of solid 
gold twelve cubits high. 1 myself have not seen it, 
but I tell what is told by the Chaldeans. Darius son 
of Hystaspes purposed to take this statue but dared 
not; Xerxes his son took it, and slew the priest who 
warned him not to move the statue. Such'is the 
adornment of this temple, and there are many 
private offerings besides. 

184. Now among the many rulers of this city of 
Babylon (of whom I shall make mention in my 
Assyrian history), who finished the building of the 
walls and the temples, there were two that were 
women. The first of these lived five generations 
earlier than the second, and her name was Semiramis : 
it was she who built dykes on the plain, a notable 
work; before that the whole plain was wont to be 
flooded by the river. 

185. The second queen, whose name was Nitocris, 
was a wiser woman than the first. She left such 
monuments as I shall record ; and moreover, seeing 
that the rulers of Media were powerful and unresting, 
insomuch that Ninus itself among other cities had 
fallen before them, she took such care as she could 


229 


HERODOTUS 


νατο μάλιστα. πρῶτα μὲν τὸν Εὐφρήτην ποτα 
μὸν ῥέοντα πρότερον ἰθύν, ὅς σφι διὰ τῆς πόλιος 
μέσης ῥέει, τοῦτον ἄνωθεν διώρυχας ὀρύξασα 
οὕτω δή τι ἐποιήσε σκολιὸν ὥστε δὴ τρὶς ἐς τῶν 
τίνα κωμέων τῶν ἐν τῇ ᾿Ασσυρίῃ ἀπικνέεται 
ῥέων: τῇ δὲ κώμῃ οὔνομα ἐστί, ἐς τὴν ἀπικνέεται 
ὁ Εὐφρήτης, ᾿Αρδέρικκα. καὶ vov ot ἂν ropi- 
ζωνται ἀπὸ τῆσδε τῆς θαλάσσης ἐς Βαβυλῶνα, 
καταπλέοντες τὸν Εὐφρήτην ποταμὸν τρίς τε ἐς 
τὴν αὐτὴν ταύτην κώμην παραγίνονται. καὶ ἐν 
τρισὶ ἡμέρῃσι. τοῦτο μὲν δὴ τοιοῦτον ἐποίησε, 
χῶμα δὲ παρέχωσε παρ᾽ ἑκάτερον τοῦ ποταμοῦ 
τὸ χεῖλος ἄξιον θώματος μέγαθος καὶ ὕψος ὅσον 
τί ἐστί. κατύπερθε δὲ πολλῷ Βαβυλῶνος 
ὤρυσσε ἔλυτρον κα, ὀλίγον τι παρατείνουσα 
ἀπὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ, βάθ ος μὲν ἐς τὸ ὕδωρ αἰεὶ 
ὀρύσσουσα, εὖρος δὲ τὸ περίμετρον αὐτοῦ ποιεῦσα 
εἴκοσί τε καὶ τετρακοσίων σταδίων: τὸν δὲ ὁ ὀρυσ- 
σόμενον χοῦν ἐκ τούτου τοῦ ὀρύγματος ἀναισίμου 
παρὰ τὰ | χείλεα τοῦ ποταμοῦ παραχέουσα. ἐπείτε 
δέ οἱ ὀρώρυκτο, λίθους ἆ -ἀγαγομένη κρηπῖδα κύκλῳ 
περὶ αὐτὴν ἤλασε. ἐποίεε δὲ ἀμφότερα. ταῦτα, 
τόν τε ποταμὸν σκολιὸν καὶ τὸ ὄρυγμα πᾶν ENOS,- 
ὡς ὅ τε ποταμὸς βραδύτερος εἴη περὶ καμπὰς 
πολλὰς ἀγνύμενος, καὶ οἱ πλόοι ἔωσι σκολιοὶ 
ἐς τὴν Βαβυλῶνα, ἔκ τε τῶν πλόων ἐκδέκηται 
περίοδος τῆς λίμνης μακρή. κατὰ τοῦτο δὲ 
ἐργάξετο τῆς χώρης τῇ αἵ τε ἐσβολαὶ ἦσαν καὶ 
τὰ σύντομα τῆς ἐκ Μήδων ὁδοῦ, f ἵνα μὴ ἐπιμισγό- 
μενοι οἱ Μῆδοι ἐκμανθάνοιεν αὐτῆς τὰ πρήγματα. 
186. Ταῦτα μὲν δὴ ἐκ βάθεος περιεβάλετο, 
τοιήνδε δὲ ἐξ αὐτῶν παρενθήκην ἐποιήσατο. τῆς 


230 


BOOK I. 185-186 


for her protection. First she dealt with the river 
Euphrates, which flows through the middle of her 
city; this had before been straight ; but by digging 
canals higher up she made the river so crooked that 
its course now passes thrice by one of the Assyrian 
villages; the village which is so approached by the 
Euphrates is called Ardericca. And now those who 
travel from our seas to Babylon must as they float 
down the Euphrates spend three days in coming 
thrice to the same village. Such was this work; 
and she built an embankment along either shore of 
the river, marvellous for its greatness and height. 
Then a long way above Babylon she dug the basin of- 
a lake, a little way aside from the river, digging 
always deep enough to find water, and making the 
circuit of the lake a distance of four hundred and 
twenty furlongs; all that was dug out of the basin 
she used to embank either edge of the river; and 
when she had it all dug, she brought stones and 
made therewith a coping all round the basin. Her 
purpose in making the river to wind and turning the 
basin into a marsh was this—that the. current might 
be slower by reason of the many windings that broke 
its force, and that the passages to Babylon might be 
crooked, and that next after them should come also 
the long circuit of the lake. All this work was done 
in that part of the country where are the passes and 
the shortest road from Media, that the Medes might 
not mix with her people and learn of her affairs. 

186. So she made the deep river her protection ; 
and from this work grew another which she added to 


231 


HERODOTUS 


πόλιος ἐούσης δύο φαρσέων, τοῦ δὲ ποταμοῦ 
μέσον ἔχοντος, ἐπὶ τῶν πρότερον βασιλέων ὅκως 
τις ἐθέλοι ἐκ τοῦ ἑτέρου φάρσεος ἐς τοὔτερον 
διαβῆναι, χρῆν πλοίῳ διαβαίνειν, καὶ ἦν, ὡς 
ἐγὼ δοκέω, ὀχληρὸν τοῦτο. αὕτη δὲ καὶ τοῦτο 
προεῖδε. ἐπείτε γὰρ ὤρυσσε τὸ ἔλυτρον τῇ λίμνῃ, 
μνημόσυνον τόδε ἆλλο ἀπὸ τοῦ αὐτοῦ ἔργου ἐλί- 
πετο' ἐτάμνετο λίθους περιµήκεας, ὡς δέ οἱ ἦσαν οἱ 
λίθοι ἕτοιμοι καὶ τὸ χωρίον ὀρώρυκτο, ἐκτρέψασα 
τοῦ ποταμοῦ τὸ ῥέεθρον πᾶν ἐς τὸ ὥρυσσε χωρίον, 
ἐν ᾧ ἐπίμπλατο τοῦτο, ἐν τούτῳ ἀπεξηρασμένου 
τοῦ ἀρχαίου ῥεέθρου τοῦτο μὲν τὰ χείλεα τοῦ 
ποταμοῦ κατὰ τὴν πόλιν καὶ τὰς καταβάσιας τὰς 
ἐκ τῶν πυλίδων ἐς τὸν ποταμὸν φερούσας voiko- 
δόμησε πλίνθοισι ὀπτῆσι κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν λόγον 
τῷ τείχεϊ, τοῦτο δὲ κατὰ μέσην κου μάλιστα τὴν 
πόλιν τοῖσι λίθοισι τοὺς ὠρύξατο οἰκοδόμεε 
γέφυραν, δέονσα τοὺς λίθους σιδήρῳ τε καὶ 
μολύβδῳ. ἐπιτείνεσκε δὲ ἐπ᾽ αὐτήν, ὅκως μὲν 
ἡμέρη γίνοιτο, ξύλα τετράγωνα, ἐπ᾽ ὧν τὴν διά- 

ασιν ἐποιεῦντο οἱ Βαβυλώνιοι: τὰς δὲ νύκτας 
τὰ ξύλα ταῦτα ἀπαιρέεσκον τοῦδε εἵνεκα, ἵνα μὴ 
διαφοιτέοντες τὰς νύκτας κλέπτοιεν παρ᾽ ἀλλή- 
λων. ὡς δὲ τό τε ὀρυχθὲν λίμνη πλήρης ἐγεγόνεε 
ὑπὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ καὶ τὰ περὶ τὴν γέφυραν 
ἐκεκόσμητο, τὸν Εὐφρήτην ποταμὸν ἐς τὰ ἀρχαῖα 
ῥέεθρα ἐκ τῆς λίμνης ἐξήγαγε, καὶ οὕτω τὸ 
ὀρυχθὲν ἕλος γενόμενον ἐς δέον ἐδόκεε γεγονέναι 
καὶ τοῖσι πολιήτῃσι γέφυρα ἦν κατεσκευασμένη. 

187. Ἢ ὃ᾽ αὐτὴ αὕτη βασίλεια καὶ ἀπάτην 
τοιήνδε τινὰ ἐμηχανήσατο' ὑπὲρ τῶν μάλιστα 
λεωφόρων πυλέων τοῦ ἄστεος τάφον ἑωυτῇ κατε- 
232 


BOOK I. 186-187 


it. Hercity was divided into two portions by the river 
which flowed through the centre. Whenever in the 
days of the former rulers one would pass over from 
one part to the other, he must cross in a boat ; and 
this, as I suppose, was troublesome. But the queen 
provided also for this ; when the digging of the basin 
of the lake was done, she made another monument of 
her reign out of this same work, She had very long 
blocks of stone hewn ; and when these were ready 
and thé place was dug, she turned the course of the 
river wholly into it, and while it was filling, the 
former channel being now dry, she bricked with 
baked bricks, like those of the wall, the borders of 
the river in the city and the descents from the gates 
leading down to the river; also about the middle of 
the city she built a bridge with the stones which 
had been dug up, binding them together with iron 
and lead. She laid across it square-hewn logs each 
morning, whereon the Babylonians crossed; but these 
logs were taken away for the night, lest folk shouid 
be ever crossing over and stealing from each other. 
Then, when the basin she had made for a lake was 
filled by the river and the bridge was finished, 
Nitocris brought the Euphrates back to its former 
channel out of the lake; thus she had served her 
purpose, as she thought, by making a swamp of the 
basin, and her citizens had a bridge ready for them. 

187. ‘There was a trick, moreover, which this same 
queen contrived. She had a tomb made for herself 
and set high over the very gate of that entrance or 


233 


HERODOTUS 


σκευάσατο μετέωρον ἐπιπολῆς αὐτέων τῶν πυ- 
λέων, ἐνεκόλαψε δὲ ἐς τὸν τάφον γράμματα λέ- 
γοντα τάδε. “Τῶν τις ἐμεῦ ὕστερον γινομένων 
Βαβυλῶνος βασιλέων ἣν σπανίσῃ χρημάτων, avot- 
Eas τὸν τάφον λαβέτω ὁκόσα Βούλεται χρήματα: 
μὴ μέντοι γε μὴ σπανίσας γε ἄλλως ἀνοίξῃ' οὐ 
γὰρ ἄμεινον" οὗτος ὁ τάφος ἣν ἀκίνητος μέχρι 
οὗ ἐς Δαρεῖον περιῆλθε ἡ βασιληίη: Δαρείῳ δὲ 
καὶ δεινὸν ἐδόκεε εἶναι τῇσι πύλῃσι ταύτῃσι 
μηδὲν χρᾶσθαι, καὶ χρημάτων κειμένων καὶ αὐτῶν 
τῶν γραμμάτων ἐπικαλεομένων, μὴ οὐ λαβεῖν 
αὐτά: thot δὲ πύλησι ταύτῃσι οὐδὲν ἐχρᾶτο 
τοῦδε εἵνεκα, ὅτι ὑπὲρ κεφαλῆς οἱ ἐγίνετο ὁ 
νεκρὸς διεξελαύνοντι. ἀνοίξας δὲ τὸν τάφον εὗρε 
χρήματα μὲν οὔ, τὸν δὲ νεκρὸν καὶ γράμματα 
λέγοντα Tube “El μὴ ἄπληστός τε ἔας χρημάτων 
καὶ αἰσχροκερδής, οὐκ ἂν νεκρῶν θήκας ἀνέῳγες." 
αὕτη μέν νυν ἡ βασίλεια τοιαύτη τις λέγεται 
γενέσθαι. 

188. Ὁ δὲ δὴ Κῦρος ἐπὶ ταύτης τῆς γυναικὸς 
τὸν παῖδα ἐστρατεύετο, ἔχοντά τε τοῦ πατρὸς τοῦ 
ἑωυτοῦ τοὔνομα Λαβυνήτου καὶ τὴν ᾿Ασσυρίων 
ἀρχήν. στρατεύεται δὲ δὴ βασιλεὺς ὁ μέγας καὶ 
σιτίοισι εὖ ἐσκευασμένος ἐξ οἴκου καὶ προβά- 
τοισι, καὶ δὴ καὶ ὕδωρ ἀπὸ τοῦ Χοάσπεω ποτα- 
μοῦ ἅμα ἄγεται τοῦ παρὰ Σοῦσα ῥέοντος, τοῦ 
μούνου πίνει βασιλεὺς καὶ ἄλλου οὐδενὸς ποτα- 
μοῦ. τούτου δὲ τοῦ Χοάσπεω τοῦ ὕδατος ἀπεψη- 
μένου πολλαὶ κάρτα ἅμαξαι τετράκυκλοι ἡμιό- 
reat κοµιξουσαι ἐν ἀγγηίοισι ἀργυρέοισι ἕπονται, 
ὅκῃ ἂν ἐλαύνῃ ἑκάστοτε. 

189. πείτε δὲ ὁ Κῦρος πορευόμενος ἐπὶ τὴν 


234 


BOOK I. 187-189 


the city which was most used, with a writing graven 
on the tomb, which was this : “ If any king of Babylon 
in future time lack money, let him open this tomb 
and take whatso money he desires: but let him not 
open it except he lack; for it will be the worse for 
him." This tomb remained untouched till the king- 
ship fell to Darius. He thought it a very strange 
thing that he should never use this gate, nor take 
the money when it lay there and the writing itself 
invited him to the deed. The cause of his not 
using the gate was that the dead body must be ovér 
his head as he passed through. Having opened the 
tomb, he found there no money, but only the dead 
body, with this writing: * Wert thou not insatiate 
of wealth and basely desirous of gain, thou hadst 
not opened the coffins of the dead." Such a woman, 
it is‘recorded, was this queen. | 

188. Cyrus, then, marched against Nitocris’ son, 
who inherited the name of his father Labynetus and 
the sovereignty of Assyria. Now when the Great 
King marches he goes well provided with food and 
flocks from home; and water from the Choaspes 
which flows past Susa is carried with him, whereof 
alone, and of none other, the king drinks. This 
water of the Choaspes! is boiled, and very many four 
wheeled waggons drawn by mules carry it in silver 
vessels, following the king whithersoever he goes at 
any time. 

189. When Cyrus on his way to Babylon came 

! Modern Kerkha. 


2 
VOL. I. K 35 


Al a 


HERODOTUS 


Βαβυλῶνα ἐγίνετο ἐπὶ Γύνδῃ ποταμῶ, τοῦ αἱ μὲν 
πηγαὶ ἐν Ματιηνοῖσι ὅ ὄρεσι, ῥέει δὲ διὰ Δαρδανέων, 
ἐκδιδοῖ δὲ ἐς ἕτερον ποταμὸν Τίγρην, ὃ ὃ δὲ παρὰ 
Ὦπιν πόλιν ῥέων ἐς τὴν ᾿Ερυθρὴν θάλασσαν 
ἐκδιδοῖ, τοῦτον δὴ τὸν Γύνδην ποταμὸν ὡς dta- 
βαίνειν ἐπειρᾶτο ὁ Κῦρος ἐόντα -νηυσιπέρητον, 
ἐνθαῦτά οἱ τῶν τις ἱρῶν ἵππων τῶν λευκῶν ὑπὸ 
vp tos ἐσβὰς ἐς τὸν ποταμὸν διαβαίνειν ἐ ἐπειρᾶτο, 

ὃ δέ μιν συμψήσας ὑποβρύχιον οἰχώκεε φέρων. 
κάρτα τε δὴ ἐχαλέπαινε τῷ ποταμῷ o Κῦρος 
τοῦτο ὑβρίσαντι, καί οἱ ἐπηπείλησε οὕτω δή. μιν 
ἀσθενέα ποιήσειν ὥστε τοῦ λοιποῦ καὶ γυναῖκάς 
μιν εὐπετέως τὸ γόνυ οὐ βρεχούσας διαβήσεσθαι. 
μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἀπειλὴν μετεὶς τὴν ἐπὶ Βαβυλῶνα 
στράτευσιν διαίρεε τὴν στρατιὴν δίχα, διελὼν 
δὲ κατέτεινε .σχοινοτενέας. ὑποδέξας διώρυχας 
ὀγδώκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν Tap ἑκάτερον τὸ χεῖλος 
τοῦ r ύνδεω τετραμμένας πάντα τρόπον, διατάξας 
δὲ τὸν στρατὸν ὀρύσσειν ἐκέλευε. οἷα δὲ ὁμίλου 
πολλοῦ ἐργαξομένου ἤνετο μὲν τὸ ἔργον, ὅμως 
μέντοι τὴν θερείην πᾶσαν αὐτοῦ ταύτῃ διέ- 
τριψαν ἐργαζύμενοι. 

190. Ὡς, δὲ τὸν Γύνδην ποταμὸν ἐτίσατο Κῦρος 
ἐς τριηκοσίας καὶ ἑξήκοντα διώρυχάς μιν δια- 
λαβών, καὶ τὸ δεύτερον ἔαρ mun οὕτω δὴ 
ἤλαυνε ἐπὶ τὴν Βαβυλῶνα. οἱ δὲ Βαβυλώνιοι 
ἐκστρατευσάμενοι ἔμενον ο... emel δὲ ἐγένετο 
ἐλαύνων ἀγχοῦ τῆς πόλιος, συνέθαλὀν τε οἱ 
Βαβυλώνιοι καὶ ἑσσωθέντες τῇ μάχῃ, κατειλή- 
θησαν ἐς τὸ ἄστυ. οἷα δὲ ἐξεπιστάμενοι ἔτι 
πρότερον τὸν Κῦρον οὐκ ἀτρεμίζοντα, ἀλλ᾽ ὁρέ- 
οντες αὐτὸν παντὶ ἔθιεῖ ὁμοίως ἐπιχειρέοντα, 


236 


BOOK I. 189-190 


to the river Gyndes,! which rises in the mountains 
of the Matieni and flows through the Dardanean 
country into another river, the Tigris, which again 
passes the city of Opis and issues into the Red Sea 
—when Cyrus, I say, essayed to cross the Gyndes, 
it being there navigable, one of his sacred white 
horses dashed recklessly into the river that he 
might win through it, but the stream whelmed him 
and swept him under and away. At this violent 
deed of the river Cyrus was very wroth, and he 
threatened it that he would make it so weak that 
women should ever after cross it easily without wet. 
ting their knees. Having so threatened he ceased 
from his march against Babylon, and dividing his 
army into two parts he drew lines planning out a 
hundred and eighty canals running every way from 
either bank of the Gyndes; then he arrayed his 
army along the lines and bade them dig. Since a 
great multitude was at the work it went with all 
speed; yet they spent the whole summer there 
before it was finished. 

190. Then at the opening of the second spring, 
when Cyrus had punished the Gyndes by parting it 
among the three hundred and sixty canals, he marched 
at last against Babylon. The Babylonians sallied out 
and awaited him ; and when in his march he came 
near to thcir city, they joined battle, but they were 
worsted and driven within the city. There, because 
they knew already that Cyrus was no man of peace, 
and saw that he attacked all nations alike, they had 


4 Modern Diala. 


237 


HERODOTUS 


προεσάξαντο σιτία ἐτέων κάρτα πολλῶν. ἐν- 
θαῦτα οὗτοι μὲν λόγον εἶχον τῆς πολιορκίης 
οὐδένα, Κῦρος δὲ ἆ ἀπορίῃσι ἐνείχετο, ἅτε χρόνου 
τε ἐγγινομένου συχνοῦ ἀνωτέρω τε οὐδὲν τῶν 
πρηγμάτων προκοπτοµένων. 

191. Eire δὲ ὦ ὧν ἄλλος οἱ ἀπορέοντι ὑπεθήκατο, 
εἴτε καὶ αὐτὸς ἔμαθε τὸ ποιητέον οἱ ἦν, ἐποίεε δὴ 
τοιόνδε. τάξας τὴν στρατιὴν ἅπασαν ἐξ ἐμβολῆς 
τοῦ ποταμοῦ, τῇ ἐς τὴν πόλιν ἐσβάλλει, καὶ 
ὄπισθε αὖτις τῆς πόλιος τάξας ἑτέρους, τῇ ἐξιεῖ 
ἐκ τῆς πόλιος ὁ ποταμός, προεῖπε τῷ στρατῷ, 
ὅταν διαβατὸν τὸ ῥέεθρον ἴδωνται γενόμενον, 
ἐσιέναι ταύτῃ ἐς τὴν πόλιν. οὕτω τε δὴ τάξας 
καὶ κατὰ ταῦτα παραινέσας ἀπήλαυνε αὐτὸς σὺν 
τῷ ἀχρηίῳ τοῦ στρατοῦ. ἀπικόμενος δὲ ἐπὶ τὴν 
λίμνην, τά περ ἡ τῶν Βαβυλωνίων βασίλεια 
ἐποίησε κατά τε τὸν ποταμὸν καὶ κατὰ τὴν 
λίμνην, ἐποίεε καὶ ὁ Κῦρος ἕτερα. τοιαῦτα: τὸν 
γὰρ ποταμὸν διώρυχι. ἐσαγαγὼν ἐς τὴν λίμνην 
ἐοῦσαν ἕλος, τὸ ἀρχαῖον ῥέεθρον διαβατὸν εἶναι 
ἐποίησε, ὑπονοστήσαντος τοῦ ποταμοῦ. .Ύενο- 
μένου δὲ τούτου τοιούτου, οἱ Πέρσαι οὗ περ 
ἐτετάχατο ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ τούτῳ κατὰ τὸ ῥέεθρον τοῦ 
Εὐφρήτεω ποταμοῦ ὑπονενοστηκότος ἀνδρὶ ὡς ἐς 
μέσον μηρὸν μάλιστά κῃ, κατὰ τοῦτο ἐσήισαν ἐς 
τὴν Βαβυλῶνα. εἰ μέν νυν προεπύθοντο 7 
ἔμαθον οἱ Βαβυλώνιοι τὸ ἐς τοῦ Κύρου ποιεύ- 
μενον, of Ò ἂν περιιδόντες τοὺς Πέρσας ἐσελθεῖν 
ἐς τὴν πόλιν διέφθειραν ἃ ἂν κάκιστα: Katarini- 
σαντες γὰρ ἂν πάσας τὰς ἐς τὸν ποταμὸν πυλίδας 
ἐχούσας καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐπὶ τὰς αἱμασιὰς ἀναβάντες 
τὰς παρὰ τὰ χείλεα τοῦ ποταμοῦ ἐληλαμένας, ἔλα- 


238 


BOOK Ι. 190-191 


stored provision enough for very many years; so 
now they cared nothing for the siege; and Cyrus 
knew not what to do, being so long delayed and 
gaining no advantage. 

191. Whether, then, someone advised him in his 
difficulty, or he perceived for himself what to do, I 
know not, but this he did: he posted his army at 
the place where the river enters the city, and another 
part of it where the stream issues from the city, and 
bade his men enter the city by the channel of the 
Euphrates when they should see it to be fordable. 
Having so arrayed them and given this command, he 
himself marched away with those of his army who 
could not fight ; and when he came to the lake, Cyrus 
dealt with it and with the river just as had the Baby- 
lonian queen: drawing off the river by a canal into 
the lake, which was till now a marsh, he made the 
stream to sink till its former channel could be forded. 
When this happened, the Persians who were posted 
with this intent made their way into Babylon by the 
channel of the Euphrates, which had now sunk about 
to the height of the middle of a man’s thigh. Now 
if the Babylonians had known beforehand or learnt 
what Cyrus was planning, they would have suffered 
the Persians to enter the city and brought them to 
a miserable end; for then they would have shut all 
the gates that opened on the river and themselves 
mounted up on to the walls that ran along the river 


239 


HERODOTUS 


Bov ἂν σφέας ὡς ἐν κύρτη. νῦν δὲ ἐξ ἀπροσ- 
δοκήτου σφι παρέστησαν οἱ Πέρσαι. ὑπὸ δὲ 
μεγάθεος τῆς πόλιος, ὡς λέγεται ὑπὸ τῶν ταύτῃ 
οἰκημένων, τῶν περὶ τὰ ἔσχατα τῆς πόλιος 
ἑαλωκότων τοὺς τὸ μέσον οἰκέοντας τῶν Ba- 
βυλωνίων ov μανθάνειν ἑαλωκότας, ἀλλὰ τυχεῖν 
γάρ σφι ἐοῦσαν ὀρτήν, χορεύειν τε τοῦτον τὸν 
χρόνον καὶ ἐν εὐπαθείῃσι εἶναι, ἐς ὃ δὴ καὶ τὸ 
κάρτα ἐπύθοντο. 

193. Καὶ Βαβυλὼν μὲν οὕτω τότε πρῶτον 
ἀραίρητο. τὴν δὲ δύναμιν τῶν Βαβυλωνίων TON- 
λοῖσι μὲν καὶ ἄλλοισι δηλώσω ὅση τις ἐστί, ἐν 
δὲ δὴ καὶ τῷδε. βασιλέι τῷ μεγάλῳ ἐς τροφὴν 
αὐτοῦ τε καὶ τῆς στρατιῆς διαραίρηται, πάρεξ τοῦ 
φόρου, γῆ πᾶσα ὅσης ἄρχει". δυώδεκα ὧν μηνῶν 
ἐόντων ἐς τὸν ἐνιαυτὸν τοὺς τέσσερας μῆνας 
τρέφει μιν 7) Βαβυλωνίη χώρη, τοὺς δὲ ὀκτὼ τῶν 
μηνῶν ἡ λοιπή πᾶσα ` Acin. οὕτω τριτηµορίη 
7 ᾿Ασσυρίη χώρη τῇ δυνάμι τῆς ἄλλης ᾿Ασίης. 
καὶ ἡ ἀρχὴ τῆς χώρης ταύτης, τὴν οἱ Πέρσαι 
σατραπηΐην καλέουσι, ἐστὶ ἁπασέων τῶν. ἀρχέων 
πολλὸν τι κρατίστη, δκοὺ T ριτανταίχμῃ τῷ 
᾿Αρταβάξου ἐ ἐκ βασιλέος ἐ ἔχοντι τὸν νομὸν τοῦτον 
ἀργυρίου μὲν προσήιε ἑκάστης ἡμέρης ἀρτάβη 
μεστή. ἡ δὲ ἀρτάβη, μέτρον ἐὸν Π]ερσικόν, 
χωρέει - μεδίμνου ᾿Αττικοῦ πλέον χοίνιξι τρισὶ 
᾿Αττικῇσι. ἵπποι δέ οἱ αὐτοῦ ἦσαν ἰδίῃ, πάρεξ 
τῶν πολεμιστηρίων, | οἱ μὲν ἀναβαίνοντες τὰς 
θηλέας ὀκτακόσιοι, αἱ δὲ .Βαινόμεναι ἐξακισχίλιαι 
καὶ μύριαι ἀνέβαινε γὰρ ἕκαστος τῶν ἐρσένων 
τούτων εἴκοσι ἵππους. κυνῶν δὲ ᾿Ινδικῶν τοσοῦτο 


240 


BOOK I. 191-192 


banks, and so caught their enemies as in a trap. But 
as it was, the Persians were upon them unawares, 
and by reason of the great size of the city—so say 
those who dwell there—those in the outer parts of 
it were overcome, yet the dwellers in the middle 
part knew nothing of it; all this time they were 
dancing and making merry at a festival which 
chanced to be toward, till they learnt the truth but 
too well. 

192. Thus was Babylon then for the first time 
taken. There are many proofs of the wealth of 
Babylon, but this in especial. All the land ruled by 
the great King is parcelled out for the provisioning of 
himself and his army, besides that it pays tribute: 
now the territory of Babylon feeds him for four 
out of the twelve months in the year, the whole of 
the rest of Asia providing for the other eight. 
Thus the wealth of Assyria is one third of the whole : 
wealth of Asia. The governorship, which the Persians 
call “satrapy,” of this land is by far the greatest of 
all the governorships; seeing that the daily revenue 
of Tritantaechmes son of Artabazus, governing this . 
province by the king's will, was an artaba full of 
silver (the artaba isa Persian measure, containing 
more by three Attic choenixes than an Attic 
medimnus),! and besides war chargers he had in 
his stables eight hundred stallions, and sixteen thou- 
sand brood mares, each stallion serving twenty mares. 
Moreover he kept so great a number of Indian dogs 


1 The Attic medimnus = about 12 gallons; it contained 
48 χοίνικες. P 


241 


HERODOTUS 


δή τι πλῆθος ἐτρέφετο ὥστε τέσσερες τῶν ἐν τῷ 
πεδίῳ κῶμαι μεγάλαι, τῶν ἄλλων ἐοῦσαι ἀτελέες, 
τοῖσι κυσὶ προσετετάχατο σιτία παρέχειν. TOi- 
abra μὲν TQ ἄρχοντι τῆς Βαβυλῶνος ὑπῆρχε 
ἐόντα. 

193. H δὲ γῆ τῶν ᾿Ασσυρίων ὕεται μὲν. ὀλίγῳ, 
καὶ τὸ ἐκτρέφον τὴν ῥίζαν τοῦ σίτου ἐστὶ τοῦτο" 
ἀρδόμενον μέντοι ἐκ τοῦ ποταμοῦ ἀδρύνεταί τε τὸ 
λήιον καὶ παραγίνεται ὁ σῖτος, οὐ κατά περ ἐν 
Αἰγύπτῳ, αὐτοῦ τοῦ ποταμοῦ ἀναβαίνοντος ἐς 
τὰς ἀρούρας, ἀλλὰ χερσί τε καὶ κηλωνηίοισι 
ἀρδόμενος. ἡ γὰρ Ῥαβυλωνίη χώρη πᾶσα, κατά 
περ η Αὐγυπτίη, κατατέτµηται ἐς διώρυχας" καὶ 
ἡ μεγίστη τῶν διωρύχων ἐστὶ νηυσιπέρητος, πρὸς 
ἥλιον τετραμμένη τὸν χειμερινόν, ἐσέχει δὲ ἐς 
ἄλλον ποταμὸν ἐκ τοῦ Ἐὐφρήτεω, ἐς τὸν Τίγρην, 
παρ᾽ ὃν Νίνος πόλις οἴκητο. ἔστι δὲ χωρέων 
αὕτη πασέων μακρῷ ἀρίστη το ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν 
Δήμητρος καρπὸν ἐκφέρειν ον DT γὰρ δὴ ἄλλα 
δένδρεα οὐδὲ πειρᾶται ἀρχὴν φέρει», οὔτε συκέην 
οὔτε ἄμπελον οὔτε ἐλαίην. τὸν δὲ τῆς Δήμητρος 
καρπὸν ὧδε ἀγαθὴ ἐκφέρειν ἐστὶ ὥστε ἐπὶ διη- 
κόσια μὲν τὸ παράπαν ἀποδιδοῖ, ἐπειδὰν δὲ ἄ ἄριστα 
αὐτὴ ἑωυτῆς ἐνείκῃ, ἐπὶ τριηκόσια ἐκφέρει. τὰ 
δὲ φύλλα αὐτόθι τῶν τε πυρῶν καὶ τῶν κριθέων 
τὸ πλάτος γίνεται τεσσέρων εὐπετέως δακτύλων. 
ἐκ δὲ κέγχρου καὶ σησάμου ὅσον τι δένδρον μέγα- 
θος γίνεται, ἐξεπιστάμενος μνήμην o) ποιήσομαι, 
εὖ εἰδὼς ὅ ὅτι τοῖσι μὴ, ἀπιγμένοισι ἐς τὴν Βαβυ- 
λωνίην χώρην καὶ τὰ εἰρημένα καρπῶν ἐχόμενα 


2 Stein marks a lacuna after this word, the meaning of 
τὰ ἄλλα δένδρεα not being quite clear. 


242 


BOOK I. 192-193 


that four great villages of the plain were appointed 
to provide food for the dogs and eased from all 
other burdens. Such were the riches of the gover- 
nor of Babylon. 

193. There is but little rain in Assyria. It is 
this which nourishes the roots of the corn ; but it is 
irrigation from the river that ripens the crop and 
brings the grain to fulness : itis not as in Egypt, where 
the river itself rises and floods the fields: in Assyria 
they are watered by hand and by swinging beams.! 
For the whole land of Babylon, like Egypt, is cut 
across by canals. The greatest of these is navigable: 
it runs towards where the sun rises in winter, from 
the Euphrates to another river, the Tigris, by which 
stood the city of Ninus. This land is of all known 
to us by far the most fertile in corn. Trees it does 
not even essay to grow, fig, vine, or olive, but its 
corn is so abundant that it yields for the most part 
two hundred fold, and even three hundred fold when 
the harvest is best. The blades of the wheat and 
barley there are easily four fingers broad ; and for 
millet and sesame, I will not say, though it is known 
to me, to what a height they grow; for I am well 
aware that even what I have said respecting corn is 
wholly disbelieved by those who have never visited 


1 That is, by the '' shadoof,” a familiar object to travellers 
on the Nile ; a lever with a bucket attached, revolving on a 


post. 
| 243 


HERODOTUS 


ἐς ἀπιστίην πολλὴν. ἀπῖκται. χρέωνται δὲ οὐδὲν 
ἐλαίῳ ἀλλ ἢ ἐκ τῶν σησάμων ποιεῦντες. εἰσὶ 
δέ σφι φοίνικες πεφυκότες ἀνὰ πᾶν τὸ πεδίο», 
οἱ πλεῦνες αὐτῶν καρποφόροι, ἐκ τῶν καὶ σιτία 
καὶ οἶνον καὶ μέλι ποιεῦνται" τοὺς συκέων τρόπον 
θεραπεύουσι τά τε ἄλλα καὶ φοινίκων τοὺς 
ἔρσενας Ἕλληνες καλέουσι, τούτων τὸν καρπὸν 
περιδέουσι τῇσι βαλανηφόροισι τῶν φοινίκων, 
ἵνα πεπαίνῃ τέ σφι ὁ γὴν τὴν βάλανον ἐσδύνων 
καὶ μὴ ἀπορρέῃ 0 καρπὸς τοῦ φοίνικος" ψῆνας γὰρ 
δὴ φέρουσι ἐν τῷ καρπῷ οἱ ἔρσενες κατά περ δὴ 
οἱ ὄλυνθοι. 

194, Τὸ δὲ ἁπάντων θῶμα μέγιστόν μοι ἐστὶ 
τῶν ταύτῃ μετά γε αὐτὴν τὴν πόλιν, ἔρχομαι 
φράσων" τὰ πλοῖα αὐτοῖσι ἐστὶ τὰ κατὰ τὸν 
ποταμὸν πορευόμενα ἐς τὴν DaBvXàva, ἐόντα 
κυκλοτερέα, πάντα σκύτινα. ἐπεὰν γὰρ ἐν τοῖσι 
᾿Αρμενίοισι τοῖσι κατύπερθε ᾿Ασσυρίων οἰκημέ- 
νοισι νοµέᾳς ἱτέης ταμόμενοι ποιήσωνται, περι- 
τείνουσι τούτοισι διφθέρας στεγαστρίδας ἔξωθεν 
ἐδάφεος τρόπον, οὔτε πρύμνην ἀποκρίνοντες οὔτε 
πρώρην συνάγοντες, ἀλλ᾽ ἀσπίδος τρόπον κυκλο- 
τερέα ποιήσαντες καὶ καλάμης πλήσαντες πᾶν τὸ 
πλοῖον τοῦτο ἀπιεῖσι κατὰ τὸν ποταμὸν φέρεσθαι, 
φορτίων πλήσαντες" μάλιστα. δὲ Bixous φοι- 
νικηίους κατάγουσι οἴνου πλέους. ἰθύνεται δὲ 
ὑπό τε δύο πλήκτρων καὶ δύο ἀνδρῶν ὀρθῶν 
ἑστεώτων, καὶ ὃ μὲν ἔσω ἕλκει τὸ πλῆκτρον ὃ δὲ 
ἔξω ὠθέει. ποιέεται δὲ καὶ κάρτα μεγάλα ταῦτα 
τὰ πλοῖα καὶ ἐλάσσω’ τὰ δὲ μέγιστα αὐτῶν καὶ 
πεντακισχιλίων ταλάντων γόμον ἔχει. ἐν ἑκάστῳ 
δὲ πλοίῳ ὄνος ζωὸς ἔνεστι, ἐν δὲ τοῖσι μέξοσι 


244 


BOOK I. 193-194 


Babylonia. ‘They use no οἱ] save what they make 
from sesame.! There are palm trees there growing 
all over the plain, most of them yielding fruit, from 
which food is made and wine and honey. The Assyrians 
tend these like figs, and chiefly in this respect, that 
they tie the fruit of the palm called male by the Greeks 
to the date-bearing palm, that so the gall-fly may enter 
the dates and cause them to ripen, and that the fruit 
of the palm may not fall; for the male palms, like 
unripened figs, have gall-flies in their fruit. 

194. I will now show what seems to me to be the 
most marvellous thing in the country, next to the 
city itself. Their boats which ply on the riverand go 
to Babylon are all of skins, andround. They make 
these in Armenia, higher up the stream than Assyria. 
First they cut frames of willow, then they stretch 
hides over these for a covering, making as it were a 
hold ; they neither broaden the stern nor narrow the 
prow, but the boat is round, like a shield. They 
then fill it with reeds and send it floating down the 
river with a cargo; and it is for the most part palm 
wood casks of wine that they carry down. Two men 
standing upright steer the boat, each with a paddle, 
one drawing it to him, the other thrusting it from 
him. These boats are of all sizes, some small, some very 
great ; the greatest of them are even of five thousand 
talents? burden. There is a live ass in each boat, or 


1 Sesame-oil or ** Benre-oil" is still in common use in the 
East. 

2 The Attic talent = about 68 lbs. avoirdupois; the 
Aeginetan = about 82. 


245 


HERODOTUS 


πλεῦνες. ἐπεὰν ὧν ἀπίκωνται πλέοντες ἐς τὴν 
Βαβυλῶνα καὶ διαθέωνται τὸν φόρτον, νομέας 
μὲν τοῦ πλοίου καὶ τὴν καλάμην πᾶσαν ἀπ᾽ ὧν 
ἐκήρυξαν, τὰς δὲ διφθέρας ἐπισάξαντες ἐπὶ τοὺς 
ὄνους ἀπελαύνουσι ἐς τοὺς ᾿Αρμενίους. ἀνὰ τὸν 
ποταμὸν γὰρ δὴ οὐκ οἷά τε ἐστὶ πλέειν οὐδενὶ 
τρόπῳ ὑπὸ τάχεος τοῦ ποταμοῦ" διὰ γὰρ ταῦτα 
καὶ οὐκ ἐκ ξύλων ποιεῦνται τὰ πλοῖα ἀλλ, ἐκ 
διφθερέων. ἐπεὰν δὲ τοὺς ὄνους ἐλαύνοντες ἀπί- 
Κωνται ὀπίσω ἐς τοὺς ᾿Αρμενίους, ἄλλα τρόπῳ τῷ 
αὐτῷ ποιεῦνται πλοῖα. — 

195. Τὰ μὲν δὴ πλοῖα αὐτοῖσι ἐστὶ τοιαῦτα" 
ἐσθῆτι δὲ τοιῇδε χρέωνται, κιθῶνι ποδηνεκέι 
λινέῳ, καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦτον ἄλλον εἰρίνεον κιθῶνα 
3 / ld M , 
ἐπενδύνει καὶ χλανίδιον λευκὸν περιβαλλόμενος, 
ὑποδήματα ἔχων ἐπιχώρια, παραπλήσια τῆσι 
Βοιωτίῃησι ἐμβάσι. κομῶντες δὲ τὰς κεφαλὰς 
μίτρῃσι ἀναδέονται, μεμυρισμένοι πᾶν τὸ σῶμα. 
σφρηγῖδα δὲ ἕκαστος ἔχει καὶ σκῆπτρον χειρο- 
ποίητον' ἐπ᾽ ἑκάστῳ δὲ σκήπτρῳ ἔπεστι TETON- 
μένον ἢ μῆλον ἢ ῥόδον ἢ κρίνον ἢ αἰετὸς ἢ ἄλλο 
Tu ἄνευ γὰρ ἐπισήμου οὔ σφι νόμος ἐστὶ ἔχειν 
σκῆπτρον. 

190, Αὕτη μὲν δή σφι ἄρτισις περὶ τὸ σῶμα 
ἐστί" νόμοι δὲ αὐτοῖσι ὧδε κατεστᾶσι, Ò μὲν 
σοφώτατος ὅδε κατὰ γνώμην τὴν ἡμετέρην, τῷ 
καὶ Ἰλλυριῶν ᾿Ενετοὺς πυνθάνομαι χρᾶσθαι. 
κατὰ κώμας ἑκάστας ἅπαξ τοῦ ἔτεος ἑκάστου 
ἐποιέετο τάδε" ὡς ἂν αἱ παρθένοι γενοίατο γάμων 
ὡραῖαι, ταύτας ὅκως συναγάγοιεν πάσας, ἐς ἓν 
χωρίον ἐσάγεσκον ἁλέας, πέριξ δὲ αὐτὰς ἵστατο 
ὅμιλος ἀνδρῶν, ἀνιστὰς δὲ κατὰ μίαν ἑκάστην 
246 


DOOR I. 194-196 


more than one in the larger. So when they have 
floated down to Babylon and disposed of thcir cargo, 
they sell the framework of the boat and all the 
reeds ; the hides are set on the backs of asses, which 
are then driven back to Armenia, for it is not by 
any means possible to go up stream by” water, by 
reason of the swiftness of the current; it is for this 
reason that they make their boats of hides and not 
of wood. "When they have driven their asses back 
into Armenia they make more boats in the same 
way. 

195. Such then are their boats. For clothing, they 
wear a linen tunic, reaching to the feet; over this 
the Babylonian puts on another tunic, of wool, and 
wraps himself in a white mantle ; he wears the shoes 
of his country, which are like Boeotian sandals. 
Their hair is worn long, and covered by caps; the 
whole body is perfumed. Every man has a seal and 
à carven staff, and on every staff is some image, such 
as that of an apple or a rose or a lily or an eagle: no 
one carries a staff without a device. 

196. Such is the equipment of their persons. I 
wil now speak of their established customs. The 
wisest of these, in my judgment, is one which 
as I have heard is also a custom of the Eneti in 
Illyria. It is this: once a year in every village all 
the maidens as they came to marriageable age were 
collected and brought together into one place, with 
a crowd of men standing round. Then a crier would 
display and offer them for sale one by one, first 


247 


HERODOTUS 


κῆρυξ πωλέεσκε, πρῶτα μὲν τὴν εὐειδεστάτην ἐκ 
πασέων: μετὰ δέ, ὅκως αὕτη εὑροῦσα πολλὸν 
χρυσίον .πρηθείη, ἄλλην ἂν ἐκήρυσσε ἣ μετ' 
ἐκείνην ἔσκε εὐειδεστάτη: ἐπωλέοντο δὲ ἐπὶ 
συνοικήσι. ὅσοι μὲν δὴ ἔσκον εὐδαίμονες τῶν 
Βαβυλωνίων ἐπίγαμοι, ὑπερβάλλοντες ἀλλήλους 
ἐξωνέοντο τὰς καλλιστευούσας' ὅσοι δὲ τοῦ δήμου 
ἔσκον ἐπίγαμοι, οὗτοι δὲ εἴδεος μὲν οὐδὲν ἐδέοντο 
χρηστοῦ, ot Ò ἂν χρήματά τε καὶ αἰσχίονας 
παρθένους ἐλάμβανον. ὡς γὰρ δὴ διεξέλθοι ὁ 
κῆρυξ πωλέων τὰς εὐειδεστάτας. τῶν παρθένων, 
ἀνίστη ἂν τὴν ἀμορφεστάτην, ἢ εἴ τις αὐτέων 
ἔμπηρος εἴη, καὶ ταύτην ἂν ἐκήρυσσε, ὅ ὅστις. θέλοι 
ἐλάχιστον χρυσίον λαβὼν συνοικέειν αὐτῇ, ἐς ὃ 
τῷ τὸ ἐλάχιστον ὑπισταμένῳ προσέκειτο. τὸ δὲ 
ἂν .Χρυσίον. ἐγίνετο ἀπὸ τῶν εὐειδέων παρθένων 
καὶ οὕτω αἱ εὔμορφοι τὰς ἀμόρφους καὶ ἐμπήρους 
ἐξεδίδοσαν. ἐκδοῦναι δὲ τὴν ἑωυτοῦ θυγατέρα 
ὅτεῳ .Βούλοιτο ἕκαστος οὐκ ἐξῆν, οὐδὲ ἄνευ ἐγ- 
γυητέω ἀπάγεσθαι τὴν παρθένον πριάμενον, ἀλλ᾽ 
ἐγγυητὰς χρῆν καταστήσαντα 7 μὲν συνοικήσειν 
αὐτῇ, οὕτω ἀπάγεσθαι. εἰ δὲ μὴ συμφεροίατο, 
ἀποφέρειν τὸ χρυσίον ἔκειτο νόμος, ἐξῆν δὲ καὶ 
ἐξ ἄλλης ἐλθόντα κώμης τὸν βουλόμενον ὠνέ- 
εσθαι. ὁ μέν νυν κάλλιστος νόμος οὗτός σφι ἣν, 
οὐ μέντοι νῦν γε διατελέει ἐών, ἄλλο δέ τι ἐξευρή- 
κασι νεωστὶ γενέσθαι [ίνα μὴ ἀδικοῖεν αὐτὰς μηδ᾽ 
εἰς ἑτέραν πόλιν ἄγωνται]-! ἐπείτε yàp ἁλόντες 
ἐκακώθησαν καὶ οἰκοφθορήθησαν, πᾶς τις τοῦ δή- 
µου βίου σπανίζων καταπορνεύει τὰ θήλεα τέκνα. 


1 The words in brackets do not seem to be relevant here; 
they might more naturally come after οὕτω ἀπάγεσθαι above, 


248 


BOOK I. 196 


the fairest of all; and then when she had fetched 
a great price he put up for sale the next comeliest, 
selling all the maidens as lawful wives. Rich men 
of Assyria who desired to marry would outbid each 
other for the fairest; the commonalty, who desired 
to marry and cared nothing for beauty, could take 
the ill-favoured damsels and money therewith; for 
when the crier had sold all the comeliest, he 
would put up her that was least beautiful, or 
crippled, and offer her to whosoever would take 
her to wife for the least sum, till she fell to him 
who promised to accept least; the money came 
from the sale of the comely damsels, and so they 
paid the dowry of the ill-favoured and the crip- 
ples. But a man might not give his daughter in 
marriage to whomsoever he would, nor might he 
that bought the girl take her away without giving 
security that he would indeed make her his wife. 
And if the two could not agree, it was a law that 
the money be returned. Men might also come from 
other villages to buy if they so desired. This then 
was their best custom ; but it does not continue at 
this time; they have invented a new one lately 
[that the woman might not be wronged or taken to 
another city]; since the conquest of Babylon made 
them afflicted and poor, everyone of the commonalty 
that lacks a livelihood makes prostitutes of his 
daughters. 


249 


HERODOTUS 


197. Δεύτερος δὲ σοφίη ὅδε ἄλλος σφι pomos 
κατέστηκε" τοὺς κάμνοντας ἐς τὴν ἀγορὴν ἐκφορέ- 
ovet ov γὰρ δὴ χρέωνται ἰητροῖσι. προσιόντες 
ὧν πρὸς τὸν κάμνοντα συμβουλεύουσι περὶ τῆς 
νούσου, εἴ τις καὶ αὐτὸς τοιοῦτο ἔπαθε ὁκοῖον ἂν 
ἔχῃ ὁ κάμνων ἢ ἄλλον εἶδε παθόντα, ταῦτα προσ- 
ιόντες συμβουλεύονσι καὶ παραινέουσι ἅσσα 
αὐτὸς ποιήσας ἐξέφυγε ὁμοίην νοῦσον ἡ ἆλλον 
εἶδε ἐκφυγόντα. σιγὴ δὲ παρεξελθεῖν τὸν rd- 
µνοντα ov σφι ἔξεστι, πρὶν ἂν ἐπείρηται ἥντινα 
νοῦσον ο 

198. Ταφαὶ δέ σφι ἐν μέλητι, θρῆνοι δὲ μα 
πλήσιοι τοῖσι ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ, ὁσάκις δ᾽ ἂν μιχθὴ 
γυναικὶ τῇ ἑωυτοῦ ἀνὴρ, Μαβυλώνιος, περὶ Üv pi- 
npa καταγιζόμενον (tet, ἑτέρωθι δὲ ἡ γυνὴ τὠντὸ 
τοῦτο ποιέει, ὄρθρου δὲ γενομένου λοῦνται καὶ 
ἀμφότεροι: ἄγγεος γὰρ οὐδενὸς ἄγονται πρὶν 
ἂν λούσωνται. ταὐτὰ δὲ ταῦτα καὶ ᾿Αράβιοι 
ποιεῦσι. 

199. 1 Ὁ δὲ δὴ αἴσχιστος τῶν νόμων ἐστὶ τοῖσι 
Βαβυλωνίοισι. ὅδε' δεῖ πᾶσαν γυναῖκα ἐπιχωρίην 
(ζομένην ἐς ἱρὸν ᾿Λϕροδίτης ἅπαξ ἐν τῇ fon 
μιχθῆναι ἀνδρὶ ξείνῳ. πολλαὶ δὲ καὶ οὐκ ἀξιεύ- 
μεναι ἀναμίσγεσθαι τῆσι ἄλλῃσι, οἷα πλούτῳ 
ὑπερφρονέουσαι, ἐπὶ ξευγέων ἐν καμάρησι ἐλά- 
σασαι πρὸς τὸ (pov ἑστᾶσι: θεραπηίη δέ σφι 
ὄπισθε € emerat πολλή. αἱ δὲ πλεῦνες ποιεῦσι ὧδε- 
ἐν τεμένεϊ ᾿Αϕροδίτης κατέαται στέφανον περὶ 
τῇσι κεφαλῇσι ἔχουσαι θώμιγγος πολλαὶ γυναῖ- 
κες' at μὲν γὰρ προσέρχονται, at δὲ ἀπέρχονται. 

1 Three fifteenth century MSS. omit the whole of this 
chapter. 

250 


BOOK I. 197—199 


197. I come now to the next wisest of their cus- 
toms: having no use for physicians, they carry the 
sick into the market-place; then those who have been 
afflicted themselves by the same ill as the sick man’s, 
or seen others in like case, come near and advise him 
about his disease and comfort him, telling him by 
, What means they have themselves recovered of it or 
seen others so recover. None may pass by the sick 
man without speaking and asking what is his sickness. 

198. The dead are embalmed in honey for burial, 
and their dirges are like to the dirges of Egypt. 
Whenever a Babylonian has had intercourse with his 
wife, they both sit before a burnt offering of incense, 
and at dawn they wash themselves; they will touch 
no vessel before this is done. This is the custom 
also in Arabia. 

199. The foulest Babylonian custom is that which 
compels every woman of the land once in her life to 
sit in the temple of Aphrodite and have intercourse 
with some stranger. Many women who are rich and 
proud and disdain to consort with the rest, drive to 
the temple in covered carriages drawn by teams, and 
there stand with a great retinue of attendants. But 
most sit down in the sacred plot of Aphrodite, with 
crowns of cord on their heads; there is a great 
multitude of women coming and going; passages 
marked by line run every way through the crowd, by 
which the stranger men pass and make their choice. 


251 


HERODOTUS 


σχοινοτενέες δὲ διέξοδοι πάντα τρόπον ὁδῶν 
ἔχουσι διὰ τῶν γυναικῶν, δι ὧν οἱ ξεῖνοι διεξι- 
όντες ἐκλέγονται" ἔνθα ἐ ἐπεὰν ἴδηται γυνή, οὐ πρὀ- 
τερον ἀπαλλάσσεται ἐς τὰ οἰκία ἢ τίς οἱ ξείνων 
ἀργύριον ἐμβαλὼν ἐς τὰ γούνατα μιχθῇ ἔξω τοῦ 
ἱροῦ" ἐμβαλόντα δὲ δεῖ εἰπεῖν τοσόνδε: “'᾿[ὑπι- 
καλέω TOL τὴν θεὸν Μύλιττα., M ὕλιττα δὲ 
καλέουσι τὴν ᾿Αφροδίτην ᾿Ασσύριοι. τὸ δὲ ἀργύ- 
ρίον μέγαθος ἐ ἐστὶ ὅσον ὧν οὐ γὰρ μὴ ἀπώσηται: 
οὐ γάρ οἱ θέμις ἐστί". γίνεται γὰρ ἱρὸν τοῦτο τὸ 
ἀργύριον. τῷ δὲ πρώτῳ ἐμβαλόντι ἕπεται οὐδὲ 
ἀποδοκιμᾷ οὐδένα. ἐπεὰν δὲ μιχθῇ, ἀποσιωσα- 
μένη τῇ θεῷ ἀπαλλάσσεται ἐς τὰ οἰκία, καὶ τὠπὸ 
τούτου οὐκ οὕτω μέγα τί οἱ δώσεις ὥς μιν λάμ- 
pea. ὅσαι μέν νυν εἴδεός τε ἐπαμμέναι εἰσὶ 
καὶ μεγάθεος, ταχὺ ἀπαλλάσσονται, ὅσαι δὲ 
ἄμορφοι αὐτέων εἰσί, χρόνον πολλὸν προσμένουσι 
οὗ δυνάμεναι τὸν νόμον ἐκπλῆσαι" καὶ γὰρ τριέ- 
τεα καὶ τετραέτεα μετεξέτεραι χρόνον μένουσι. 
ἐνιαχῇ δὲ καὶ τῆς Κύπρου ἐστὶ παραπλήσιος 
τούτῳ νόμος. 

900. Νόμοι μὲν δὴ τοῖσι Βαβυλωνίοισι οὗτοι 
κατεστᾶσι: εἰσὶ δὲ αὐτῶν πατριαὶ τρεῖς αἳ οὐδὲν 
ἄλλο σιτέονται εἰ μὴ ἰχθὺς μοῦνον, τοὺς ἐπείτε ἂν 
θηρεύσαντες αὐήνωσι πρὸς ἥλιον, ποιεῦσι τάδε 
ἐσβάλλουσι ἐς ὅλμον, καὶ λεήναντες ὑπέροισι 
σῶσι διὰ σινδόνος, καὶ ὃς μὲν ἂν βούληται αὐτῶν 
ἅτε μᾶζαν μαξάμενος ἔχει, 0 δὲ ἄρτου τρόπον 
ὀπτήσας. 

901, Ὡς δὲ τῷ Κύρῳ καὶ τοῦτο τὸ ἔθνος κατέρ- 
γαστο, ἐπεθύμησε Μασσαγέτας ἱ UT ἑωυτῷ To- 
σασθαι. τὸ δὲ ἔθνος τοῦτο καὶ µέγα λέγεται 


252 


BOOK I. 199-201 


When a woman has once taken her place there she 
goes not away to her home before some stranger 
has cast money into her lap and had intercourse 
with her outside the temple; but while he casts the 
money, he must say, “I demand thee in the name 
of Mylitta " (that is the Assyrian name for Aphrodite). 
It matters not what be the sum of the money; the 
woman will never refuse, for that were a sin, the 
money being by this act made sacred. So she follows 
the first man who casts it and rejects none. After 
their intercourse she has made herself holy in the 
goddess's sight and goes away to her home; and 
thereafter there is no bribe however great that will 
get her. So then the women that are fair and tall 
are soon free to depart, but the uncomely have long 
to wait because they cannot fulfil the law; for some 
of them remain for three years, or four. There is 
a custom like to this in some parts of Cyprus. 

200. These are established customs among the 
Babylonians. Moreover, there are in the country 
three tribes that eat nothing but fish, which they 
catch and dry in the sun ; then after casting them 
into a mortar they bray them with pestles and strain 
all through linen. Then whoever so desires kneads 
as it were a cake of it and eats it; others bake it like 
bread. 

201. When Cyrus had conquered this nation also, 
he desired to subdue the Massagetae. These are 


253 


HERODOTUS 


εἶναι καὶ ἄλκιμον, οἰκημένον δὲ πρὸς ἠῶ τε καὶ 
ἡλίου ἀνατολάς, πέρην τοῦ ᾿Αράξεω ποταμοῦ, 
ἀντίον δὲ ᾿Ισσηδόνων ᾿ἀνδρῶν. εἰσὶ δὲ οἵτινες καὶ 
Σκυθικὸν λέγουσι τοῦτο τὸ ἔθνος εἶναι. 

902. Ὁ δὲ ᾿Αράξης λέγεται καὶ μέζων καὶ 
ἑλάσσων εἶναι τοῦ Ἴστρου" νήσους δὲ ἐν αὐτῷ 
Λέσβῳ μεγάθεα παραπλησίας συχνάς φασι εἶναι, 
ἐν δὲ αὐτῇσι ἀνθρώπους οἳ σιτέονται μὲν ῥίζας τὸ 
θέρος ὁ ὀρύσσοντες παντοίας' καρποὺς δὲ ἀπὸ δεν- 
δρέων ἐξευρημένους σφι ἐς φορβὴν κατατίθεσθαι 
ὡραίους, καὶ τούτους σιτέεσθαι τὴν χειμερινήν. 
ἄλλα δέσφι ἐξευρῆσθαι ,δένδρεα καρποὺς τοιούσδε 
τινὰς φέροντα, τοὺς ἐπείτε ἂν ἐς τὠυτὸ συνέλθωσι 
κατὰ εἶλας καὶ πῦρ ἀνακαύσωνται κύκλῳ περι- 
ιζοµένους ἐπιβάλλειν € ἐπὶ τὸ πῦρ, ὀσφραινομένους 
δὲ καταγιξοµένου τοῦ καρποῦ τοῦ ἐπιβαλλομένου 
μεθύσκεσθαι τῇ ὀδμῇ κατά περ “Ελληνας τῷ 
οἴνῳ, πλεῦνος δὲ ἐπιβαλλομένου τοῦ καρποῦ μᾶλ- 
λον µεθυσκεσθαι, € ἐς ὃ ἐς ὄρχησίν τε ἀνίστασθαι 
καὶ ἐς ἀοιδὴν ἀπικνέεσθαι. τούτων μὲν αὕτη 
λέγεται δίαιτα εἶναι. ὁ δὲ ᾿Αράξης ποταμὸς ῥέει 
μὲν ἐκ Ματιηνῶν, ὅθεν περ 0 Ρύνδης τὸν ἐς τὰς 
διώρυχας τὰς ἑξήκοντά τε καὶ τριηκοσίας διέλαβε 
ὁ Κῦρος, στόμασι δὲ ἐξερεύγεται τεσσεράκοντα, 
τῶν τὰ πάντα πλὴν ἑνὸς ἐς ἕλεά τε καὶ τενάγεα 
ἐκδιδοῖ" ἐν τοῖσι ἀνθρώπους κατοικῆσθαι λέγουσι 
ἐχθῦς ὠμοὺς σιτεοµένους, ἐσθῆτι δὲ νομίζοντας 
χρᾶσθαι. φωκέων δέρμασι. τὸ δὲ ἓ ἓν τῶν στομά- 
των τοῦ ᾿Αράξεω ῥέει διὰ καθαροῦ ἐς τὴν Κασπίην 
θάλασσαν. 

908. Ἡ δὲ Κασπίη θάλασσα ἐστὶ ἐπ᾽ ἑωυτῆς, 
οὐ συμμίσγουσα τῇ ἑτέρῃ θαλάσσῃ. τὴν μὲν γὰρ 


254 


BOOK I. 201-203 


said to be a great people and a mighty, dwelling 
towards the east and the sunrise, beyond the Araxes 
and over against the Issedones; and some say that 
they are a Scythian people. 

202. The Araxes is by some said to be greater and 
by some less than the Ister. It is reported that there 
are many islands in it as big as Lesbos, and men 
thereon who in summer live on roots of all kinds that 
they dig up, and in winter on fruit that they get from 
trees and store when it is ripe for food; and they 
know (it is said) of trees which have a fruit whereof 
this is the effect : assembling in companies and 
kindling a fire, the people sit round it and throw the 
fruit into the flames, then the smell of it as it burns 
makes them drunk as the Greeks are with wine, and 
more and more drunk as more fruit is thrown on 
the fire, till at last they rise up to dance and even 
sing. Such is said to be their way of life. The 
Araxes! flows from the country of the Matieni—as 
does the Gyndes, which Cyrus divided into the three 
hundred and sixty channels—and empties itself 
through forty mouths, whereof all except one issue 
into bogs and swamps, where men are said to live 
whose food is raw fish, and their customary dress 
sealskins. The one remaining stream of the Araxes 
flows in a clear channel into the Caspian sea. 

203. This is a sea by itself, not joined to the other 
sea. For that whereon the Greeks sail, and the sea 


1 The Araxes of this chapter appears to be, from the de- 
scription of its course, the modern Aras. But the Araxes of 
ch. 205, separating Cyrus’ kingdom from the Massagetae, 
must be either the Oxus (Jihon) or Jaxartes (Sihon), both of 
which now flow into the Aral Sea. For a full discussion 
of the question the reader is referred to Essay IX, in the 
Appendix to Book I. of Rawlinson’s Herodotus. 


255 


HERODOTUS 


“Ελληνες ναυτίλλονται πᾶσα καὶ ἡ ἔξω στηλέων 
θάλασσα ή ᾿Ατλαντὶς καλεομένη καὶ 3 ᾿Βρυθρὴ 
μία ἐοῦσα τυγχάνει" 7) δὲ Κασπίη ἐστὶ ἑτέρη ἐπ᾽ 
ἑωυτῆς, ἐοῦσα μῆκος μὲν πλόου εἰρεσίῃ χρεωμένῳ 
πεντεκαίδεκα ἡμερέων, εὖρος δέ, τῇ εὐρυτάτη ἐστὶ 
αὐτὴ .ἑωυτῆς, ὀκτὼ ἡμερέων. καὶ τὰ μὲν πρὸς 
τὴν ἑσπέρην φέροντα τῆς θαλάσσης ταύτης ὁ 
Καύκασος παρατείνει, ἐὸν ὀρέων καὶ πλήθεϊ μέ- 
γιστον καὶ μεγάθεϊ ὑψηλότατον. ἔθνεα δὲ ἀνθρώ- 
πων πολλὰ καὶ παντοῖα ἐν ἑωυτῷ ἔχει ὁ Καύ- 
κασος, τὰ πολλὰ πάντα ἀπ᾽ ὕλης ἀγρίης ζώοντα: 
ἐν τοῖσι καὶ δένδρεα φύλλα τοιῆσδε ἰδέης παρεχό- 
μενα εἶναι λέγεται, τὰ τρίβοντάς τε καὶ παρα- 
μέσγοντας ὕδωρ ζῶα ἑωυτοῖσι ἐς τὴν ἐσθῆτα 
ἐγγράφειν' τὰ δὲ ζῷα οὐκ ἐκπλύνεσθαι, ἀλλὰ 
συγκαταγηράσκειν τῷ ἄλλῳ εὐρίῳ κατά πε 
ἐνυφανθέντα ἀρχήν. μῖξιν δὲ τούτων τῶν ἀνθρώ- 
πων εἶναι ἐμφανέα κατά περ τοῖσι προβάτοισι. 

904. Τὰ μὲν δὴ πρὸς ἑσπέρην τῆς θαλάσσης 
ταύτης τῆς Κασπίης καλεομένης ὁ Καύκασος 
ἀπέργει, τὰ δὲ πρὸς ἠῶ τε καὶ ἥλιον ἀνατέλλοντα 
πεδίον ἐκδέκεται πλῆθος ἄ ἄπειρον ἐς ἄποψιν. τοῦ 
ὧν $7 πεδίου τούτου τοῦ μεγάλον οὐκ ἐλαχίστην 
μοῖραν μετέχουσι οἱ Μασσαγέται, ἐπ᾽ οὓς ὁ Κῦρος 
ἔσχε προθυμίην στρατεύσασθαι. πολλά τε γάρ 
μιν καὶ μεγάλα τὰ ἐπαείροντα καὶ ἐποτρύνοντα 
ἣν, πρῶτον μὲν ἡ γένεσις, τὸ δοκέειν πλέον τι 
εἶναι ἀνθρώπου, δεύτερα δὲ ἡ εὐτυχίη ἡ κατὰ 
τοὺς πολέμους γενομένη" ὅκῃ γὰρ ἰθύσειε στρα- 
τεύεσθαι Κῦρος, ἀμήχανον ἦν ἐκεῖνο τὸ ἔθνος 
διαφυγεῖν. 

905. Ἦν δὲ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἀποθανόντος γυνὴ τῶν 
256 


BOOK I. 203-205 


beyond the pillars of Heracles, which they call 


. Atlantic, and the Red Sea, are all one: but the 


Caspian is separate and by itself. Its length is what 
a ship rowed by oars can traverse in fifteen days, and 
its breadth, where it is broadest, is an eight days’ 
journey. Along its western shore stretches the range 
of Caucasus, which has more and higher mountains 
than any other range. Many and “all manner of 
nations dwell in the Caucasus, and the most of them 
live on the fruits of the wild wood. Here, it is said, 
are trees growing leaves that men crush and mix 
with water and use for the painting of figures on 
their clothing ; these figures cannot be washed out, 
but last as long as the wool, as if they had been 
woven into it from the first. Men and women here 
(they say) have intercourse openly, a“ beasts of 
the flock. 

204. This sea called Caspian is hemmed in to the - 
west by the Caucasus: towards the east and the sun- 
rise there stretches from its shores a boundless plain 
as far as sight can reach. The greater part of this 
wide plain is the country of the Massagetae, against 
whom Cyrus was eager to lead his army. For there 
were many reasons of weight that heartened and 
encouraged him so to do: first, his birth, whereby 
he seemed to be something more than mortal man, 
and next, his victories in his wars; for no nation 
that Cyrus undertook to attack could escape from 
him. 

- 205. Now at this time the Massagetae were ruled 
251 


lr 


hs 


HERODOTUS 


Μασσαγετέων βασίλεια. Τόμυρίς of ἣν οὔνομα. 
ταύτην πέµπων 0 Kópos ἐμνᾶτο τῷ λόγῳ θέλων 
γυναῖκα ἣν ἔχειν. ἡ δὲ Τόμυρις συνιεῖσα οὐκ 
αὐτήν μιν μνώμενον ἀλλὰ τὴν Μασσαγετέων 
βασιληίην, ἀπείπατο τὴν πρόσοδον. Κῦρος δὲ 
μετὰ τοῦτο, ὥς οἱ δόλῳ οὐ προεχώρεε, ἐλάσας ἐπὶ 
τὸν ᾿Αράξεα ἐποιέετο ἐκ τοῦ ἐμφανέος ἐπὶ τοὺς 

ασσαγέτας στρατηίην, γεφύρας τε ζευγνύων ἐπὶ 
τοῦ ποταμοῦ διάβασιν τῷ στρατῷ, καὶ πύργους 
ἐπὶ πλοίων τῶν διαπορθμευόντων τὸν ποταμὸν 
οἰκοδομεόμενός. 

206. Ἔχοντι δέ οἱ τοῦτον τὸν πόνον πέμψασα 
ἡ Τόμυρις κήρυκα ἔλεγε τάδε. “"Ὦ βασιλεῦ My- 
δων, παῦσαι σπεύδων τὰ σπεύδεις: οὐ γὰρ ἂν εἰδείης 
εἴ τοι ἐς καιρὸν ἔσται ταῦτα TEACO Eva: παυσά- 
pevos δὲ βασίλευε τῶν σεωυτοῦ, καὶ ἡμέας ἀνέχευ 
ὁρέων ἄρχοντας τῶν περ ἄρχομεν. οὔκων ἐθελήσεις 
ὑποθήκῃσι τῇσιδε χρᾶσθαι, ἀλλὰ πάντως μᾶλλον 
4 δι ἡσυχίης εἶναι σὺ δὴ εἰ μεγάλως προθυμέαι 
Μασσαγετέων πειρηθῆναι, φέρε μόχθον μὲν τὸν 
ἔχεις ζευγνὺς τὸν ποταμὸν ἅπες, σὺ δὲ ἡμέων 
ἀναχωρησάντων ἀπὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ τριῶν ἡμερέων 
ὁδὸν διάβαινε ἐς τὴν ἡμετέρην: εἰ ὃ ἡμέας βού- 
λεαι ἐσδέξασθαι μᾶλλον ἐς τὴν ὑμετέρην, σὺ 
τὠυτὸ τοῦτο ποίεε. ταῦτα δὲ ἀκούσας ὁ Κῦρος 
συνεκάλεσε Περσέων τοὺς πρώτους, συναγείρας 
δὲ τούτους ἐς μέσον σφι προετίθεε τὸ πρῆγμα, 
συμβουλευόμενος ὁκότερα ποιέῃ. τῶν δὲ κατὰ 
τὠυτὸ αἱ γνῶμαι συνεξέπιπτον κελευόντων ἐσδέ- 


2 


κεσθαι Τόμυρίν τε καὶ τὸν στρατὸν αὐτῆς ἐς 
τὴν χώρην. 


258 


BOOK I. 205-206 


by a queen, called Tomyris, whose husband was dead. 
Cyrus sent a message with a pretence of wooing her 
for his wife, but Tomyris would have none of this 
advance, well understanding that he wooed not her 
but the kingdom of the Massagetae. So when guile 
availed him nothing Cyrus marched to the Araxes 
and openly prepared to attack the Massagetae; he 
bridged the river that his army might cross, and . 
built towers on the pontoons that should carry his 
men over. 
. 206. But while he was at this work Tomyris sent 
a herald to him with this message: “Cease, king of 
the Medes, from that on which you are intent; for 
you cannot know if the completion of this work will 
be for your advantage. Cease, and be king of your 
own country; and be patient to see us ruling those 
whom we rule. But if you will not take this counsel, 
and will do all rather than remain at peace, then if 
you so greatly desire to essay the strength of the 
Massagetae, do you quit your present labour of 
bridging the river, and suffer us to draw off three 
days’ journey from the Araxes; and when that is 
done, cross into our country. Or if you desire rather 
to receive us into your country, do you then yourself 
withdraw as I have said." Hearing this, Cyrus 
assembled the chief among the Persians and laid the 
matter before them, asking them to advise him 
which he should do. They all spoke to the same 
purpose, urging him to suffer Tomyris and her army 
to enter his country. 

259 


HERODOTUS 


207. Παρεὼν δὲ καὶ μεμφόμενος τὴν γνώμην 
ταύτην Κροῖσος ὁ ὁ Λυδὸς ἀπεδείκνυτο ἐναντίην τῇ 
προκειµένῃ γνώμῃ, λέγων τάδε. “QO βασιλεῦ, 
εἶπον μὲν καὶ | πρότερόν τοι ὅτι ἐπεί με. Zeus ἔδωκέ 
τοι, τὸ ἂν ὁρῶ σφάλμα ἐὸν οἴκῳ τῷ σῷ, κατὰ δύ- 
ναμιν ἀποτρέψειν' τὰ δὲ μοι παθήματα ἐόντα 
ἀχάριτα μαθήματα γέγονε. εἰ μὲν ἀθάνατος δοκέεις 
εἶναι καὶ στρατιῆς τοιαύτης ἄρχειν, οὐδὲν ἂν ein 
πρῆγμα γνώμας ἐμὲ σοὶ ἀποφαίνεσθαι: εἶ δ᾽ 
ἔγνωκας ὅτι ἄνθρωπος καὶ σὺ εἷς καὶ ἑτέρων 
τοιῶνδε ἄρχεις, ἐκεῖνο πρῶτον μάθε, ὡς κύκλος 
τῶν ἀνθρωπηίων ἐστὶ πρηγμάτων, περιφερόμενος 
δὲ οὐκ ἐᾷ aiel τοὺς αὐτοὺς εὐτυχέειν. (ἤδη à ὧν ἔχω 
γνώμην περὶ τοῦ προκειμένου πρήγματος τὰ 
ἔμπαλιν ἢ οὗτοι. εἰ γὰρ ἐθελήσομεν ἐσδέξασθαι 
τοὺς πολεμίους ἐς τὴν χώρην, δὸς τοι ἐν αὐτῷ 
κίνδυνος € ἔνι" ἑσσωθεὶς μὲν προσαπολλύεις πᾶσαν 
τὴν ἀρχήν. δῆλα γὰρ δὴ ὅτι νικῶντες Μασ- 
σαγέται oU τὸ ὀπίσω φεύξονται GNX’ ἐπ᾿ ἀρχὰς 
τὰς σὰς ἐλῶσι. νωκῶν δὲ οὐ νικᾷς τοσοῦτον 
ὅσον εἰ διαβὰς ἐ ἐς τὴν ἐκείνων, νικῶν Μασσαγέτας, 
ἕποιο φεύγουσι. τὠυτὸ yap ἀντιθήσω ἐκείνῳ, 
ὅτι νικήσας τοὺς ἀντιουμένους ἐλᾷς ἰθὺ τῆς 
ἀρχῆς. τῆς Τομύριος. χωρίς τε τοῦ ἀπηγημένου 
αἰσχρὸν καὶ οὐκ ἀνασχετὸν Κῦρόν γε τὸν Καμ- 
βύσεω γυναικὶ εἴξαντα ὑποχωρῆσαι τῆς .Χώρης. 
νῦν ὧν μοι δοκέει διαβάντας προελθεῖν ὅ ὅσον ἂν 
ἐκεῖνοι ὑπεξίωσι, ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ τάδε ποιεῦντας πει- 
ρᾶσθαι ἐκείνων περιγενέσθαι. ὡς γὰρ ἐγὼ πυν- 
θάνομαι, Μασσαγέται εἰσὶ ἀγαθῶν τε Ἡερσικῶν 
ἄπειροι καὶ καλῶν μεγάλων ἀπαθέες. τούτοισι 


260 


BOOK I. 207 


207. But Croesus the Lydian, who was present, 
was displeased by their counsel and spoke against it. 
* Sire," said he, * you have ere now heard from me 
that since Zeus has given me to you I will to the 
best of my power turn aside whatever mischance I 
see threatening your house. And disaster has been 
my teacher. Now if you deem yourself and the army 
that you lead to be immortal, it is not for me to give 
you advice; but if you know that you and those 
whom you rule are but men, then I must first teach 
you this: men's fortunes are on a wheel, which in its 
turning suffers not the same man to prosper for ever. 
Then, if that be true, I am not of the same mind on 
the business in hand as these your other counsellors. 
This is the danger if we agree to suffer the enemy 
to enter your country: if you lose the battle you 
lose. your empire also, for it is plain that if the 
Massagetae win they will not retreat back but will 
march against your provinces. And if you con- 
quer them it is a lesser victory than if you crossed 
into their country and routed the Massagetae and 
pursued them; for I balance your chances against 
theirs, and suppose that when you have worsted 
your adversaries you will march for the seat of 
Tomyris’ power. And besides what I have shown, it 
were a thing shameful and not to be borne that Cyrus 
the son of Cambyses should yield and give ground 
before a woman. Now therefore it is in my mind that 
we should cross and go forward as far as they go 
back, and that then we should endeavour to overcome 
them by doing as I shall show. As I learn, the 
Massagetae have no experience of the good things 
of Persia, nor have they ever fared well in respect of 
what is greatly desirable. For these men, therefore, 


261 


HERODOTUS 


ὧν τοῖσι ἀνδράσι τῶν προβάτων ἀφειδέως πολλὰ 
κατακόψαντας. καὶ σκευάσαντας προθεῖναι ἐν τῷ 
στρατοπέδῳ τῷ ἡμετέρῳ δαῖτα, πρὸς δὲ καὶ κρη- 
τῆρας ἀφειδέως οἴνου ἀκρήτου καὶ σιτία παντοῖα" 
ποιήσαντας δὲ ταῦτα, ὑπολιπομένους τῆς στρατιῆς 
τὸ φλαυρύτατον, τοὺς λοιποὺς αὖτις ἐξαναχωρέειν 
ἐπὶ τὸν ποταμόν. ἣν γὰρ ἐγὸ γνώμης μὴ ἁμάρτω, 
κεῖνοι ἰδόμενοι ἀγαθὰ πολλὰ τρέψονταί τε πρὸς 
αὐτὰ καὶ ἡμῖν τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν λείπεται ἀπόδεξις 
ἔργων μεγάλων." 

208. Γνῶμαι μὲν αὗται συνέστασαν' Κῦρος δὲ 
μετεὶς τὴν προτέρην γνώμην, τὴν Κροίσου δὲ 
ἑλόμενος, προηγόρευε 'T ομύρι ἐξαναχωρέειν ὡς 
αὐτοῦ διαβησομένου ἐπ᾽ é ἐκείνην. ἣ μὲν δὴ ἐξανε- 
χώρεε κατὰ ὑπέσχετο πρῶτα" Κῦρος δὲ Ιζροῖσον 
ἐς τὰς χεῖρας ἐσθεὶς τῷ ἑωυτοῦ παιδὶ Καμβύσῃ, 
τῷ περ τὴν βασιληίην ἐδίδου, καὶ πολλὰ έτει- 
λάµενός οἱ τιμᾶν τε αὐτὸν καὶ εὖ ποιέειν, ἣν 7) 
διάβασις ἡ ἐπὶ Μασσαγέτας μὴ ὀρ θωθῇ, ταῦτα 
ἐντειλάμενος καὶ ἀποστείλας τούτους ἐς Πέρσας, 
αὐτὸς διέβαινε τὸν ποταμὸν καὶ ὁ στρατὸς αὐτοῦ. 

209. ᾿Επείτε δὲ ἐπεραιώθη, τὸν. ᾿Αράξεα, νυκτὸς 
ἐπελθούσης εἶδε ὄψιν εὔδων ἐν τῶν Μασσαγετέων 
τῇ χώρῃ τοιήνδε" ἐδόκεε ὁ Κῦρος ἐ ἐν τῷ ὕπνῳ ὁρᾶν 
τῶν Ὑστάσπεος παίδων τὸν πρεσβύτατον € ἔχοντα 
ἐπὶ τῶν ὤμων. πτέρυγας καὶ τουτέων τῇ μὲν 
τὴν ᾿;Ασίην τῇ δὲ τὴν Εὐρώπην ἐπισκιάξειν. 
Ὑστάσπεϊ δὲ τῷ Αρσάμεος ἐόντι ἀνδρὶ᾽ A χαιμενίδῃ 
ἦν τῶν παίδων Δαρεῖος πρεσβύτατος, ἐὼν τότε 
ἡλικίην ἐς εἴκοσί κου μάλιστα ἔτεα, καὶ οὗτος 
κατελέλειπτο ἐν Πέρσῃσι" οὐ γὰρ εἶχέ κω ἡλικίην 
στρατεύεσθαι. ἐπεὶ ὧν δὴ ἐξηγέρθη ὁ Κῦρος, 


262 


BOOK I. 207-209 


I counsel you to cut up the flesh of many of your 
sheep and goats into portions unstintingly, and to 
cook it and serve it as a feast in our camp, providing 
many bowls of unmixed wine withal and all manner 
of food, Then let your army withdraw to the river 
again, leaving behind that part of it which is of least 
account. For if I err not in my judgment, when the 
Massagetae see so many good things they will betake 
them to feasting thereon; and it will be for us then 
to achieve mighty deeds.” 

208. So these opinions contended ; and Cyrus set 
aside his former plan and chose that of Croesus; 
wherefore he bade Tomyris draw her army off, for he 
would cross (he said) and attack her; so she 
withdrew as she had promised before. Then he gave 
Croesus to the care of his own son Cambyses, to 
whom he purposed to leave his sovereignty, charging 
Cambyses to honour Croesus and entreat him well, if 
the crossing of the river against the Massagetae should 
not prosper. With this charge he sent the two back 
to Persia, and crossed the river, he and his army. 

209. Then, being now across the Araxes, he dreamt 
at night while sleeping in the country of the Massa- 
getae, that he saw the eldest of the sons of Hystaspes 
wearing wings on his shoulders, the one wing over- 
shadowing Asia and the other Europe. (Hystaspes 
son of Arsames was an Achaemenid, and Darius was 
the eldest of his sons, being then about twenty years 
old; this Darius had been left behind in Persia, 
being not yet of an age to follow the army.) So when 


263 


HERODOTUS 


ἐδίδου λόγον ἑωυτῷ περὶ τῆς ὄψιος. ὡς δέ οἱ 
ἐδόκεε μεγάλη εἶναι ἡ ὄψις, καλέσας Ὑστάσπεα 
καὶ ἀπολαβὼν μοῦνον εἶπε ' “Ὕστασπες, TALS σος 
ἐπιβουλεύων ἐμοί τε καὶ τῇ ἐμῇ ἀρχῇ ἑάλωκε. ὡς 
δὲ ταῦτα ἀτρεκέως οἶδα, ἐ ἐγὼ σημανέω" ἐμεῦ θεοὶ 
κήδονται καί μοι πάντα προδεικνύουσι τὰ ἐπιφε- 
ρόµενα. ἤδη ὧν ἐν τη παροιχομένῃ νυκτὶ εὔδων 
εἶδον τῶν σῶν παίδων τὸν πρεσβύτατον ἔχοντα 
ἐπὶ τῶν ὤμων πτέρυγας καὶ τουτέων τῇ μὲν. .τὴν 
᾿Ασίην τῇ δὲ τὴν Εὐρώπην ἐπισκιάζειν. οὔκων 
ἐστὶ μηχανὴ ἀπὸ τῆς ὄψιος ταύτης οὐξεμία τὸ μὴ 
ἐκεῖνον ἐπιβουλεύειν ἐμοί" σύ νυν τὴν ταχίστην 
τορεύεο ὀπίσω ἐς Πέρσας καὶ ποίεε ὅκως, ἐπεὰν 
ἐγὼ τάδε καταστρεψάμενος ἔλθω ἐκεῖ, ὥς μοι 
καταστήσεις τὸν παῖδα ἐς ἔλεγχον. a 

210. Kópos μὲν δοκέων οἱ Δαρεῖον ἐπιβουλεύειν» 
ἔλεγε τάδε ᾿ τῷ δὲ ὁ 0 δαίμων προέφαινε ὡς αὐτὸς 
μὲν τελευτήσειν αὐτοῦ ταύτῃ μέλλοι, ἡ δὲ βα- 
σιληίη αὐτοῦ περιχωρέοι ἐς Δαρεῖον. ἀμείβεται 
δὴ à ὧν ὁ YoráoT)S τοῖσιδε. O βασιλεῦ, μὴ εἴη 
ἀνὴρ Πέρσης γεγονὼς ὅστις του ἐπιβουλεύσειε, et 
δ' ἔστι, ἀπόλοιτο ὡς τάχιστα" ὃς ἀντὶ μὲν δούλων 
ἐποίησας ἐλευθέρους Πέρσας εἶναι, ἀντὶ δὲ ἄ ἄρχε- 
σθαι ὑπ᾽ ἄλλων ἄρχειν ἁπάντων. εἰ δέ τίς τοι 
ὄψις ἀπαγγέλλει παῖδα τὸν ἐμὸν νεώτερα βου- 
λεύειν περὶ σέο, ἐγώ τοι παραδίδωμι χρᾶσθαι 
αὐτῷ τοῦτο ὅ τι σὺ Βούλεαι." 

911. Ὑστάσπης μὲν τούτοισι ἀμειψάμενος καὶ 
διαβὰς τὸν ᾿Αράξεα ἤιε ἐς Πέρσας φυλάξων 
Κύρῳ τὸν παῖδα Δαρεῖον, Κῦρος δὲ προελθὼν 
ἀπὸ τοῦ ᾿Αράξεω ἡμέρης ὁδὸν ἐποίεε κατὰ τὰς 
Κροίσου ὑποθήκας. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα Κύρου τε 


264 


BOOK I. 209-211 


Cyrus awoke he considered his vision, and because 
it seemed to him to be of great import, he sent for 
Hystaspes and said to him privately, “I find, 
Hystaspes, that your son is guilty of plotting against 
me and my sovereignty; and I will tell you how I 
know this for a certainty. I am a man for whom the 
gods take thought, and show me beforehand all that 
is coming. Now this being so, I have seen in a 
dream in the past night your eldest son with wings 
on his shoulders, overshadowing Asia with the one 
and Europe with the other; wherefore it is from 
this vision most certain that he is plotting against 
me. Do you therefore go with all speed back to 
Persia, and so act that when I come thither after 
subduing this country you shall bring your son before 
me to be questioned of this." 

210. So spoke Cyrus, thinking that Darius was 
plotting against him; but in truth heaven was 
showing him that he himself was to die in the land 
where he was, and Darius to inherit his kingdom. 
So then Hystaspes answered him thus :—“ Sire, the 
gods forbid that any Persian born should plot against 
you! but if such there be, may he speedily perish ; 
for you have made the Persians freemen instead of 
slaves and rulers of all instead of subjects. But if 
your vision does indeed tell that my son is planning 
aught to your hurt, take him; he is yours to use 
as pleases you.” 

211. Having so answered, Hystaspes returned 
across the Araxes to Persia to watch Darius for 
Cyrus; and Cyrus, going forward a day’s journey 
from the Araxes, did according to Croesus’ advice. 
After this Cyrus and the sound part of the Persian 


265 


HERODOTUS 


καὶ Περσέων τοῦ καθαροῦ στρατοῦ ἀπελά- 
σαντος ὀπίσω ἐπὶ τὸν ᾿Αράξεᾶ, λειφθέντος δὲ 
τοῦ ἀχρηίου, ἐπελθοῦσα τῶν Μασσαγετέων 
τριτημορὶς τοῦ στρατοῦ τούς τε λειφθέντας τῆς 
Κύρου στρατιῆς ἐφόνευε ἀλεξομένους καὶ τὴν 
προκειμένην ἰδόντες δαῖτα, ὡς ἐχειρώσαντο τοὺς 
ἐναντίους, κλιθέντες ἐδαίνυντο, πληρωθέντες δὲ 
φορβῆς καὶ οἴνου ηὗδον. οἱ δὲ Πέρσαι ἐπελθόντες 
πολλοὺς μὲν σφέων ἐφόνευσαν, πολλῷ δ᾽ ἔτι 
πλεῦναςφ᾽ ἐζώγρησαν καὶ ἄλλους καὶ τὸν τῆς Baci- 
λείης Τομύριος παῖδα στρατηγέοντα Μασσαγετέων, 
τῷ οὔνομα ἦν Σπαργαπίσης. 

919, Ἢ δὲ πυθομένη τἆ τε περὶ τὴν στρατιὴν 
γεγονότα καὶ τὰ περὶ τὸν παῖδα, τ πέμπουσα κήρυκα 
παρὰ Κῦρον ἔλεγε τάδε. “ "Amo TE αἵματος Κῦρε. 
μηδὲν ἐπαερθῇς τῷ γεγονότι τῷδε πρήγματι, εἰ . 
ἀμπελίνῳ καρπῷ, τῷ περ αὐτοὶ ἐμπιπλάμενοι 
μαίνεσθε οὕτω ὥστε. κατιόντος τοῦ οἴνου ἐς τὸ 
σῶμα ἐπαναπλέειν ὑμῖν ἔπεα κακά, τοιούτῳ φαρ- 
μάκῳ δολώσας ἐκράτησας παιδὸς τοῦ ἐμοῦ, ἀλλ᾽ 
οὐ μάχῃ κατὰ τὸ καρτερόν. νῦν ὧν µευ εὖ παραι- 
νεούσης ὑπόλαβε τὸν λόγον" ἀποδούς μοι τὸν 
παῖδα ἄπιθι € ἐκ τῆσδε τῆς χώρης ἀζήμιος, Μασ- 
σαγετέων τριτημορί t τοῦ στρατοῦ κατυβρίσας. 
εἰ δὲ ταῦτα οὐ ποιήσεις, ἥλιον ἐπόμνυμί τοι τὸν 
Μασσαγετέων δεσπότην, ἢ Ù μέν σε ἐγὼ καὶ ἅπλη- 
στον ἐόντα αἵματος κορέσω. 

218. Κῦρος μὲν ἐπέων οὐδένα τούτων ἀνενει- 
χθέντων ἐποιέετο λόγον: ὁ δὲ τῆς βασιλείης 
Ῥομύριος παῖς Σπαργαπίσης, ὥς μιν ὃ τε οἶνος 
ἀνῆκε καὶ ἔμαθε ἵνα 5v κακοῦ, δεηθεὶς Κύρου 
ἐκ τῶν δεσμῶν λυθῆναι ἔτυχε, ὡς δὲ ἐλύθη τε 


266 


BOOK I. ar1—213 


army marched away back to the Araxes, leaving 
behind those that were useless; whereupon a third 
part of the host of the Massagetae attacked those of 
the army who were left behind and slew them 
despite resistance; then, seeing the banquet spread, 
when they had overcome their enemies they sat 
down and feasted, and after they had taken their fill 
of food and wine they fell asleep. Then the Persians 
came upon them and slew many and took many 
more alive, among whom was the son of Tomyris 
the queen, Spargapises by name, the leader of the 
Massagetae. 

212. When Tomyris heard what had befallen her 
army and her son, she senta herald to Cyrus with this 
message :—** Bloodthirsty Cyrus, be not uplifted by 
this that you have done; it is no matter for pride if 
the fruit of the vine—that fruit whereof you Persians 
drink even to madness, so that the wine passing into 
your bodies makes evil words to rise in a flood to 
your lips—has served you as a drug to master my 
son withal, by guile and not in fair fight. Now 
therefore take this word of good counsel from me: 
give me back my son and depart unpunished from 
this country; it is enough that you have done 
despite to a third part of the host of the Massagetae. 
But if you will not do this, then I swear by the sun, 
the lord of the Massagetae, that for all you are so 
insatiate of blood, I will give you your fill thereof.” 

213. This message was brought to Cyrus, who 
cared nothing for it. But Spar; gapises, the son of 
the queen Tomyris, when his drunkenness left him 
and he knew his evil plight, entreated Cyrus that he 
might be loosed from his bonds; and this was granted 


VOL.I. L 267 


HERODOTUS 


τάχιστα καὶ τῶν χειρῶν ἐκράτησε, διεργάζεται 
ἑωυτόν. 

214. Καὶ δὴ οὗτος μὲν τρόπῳ τοιούτῳ τελευτᾷ" 
Τόμυρις δέ, ὦ ὥς οἱ Κῦρος οὐκ ἐσήκουσε, συλλέξασα 
πᾶσαν τὴν ἑωυτῆς δύναμιν συνέβαλε Κύρῳ. ταύ- 
την τὴν μάχην, ὅσαι δὴ Βαρβάρων ἀνδρῶν μάχαι 
ἐγένοντο, κρίνω ἰσχυροτάτην γενέσθαι, καὶ δὴ καὶ 
πυνθάνομαι οὕτω τοῦτο γενόμενον. πρῶτα. μὲν 
γὰρ λέγεται αὐτοὺς διαστάντας ἐς ἀλλήλους 
τοξεύειν, μετὰ δὲ ὥς σφι τὰ βέλεα ἐξετετόξευτο, 
συμπεσόντας τῇσι αἰχμῇσί τε καὶ τοῖσι ἐγχεέρι- 
δίοισι συνέχεσθαι. χρόνον τε δὴ ἐπὶ πολλὸν 
συνεστάναι μαχομένους καὶ οὐδετέρους ἐθέλειν 
φεύγειν' τέλος δὲ οἱ Μασσαγέται περιεγένοντο. 
jj τεδὴ πολλὴ τῆς Περσικῆς στρατιῆς αὐτοῦ ταύτῃ 
διεφθάρη καὶ δὴ καὶ αὐτὸς Κῦρος τελευτᾷ, βασι- 
λεύσας τὸ πάντα ἑνὸς δέοντα τριήκοντα ἔτεα. 
ἀσκὸν δὲ πλήσασα αἵματος ἀνθρωπηΐου Τόμυρις 
ἐδίζητο ἐ ἐν τοῖσι τεθνεῶσι τῶν Περσέων τὸν Κύρου 
νέκυν, ὡς δὲ εὗρε, ἐναπῆκε αὐτοῦ τὴν κεφαλὴν € ἐς 
τὸν ἀσκόν, λυμαινομένη δὲ τῷ νεκρῷ ἐπέλεγε τάδε" 
«Σὺ μὲν ἐμὲ ζῶσάν τε καὶ νικῶσάν σε μάχῃ 
ἀπώλεσας, παῖδα τὸν. ἐμὸν ἑλὼν δόλῳ" σὲ δ᾽ eyo, 
κατά περ ἠπείλησα, αἵματος κορέσω. " qà uev δὴ 
κατὰ τὴν Κύρου τελευτὴν τοῦ βίου, πολλῶν λόγων 
λεγομένων, ὅδε µοι ὁ πιθανώτατος εἴρηται. 

215. Μασσαγέται δὲ ἐσθῆτά τε ὁμοίην τῇ 
Σκυθικῇ φορέουσι καὶ δίαιταν ἔχουσι, ἱππόται δὲ 
εἰσὶ καὶ ἄνιπποι (ἀμφοτέρων γὰρ μετέχουσι) καὶ 
τοξόται τε καὶ αἰχμοφόροι, σαγάρις νομίξοντες 
ἔχειν. χρυσῷ δὲ καὶ χαλκῷ τὰ πάντα χρέωνται" 


268 


BOOK I. 213-215 


him; but no sooner was he loosed and had the use 
of his hands, than he made away with himself. 

214. Such was the end of Spargapises. Tomyris, 
when Cyrus would not listen to her, collected all her 
power and joined battle with him. This fight I 
judge to have been the stubbornest of all fights 
that were ever fought by men that were not Greek ; 
and indeed I have learnt that this was so. For 
first (it is said) they shot at each other from a dis- 
tance with arrows; presently, their arrows being all 
shot away, they rushed upon each other and fought 
at grips with their spears and their daggers ; and for 
a long time they battled foot to foot and neither 
would give ground; but at last the Massagetae had 
the mastery. There perished the greater part of the 
Persian army, and there fell Cyrus himself, having 
reigned thirty years in all save one. Tomyris filled a 
skin with human blood, and sought for Cyrus’ body 
among the Persian dead; when she found it, she put 
his head into the skin, and spoke these words of 
insult to the dead man: “Though I live and conquer 
thee, thou hast undone me, overcoming my son by 
guile; but even as I threatened, so will I do, and 
give thee thy fill of blood." Many stories are related 
of Cyrus’ death; this, that I have told, is the 
worthiest of credence. 

215. These Massagetae are like the Scythians in 
their dress and manner of life. They are both 
horsemen and footmen (having some of each kind), 
and spearmen and bowmen; and it is their custom to 
carry battle-axes. They ever use gold and bronze; 


269 


HERODOTUS 


Ld A 4 > , . ) Ww ὃ 4 , 
ὅσα μὲν yàp ἐς αἰχμὰς καὶ ἄρδις καὶ σαγάρις, 
χαλκῷ τὰ πάντα χρέωνται, ὅσα δὲ περὶ κεφαλὴν 
καὶ ζωστῆρας καὶ μασχαλιστῆρας, χρυσῷ roc- 
µέονται. ὣς δ᾽ αὕτως τῶν ἵππων τὰ μὲν περὶ τὰ 
7 LÀ , 4 M M 
στέρνα χαλκέους θώρηκας περιβάλλουσι, τὰ δὲ 
περὶ τοὺς χαλινοὺς καὶ στόμια καὶ φάλαρα 
ρυσῷ. σιδήρῳ δὲ οὐδ᾽ ἀργύρῳ χρέωνται οὐδέν" 
^ 4 9 
οὐδὲ γὰρ οὐδέ σφι ἐστὶ ἐν τῇ χώρῃ, ὁ δὲ χρυσὸς 
καὶ ὁ χαλκὸς ἄπλετος. 
916. Νόμοισι δὲ χρέωνται τοιοῖσιδε. γυναῖκα 
μὲν γαμέει ἕκαστος, ταύτῃσι δὲ ἐπίκοινα χρέωνται: 
M . ’ νο / r 
τὸ γὰρ Σκύθας φασὶ Ἕλληνες ποιέειν, où Σκύθαι 
εἰσὶ οἱ ποιέοντες ἀλλὰ Μασσαγέται: τῆς γὰρ 
ἐπιθυμήσῃ γυναικὸς Μασσαγέτης ἀνήρ, τὸν φαρε- 
^ . - ld 
τρεῶνα ἀποκρεμάσας πρὸ τῆς ἁμάξης μίσγεται 
$ ^ $ t / [4 2 \ 
ἀδεῶς. οὗρος δὲ ἡλικίης σφι προκειται ἄλλος μὲν 
4 
οὐδείς: ἐπεὰν δὲ γέρων γένηται κάρτα, οἱ προσ- 
ἡκοντές οἱ πάντες συνελθόντες θύουσί μιν κ 
1 ή e 9 ^ e [d ` ~ , 
ἄλλα πρόβατα ἅμα αὐτῷ, ἑψήσαντες δὲ τὰ κρέα 
e , 
κατευωχέονται. ταῦτα μὲν τὰ ὀλβιώτατά σφι 
νενόμισται, τὸν δὲ νούσῳ τελευτήσαντα οὐ κατα- 
σιτέονται ἀλλὰ γῇ κρύπτουσι, συμφορὴν ποιεύ- 
νοι ὅτι οὐκ ἵκετο ἐς τὸ τυθῆναι. σπείρουσι 
, [4 3 3 , . / , 9 lA 
οὐδέν, GAN ἀπὸ κτηνέων ζώουσι καὶ ἴχθύων' 
^ xy 4 ? a? / ^ 
οἳ δὲ ἄφθονοί σφι ἐκ τοῦ Αράξεω ποταμοῦ παρα- 
, ^ ^ 
γίνονται γαλακτοπόται δ᾽ εἰσί. θεῶν δὲ μοῦνον 
ἥλιον σέβονται, τῷ θύουσι ἵππους. νόος δὲ 
οὗτος τῆς θυσίης τῶν θεῶν τῷ ταχίστφ πάντων 
τῶν θνητῶν τὸ τάχιστον δατέονται. 


270 


BOOK Ἱ. 215-216 


all their spear-points and arrow-heads and battle-axes 
are of bronze, and gold is the adornment of their 
headgear and belts and girdles. They treat their 
horses in like manner, arming their forehands with 
bronze breastplates and putting gold on reins, bits, 
and cheekplates. But iron and silver they never 
use; for there is none at all in their country, but 
gold and bronze abounds. 

216. Now, for their customs: each man marries a 
wife, but the wives are common to all. The Greeks 
say this is a Scythian custom; it is not so, but a 
custom of the Massagetae. There, when a man 
desires a woman, he hangs his quiver before her 
waggon, and has intercourse with her, none hin- 
dering. Though they set no certain term to life, yet 
when a man is very old all his kin meet together 
and kill him, with beasts of the flock besides, 
then boil the flesh and feast on it. This is held 
to be the happiest death; when a man dies of a 
sickness they do not eat him, but bury him in the 
earth, and lament that he would not live to be killed. 
They never sow; their fare is their live-stock and 
the fish which they have in abundance from the 
Araxes. Their drink is milk. The sun is the only 
god whom they worship; to him they sacrifice 
horses; the reason of it is that he 1s the swiftest of 
the gods and therefore they give him the swiftest of 
mortal things. 


271 


BOOK II 


B 


1. Τελευτήσαντος δὲ - Κύρου παρέλαβε τὴν 
βασιληίην Καμβύσης, Κύρου ἐὼν παῖς καὶ Kac- 
σανδάνης τῆς Φαρνάσπεω θυγατρός, τῆς προαπο- 
θανούσης Κῦρος αὐτός τε μέγα πένθος ἐποιήσατο 
καὶ τοῖσι ἄλλοισι προεῖπε πᾶσι τῶν ἦρχε πένθος 
ποιέεσθαι. ταύτης δὴ τῆς γυναικὸς ἐὼν παῖς καὶ 
Κύρου Καμβύσης Ἴωνας μὲν καὶ Αἰολέας ὡς δού- 
λους πατρωίους ἐόντας ἐνόμιξε, ἐπὶ δὲ Αἴγυπτον 
ἐποιέετο στρατηλασίην ἄλλους τε παραλαβὼν 


τῶν ἦρχε καὶ δὴ καὶ Ἑλλήνων τῶν ἐπεκράτεε. 


2. Οἱ δὲ Αἰγύπτιοι, πρὶν μὲν ἢ Ψαμμήτιχον 
σφέων βασιλεῦσαι, ἐνόμιζον ἑωυτοὺς πρώτους 
γενέσθαι πάντων ἀνθρώπων: ἐπειδὴ δὲ Vap- 
μήτιχος βασιλεύσας ἠθέλησε εἰδέναι οἵτινες γενοί- 
aro πρῶτοι, ἀπὸ τούτου νομίζουσι Φρύγας 
προτέρους γενέσθαι ἑωυτῶν, τῶν δὲ ἄλλων 
ἑωυτούς. Ψαμμήτιχος δὲ ὡς οὐκ ἐδύνατο muv- 
θανόμενος πὀρονοὐδένα τούτου ἀνευρεῖν, ot γενοίατο 
πρῶτοι ἀνθρώπων, ἐπιτεχνᾶται τοιόνδε. παιδία 
δύο νεογνὰ ἀνθρώπων τῶν ἐπιτυχόντων δίδωσι 
ποιμένι τρέφειν ἐς τὰ ποίμνια τροφήν τινα τοιήνδε, 
ἐντειλάμενος μηδένα ἀντίον αὐτῶν μηδεμίαν φωνὴν 
ἱέναι, ἐν στέγῃ δὲ ἐρήμῃ ἐπ᾽ ἑωυτῶν κέεσθαι αὐτά, 
καὶ τὴν ὥρην ἐπαγινέειν σφι αἶγας, πλήσαντα 
δὲ γάλακτος τἆλλα διαπρήσσεσθαι' ταῦτα δὲ 
ἐποίεέ τε καὶ ἐνετέλλετο Ψαμμήτιχος θέλων ἀκοῦ- 


374 


BOOK II 


1. Arrer the death of Cyrus Cambyses inherited 
his throne. He was the son of Cyrus and Cassandane 
daughter of Pharnaspes, for whom, when she died 
before him, Cyrus himself mourned deeply and bade 
all his subjects mourn also. Cambyses was the son 
of this woman and Cyrus. He considered the Ionians . 
and Aeolians as slaves inherited from his father, and 
prepared an expedition against Egypt, taking with 
him, with others subject to him, some of the Greeks 
over whom he held sway. 

2. Now before Psammetichus became king of 
_Egypt,! the Egyptians deemed themselves to be the 
oldest nation on earth. But ever since he desired to 
learn, on becoming king, what nation was oldest, 
they have considered that, though they came before 
all other nations, the Phrygians are older still. 
Psammetichus, being nowise able to discover by 
inquiry what men had first come into being, devised 
a plan whereby he took two newborn children of 
common men and gave them to a shepherd to 
bring up among his flocks. He gave charge that 
none should speak any word in their hearing ; they 
were to lie by themselves in a lonely hut, and in 
due season the shepherd was to bring goats and 
give the children their milk and do all else 
needful. Psammetichus did this, and gave this 
charge, because he desired to hear what speech 

1 In 664 B.C., probably. 
275 


peri 


HERODOTUS 


σαι τῶν παιδίων, ἀπαλλαχθέντων τῶν ἀσήμων 
κνυξημάτων, ἥντινα φωνὴν ῥήξουσι πρώτην' τά 
περ ὧν καὶ ἐγένετο. ὡς γὰρ διέτης χρόνος ἐγε- 
γόνεε ταῦτα τῷ ποιμένι πρήσσοντι, ἀνοίγοντι 
τὴν θύρην καὶ ἐσιόντι τὰ παιδία ἀμφάτερα 
προσπίπτοντα Bexos ἐφώνεον,, ὀρέγοντα τὰς χεῖ- 
ρας. τὰ μὲν δὴ πρῶτα ἀκούσας ἥσυχος ἦν ὁ 
ποιμήν" ὡς δὲ πολλάκις φοιτέοντι καὶ ἐπιμελο- 
μένῳ πολλὸν ἡ ἦν τοῦτο τὸ ἔπος, οὕτω δὴ σημήνας τῷ 
δεσπότῃ ἤγαγε τὰ παιδία κελεύσαντος ἐς ὄψιν 
τὴν ἐκείνου. ἀκούσας δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς ὁ Ψαμμήτιχος 
ἐπγυνθάνετο οἵτινες -ἀνθρώπων͵ Beros τι καλέουσι, 
πυνθανόμενος δὲ εὕρισκε Φρύγας καλέοντας τὸν 
ἄρτον. οὕτω συνεχώρησαν Αὐγύπτεοι καὶ τοιούτῳ 
σταθμησάμενοι πρήγματι τοὺς Φρύγας πρεσβυ- 
τέρους εἶναι ἑωυτῶν. ὧδε μὲν γενέσθαι τῶν ἐρέων 
τοῦ Ἡφαίστου τοῦ ἐν Μέμφι ἤκουον. " Ἕλληνες 
δὲ λέγουσι ἄλλα τε μάταια πολλὰ καὶ á ὡς γυναικῶν 
τὰς γλώσσας ò Ψαμμήτιχος ἐκταμὼν τὴν δίαιταν 
οὕτω ἐποιήσατο τῶν παίδων παρὰ ταύτῃσι 
τῇσι γυναιξί. | 

3. Κατὰ μὲν δὴ τὴν. Nag 6° τῶν παίδων 
τοσαῦτα ἔλεγον, ἤκουσα. δὲ καὶ ἄλλα ἐν Μέμφι 
ἐλθὼν é ἐς λόγους τοῖσι ἱρεῦσι τοῦ Ἡφαίστου, καὶ 
δὴ καὶ ἐς Θήβας τε καὶ ἐς Ηλίου πόλιν αὐτῶν 
τούτων εἵνεκεν ἐτραπόμην, ἐθέλων΄ εἰδέναι εἰ 
συμβήσονται τοῖσι λόγοισι τοῖσι ἐν Μέμφι" 
οἱ γὰρ Ἡλιοπολῖται λέγονται Αἰγυπτίων εἶναι 
λογιώτατοι. . τὰ μέν νυν θεῖα τῶν ἀπηγημάτων 
οἷα ἤκουον οὐκ εἰ μὲ πρόθυμος ἐξηγέεσθαι, ἔξω $ 
τὰ οὐνόματα αὐτῶν μοῦνον, νομίζων πάντας 


276 


BOOK Il. 2-3 


would first break from the children, when they were 
past the age of indistinct babbling. And he had his 
wish ; for when the shepherd had done as he was 
bidden for two years, one day as he opened the door 
and entered both the children ran to him stretching 
out their hands and calling * Bekos." When he first 
heard this he said nothing of it; but coming often 
and taking careful note, he was ever hearing this 
same word, till at last he told the matter to his 
master, and on command brought the children into 
the king's presence. Psammetichus heard them him- 
self, and inquired to what language this word Bekos 
might belong; he found it to be a Phrygian word 
signifying bread. Reasoning from this fact the 
Egyptians confessed that the Phrygians were older 
than they. This is the story which.I heard from the 
priests of Hephaestus’! temple at Memphis; the 
Greeks relate (among many foolish tales) that 
Psammetichus made the children to be reared by 
women whose tongues he had cut out. 

3. Besides this story of the rearing of the children, 
I heard also other things at Memphis, in converse 
with the priests of Hephaestus ; and I visited Thebes - 
too and Heliopolis for this very purpose, because’ I 
desired to know if the people of those places would 
tell me the same tale as the priests at Memphis; for 
the people of Heliopolis are said to be the most 
learned of the Egyptians. Now, for the stories which 
I heard about the gods, I am not desirous to relate 
them, saving only the names of the deities; for I 


. .! Identified by the Greeks with the Egyptian Ptah. 
277. 


HERODOTUS ΄΄ 


ἀνθρώπους ἴσον περὶ αὐτῶν ἐπίστασθαι" τὰ δ᾽ ἂν 
ἐπιμνησθέω αὐτῶν, ὑπὸ τοῦ λόγου ἐξαναγκαζόμενος 
ἐπιμνησθήσομαι. 

4. Ὅσα δὲ ἀνθρωπήια πρήγματα, ὧδε ἔλεγον 
ὁμολογέοντες σφίσι, πρώτους Αἰγυπτίους ἀνθρώ- 
πων ἁπάντων ἐξευρεῖν τὸν ἐνιαυτόν, δυώδεκα 
μέρεα δασαμένους τῶν ὡρέων ἐς αὐτόν: ταῦτα δὲ 
ἐξευρεῖν ἐκ τῶν ἀστέρων ἔλεγον" ἄγουσι δὲ τοσῴδε 
σοφώτερον Ἑλλήνῶν, ἐμοὶ δοκέειν, ὅσῳ "Ελληνες 
μὲν διὰ τρίτου ἔτεος ἐμβόλιμον ἐπεμβάλλουσι τῶν 
ὡρέων εἴνεκεν, Αἰγύπτιοι δὲ τριηκοντηµέρους 
ἄγοντες τοὺς δυώδεκα μῆνας ἐπάγουσι ἀνὰ πᾶν 
ἔτος πέντε ἡμέρας πάρεξ τοῦ ἀριθμοῦ, καί σφι ὁ 
κύκλος τῶν ὡρέων ἐς τὠυτὸ περιιὼν παραγίνεται. 


δυώδεκά τε θεῶν ἐπωνυμίας ἔλεγον πρώτους At- | 


γυπτίους νομίσαι καὶ "Ελληνας παρὰ σφέων 
ἀναλαβεῖν, βωμούς τε καὶ ἀγάλματα καὶ νηοὺς 
θεοῖσι ἀπονεῖμαι σφέας πρώτους καὶ ζῶα ἐν λίθοισι 
ἐγγλύψαι. καὶ τούτων μέν νυν τὰ πλέω ἔργῳ 
ἐδήλουν οὕτω γενόμενα. βασιλεῦσαι δὲ πρῶτον 
Αἰγύπτου ἄνθρωπον ἔλεγον Miva: ἐπὶ τούτου, 
πλὴν τοῦ Θηβαϊκοῦ νομοῦ, πᾶσαν Αἴγυπτον εἶναι 
ἕλος, καὶ αὐτῆς εἶναι οὐδὲν ὑπερέχον τῶν νῦν 
ἔνερθε λίμνης τῆς Μοίριος ἐόντων, ἐς τὴν ἀνάπλοος 
ἀπὸ θαλάσσης ἑπτὰ ἡμερέων ἐστὶ ἀνὰ τὸν 
ποταμόν. 

5. Καὶ εὖ μοι ἐδόκεον Xeyew περὶ τῆς χώρης" 
δῆλα γὰρ δὴ καὶ μὴ προακούσαντι ἰδόντι δέ, ὅστις 
γε σύνεσιν ἔχει, ὅτι Αἴγυπτος, ἐς τὴν "Ελληνες 

1 There is much obscurity about the ‘‘Twelve Gods." 


This only appears to be clear, that eight (or nine) gods form 
the first order of the Egyptian hierarchy, and that there are 


278 


. 
Fr a νομος ώς ως a a ος Eam" 


. 
poe v ὡς --- 


BOOK II, 3-5 


hold that no man knows about the gods more than 
another ; and I will say no more about them than what 
I ‘am constrained to say by the course of my history. 

4. But as regarding human affairs, this was the 
account in which they all agreed: the Egyptians, 
they said, were the first men who reckoned by years 
and made the year.to consist of twelve divisions of 
the seasons. They discovered this from the stars 
(so they said). And their reckoning is, to my mind, 
a juster one than that of the Greeks; for the Greeks 
add an intercalary month every other year, so that 
the seasons may agree ; but the Egyptians, reckoning 
thirty days to each of the twelve months, add five 
days in every year over and above the number, and 
so the completed circle of seasons is made to agree 
withthe calendar. Further,the Egyptians (said they) 
first used the appellations of twelve gods! (which the 
Greeks afterwards borrowed from them); and it was 
they who first assigned to the several gods their 
altars and images and temples, and first carved 
figures on stone. They showed me most of this by 
plain proof. The first human king of Egypt, they 
said, was Min. In his time all Egypt save the 
Thebaic? province was a marsh: all the country 
. that we now see was then covered by water, north of 
the lake Moeris,? which lake is seven days' journey 
up the river from the sea. 

5. And I think that their account of the country 
was true. For even though a man has not before 
been told it he can at once see, if he have sense, that 
that Egypt to which the Greeks sail is land acquired 
twelve of the second rank. See ch. 43, and Rawlinson’s 
essay (ch. 3 in his Appendix to Book II.). 


2 The southern part of Upper Egypt. 
* In the modern Fayyum, west of the Nile. 


279 


HERODOTUS 


ναυτίλλονται, ἐστὶ Αἰγυπτίοισι ἐπίκτητός τε γῆ 
καὶ δῶρον τοῦ ποταμοῦ, καὶ τὰ κατύπερθε ἔ ἔτι τῆς 
λίμνης ταύτης μέχρι τριῶν ἡμερέων πλόου, τῆς 
πέρι ἐκεῖνοι οὐδὲν ἔτι τοιόνδε ἔλεγον, ἔ ἔστι δὲ ἕτερον 
τοιόνδε. Αἰγύπτου γὰρ φύσις ἐστὶ τῆς χώρης 
τοιήδε. πρῶτα μὲν προσπλέων ἔτι καὶ ἡμέρης 
δρόμον ἀπέχων ἆ ἀπὸ γῆς, κατεὶς καταπειρητηρίην 
πηλόν τε ἀνοίσεις καὶ ἐν ἕνδεκα ὀργυιῇσε. ἔσεαι. 
τοῦτο μὲν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτο δηλοῖ πρόχυσιν τῆς γῆς 
ἐοῦσαν. 

6. Αὖτις δὲ αὐτῆς ἐστι Αἰγύπτου μῆκος τὸ 
παρὰ θάλασσαν ἑξήκοντα σχοῖνοι, κατὰ ἡμεῖς 
διαιρέομεν εἶναι Αἴγυπτον ἀπὸ τοῦ Πλινθινήτεω 
κόλπου μέχρι Σερβωνίδος λίμνης, map’ ἣν τὸ 
Κάσιον ὄρος τείνει" ταύτης ὧν ἄπο οἱ ἑξήκοντα 
σχοῖνοι εἰσί. ὅσοι μὲν γὰρ γεωπεῖναι εἰσὶ ἀνθρώ- 
πων, ὀργυιῇσι μεμετρήκασι τὴν χώρην, ὅσοι δὲ 
ἧσσον γεωπεῖναι, σταδίοισι, οἳ δὲ πολλὴν ἔ ἔχουσι, 
παρασάγγῃσι, οἳ δὲ ἄφθονον λίην, σχοίνοισι. 
δύναται δὲ ὁ 0 παρασάγγης τριήκοντα στάδια, ὁ δὲ 
es μέτρον ἐὸν Αἰγύπτιον, ἑξήκοντα στάδια. 

. Οὕτω ἂν εἴησαν «Αἰγύπτου στάδιοι ἑξα- 
κόσιοι καὶ τρισχίλιοι τὸ παρὰ θάλασσαν. ἐνθεῦ- 
τεν μὲν. καὶ μέχρι Ηλίου πόλιος ἐς τὴν μεσόγαιαν 
ἐστὶ εὐρέα Αἴγυπτος, ἐοῦσα πᾶσα ὑπτίη τε 
καὶ gulpas? καὶ Ns. ἔστι δὲ ὁδὸς ἐς “Ἠλίου 
πόλιν ἀπὸ θαλάσσης ἄ ἄνω ἰόντι παραπλησίη τὸ 
μῆκος τῇ ἐξ ᾿Αθηνέων ὁδῷ τῇ ἀπὸ τῶν δυώδεκα 
θεῶν τοῦ βωμοῦ φερούσῃ ἔ ἔς τε Πῖσαν καὶ ἐπὶ τὸν 
νηὸν τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Ὀλυμπίου. σμικρόν τι τὸ διά- 


! All MSS. have ἄνυδρος, which is a strange epithet for the 
Delta. Modern editors read ἔνυδρος or εὔυδρος. 


280 


παν 


Eon 


BOOK II. 5-7 


by the Egyptians, given them by the river—not only 
the lower country but even all the land to three days' 
voyage above the aforesaid lake, which is of the same 
nature as the other, though the priests added not 
this to what they said. For this is the nature of the 
land of Egypt: firstly, when you approach to it from 
the sea and are yet a day's run from land, if you then 
let down a sounding line you will bring up mud and 
find a depth of eleven fathoms. This shows that the 
deposit from the land reaches thus far. 

6. Further, the length of the seacoast of Egypt 
itself is sixty * schoeni,’! that is of Egypt as we judge 
it to be, reaching from the Plinthinete gulf to the 
Serbonian marsh, which is under the Casian mountain ; 
between these there is this length of sixty schoeni. 
Men that have scanty land measure by fathoms; 
those that have more, by furlongs; those that have 
much land,,by parasangs ; and those who have great 
abundance of it, by schoeni. The parasang is of 
thirty furlongs' length, and the schoenus, which is 
an Egyptian measure, is of sixty. 

7. By this reckoning then the seaboard of Egypt 
will be three thousand and six hundred furlongs in 
length. Inland from the sea as far as Heliopolis 
Egypt is a wide land, all flat and watery and marshy. 
From the sea up to Heliopolis it is a journey about 
as long as the way from the altar of the twelve gods 
at Athens to the temple of Olympian Zeus at Pisa. 
If a reckoning be made there will be seen to be but 

1 Literally ‘‘ ropes.” 
281 


HERODOTUS 


φορον εὗροι τις ἂν λογιζόμενος τῶν ὁδῶν τουτέων 
τὸ μὴ ἴσας μῆκος εἶναι, οὐ πλέον πεντεκαίδεκα 
σταδίων: ἡ μὲν γὰρ ἐς Hicay ἐξ ᾿Αθηνέων κατα- 
δεῖ πεντεκαίδεκα σταδίων μὴ εἶναι πεντακοσίων 
καὶ χιλίων, ἡ δὲ ἐς 'Ἡλίου πόλιν ἀπὸ θαλάσσης 
νο ἐς τὸν ἀριθμὸν τοῦτον. 

. ᾿Απὸ δὲ Ἡλίου πόλιος ἄνω ἰόντι στεινή ἐστι 
κ. τῇ μὲν γὰρ τῆς ᾿Αραβίης ἆ ὄρος παρα- 
τέταται, φέρον | ἀπ᾽ ἄρκτου πρὸς μεσαμβρίην τε 
καὶ νότον, αἰεὶ ἄνω τεῖνον ἐς τὴν ᾿Ερυθρὴν καλεο- 
μένην θάλασσαν: ἐν τῷ αἱ λιθοτομίαι ἔ ἔνεισι αἱ 
ἐς τὰς πυραμίδας κατατμηθεῖσαι τὰς ἐν Μέμφι. 
ταύτῃ μὲν λῆγον ἀνακάμπτει ἐς τὰ εἴρηται τὸ 
ὄρος: τῇ δὲ αὐτὸ ἑωυτοῦ ἐστι μακρότατον, ὡς ἐγὼ 
ἐπυνθανόμην, δύο μηνῶν αὐτὸ εἶναι τῆς ὁδοῦ ἀπὸ 
ἠοῦς πρὸς ἑσπέρην, τὰ δὲ πρὸς τὴν ἠῶ λιβανωτο- 
φόρα αὐτοῦ τὰ τέρματα εἶναι. τοῦτο μέν νυν τὸ 
ὄρος τοιοῦτο ἐστί, τὸ δὲ πρὸς Λιβύης τῆς Αἰγύπτου 
ὄρος ἄλλο πέτρινον τείνει, ἐν τῷ αι ἱπυραμίδες ë ένεισε, 
ψάμμῳ κατειλυμένον, κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον 
καὶ τοῦ `A ραβίου τὰ πρὸς μεσαμβρίην φέροντα. 
τὸ ὧν δὴ ἀπὸ Ηλίου πόλεος οὐκέτι πολλὸν χωρίον 
ὡς εἶναι «Αἰγύπτου, ἀλλ, ὅσον τε ἡμερέων τεσ- 
σέρων καὶ δέκα 3 ἀναπλόου ἐστὶ στεινὴ Αἴγυπτος, 
ἐοῦσα τῶν ὀρέων τῶν εἰρημένων τὸ μεταξὺ πεδιὰς 
μὲν γῆ, στάδιοι. δὲ μάλιστα ἐδόκεόν μοι εἶναι, 
τῇ στεινότατον ἐστί, διηκοσίων οὐ πλέους ἐκ τοῦ 
᾿Αραβίου ὅ ὄρεος ἐς τὸ Λιβυκὸν καλεόμενον. τὸ δ᾽ 
ἐνθεῦτεν abris εὐρέα Αἴγυπτος ἐστί. πέφυκε μέν 
νυν ἡ χώρη αὕτη οὕτω. 


! The MSS. have τεσσέρων; but this is inconsistent with 
ch. 9. The addition of καὶ δέκα makes the figures agree, 
roughly. 


282 


BOOK ΙΙ. 7-8 


a little difference of length, not more than fifteen 
furlongs, between these two journeys ; for the journey 
from Athens to Pisa is fifteen furlongs short of fifteen 
hundred, which is the tale of furlongs between the 
sea and Heliopolis. 

8. Beyond and above Heliopolis Egypt is a nar- 
row land. For it is bounded on the one side by the 
mountains of Arabia, which bear from the north to 
the south, ever stretching southward towards the 
sea called the Red Sea. In these mountains are the 
quarries that were hewn out for the making of the 
pyramids at Memphis, This way then the mountains 
turn, and end in the places of which I have spoken ; 
their greatest breadth from east to west, as I learnt, 
is a two months’ journey, and their easternmost 
boundaries yield frankincense. Such are these moun- 
tains. On the side of Libya Egypt is bounded by 
another range of rocky mountains, wherein are the 
pyramids ; this is all covered with sand, and it runs 
in the same direction as those Arabian hills that 
bear southward. Beyond Heliopolis there is no 
great distance, that is, in Egypt;! the narrow 
land has but a length of fourteen days’ journey up 
the river. Between the mountain ranges aforesaid 
the land is level, and where the plain is narrowest it 
seemed to me that there were no more than two 
hundred furlongs between the Arabian mountains 
and those that are called Libyan. Beyond this 
Egypt is a wide land again. Such is the nature of 
this country. 


1 ὡς εἶναι Αἰγύπτου ; so much of the Nile valley being out- 
side Egypt. But it is possible that the words may mean ‘‘no 
great distance, for Egypt,” i.e. no great distance relatively 
to the size of the country. 


283 


HERODOTUS 


9. ᾽Απὸ δὲ Ἡλίου πόλιος ἐς Θήβας ἐστὶ 
ἀνάπλοος ἐννέα ἡμερέων, στάδιοι δὲ τῆς ὁδοῦ 
ἑξήκοντα καὶ ὀκτακόσιοι καὶ τετρακισχίλιοι, 
σχοίνων ἑνὸς καὶ ὀγδώκοντα ἐόντων. οὗτοι συντι- 
θέμενοι οἱ στάδιοι Αἰγύπτου τὸ μὲν παρὰ θάλασ- 
σαν ἤδη μοι καὶ πρότερον δεδήλωται ὅτι ἑξα- 
κοσίων τε ἐστὶ σταδίων καὶ τρισχιλίων, ὅσον 
δέ τι ἀπὸ θαλάσσης ἐς μεσόγαιαν μέχρι Θηβέων 
ἐστί, σημανέω' στάδιοι γὰρ εἰσὶ εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατὸν 
καὶ ἑξακισχίλιοι. τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ Θηβέων ἐς Ἔλε- 
φαντίνην καλεομένην πόλιν στάδιοι χίλιοι καὶ 
ὀκτακόσιοι εἰσί. 

10. Ταύτης ὧν τῆς χώρης τῆς εἰρημένης ἡ TON- 
λή, κατά περ οἱ ἱρέες ἔλεγον, ἐδόκεε καὶ αὐτῷ μοι 
εἶναι ἐπίκτητος Αἰγυπτίοισι. τῶν γὰρ ὀρέων 
τῶν εἰρημένων τῶν ὑπὲρ Μέμφιν πόλιν κειμένων 
τὸ μεταξὺ ἐφαίνετό μοι εἶναι κοτὲ κόλπος θαλάσ- 
σης, ὥσπερ γε τὰ περὶ Ἴλιον καὶ "Τευθρανίην καὶ 


"Ἔφεσόν τε καὶ Μαιάνδρου πεδίον, ὥς γε εἶναι 


σμικρὰ ταῦτα μεγάλοισι συμβαλεῖν: τῶν γὰρ 
ταῦτα τὰ χωρία προσχωσάντων ποταμῶν ἑνὶ τῶν 
στομάτων τοῦ Νείλου, ἐόντος πενταστόμου, οὐ- 
δεὶς αὐτῶν πλήθεος πέρι ἄξιος συμβληθῆναι 
ἐστί. εἰσὶ δὲ καὶ ἄλλοι ποταμοί, οὐ κατὰ τὸν 
Νεῖλον ἐόντες μεγάθεα, οἵτινες ἔργα ἀποδεξά- 
μενοι μεγάλα εἰσί τῶν ἐγὼ φράσαι ἔχω οὐνό- 
para καὶ ἄλλων καὶ οὐκ ἥκιστα ᾿Αχελῴου,. ὃς 
ῥέων δι ᾿Ακαρνανίης καὶ ἐξιεὶς ἐς θάλασσαν τῶν 
Ἐχινάδων νήσων τὰς ἡμισέας ἤδη ἤπειρον re- 
ποίηκε. 

11. Ἔστι δὲ τῆς ᾿Αραβίης χώρης, Αἰγύπτου 
δὲ οὐ πρόσω, κόλπος θαλάσσης ἐσέχων ἐκ τῆς 
284 ` 


BOOK Il. g—11 


9. From Heliopolis to Thebes it is nine days' jour- 
ney by river, and the distance is four thousand eight 
hundred and sixty furlongs, or eighty-one schoeni. 
This then is a full statement of all the furlongs in 
Egypt: the seaboard is three thousand six hundred 
furlongs long; and I will now declare the distance 
inland from the seato Thebes: it is six thousand one 
hundred and twenty furlongs. And between Thebes 
and the city called Elephantine there are eighteen 
hundred furlongs. 

10. The greater portion, then, of this country 
whereof I have spoken was (as the priests told me, and 
Imyself formed the same judgment) land acquired 
by the Egyptians ; all that lies between the ranges of 
mountains above Memphis to which I have referred 
seemed to me to have been once a gulf of the sea, just 
as the country about Ilion and Teuthrania and Ephesus 
and the plain of the Maeander, to compare these small 
things with great. For of the rivers that brought 
down the stuff to make these lands there is none 
worthy to be compared for greatness with one of the 
mouths of the Nile; and the Nile has five mouths. 
There are also other rivers, not so great as the 
Nile, that have wrought great effects;. I could 
declare their names, but chief among them is 
Achelous, which, flowing through Acarnania and 
issuing into the sea, has already made half of the 
Echinades islands to be mainland. | 

11. Now in Arabia, not far from Egypt, there is a 
gulf of the sea entering in from the sea called Red,1 


1 The ** sea called Red," it will be remembered, is the sea 
south and east of Arabia: the gulf entering in from it is our 
Red Sea. Suppose the Delta to have been once & gulf too, 
then there would have been two gulfs, both runniug up into 
Egypt, their heads not far from each other. 

| 289 


HERODOTUS 


Ἐρυθρῆς καλεομένης θαλάσσης, μακρὸς οὕτω δή 
πι καὶ στεινὸς ὡς ἔρχομαι φράσων: μῆκος μὲν 
πλόου ἀρξαμένῳ ἐκ μυχοῦ διεκπλῶσαι ἐς τὴν 
εὐρέαν θάλασσαν ἡμέραι ἀναισιμοῦνται τεσσερά- 
κοντα εἱρεσίῃ χρεωμένῳ' εὖρος δέ, τῇ εὐρύτατος 
ἐστὶ ὁ κόλπος, ἥμισυ ἡμέρης πλόου. pnyin 9 
ἐν αὐτῷ καὶ ἄμπωτις ἀνὰ πᾶσαν ἡμέρην γίνεται. 
ἕτερον τοιοῦτον κόλπον καὶ τὴν Αἴγυπτον δοκέω 
γενέσθαι κοτέ, τὸν μὲν ἐκ τῆς βορηίης θαλάσσης 
κόλπον ἐσέχοντα ἐπ᾽ Αἰθιοπίης, τὸν δὲ ᾿Αράβιον, 
τὸν ἔρχομαι λέξων, ἐκ τῆς νοτίης φέροντα ἐπὶ 
Συρίης, σχεδὸν μὲν ἀλλήλοισι συντετραίνοντας 
τοὺς μυχούς, ὀλίγον δέ τι παραλλάσσοντας τῆς 
χώρης. εἰ ὧν ἐθελήσει ἐκτρέψαι τὸ ῥέεθρον ὁ 
Νεῖλος ἐς τοῦτον τὸν ᾿Αράβιον κόλπον, τί μιν 
κωλύει ῥέοντος τούτου ἐκχωσθῆναι ἐντός γε δισ- 
μυρίων ἐτέων; ἐγὼ μὲν yàp ἐλπομαί γε καὶ 
µυρίων ἐντὸς ωσθῆναι ἄν: κοῦ γε δὴ ἐν τῷ 
προαναισιμωμένῳ χρόνῳ πρότερον ἢ ἐμὲ γενέσθαι 
οὐκ ἂν χωσθείη κόλπος καὶ πολλῷ μέξων ἔτι 
τούτου ὑπὸ τοσούτου T€ ποταμοῦ καὶ οὕτω 
ἐργατικοῦ; 

19. Τὰ περὶ Αἴγυπτον ὧν καὶ τοῖσι λέγουσι 
αὐτὰ πείθομαι καὶ αὐτὸς οὕτω κάρτα δοκέω εἶναι, 
ἰδών τε τὴν Αἴγυπτον προκειμένην τῆς ἐχομένης 
γῆς κογχύλιά τε φαινόμενα ἐπὶ τοῖσι ὄρεσι καὶ 
ἄλμην ἐπανθέουσαν, ὥστε καὶ τὰς πυραμίδας 
δηλέεσθαι, καὶ ψάμμον μοῦνον Αἰγύπτου ὄρος 
τοῦτο τὸ ὑπὲρ Μέμφιος ἔχον, πρὸς δὲ τῇ χώρῃ 
οὔτε τῇ ᾿Αραβίῃ προσούρῳ ἐούσῃ τὴν Αἴγυπτον 
προσεικέλην οὔτε τῇ Λιβύῃ, οὐ μὲν οὐδὲ τῇ 
Συρίῃ (τῆς γὰρ ᾿Αραβίης τὰ παρὰ θάλασσαν 

pin (τῆς γὰρ ᾿Αραβίη ρ 
296 


BOOK ΙΙ. 11-12 


of which the length and narrowness is such as I shall 
show : for length, it is a forty days’ voyage for a 
ship rowed by oars from its inner end out to the wide 
sea ; and for breadth, it is half a day's voyage at the 
widest. Every day the tide ebbs and flows therein. 
I hold that where now is Egypt there was once 
another such gulf; one entered from the northern sea 
towards Aethiopia,and the other, the Arabian gulf 
of which I will speak, bore from the south towards 
Syria; the ends of these gulfs pierced into the 
country near to each other, and but a little space of 
land divided them. Now if the Nile choose to turn 
his waters into this Arabian gulf, what hinders that 
it be not silted up by his stream in twenty thousand 
years? nay, I think that ten thousand would suffice 
for it. Is it then to be believed that in the ages 
before my birth a gulf even much greater than this 
‘could not be silted up by a river so great and so 
busy ? 

12. Therefore, as to Egypt, I believe those who so 
speak, and I am myself fully so persuaded ; for I 
have seen that Egypt projects into the sea beyond 
the neighbouring land, and shells are plain to view 
on the mountains and things are coated with salt 
(insomuch that the very pyramids are wasted 
thereby), and the only sandy mountain in Egypt is 
that which is above Memphis; moreover, Egypt is 
like neither to the neighbouring land of Arabia, nor 
to Libya, no, nor to Syria (for the seaboard of Arabia 


287 


HERODOTUS 


Σύροι νέμονται), ἀλλὰ μελάγγαιόν τε καὶ κα- 
ταρρηγνυμένην, ὥστε ἐοῦσαν Av τε καὶ πρό- 
χυσιν ἐξ Αἰθιοπίης κατενηνειγμένην ὑπὸ τοῦ 
ποταμοῦ. τὴν δὲ Λιβύην ἴδμεν ἐρυθροτέρην τε 
γῆν καὶ ὑποψαμμοτέρην, τὴν δὲ ᾿Αραβίην τε καὶ 
Συρίην ἀργιλωδεστέρην τε καὶ ὑπόπετρον ἐοῦσαν. 

18. Ἔλεγον δὲ καὶ τόδε μοι μέγα τεκμήριον 
περὶ τῆς χώρης ταύτης οἱ ἱρέες, ὡς ἐπὶ Μοίριος 
βασιλέος, ὅκως ἔλθοι ὁ ποταμὸς ἐπὶ ὀκτὼ πήχεας 
τὸ ἐλάχιστον, ἄρδεσκε Αἴγυπτον τὴν ἔνερθε 
Μέμφιος" καὶ Μοίρι οὔκω ἣν ἔτεα εἰνακόσια 
τετελευτηκότι ὅτε τῶν ἱρέων ταῦτα ἐγὼ ἤκουον. 
νῦν δὲ εἰ μὴ ἐπ᾽ ἑκκαίδεκα ἢ πεντεκαίδεκα πήχεας 
ἀναβῇ τὸ ἐλάχιστον ὁ ποταμός, οὐκ ὑπερβαίνει 
ἐς τὴν χώρην. δοκέουσί τέ μοι Αἰγυπτίων οἱ 
ἔνερθε λίμνης τῆς Μοίριος οἰκέοντες τά τε ἄλλα 
χωρία καὶ τὸ καλεόμενον Δέλτα, ἣν οὕτω ἡ χώρη 
αὕτη κατὰ λόγον ἐπιδιδῷ ἐς ὕψος καὶ τὸ ὅμοιον 
ἀποδιδῷ ἐς αὔξησιν] μὴ κατακλύζοντος αὐτὴν 
τοῦ Νείλου πείσεσθαι τὸν πάντα χρόνον τὸν 
ἐπίλοιπον Αἰγύπτιοι τὸ κοτὲ αὐτοὶ “Ελληνας 
ἔφασαν πείσεσθαι. πυθόμενοι γὰρ ὡς ὕεται 
πᾶσα ἡ χώρη τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἀλλ οὐ ποταμοῖσι 
ἄρδεται κατά περ ἡ σφετέρη, ἔφασαν "Ελληνας 
ψευσθέντας κοτὲ ἐλπίδος μεγάλης κακῶς πεινή- 
σειν. τὸ δὲ ἔπος τοῦτο ἐθέλει λέγειν ὡς, εἰ μὴ 
ἐθελήσει σφι ὕειν ὁ θεὸς ἀλλὰ αὐχμῷ διαχρᾶ- 
σθαι, λιμῷ οἱ Ἕλληνες αἱρεθήσονται' οὗ γὰρ δή 
σφι ἐστὶ ὕδατος οὐδεμία ἄλλη ἀποστροφὴ ὅτι μὴ 
ἐκ τοῦ Διὸς μοῦνον. 


1 Stein brackets καὶ .. . αὔξνσιν. 
288 


BOOK ΙΙ. 12-13 


is inhabited by Syrians); it is a land of black and 
crumbling earth, as if it were alluvial deposit carried. 
down the river from Aethiopia; but we know that 
the soil of Libya is redder and somewhat sandy, and 
Arabia and Syria are lands rather of clay and stones. 

13. This too that the priests told me concerning 
Egypt is a strong proof; when Moeris was king, if 
the river rose as much as eight cubits, it watered all 
Egypt below Memphis.! Moeris was not yet nine 
hundred years dead when I heard this from the 
priests. But now, if the river rise not at the 
least to sixteen or fifteen cubits, the land is not 
flooded. And, to my thinking, the Egyptians who 
dwell lower down the river than the lake Moeris, 
and chiefly those who inhabit what is called the 
Delta— these, if thus this land of theirs rises in such 
proportion and likewise increases in extent, will (the 
Nile no longer flooding it) be ever after in the same 
plight which they themselves once said would be 
the case of the Greeks; for learning that all the 
Greek land is watered by rain, and not, like theirs, 
by river, they said that some day the Greeks would 
be disappointed of their high hopes, and miserably 
starve : signifying thereby that should it be heaven's 
will to send the Greeks no rain and afflict them with 
drought, famine must come upon them, as receiving 
all this water from Zeus and having no other resource. 


1 Supposing this statement to be true, Moeris must have 
been king much more than 900 years before Hdt.: 900 years 
being much too short a period for a rise of eight cubits in 
the height of the Nile valley. 

289 


HERODOTUS 


14. Kai ταῦτα μὲν ἐς "Ἕλληνας Αἰγυπτίοισι 
ὀρθῶς ἔχοντα εἴρηται' φέρε δὲ νῦν καὶ αὐτοῖσι 
Αἰγυπτίοισι ὡς ἔχει φράσω" εἴ σφι θέλοι, ὡς καὶ 
πρότερον εἶπον, ἡ χώρη ἡ ἔνερθε Μέμφιος (αὕτη 
γὰρ ἐστὶ ἡ αὐξανομένη) κατὰ λόγον τοῦ παροιχο- 
μένου χρόνου ἐς ὕψος αὐξάνεσθαι, ἄλλο τι ἢ οἱ 
ταύτῃ οἰκέοντες Αἰγυπτίων πεινήσουσι; εἰ μήτε 
ye ὕσεταί σφι ἡ χώρη μήτε ὁ ποταμὸς οἷός T 
ἔσται ἐς τὰς ἀρούρας ὑπερβαίνειν. ἢ yap δὴ νῦν 
γε οὗτοι ἀπονητότατα καρπὸν κομίζονται ἐκ γῆς 
τῶν τε ἄλλων ἀνθρώπων πάντων καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν 
Αἰγυπτίων: of οὔτε ἀρότρῳ ἀναρρηγνύντες aŭ- 
λακας ἔχουσι πόνους οὔτε σκάλλοντες οὔτε ἄλλο 
ἐργαζόμενοι οὐδὲν τῶν οἱ ἄλλοι ἄνθρωποι περὶ 
λήιον πονέουσι, GAN ἐπεάν σφι ὁ ποταμὸς αὐτό- 
ματος ἐπελθὼν ἄρσῃ τὰς ἀρούρας, ἄρσας δὲ 
ἀπολίπῃ ὀπίσω, τότε σπείρας ἕκαστος τὴν ἑωυτοῦ 
ἄρουραν ἐσβάλλει ἐς αὐτὴν ὗς, ἐπεὰν δὲ κατα- 
πατήσῃ τῆσι ὑσὶ τὸ σπέρμα, ἄμητον τὸ ἀπὸ 
τούτου μένει, ἀποδινήσας δὲ τῇσι ὑσὶ τὸν σῖτον 
οὕτω κομίζεται. 

15. Εἰ ὧν βουλόμεθα γνώμῃσι τῇσι 'lovov 
χρᾶσθαι τὰ περὶ Αἴγυπτον, οἳ φασὶ τὸ Δέλτα 
μοῦνον εἶναι Αἴγυπτον, ἀπὸ Περσέος καλεομένης 
σκοπιῆς λέγοντες τὸ παρὰ θάλασσαν εἶναι αὐτῆς 
μέχρι ταριχηίων τῶν Πηλουσιακῶν, τῇ à» τεσ- 
σεράκοντα εἰσὶ σχοῖνοι, τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ θαλάσσης 
λεγόντων ἐς μεσόγαιαν τείνειν αὐτὴν μέχρι Kep- 
κασώρου πόλιος, κατ᾽ ἣν σχίζεται ò Νεῖλος ἔς τε 
Πηλούσιον ῥέων καὶ ἐς Κάνωβον, τὰ δὲ ἄλλα 
λεγόντων τῆς Αἰγύπτου τὰ μὲν Λιβύης τὰ δὲ 
᾿Αραβίης εἶναι, ἀποδεικνύοιμεν ἂν τούτῳ τῷ 


290 


BOOK Il, 14-15 


14. And this saying of the Egyptians about the 
Greeks was true enough. But now let me show what 
is the case of the Egyptians themselves : if (as I have 
already said) the country below Memphis—for it is 
this which rises—should increase in height in the 
same degree as formerly, will not the Egyptians who 
dwell in it go hungry, there being no rain in their 
country and the river being unable to inundate their 
fields? Now, indeed, there are no men, neither in the 
rest of Egypt, nor in the whole world, who gain from 
the soil with so little labour; they have not the 
toil of breaking up the land with the plough, nor of 
hoeing, nor of any other work which other men do 
to get them a crop; the river rises of itself, waters 
the fields, and then sinks back again; thereupon 
each man sows his field and sends swine into it to 
tread down the seed, and waits for the harvest; 
then he makes the swine to thresh his grain, and 
so garners it. 

15. Now if we agree with the opinion of the 
Ionians, namely that nothing but the Delta is 
Egypt, whereof the seaboard reaches, according to 
them, from what is called the watchtower of Perseus, 
forty schoeni to the salting factories of Pelusium, 
while inland it stretches as far as the city of 
Cercasorus,! where the Nile divides and flows thence 
to Pelusium and Canobus (all the rest of Egypt 
being, they say, partly Libya and partly Arabia): if 

2 At the southern point of the Delta, where the two main 
channels of the Nile divide, not far below Cairo. 

29I 


HERODOTUS 


λόγῳ χρεώμενοι, Αἰγυπτίοισι οὔκ ἐοῦσαν πρό- 
τερον χώρην. ἤδη γάρ σφι τό γε Δέλτα, ὡς 
αὐτοὶ λέγουσι Αἰγύπτιοι καὶ ἐμοὶ δοκέει, ἐστὶ 
κατάρρυτόν τε καὶ νεωστὶ ὡς λόγῳ εἰπεῖν 
ἀναπεφηνός. εἰ τοίνυν σφι χώρη rye μηδεμία 
ὑπῆρχε, τί περιεργάζοντο δοκέοντες πρῶτοι av- 
θρώπων γεγονέναι; οὐδὲ ἔδει σφέας ἐς .διάπειραν 
τῶν παιδίων i ἰέναι, τίνα γλῶσσαν πρώτην ἀπή- 
σουσι. ἀλλ᾽ οὔτε Αἰγυπτίους δοκέω ἅμα τῷ 
Δέλτα τῷ ὑπὸ Ἰώνων καλεομέν γενέσθαι αἰεί 
τε εἶναι ἐξ οὗ ἀνθρώπων γένος ἐγένετο, προϊούσης 
δὲ τῆς χώρης πολλοὺς μὲν τοὺς ὑπολειπομένους 
αὐτῶν γενέσθαι πολλοὺς δὲ. τοὺς ὑποκαταβαί- 
νοντας. τὸ Ò ὧν πάλαι αἱ Θῆβαι Αἴγυπτος 
ἐκαλέετο, τῆς τὸ περίμετρον στάδιοι εἰσὶ εἴκοσι 
καὶ ἑκατὸν καὶ ἑξακισχίλιοι. 

16. Ei à ὧν ἡμεῖς ὀρθῶς περὶ αὐτῶν Ὑινώσκομεν, 
Ἴωνες οὐκ εὖ φρονέουσι περὶ Αἰγύπτου" εἰ δὲ 
ὀρθή ἐστι ἡ γνώμη τῶν Ἰώνων, ' Ἑλληνάς τε καὶ 
αὐτοὺς Ἴωνας ἀποδείκνυμι οὐκ ἐπισταμένους 
λογίξεσθαι, οἳ φασὶ τρία μόρια εἶναι γῆν πᾶσαν, 
Εὐρώπην τε καὶ ᾿Ασίην καὶ Λιβύην. τέταρτον 
γὰρ δή σφεας δεῖ προσλογίζεσθαι Αἰγύπτου τὸ 
Δέλτα, εἰ μήτε qe ἐστὶ τῆς ᾿Ασίης μήτε τῆς 
Λιβύης». ov yap δὴ ὁ ὁ Νεῖλός γε ἐστὶ κατὰ τοῦτον 
τὸν λόγον ὁ τὴν ᾿Ασίην οὐρίξων τῇ Λιβύῃ, τοῦ 
Δέλτα δὲ τούτου κατὰ τὸ ὀξὺ περιρρήγνυται ὁ 
Νεῖλος, ὥστε ἐν τῷ μεταξὺ ᾿Ασίης τε καὶ Λιβύης 
γίνοιτ᾽ ἄν. 

17. Καὶ τὴν μὲν Ἰώνων γνώμην ἀπίεμεν, ἡμεῖς 
δὲ ὧδε καὶ περὶ τούτων λέγομεν, Αἴγυπτον μὲν 
πᾶσαν εἶναι ταύτην τὴν ὑπ᾽ Αἰγυπτίων οἰκεομέ- 


292 


BOOK IL 15-17 


we follow this account, we can show that there was 
once no country for the Egyptians ; for we have seen 
that (as the Egyptians themselves say, and as I 
myself judge) the Delta is alluvial land and but 
lately (so to say) come into being. Then if there 
was once no country for them, it was but a useless 
thought that they were the oldest nation on earth, 
and they needed not to make that trial to see what 
language the children would first utter. 1 hold 
rather that the Egyptians did not come into being 
with the making of that which Ionians call the 
Delta : they ever existed since men were first made ; 
and as the land grew in extent many of them spread 
down over it, and many stayed behind. Be that as 
it may, the Theban province, a land of six thousand 
one hundred and twenty furlongs in circuit, was of. 
old called Egypt. 

16. If then our judgment of this be right, the 
Ionians are in error concerning Egypt; but if their 
opinion be right, then it is plain that they and the 
rest of the Greeks cannot reckon truly, when they 
divide the whole earth into three parts, Europe, 
Asia, and Libya; they must add to these yet a 
fourth part, the Delta of Egypt, if it belong neither 
to Asia nor to Libya; for by their showing the Nile 
is not the river that separates Asia and Libya; the 
Nile divides at the extreme angle of this Delta, so 
that this land must be between Asia and Libya. 

17. Nay, we put the Ionians' opinion aside ; and 
our own judgment concerning the matter is this: 
Egypt is all that country which is inhabited by 


293 


re 


HERODOTUS 


νην κατά περ Κιλικίην τὴν ὑπὸ Κιλίκων καὶ 


᾿Ασσυρίην τὴν ὑπὸ ᾿Ασσυρίων, οὔρισμα δὲ ᾿Ασίῃ 


καὶ Λιβύη οἴδαμεν οὐδὲν ἐὸν ὀρθῷ λόγῳ εἰ μὴ 
τοὺς Αἰγυπτίων οὔρους. εἰ δὲ τῷ ὑπ᾽ Ελλήνων 
νενομισμένῳ χρησόμεθα, νομιοῦμεν Αἴγυπτον 
πᾶσαν ἀρξαμένην ἀπὸ Καταδούπων τε καὶ 'EXe- 
φαντίνης πόλιος δίχα διαιρέεσθαι καὶ ἀμφοτερέων 
τῶν ἐπωνυμιέων ἔχεσθαι' τὰ μὲν γὰρ αὐτῆς εἶναι 
τῆς Λιβύης τὰ δὲ τῆς ᾿Ασίης. ὁ yap δὴ Νεῖλος 
ἀρξάμενος ἐκ τῶν Καταδούπων ῥέει μέσην Αἴγυ- 
πτον σχίζων ἐς θάλασσαν. μέχρι μέν νυν ἵζερκα- 
σώρου πόλιος ῥέει εἷς ἐὼν ὁ Νεῖλος, τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ 
ταύτης τῆς πόλιος σχίζεται τριφασίας ὁδούς. καὶ 
i) μὲν πρὸς ἠῶ τράπεται, τὸ καλέεται Πηλούσιον 
στόμα, ἡ δὲ ἑτέρη τῶν ὁδῶν πρὸς ἑσπέρην ἔχει" 
τοῦτο δὲ Κανωβικὸν στόμα κέκληται. ἡ δὲ δὴ 
ἰθέα τῶν ὁδῶν τῷ Νείλῳ ἐστὶ ἥδε’ ἄνωθεν pepo- 
μενος ἐς τὸ ὀξὺ τοῦ Δέλτα, ἀπικνέεται, τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ 
τούτου σχίζων μέσον τὸ Δέλτα ἐς θάλασσαν ἐξιεῖ, 
οὔτε ἐλαχίστην μοῖραν τοῦ ὕδατος παρεχόμενος 
ταύτην οὔτε ἥκιστα ὀνομαστήν' τὸ καλέεται 
Σεβεννυτικὸν στόμα. ἔστι δὲ καὶ ἕτερα διφάσια 
στόματα ἀπὸ τοῦ Σεβεννυτικοῦ ἀποσχισθέντα, 
φέροντα ἐς θάλασσαν: τοῖσι οὐνόματα κέεται 
τάδε, τῷ μὲν Σαϊτικὸν αὐτῶν τῷ δὲ Μενδήσιον. 
τὸ δὲ Ῥολβίτινον στόμα καὶ τὸ Βουκολικὸν οὐκ 
ἐθαγενέα στόματα ἐστὶ ἀλλ᾽ ὀρυκτά. 

18. Μαρτυρέει δέ µοι τῇ γνώμῃ, ὅτι τοσαύτη 
ἐστὶ Αἴγυπτος ὅσην τινὰ ἐγὼ ἀποδείκνυμι τῷ 


` λόγῳ, καὶ τὸ Αμμωνος χρηστήριον γενόμενον" τὸ 


ἐγὼ τῆς ἐμεωυτοῦ γνώμης ὕστερον περὶ Αἴγυ- 
πτον ἐπυθόμην. οἱ γὰρ δὴ ἐκ Μαρέης τε πόλιος 


294 


. BOOK II. 17-18 


Egyptians, even as Cilicia and Assyria are the 
countries inhabited by Cilicians and Assyrians 
severally; and we know of no frontier (rightly so 
called) below Asia and Libya save only the borders 
of the Egyptians. But if we follow the belief of the 
Greeks, we shall consider all Egypt, down from the 
Cataracts and the city Elephantine,! to be divided 
into two parts, and to claim both the names, the one 
part belonging to Libya and the other to Asia. For 
the Nile, beginning from the Cataracts, divides Egypt 
into two parts as it flows to the sea. Now as far as 
the city Cercasorus the Nile flows in one channel, 
but after that it parts into three. One of these, 
which is called the Pelusian mouth, flows eastwards ; 
the second flows westwards, and is called the 
Canobic mouth. But the direct channel of the Nile, 
when the river in its downward course reaches the 
sharp point of the Delta, flows thereafter clean 
through the middle of the Delta into the sea ; in 
this is seen the greatest and most famous part of its 
waters, and it is called the Sebennytic mouth. 
There are also two channels which separate them- 
selves from the Sebennytic and so flow into the sea, 
by name the Saitic and the Mendesian, The Bolbi- 
tine and Bucolie mouths are not natural but dug 
channels. 

18. My opinion, that the extent of Egypt is such 
as my argument shows, is attested by the answer 
which (my judgment being already formed) I heard 
to have been given concerning Egypt by the oracle 
of Ammon. The men of the cities of Marea and 


2 On the island opposite Syene (Assuan). 


hi 


HERODOTUS 


. v > + > 7 ; 
καὶ “Aros, οἰκέοντες Αἰγύπτου τὰ πρόσουρα 
Λιβύῃ, αὐτοί τε δοκέοντες εἶναι Λίβυες καὶ οὐκ 
Αἰγύπτιοι καὶ ἀχθόμενοι τῇ περὶ τὰ ἱρὰ θρη- 
ognin, βουλόμενοι θηλέων ᾿Βοῶν μὴ ἔργεσθαι, 
ἔπεμψαν ἐς Άμμωνα φάμενοι, οὐδὲν σφίσι τε καὶ 
Αἰγυπτίοισι κοινὸν εἶναι" οἰκέειν τε γὰρ ἔξω τοῦ 
Δέλτα καὶ οὐδὲν ὁμολογέειν αὐτοῖσι, βούλεσθαί 
τε πάντων σφίσι ἐξεῖναι γεύεσθαι. ὁ δὲ θεός 
σφεας οὐκ ἔα ποιέειν ταῦτα, φὰς Αἴγυπτον εἶναι 
ταύτην τὴν ὁ Νεῖλος ἐ ἐπιὼν ἄρδει, καὶ Αἰγυπτίους 
εἶναι τούτους οἳ ἔνερθε ᾿Ελεφαντίνης πόλιος oi- 
κέοντες ἀπὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ τούτου πίνουσι. οὕτω 
σφι ταῦτα ἐχρήσθη. 

19, ᾿Ἐπέρχεται δὲ ὁ Νεῖλος, ἐπεὰν πληθύῃ, 
οὐ μοῦνον τὸ Δέλτα ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦ Λιθυκοῦ τε 
λεγομένου χωρίου εἶναι καὶ τοῦ ᾿Αραβίου ἐνιαχῇ 
καὶ ἐπὶ»δύο ἡμερέων ἑκατέρωθι ὁδόν, καὶ πλέον 
ἔτι τούτου καὶ ἔλασσον. τοῦ ποταμοῦ δὲ 
φύσιος πέρι οὔτε τι τῶν ἱρέων οὔτε ἄλλου 
οὐδενὸς παραλαβεῖν ἐδυνάσθην. πρόθυμος δὲ ἔα 
τάδε παρ αὐτῶν πµθέσθαι, ὅ τι κατέρχεται 
μὲν ὁ Νεῖλος πληθύων ἀπὸ τροπέων τῶν θερι- 
νέων ἀρξάμενος ἐπὶ ἑκατὸν ἡμέρας, πελάσας δὲ 
ἐς τὸν ἀριθμὸν τουτέων τῶν ἡμερέων ὀπίσω 
ἀπέρχεται ἀπολείπων τὸ ῥέεθρον, ὥστε βραχὺς 
τὸν χειμῶνα ἅπαντα διατελέει é ἐὼν ν μέχρι οὗ αὖτις 
τροπέων τῶν θερινέων. τούτων ὧν πέρι οὐδενὸς 
οὐδὲν οἷός τε ἐγενόμην παραλαβεῖν παρὰ τῶν 
Αἰγυπτίων, ἱ ἱστορέων αὐτοὺς ἥντινα δύναμιν ἔ ἔχει 
o Νεῖλος τὰ ἔμπαλιν πεφυκέναι τῶν ἄλλων ποτα- 
μῶν" ταῦτά τε δὴ, τὰ λελεγμένα βουλόμενος 
εἰδέναι ἑ ἱστόρεον καὶ ὅ τέ αὔρας ἀποπνεούσας μοῦ- 
νος ποταμῶν πάντων οὗ παρέχεται. 

296 


BOOK ΙΙ. 18-19 


Apis, in the part. of Egypt bordering on Libya, 
thinking themselves to be not Egyptians but Libyans, 
and misliking the observance of the religious law 
which forbade them to eat cows' flesh, sent to 
Ammon saying that they had no part or lot with 
Egypt: for they dwelt (said they) outside the Delta 
and did not consent to the ways of its people, and 
they wished to be suffered to eat of all foods. But 
the god forbade them : all the land, he said, watered 
by the Nile in its course was Egypt, and all who 
dwelt lower down than the city Elephantine and 
drank of that river's water were Egyptians. Such 
was the oracle given to them. 

19. When the Nile is in flood, it overflows not 
only the Delta but also the lands called Libyan and 
Arabian, in places as far as two days' journey from 
either bank, and sometimes more than this, some- 
times less. Concerning its nature, neither from the 
priests nor from any others could I learn anything. 
Yet I was zealous to hear from them why it is that 
the Nile comes down with a rising flood for an 
hundred days from the summer solstice, and when 
this tale of days is complete sinks again with a 
diminishing stream, so that the river is low for the 
whole winter till the summer solstice again. Concern- 
ing this matter none of the Egyptians could tell me 
anything, when I asked them what power the Nile 
has to be contrary in nature to all other rivers. Of the 
matters aforesaid I wished to know, and asked ; also 
why no airs blow from it as from every other stream.! 


1 Not from the river itself, perhaps; but there is a regular 
current of air blowing up the valley. 


297 


HERODOTUS 


90. ᾿Αλλὰ Ἑλλήνων μὲν τινὲς ἐπίσημοι βουλό- 
μενοι γενέσθαι σοφίην ἔλεξαν περὶ τοῦ ὕδατος 
τούτου τριφασίας ὁδούς’ τῶν τὰς μὲν δύο τῶν 
ὁδῶν οὐδ᾽ ἀξιῶ μνησθῆναι εὖ .μὴ ὅσον σημῆναι 
βουλόμενος μοῦνον" τῶν νὴ ἑτέρη μὲν λέγει τοὺς 
ἐτησίας ἀνέμους εἶναι αἰτίους πληθύειν τὸν ποτα- 
μόν, κωλύοντας ἐς θάλασσαν ἐκρέειν τὸν Νεῖλον, 
πολλάκις δὲ ἐτησίαι μὲν οὔκων ἔπνευσαν, ὁ δὲ 
Νεῖλος τὠυτὸ ἐργάζεται. πρὸς δέ, εἰ ἐτησίαι. 
αἴτιοι ἦσαν, χρῆν καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους ποταμούς, 
ὅσοι τοῖσι ἐτησίῃσι ἀντίοι ῥέουσι, ὁμοίως πάσχειν 
καὶ κατὰ τὰ αὐτὰ τῷ Νείλῳ, καὶ μᾶλλον ἔτι το- 
σούτῳ ὅσῳ ἐλάσσονες ἐόντες ἀσθενέστερα τὰ 
ῥεύματα παρέχονται. εἰσὶ δὲ πολλοὶ μὲν ἐν τῇ 
Συρίῃ ποταμοὶ πολλοὶ δὲ ἐν τῇ Λιβύῃ, οἳ οὐδὲν 
τοιοῦτο πάσχουσι οἷόν τι καὶ ὁ Νεῖλος. 

91, Ἡ δ᾽ ἑτέρη. ἀνεπιστημονεστέρη μὲν ἐστὶ 
τῆς λελεγμένης, λόγῳ δὲ εὐπεῖν θωμασιωτέρη: 3) 
λέγει ἀπὸ τοῦ. Ὠκεανοῦ ῥέοντα. αὐτὸν ταῦτα 
μηχανᾶσθαι, τὸν δὲ ᾿Ὠκεανὸν γῆν περὶ πᾶσαν 
per 

‘H δὲ τρίτη τῶν ὁδῶν πολλὸν ἐπιεικεστάτη 
ἐοῦσα μάλιστα ἔψευσται' λέγει γὰρ δὴ οὐδ᾽ αὕτη 
οὐδέν, φαμένη τὸν Νεῖλον ῥέειν ἀπὸ τηκομένης 
χιόνος ὃς ῥέει. μὲν ἐκ Λιβύης διὰ μέσων Αἰθιό- 
πων, ἐκδιδοῖ. δὲ ἐς Αἴγυπτον. κῶς ὧν. δῆτα ῥέοι 
ἂν ἀπὸ χιόνος, ἀπὸ τῶν θερµοτάτων ῥέων ἐς τὰ 
Ψυχρότερα τὰ πολλά ἐστι; ἀνδρί γε λογίξεσθαι 
τοιούτων πέρι οἷῳ τε ἐόντι, ὡς οὐδὲ οἰκὸς ἀπὸ 
χιόνος μιν ῥέειν, πρῶτον μὲν καὶ μέγιστον μαρ- 
τύριον οἱ ἄνεμοι παρέχονται πνέοντες ἀπὸ τῶν 


298 


BOOK II. 20-22 


20. But some of the Greeks, wishing to be notable 
for cleverness, put forward three opinions about this 
river; of which there are two that I would not even 


. mention, save to show only what they are. One of 


these will have it that the etesian winds! are the . 
cause of tlie rivers being in flood, because they hinder 
the Nile from flowing out into the sea. But there 
are many times when the etesian winds do not blow, 
yet the Nile does the same as before. And further, 
if the etesian winds were the cause, then the other 


rivers which flow contrary to those winds should be 


affected in like manner even as is the Nile, and all 
the more, inasmuch as being smaller they have a 
weaker current. Yet there are many rivers in Syria 
and in Libya, which are nowise in the same case as 
the Nile. | 

21. The second opinion is less grounded on know- 
ledge than that afore-mentioned, though it is more 
marvellous to the ear: by it, the river effects what it 
does because it flows from the Ocean, which flows 
round all the world. 

22. The third opinion is the most plausible by far, 
yet is of all the most in error. It has no more truth 
in it than the others. According to this, the Nile 
flows from where snows melt ; but it flows from Libya 
through the midst of Ethiopia, and issues out into 
Egypt; how then can it flow from snow, seeing that 
it comes from the hottest places to lands that are for 
the most part colder? nay, a man who can reason 
about such matters will find his chief proof, that there 
is no likelihood of the river's flowing from snow, 
in this—that the winds blowing from Libya and 


! The regular N.W. winds which blow in summer from 
the Mediterranean. 


VOL.I. M | 299 


Fu 


i 


HERODOTUS 


χωρέων τουτέων θερμοί" δεύτερον δὲ ὅτι ἄνομβρος 
ἡ χώρη καὶ ἀκρύσταλλος διατελέει ἐοῦσα, ἐπὶ δὲ 
χιόνι πεσούσῃ πᾶσα ἀνάγκη ἐστὶ ὗσαι ἐν πέντε 
ἡμέρῃσι, ὥστε, εἰ ἐχιόνιξε, ὕετο ἂν ταῦτα τὰ 
χωρία" τρίτα δὲ οἱ ἄνθρωποι ὑπὸ τοῦ καύματος 
μέλανες ἐόντες. ἐκτῖνοι δὲ καὶ χελιδόνες δι ἔτεος 
ἐόντες οὐκ ἀπολείπουσι, γέρανοι δὲ φεύγουσαι τὸν 
χειμῶνα τὸν ἐν τῇ Σκυθικῇ χώρῃ γινόμενον φοι- 
τῶσι ἐς χειμασίην ἐς τοὺς τόπους τούτους. εἰ 
τοίνυν ἐχιόνιξε καὶ ὅσον ὧν ταύτην τῆν χώρην à 
ἧς τε ῥέει καὶ ἐκ τῆς ἄρχεται ῥέων ὁ Νεῖλος, ἦν 
ἂν τούτων οὐδέν, ὡς ἡ ἀνάγκη ἐλέγχει. 

23. Ὁ δὲ περὶ τοῦ Ὠκεανοῦ λέξας ἐς ἀφανὲς τὸν 
μῦθον ἀνενείκας οὐκ ἔχει ἔλεγχον' οὐ γὰρ τινὰ 
ἔγωγε οἶδα ποταμὸν Ὠκεανὸν ἐόντα, "Όμηρον δὲ 
ἢ τινὰ τῶν πρότερον γενομένων ποιητέων δοκέω 
τὸ οὔνομα εὑρόντα ἐς ποίησιν ἐσενείκασθαι. 

24. Ej δὲ δεῖ μεμψάμενον γνώμας τὰς προ- 
κειμένας αὐτὸν περὶ τῶν ἀφανέων γνώμην ἀποδέ- 
ξασθαι, φράσω δι ὅ τι μοι δοκέει πληθύνεσθαι ὁ 
Νεῖλος τοῦ θέρεος: τὴν χειμερινὴν ὥρην àre- 
λαυνόμενος ὁ ἥλιος ἐκ τῆς ἀρχαίης διεξόδου ὑπὸ 
τῶν χειμώνων ἔρχεται τῆς Λιβύης τὰ ἄνω. ὡς 
μέν νυν ἐν ἐλαχίστῳ δηλῶσαι, πᾶν εἴρηται" τῆς 
γὰρ ἂν ἀγχοτάτω τε ᾖ χώρης οὗτος ὁ θεὸς καὶ 
κατὰ ἥντινα, ταύτην οἰκὸς διψῆν τε ὑδάτων 
μάλιστα καὶ τὰ ἐγχώρια ῥεύματα μαραίνεσθαι 
τῶν ποταμῶν. 

25. Ὡς δὲ ἐν πλέονι λόγῳ δηλῶσαι, ὧδε ἔχει. 
διεξιὼν τῆς Λιβύης τὰ ἄνω ὁ ἥλιος τάδε soda 
ἅτε διὰ παντὸς τοῦ χρόνου αἱθρίου τε éovros τοῦ 


300 


BOOK II. 22-25 


Ethiopia are hot. And the second proof is, that the 
country is ever without rain and frost ; but after snow 
has fallen there must needs be rain within five days;! 
so that were there snow there would be rain in these 
lands. And the third proof is, that the men of the 
country are black by reason of the heat. Moreover, 
kites and swallows live there all the year round, and 
cranes, flying from the wintry weather of Scythia, 
come every year to these places to winter there. 
Now, were there but the least fall of snow in this 
country through which the Nile flows and whence it 
rises, none of these things would happen, as neces- 
sity proves. 

23. The opinion about the Ocean is grounded in 
obscurity and needs no disproof; for I know of no 
river of Ocean ; and I suppose that Homer or some 
older poet invented this name and brought it into 
his poetry. 

24. If, having condemned the opinions proposed, I 
must now set forth what I myself think about these 
obscure matters, I will show what I suppose to be 
the cause of the Nile being in flood in the summer. 
During the winter the sun is driven by the storms 
from his customary course and passes over the inland 
parts of Libya. Now to make the shortest conclusion, 
that is all that need be said ; for to whatever country 
this god is nearest, or over it, it is to be thought that 
that land is the thirstiest and that the rivers in it are 
diminished. 

25. But stated at greater length, the truth is as I 
shallshow. ΤΠ his passage over the inland parts of 
Libya—the air being ever clear in that region, the 


1 It does not seem to be known what authority there is for 
this assertion. 


301 


HERODOTUS 


ἠέρος ToU κατὰ ταῦτα τὰ χωρία καὶ ἀλεεινῆς τῆς 
χώρης ἐούσης καὶ ἀνέμων ψυχρῶν, διεξιὼν ποιέει 
οἷόν περ καὶ τὸ θέρος ἔωθε ποιέειν ἰὼν τὸ μέσον 
τοῦ οὐρανοῦ: ἕλκει γὰρ ἐπὶ ἑωυτὸν τὸ ὕδωρ, 
ἑλκύσας δὲ ἀπωθέει ἐ ἐς τὰ ἄνω χωρία, ὑπολαμβά- 
νοντες δὲ οἱ ἄνεμοι καὶ διασκιδνάντες τήκουσι: 
καὶ εἰσὶ οἰκότως οἱ ἀπὸ ταύτης τῆς χώρης 
πνέοντες, ὅ τε νότος καὶ ὁ λίψ, ἀνέμων πολλὸν 
τῶν πάντων ὑετιώτατοι. δοκέει δέ µοι οὐδὲ πᾶν 
τὸ ὕδωρ τὸ ἐπέτειον ἑκάστοτε ἀποπέμπεσθαι τοῦ 
Νείλου ὁ ἥλιος, ἀλλὰ καὶ ὑπολείπεσθαι περὶ 
ἑωυτόν. πρηὐνομένου δὲ τοῦ χειμῶνος. ἀπέρχεται ὁ 
ἥλιος ἐς μέσον | τὸν οὐρανὸν ὀπίσω, καὶ τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν 
ἤδη ὁ ὁμοίως ἀπὸ πάντων ἕλκει τῶν ποταμῶν. τέως 
δὲ οἳ μὲν ὀμβρίου ὕδατος συμμισγοµένου πολλοῦ 
αὐτοῖσι, ἅτε ὑομένης τε τῆς χώρης καὶ κεχαρα- 
δρωμένης, ῥέουσι μεγάλοι: τοῦ δὲ θέρεος τῶν τε 
ὄμβρων ἐπιλειπόντων αὐτοὺς καὶ ὑπὸ τοῦ ἡλίου 
ἑλκόμενοι ἀσθενέες εἰσί. ὁ δὲ Νεῖλος ἐὼν ἄνομ- 
βρος, ἑλκόμενος δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ ἡλίου μοῦνος πο- 
ταμῶν τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον, οἰκότως αὐτὸς ἑωυτοῦ 
ῥέει πολλῷ ὑποδεέστερος ἡ ἢ τοῦ .θέρεος" τότε μὲν 
γὰρ μετὰ πάντων τῶν ὑδάτων ἴσον ἕλκεται, τὸν 
δὲ χειμῶνα μοῦνος πιέζεται. 

26. Οὕτω τὸν. ἥλιον νενόμικα τούτων αἴτιον 
εἶναι. αἴτιος δὲ ὁ αὐτὸς οὗτος κατὰ γνώμην τὴν 
ἐμὴν καὶ τὸν ἠέρα ξηρὸν τὸν ταύτῃ εἶναι, διακαίων 
τὴν διέξοδον ἑωυτοῦ: οὕτω τῆς Λιβύης τὰ ἄνω 
θέρος αἰεὶ «κατέχει. εἰ δὲ ἡ στάσις ἤλλακτο τῶν 
ὡρέων, καὶ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ τῇ μὲν νῦν ὁ Βορέης τε 
καὶ ὁ χειμὼν . ἑστᾶσι, ταύτῃ μὲν τοῦ νότου ἣν 3 
στάσις καὶ τῆς μεσαμβρίης, τῇ δὲ ὁ νότος νῦν 


302 


BOOK Il. 25-26 


land warm and the winds cool—the sun does what he 
was wont to do in the summer in passing through 
the middle of the heaven: he draws the water to 
himself, and having so drawn it, expels it away to 
the inland regions, and the winds catch it and scatter 
and dissolve it; and, as is to be supposed, those that 
blow from that country, the south and the south-west, 
are the most rainy of all winds. Yet I think that the 
sun never lets go all the water that he yearly draws 
up from the Nile, but keeps some back near to 
himself. Then as the winter becomes milder, the 
sun returns back to the middle of the heaven, and 
after that he draws from allrivers alike. Meantime 
the other rivers are swollen to high flood by the 
much water from the sky that falls into them, 
because the country is rained upon and cut into 
gullies; but in the summertbey are low, lacking the 
rain and being drawn up too by the sun. But the 
Nile being fed by no rain, and being the only river 
in winter drawn up by the sun, at this time falls far 
short of the height that he had in summer; which 
is but natural; for in summer all other waters too 
and not his alone are attracted to the sun, but in 
the winter it is he alone who is afflicted. 

26. I am persuaded therefore that the sun is the 
cause of these matters. The dryness of the air in 
these parts is also caused by the sun, to my thinking, 
because he burns his passage through it ; so it is that 
it is always summer in the inland part of Libya. 
But were the stations of the seasons changed, so 
that the south wind and the summer had their 
station where now the north wind and winter are 
set, and the north wind was where the south wind is 


393 


HERODOTUS 


ἔστηκε, ταύτῃ δὲ ὁ βορέης, εἰ ταῦτα οὕτω εἶχε, ὁ 
ἥλιος ἂν ἀπελαυνόμενος ἐκ μέσου τοῦ οὐρανοῦ 
ὑπὸ τοῦ χειμῶνος καὶ τοῦ βορέω ἤιε ἂν τὰ ἄνω 
τῆς Εὐρώπης κατά περ νῦν τῆς Λιβύης ἔρχεται, 
διεξιόντα ὃ ἄν μιν διὰ πάσης Εὐρώπης ἔλπομαι 
ποιέειν ἂν τὸν Ἴστρον τά περ νῦν ἐργάζεται τὸν 
N εἶλον. 

27. Τῆς αὔρης δὲ πέρι, ὅτι οὐκ ἀποπνέει, τήνδε 
ἔχω γνώμην, ὡς κάρτα ἀπὸ θερμέων χωρέων οὐκ 
οἰκός ἐστι οὐδὲν ἀποπνέειν, αὕρη δὲ ἀπὸ ψυχροῦ 
τινος φιλέει πνέειν. 

98. Ταῦτα μέν νυν ἔστω ὡς ἔστι τε καὶ ὡς ἀρχὴν 
ἐγένετο" τοῦ δὲ Νείλου τὰς πηγὰς οὔτε Αἰγυπτίων 
οὔτε Λιβύων οὔτε Ελλήνων τῶν ἐμοὶ ἀπικομένων 
ἐς λόγους οὐδεὶς ὑπέσχετο εἰδέναι, εἰ μὴ ἐν 
Αἰγύπτῳ ἐν Σάι πόλι ὁ γραμματιστὴς τῶν ἱρῶν 
χρημάτων τῆς ᾿Αθηναίης. οὗτος δ᾽ ἔμοιγε παίξειν 
ἐδόκεε φάμενος εἰδέναι ἀτρεκέως: ἔλεγε δὲ ὧδε, 
εἶναι δύο ὄρεα ἐς ὀξὺ τὰς κορυφὰς ἀπηγμένα, 
μεταξὺ Συήνης τε πόλιος κείμενα τῆς Θηβαΐδος 
καὶ ᾿Ελεφαντίνης, οὐνόματα δὲ εἶναι τοῖσι ὄρεσι 
τῷ μὲν Κρῶφι τῷ δὲ Μῶφι' τὰς ὧν δὴ πηγὰς τοῦ 
Νείλου ἐούσας ἀβύσσους ἐκ τοῦ μέσου τῶν ὀρέων 
τούτων ῥέειν, καὶ τὸ μὲν ἥμισυ τοῦ ὕδατος 
ἐπ᾽ Αἰγύπτου ῥέειν καὶ πρὸς βορέην ἄνεμον, τὸ 
δ᾽ ἕτερον ἥμισυ ἐπ᾿ Αἰθιοπίης τε καὶ νότου. ὡς δὲ 
ἄβυσσοι εἰσὶ αἱ πηγαί, ἐς διάπειραν ἔφη τούτου 
Ψαμμήτιχον Αἰγύπτου βασιλέα ἀπικέσθαι" ToN- 
λέων γὰρ αὐτὸν χιλιάδων ὀργυιέων πλεξάμενον 
κάλον κατεῖναι ταύτη καὶ οὐκ ἐξικέσθαι ἐς βυσσόν. 
οὕτω μὲν δὴ ὁ γραμματιστής, εἰ ἄρα ταῦτα γινό- 
μενα ἔλεγε, ἀπέφαινε, ὡς ἐμὲ κατανοέειν, Sivas 


304 


BOOK II, 26-28 


now,—if this were so, the sun when driven from 
mid-heaven by the winter and the north wind would 
pass over the inland parts of Europe as he now 
passes over Libya, and I think that in his passage 
over all Europe he would work the same effect on 
the Ister as he now does on the Nile. Ἢ 

. 27. And for the reason why no air blows from the 
river, this is my opinion: it is not natural that any 
air blow from very hot places; airs ever come from 
that which is very cold. 

28. Be these matters, then, as they are and as 
they were made to be in the beginning. But as to 
the sources of the Nile, none that conversed with 
me, neither Egyptian, nor Libyan, nor Greek, pro- 
fessed to know them, except only the recorder of the 
sacred treasures of Athene in the Egyptian city of 
Sais. He, I thought, jested with me when he said that 
he had exact knowledge; but this was his story :— 
Between the city of Syene in the Thebaid and 
Elephantine there are two hills with sharp peaks, 
the one called Crophi and the other Mophi. The 
springs of the Nile, which are unfathomed, rise 
between these hills ; and half the water flows towards 
Egypt northwards, the other half southwards towards 
Ethiopia. That this source cannot be fathomed, 
Psammetichus king of Egypt proved by experiment : 
‘for he had a rope woven of many a thousand fathoms’ 
length and let down into the spring, but he could not 
reach to the bottom, Thus, then, if the recorder 
spoke truth, he showed, as I think, that here are 


395 


HERODOTUS 


τινὰς ταύτη ἐούσας ἐσχυρὰς καὶ παλιρροίην, ola 
δὲ ἐμβάλλοντος τοῦ ὕδατος τοῖσι ὄρεσι, μὴ 
δύνασθαι κατιεµένην καταπειρητηρίην ἐς βυσσὸν 
ἰέναι. 

99. "AXXov δὲ οὐδενὸς οὐδὲν ἐδυνάμην πυθέσθαι. 
ἀλλὰ τοσόνδε μὲν ἄλλο ἐπὶ μακρότατον ἐπυθό- 
µην, μέχρι μὲν ᾿Ελεφαντίνης πόλιος αὐτόπτης 
ἐλθών, τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ τούτου ἀκοῇ ἤδη ἱστορέων. ἀπὸ 
Ἐλεφαντίνης πόλιος ἄνω ἰόντι ἄναντες ἐστὶ 
χωρίον: ταύτῃ ὧν δεῖ τὸ πλοῖον διαδήσαντας 
ἀμφοτέρωθεν κατά περ βοῦν πορεύεσθαι: ἣν δὲ 
ἀπορραγῇ Τὸ πλοῖον οἴχεται φερόμενον ὑπὸ ἰσχύος 
τοῦ ῥόου. τὸ χωρίον τοῦτο ἐστὶ ἐπ᾿ ἡμέρας 
τέσσερας πλόος, σκολιὸς δὲ ταύτῃ κατά περ ὁ 
Μαίανδρος ἐστὶ ὁ Νεῖλος" σχοῖνοι δὲ δυώδεκα εἰσὶ 
οὗτοι τοὺς δεῖ τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ διεκπλῶσαι. καὶ 
ἔπειτα ἀπίξεαι ἐς πεδίον λεῖον, ἐν τῷ νῆσον περ- 
ιρρέει ὁ Νεῖλοςηςὗ Ταχομψὼ οὔνομα αὐτῇ ἐστι. 
οἰκέουσι δὲ τὰ ἀπὸ ᾿Ελεφαντίνης ἄνω Αἰθίοπες 
ἤδη καὶ τῆς νήσου τὸ ἥμισυ, τὸ δὲ ἥμισυ Αἰγύπτιοι. 
ἔχεται δὲ τῆς νήσου λίμνη μεγάλη, τὴν πέριξ 
νομάδες Αἰθίοπες νέμοντα. τὴν διεκπλώσας 
és τοῦ Νείλου τὸ ῥέεθρον ἥξεις, τὸ ἐς τὴν λίμνην 
ταύτην ἐκδιδοῖ. καὶ ἔπειτα ἀποβὰς παρὰ τὸν 
ποταμὸν ὁδοιπορίην ποιήσεαι ἡμερέων τεσσερά- 
κοντα" σκόπελοί Te γὰρ ἐν τῷ Νείλῳ ὀξέες av- 
έχουσι καὶ χοιράδες πολλαί εἶσι, δι ὧν οὐκ οἷά τε 
ἐστὶ πλέειν. διεξελθὼν δὲ ἐν τῇσι τεσσεράκοντα 
ἡμέρῃσι τοῦτο τὸ χωρίον, αὖτις ἐς ἕτερον πλοῖον 
ἐσβὰς δυώδεκα ἡμέρας πλεύσεαι, καὶ ἔπειτα ἥξεις 
ἐς πόλιν μεγάλην τῇ οὔνομα ἐστὶ Μερόη' λέγεται 
δὲ αὕτη ἡ πόλις εἶναι μητρόπολις τῶν ἄλλων 
306 


, BOOK II. 28-29 


strong eddies and an upward flow of water, and the 
rushing of the stream against the hills makes the 
sounding-line when let down unable to reach the 
bottom. 

29. From no other man could I learn anything. 
But this much I learnt by the farthest inquiry that I 
could make, by my own travel and sight as far as the 
city of Elephantine, and beyond that by question and 
héarsay :—Beyond Elephantine, as one travels inland, 
thelandrises. Here one must pass with the boat roped 
on both sides as men harness an ox ; and if the rope 
break, the boat is carried away by the strength of the 
current. This part of the river is a four days 
journey by boat, and the Nile here is winding like 
the Maeander; a length of twelve schoeni must be 
passed in the aforesaid fashion. After that you will 
come to a level plain, where there is an island in the 
Nile, called Tachompso. Above Elephantine the 
country now begins to be inhabited by Ethiopians, 
and half the people of the island are Ethiopians and 
half Egyptians. Near to the island is a great lake, 
on the shores of which dwell nomad Ethiopians. 
Having crossed this, you will come to the stream of 
the Nile, which issues into this lake. Then you will 
disembark and journey along the river bank for forty 
days; for there are sharp projecting rocks in the 
Nile and many reefs, through which no boat can pass. 
Having traversed this part in forty days as I have 
said, you will take boat again and so travel for twelve 
days till you come to a great city called Meroe, 
which is said to be the capital of all Ethiopia. The 


397 


HERODOTUS 


Αἰθιόπων. οἱ ὃ ἐν ταύτῃ Δία θεῶν καὶ Διόνυσον 
μούνους σέβονται, τούτους τε μεγάλως τιμῶσι, 
καί σφι μαντήιον Διὸς .κατέστηκε" στρατεύονται 
δὲ ἐπεάν σφεας ὁ θεὸς οὗτος κελεύῃ διὰ θεσπισµά- 
των, καὶ τῇ ἂν κελεύῃ, ἐκεῖσε. 

90. Amro δὲ ταύτης τῆς πόλεος πλέων ἐν ἴσῳ 
χρόνῳ ἄλλῳ ἥξεις ἐς τοὺς αὐτομόλους ἐν ὅσῳ περ 
ἐξ Ελεφαντίνης ἦλθες ἐς τὴν μητρόπολιν. τὴν 
Αἰθιόπων. τοῖσι δὲ αὐτομόλοισι᾽ τούτοισι οὔνομα 
ἐστὶ ᾿Ασμάχ, δύναται δὲ τοῦτο τὸ ἔπος κατὰ τὴν 
Ἑλλήνων γλῶσσαν οἱ ἐξ ἆ ἀριστερῆς χειρὸς παρ- 
εστάµενοι βασιλέι. ἀπέστησαν δὲ αὗται τέσσε- 
ρες καὶ εἴκοσι μυριάδες Αἰγυπτίων τῶν μαχίμων 
ἐς τοὺς Αἰθίοπας τούτους δι αἰτίην τοιήνδε. ἐπὶ 
| Ψαμμητίχου βασιλέος υλακαὶ κατέστησαν ἔν 
τε ᾿Ελεφαντίνῃ πόλι πρὸς Αἰθιόπων καὶ ἐν Δάφ- 
νῃσι τῇσι Πηλουσίῃσι ἄλλη πρὸς ᾿Αραβίων τε 
καὶ Ασσυρίων, καὶ ἐν Μαρέῃ πρὸς Λιβύης ἄλλη. 
ἔτι δὲ ἐπ᾽ ἐμεῦ καὶ Περσέων κατὰ ταὐτὰ αἱ 
φυλακαὶ ἔχουδι ὡς καὶ ἐπὶ Ψαμμητίχου ἦσαν' 
καὶ γὰρ ἐν ᾿Ελεφαντίνῃ Ἠέρσαι φρουρέουσι | καὶ 
ἐν Δάφνῃσι, τοὺς ὧν δὴ Αἰγυπτίους τρία ἔτεα 
φρουρήσαντας ἀπέλυε οὐδεὶς τῆς φρουρῆς' οἳ δὲ 
βουλευσάμενοι καὶ κοινῷ λόγῳ χρησάμενοι πάντες 
ἀπὸ τοῦ Ψαμμητίχου ἀποστάντες ἤισαν ἐς Arb- 
οπίην. Ψαμμήτιχος δὲ πυθόμενος ἐδίωκε᾽ ὡς δὲ 
κατέλαβε, ἐδέετο πολλὰ λέγων καί σφεας θεοὺς 
πατρωίους ἀπολιπεῖν οὐκ ἔα καὶ τέκνα καὶ γυναῖ- 
κας. τῶν δὲ τινὰ λέγεται δέξαντα τὸ αἰδοῖον 


1 The Greek equivalents for Amun and Osiris. 
2 Herodotus’ account of the Nile in this chapter is for the 
most part vague and untrustworthy. He is right as to the 


308 


BOOK Il. 29-30 


people of the place worship no other gods but Zeus 
and Dionysus!; these they greatly honour, and they 
have a place of divination sacred to Zeus ; they send 
out armies whenever and whithersoever this god by 
oracle commands them.? 

30. From this city you will make a journey by 
water of equal distance with that by which you came 
from Elephantine to the capital city of Ethiopia, and 
you will come to the land of the Deserters. These 
Deserters are called Asmach, which signifies, in our 
language, those who stand on the left hand of the 
king. These once, to the number of two hundred 
and forty thousand Egyptians of fighting age, revolted 
and joined themselves to the Ethiopians. The reason 
was this :—In the reign of Psammetichus there were 
garrisons posted at Elephantine on the side of 
Ethiopia, at Daphnae of Pelusium on the side of 
Arabia and Assyria, and at Marea on the side of 
Libya. And still in my time the Persians hold these 
posts.as they were held in the days of Psammetichus ; 
there are Persian guards at Elephantine and at 
Daphnae. Now the Egyptians had been on guard 
for three years, and none came to relieve them; so 
taking counsel and making common cause, they 
revolted from Psammetichus and went to Ethiopia. 
Psammetichus heard of it and pursued after them ; 
and when he overtook them he besought them with 
many words not to desert the gods of their fathers 
and their children and wives. Then one of them, 
so the story goes, said, pointing to his manly part, 


current above Elephantine, as those who have made the 
passage between the Assuan Dam and Assuan will realise. 
But the conditions have of course been entirely altered by 
the construction of the dam. 


499 


HERODOTUS 


εἰπεῖν, ἔνθα ἂν τοῦτο 7), ἔσεσθαι αὐτοῖσι ἐνθαῦτα 
καὶ τέκνα καὶ γυναῖκας. οὗτοι ἐπείτε ἐς Αἰθιο- 
πίην ἀπίκοντο, διδοῦσι σφέας αὐτοὺς τῷ Λἰθιό- 
- πων βασιλέι, ὃ δὲ σφέας τῷδε ἀντιδωρέεται" ἦσάν 
οἱ διάφοροι τινὲς γεγονότες τῶν Αἰθιόπων" τούτους 
ἐκέλευε ἐξελόντας τὴν ἐκείνων γῆν οἰκέειν, τούτων 
δὲ ἐσοικισθέντων ἐς τοὺς Αἰθίοπας ἡμερώτεροι 
γεγόνασι Αἰθίοπες, ἤθεα μαθόντες Αἰγύπτια. 

31. Μέχρι μέν͵ νυν τεσσέρων μηνῶν πλόου καὶ 
ὁδοῦ γινώσκεται. ὁ Νεῖλος πάρεξ τοῦ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ 
ῥεύματος' τοσοῦτοι γὰρ συμβαλλομένῳ μῆνες 
εὑρίσκονται ἀναισιμούμενοι ἐξ Ἐλεφαντίνης πο- 
ρενομένῳ ἐς τοὺς αὐτομόλους τούτους. peer δὲ ἀπὸ 
ἑσπέρης τε καὶ ἡλίου δυσμέων. τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦδε 
οὐδεὶς ἔχει σαφέως φράσαι" ἔρημος γὰρ ἐστὶ ἡ 
χώρη αὕτη ὑπὸ καύματος. 

32. ᾿Αλλὰ τάδε μὲν ἤκουσα ἀνδρῶν Κυρηναίων 
φαμένων ἐλθεῖν τε ἐπὶ τὸ "Αμμωνος. χρηστήριον 
καὶ ἀπικέσθαι ἐ ές λόγους ᾿Ἐτεάρχφ τῷ ᾽Αμμωνίων 
βασιλέι, καί κως ἐκ λόγων ἄλλων ἀπικέσθαι ἐ ἐς 
λέσχην περὶ - τοῦ Νείλου, ὡς οὐδεὶς αὐτου οἶδε τὰς 
πηγάς, καὶ τὸν ᾿Ετέαρχον φάναι ἐλθεῖν κοτε παρ᾽ 
αὐτὸν Νασαμῶνας ἄνδρας. τὸ δὲ ἔθνος τοῦτο 
ἐστὶ μὲν Λιβυκὸν, νέμεται δὲ τὴν . Σύρτιν τε καὶ 
τὴν πρὸς ἠῶ χώρην τῆς Σύρτιος οὐκ ἐπὶ πολλόν. 
ἀπικομένους δὲ τοὺς Νασαμῶνας καὶ εἰρωτωμένους 
ei τι ἔχουσι πλέον λέγειν περὶ τῶν ἐρήμων τῆς 
Λιβύης, φάναι παρὰ σφίσι γενέσθαι ἀνδρῶν δυνα- 
στέων παῖδας ὑβριστάς, τοὺς ἄλλα τε μηχανᾶσθαι 
ἀνδρωθέντας περισσὰ καὶ δὴ καὶ ἀποκληρῶσαι 
πέντε ἑωυτῶν ὀψομένους τὰ ἔρημα τῆς Λιβύης, 
καὶ εἴ τι πλέον ἴδοιεν τῶν τὰ μακρότατα ἰδομένων. 


310 


BOOK II. 30-32 


that wherever this should be they would have wives 
and children. So they came to Ethiopia, and gave 
themselves up to the king of the country; who, to 
make them a gift in return, bade them dispossess 
certain Ethiopians with whom he was at feud, and 
occupy their land. These Ethiopians then learnt 
Egyptian customs and have become milder-mannered 
by intermixture with the Egyptians. 

31. For as far as a distance of four months’ travel, 
then, by land and water, there is knowledge of the 
Nile, besides the part of it that is in Egypt. So many 
months, as reckoning shows, lasts the journey from 
Elephantine to the country of the Deserters aforesaid. 
The river flows from the west and the sun's setting. 
Beyond this none has clear knowledge to declare; 
for all that country is desert, by reason of heat. 

32. But this I heard from certain men of Cyrene, 
who told me that they had gone to the oracle of 
Ammon, and there conversed with Etearchus king 
of the Ammonians, and that from other matters of 
discourse they came to speak of the Nile, how no one 
knows the source of it. Then Etearchus told them 
that once he had been visited by certain Nasamonians. 
These are a Libyan people, inhabiting the country of 
the Syrtis and the country a little way to the east of 
the Syrtis. When these Nasamonians on their coming 


ο κ... 


were questioned if they brought any news concerning 
the Libyan desert, they told Etearchus that there had 
been among them certain sons of their chief men, 
proud and violent youths, who, when they came to 
man's estate, besides planning other wild adventures, 
had chosen by lot five of their company to visit the 
deserts of Libya, and see what they might beyond 
the utmost range of travellers. It must be known 


311 


HERODOTUS 


τῆς yàp Λιβύης τὰ μὲν κατὰ τὴν Βορηίην θάλασ- 
σαν dT Αἰγύπτου -ἀρξάμενοι μέχρι Σολόεντος 
ἄκρης, À $ τελευτᾷ τῆς Λιβύης, παρήκουσι παρὰ 
πᾶσαν Λίβυες καὶ Λιβύων ἔθνεα πολλά, πλὴν 
ὅσον "Ελληνες καὶ Φούνικες ἔ ἔχουσι τὰ δὲ ὑπὲρ 
θαλάσσης Té καὶ τῶν ἐπὶ θάλασσαν κατηκόντων 
ἀνθρώπων, τὰ κατύπερθε θηριώδης € ἐστὶ ἡ Λιβύη" 
τὰ δὲ κατύπερθε τῆς θηριώδεος ψάμμος τε ἐστὶ καὶ 
ἄνυδρος δεινῶς καὶ ἔρημος πάντων. εἶπαι Qv τοὺς 
venvias ἀποπεμπομένους ὑπὸ τῶν ἡλίκων, ὕδασί 
τε καὶ σιτίοισι εὖ ἐξηρτυμένους, ἰέναι τὰ πρῶτα 
μὲν διὰ τῆς οἰκεομένης, ταύτην δὲ διεξελθόντας ἐς 
ue θηριώδεα ἀπικέσθαι, ἐ ἐς δὲ ταύτης τὴν ἔρημον 

διεξιέναι, τὴν ὁδὸν ποιευμένους πρὸς ζέφυρον ἄνε- 
μον, διεξελθόντας δὲ χῶρον πολλὸν Ψαμμώδεα 


. καὶ ἐν πολλῇσι ἡμέρῃσι ἐδεῖν δή κοτε δένδρεα ἐ ἐν 


πεδίῳ πεφυκότα, καί σφεας προσελθόντας å ἅπτε- 
σθαι τοῦ ἐπεόντος ἐπὶ τῶν δενδρέων καρποῦ, ἁπτο- 
µένοισι δέ σφι ἐπελθεῖν ἄνδρας μικρούς, μετρίων 
ἐλάσσονας ἀνδρῶν, λαβόντας δὲ ἄγειν σφέας" 
φωνῆς δὲ οὔτε τι τῆς ἐκείνων τοὺς Νασαμῶνας 
γινώσκειν οὔτε τοὺς ἄγοντας τῶν Νασαμώνων' 
ἄγειν τε à» αὐτοὺς δι ἑλέων μεγίστων, καὶ διεξελ- 
θόντας ταῦτα ἀπικέσθαι ἐ ἐς πόλιν ἐν τῇ πάντας 
εἶναι τοῖσι ἄγουσι τὸ μέγαθος ἴσους, χρῶμα δὲ 
μέλανας. παρὰ δὲ TOV πόλιν ῥέειν ποταμὸν. μέγαν, 
ῥέειν δὲ ἀπὸ ἑσπέρης αὐτὸν πρὸς ἥλιον ἀνατέλ- 
λοντα, φαίνεσθαι δὲ ἐν αὐτῷ κροκοδείλους. 

33. Ὁ μὲν δὴ τοῦ ᾿Αμμωνίου Ἐτεάρχου λόγος 
ἐς τοῦτό μοι δεδηλώσθω, πλὴν ὅτι ἀπονοστῆσαί τε 
ἔφασκε τοὺς Nacapévas, ὡς οἱ Κυρηναῖοι ἔλεγον, 
καὶ ἐς τοὺς οὗτοι ἀπίκοντο ἀνθρώπους, γόητας εἶναι 


312 


BOOK II. 32-33 


that all the northern seacoast of Libya—from Egypt 
as far as the promontory of Soloeis, which is the end 
of Libya—is inhabited through its whole length by 
Libyans, many tribes of them, except the part held by 
Greeks and Phoenicians; the region of Libya above 
. the sea and the men of the seacoast is infested by wild 
beasts; and farther inland than the wild-beast country 
all is sand, exceeding waterless and wholly desert. 
This then was the story told by the young men:— 
When they left their companions, being well supplied 
with water and provisions, theyjourneyed first through 
the inhabited country, and having passed this they 
came to the region of wild beasts. After this, they 
travelled over the desert, towards the west, and 
crossed a wide sandy region, till after many days they 
saw trees growing in a plain; when they came to 
these and were plucking the fruit of the trees, they 
were met by little men of stature smaller than 
common, who took them and led them away. The 
Nasamonians did not know these men’s language 
nor did the escort know the language of the Nasa- 
monians. The men led them across great marshes, 
which having crossed they came to a city where all 
the people were of like stature with the escort, 
and black. A great river ran past this city, from 
the west towards the rising sun; crocodiles could 
be seen in it. 

33. This is enough to say concerning the story 
told by Etearchus the Ammonian ; except that he 
said that the Nasamonians returned—as the men of 
Cyrene told me—and that the people to whose 


313 


HERODOTUS 


ἅπαντας. τὸν δὲ δὴ ποταμὸν τοῦτον τὸν παραρ- 
ρέοντα καὶ ᾿Ετέαρχος συνεβάλλετο εἶναι Νεῖλον, 
καὶ δὴ καὶ ὁ λόγος οὕτω αιρεει. ῥέει γὰρ ἐκ 
Λιβύης ὁ ὁ Νεῖλος καὶ μέσην τάμνων Λιβύην, καὶ 


4 ὡς ἐγὼ συμβάλλομαι» τοῖσι ἐμφανέσι τὰ μὴ 


γινωσκόμενα τεκμαιρόμενος, τῷ Ἴστρῳ ἐκ τῶν 
ἴσων μέτρων ὁρμᾷται. Ἴστρος τε yàp ποταμὸς 
ἀρξάμενος ἐκ Κελτῶν καὶ Πυρήνης πόλιος ῥέει 
μέσην σχίζων τὴν Εὐρώπην: οἱ δὲ Κελτοὶ εἰσὶ 
ἔξω Ἡρακλέων στηλέων, ὁμουρέουσι δὲ Κυνη- 
σίοισι, οἳ ἔσχατοι πρὸς δυσμέων οἰκέουσι τῶν ἐν 
τῇ Εὐρώπῃ κατοικημένων" τελευτᾷ δὲ ὁ ὁ Ἴστρος ἐ ἐς 
-Ῥήλασσαν ῥέων τὴν τοῦ Εὐξείνου. πόντου διὰ πά- 
sns Εὐρώπης, τῇ Ἱστρίην οἱ Μιλησίων οἰκέουσι 
ἄποικοι. 

34. 'O μὲν δὴ Ἴστρος, ῥ ῥέει. γὰρ δι᾽ οἰκεομένης, 
πρὸς πολλῶν γινώσκεται, περὶ δὲ τῶν τοῦ Νείλου 
πηγέων οὐδεὶς ἔχει λέγειν ἀοίκητός τε γὰρ καὶ 
ἔρημος ἐστὶ 5 Λιβύη δι ἧς p ῥέει. περὶ δὲ τοῦ 
ῥεύματος αὐτοῦ, ἐπ᾿ ὅσον μακρότατον ἱστορεῦντα 
ἦν ἐξικέσθαι, εἴρηται" ἐκδιδοῖ δὲ ἐς Αἴγυπτον. 
ἡ δὲ Αἴγυπτος τῆς ὀρεινῆς Κιλικίης μάλιστά kn 
ἀντίη κέεται" ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ € ἐς Σινώπην τὴν ἐν τῷ 
Εὐξείνῳ πόντῳ πέντε ἡμερέων ἰθέα ὁδὸς εὐζώνῳ 
ἀνδρί: ἡ δὲ Σινώπη τῷ Ἵστρῳ ἐκδιδόντι ἐς θάλασ- 
σαν ἀντίον κέεται. οὕτω τὸν Νεῖλον δοκέω διὰ 
πάσης τῆς Λιβύης διεξιόντα ἐξισοῦσθαι τῷ Ἴστρῳ. 

96. Νείλου μέν νυν πέρι τοσαῦτα εἰρήσθω" 
ἔρχομαι δὲ περὶ Αἰγύπτου μηκυνέων τὸν λόγον, ὅ ὅτι 
πλεῖστα θωμάσια ἔχει ἢ ἡ ἄλλη πᾶσα χώρη καὶ 


-------..... 


1 ἐκ τῶν ἴσων μέτρων is an obscure expression. What 
IIdt, appears to mean is, that as the Nile (according to him) 


314 


BOOK II. 33-35 


country they came were all wizards; as to the river 
that ran past the city, Etearchus guessed it to be the 
Nile; and that is but reasonable. For the Nile lows 
from Libya, and right through the midst of that 
country; and as I guess, reasoning as to things 
unknown from visible signs, it takes its rise from the 
same measure of distance as the Ister.! That river 
flows from the land of the Celtae and the city of 
Pyrene through the very midst of Europe; now the 
Celtae dwell beyond the pjllars of Heracles, being 
neighbours of the Cynesii, who are the westernmost 
of all nations inhabiting Europe. The Ister, then, 
flows clean across Europe and ends its course in the 
Euxine sea, at Istria, which is inhabited by Milesii^ 
colonists. | 

34. As it flows through inhabited country, its 
course is known to many ; but none can speak of the 
source of the Nile; for Libya, through which it runs, 
is uninhabited and desert. Concerning its course ] 
have told all that I could learn by inquiry; and it 
issues into Egypt. Now Egypt lies about opposite 
to the mountainous part of Cilicia; whence it is a 
straight five days’ journey for an unburdened man to 
Sinope on the Euxine; and Sinope lies over against 
the place where the Ister falls into the sea, Thus I 
suppose the course of the Nile in its passage through 
Libya to be like the course of the Ister. 

35. It is sufficient to say thusmuch concerning the 
Nile. But concerning Egypt I will now speak at 
length, because nowhere are there so many marvellous 
things, nor in the whole world beside are there to 
flows first from W. to E. and then turns northward, so the 
Danube flows first from W. to E. and then (as he says) from 
N. to S.; and so the rivers in a manner correspond: one 
crosses Africa, the other Europe. 

315 


HERODOTUS 


épya λόγου pelo παρέχεται πρὸς πᾶσαν χώρην 
τούτων εἵνεκα πλέω ) περὶ αὐτῆς εἰρήσεται. 

Αἰγύπτιοι ἅμα τῷ οὐρανῷ τῷ κατὰ σφέας ἐόντι 
ἑτεροίῳ καὶ τῷ ποταμῷ φύσιν ἀλλοίην παρεχο- 
μένῳ ῆ οἱ ἄλλοι ποταμοί, τὰ πολλὰ πάντα ἔμπαλιν 
τοῖσι ἄλλοισι ; ἀνθρώποισι ἐστήσαντο ἤθεά τε καὶ 
νόμους" ἐν τοῖσι αἱ μὲν γυναῖκες ἀγοράξουσι καὶ 
καπηλ. εύουσι, οἱ δὲ ἄνδρες κατ᾽ οἴκους ἐόντες 
ὑφαίνουσι' ὑφαίνουσι δὲ οἱ uev ἄλλοι ἄνω τὴν 
κρόκην ὠθέοντες, Αἰγύπτιοι δὲ κάτω. τὰ ἄχθεα 
οἱ μὲν ἄνδρες ἐπὶ τῶν κεφαλέων φορέουσι, αἱ δὲ 
γυναῖκες ἐπὶ τῶν ὤμων. οὐρέουσι αἱ μὲν γυναῖκες 
ὀρθαί, οὗ δὲ ἄνδρες κατήμενοι. εὐμαρείῃ χρέωνται 
ἐν τοῖσι οἴκοισι, ἐσθίουσι δὲ ἔξω ἐν τῇσι ὁδοῖσι 
ἐπιλέγοντες ὡς τὰ μὲν αἰσχρὰ ἀναγκαῖα δὲ ἐ ἐν ἀπο- 
κρύφ ἐστὶ ποιέειν χρεόν, τὰ δὲ μὴ αἰσχρὰ ἆνα- 
φανδὸν. ἑρᾶται γυνὴ μὲν οὐδεμία οὔτε ἔρσενος 
θεοῦ οὔτε θηλέης, «ἄνδρες δὲ πάντων τε καὶ πα- 
σεων, τρέφειν τοὺς τοκέας τοῖσι μὲν παισὶ οὐδε- 
μία ἀνάγκη μὴ βουλομένοισι, thot δὲ θυγατράσι 
πᾶσα ἀνάγκη καὶ μὴ βουλομένῃσι. 

36. Οἱ ἱρέες τῶν θεῶν τῇ μὲν ἄλλη κοµέουσι, ἐν 
Αἰγύπτῳ δὲ ξυρῶνται. τοῖσι ἄλλοισι ἀνθρώποισι 
νόμος ἅμα κήδεϊ κεκάρθαι τὰς κεφαλὰς τοὺς μα- 
λιστα ἱκνέεται, Αἰγύπτιοι δὲ ὑπὸ τοὺς θανάτους 
ἀνιεῖσι τὰς τρίχας αὔξεσθαι τάς τε ἐν τῇ κεφαλῇ 
καὶ τῷ γενείῳ, τέως ἐξυρημένοι. τοῖσι μὲν ἄλλοισι 
ἀνθρώποισι epis θηρίων ἡ δίαιτα ἀποκέκριται, 
Αἰγυπτίοισι ὲ ὁμοῦ θηρίοισι ἡ ἡ δίαιτα ἐστί. ἀπὸ 
πυρῶν καὶ κριθέων ἄλλοι -ξώουσι, Αἰγυπτίων δὲ 
τῷ ποιευμένῳ ἀπὸ τούτων τὴν ξόην ὄνειδος μέ- 
γιστον ἐστί, ἀλλὰ ἀπὸ ὀλυρέων ποιεῦνται σιτία, 


316 


BOOK II. 35-36 


be seen so many works of unspeakable greatness ; 
therefore I shall say the more concerning Egypt. 

As the Egyptians have a climate peculiar to them- 
selves, and their river is different in its nature from 
- all other rivers, so have they made all their customs and 
laws of a kind contrary for the most part to those of all 
othermen. Among them, the women buy and sell, the 
men abide at home: and weave; and whereas in weav- 
ing all others push the woof upwar ds, the Egyptians 
push it downwards. Men carry burdens on their 
heads, women on their shoulders. Women make water 
standing, men sitting. They relieve nature indoors, 
and eat out of doors in the streets, giving the 
reason, that things unseemly but necessary should be 
done in secret, things not unseemly should be done 
openly, No woman is dedicated to the service of 
any god or goddess; men are dedicated to all deities 
male or femiale. Sons are not compelled against 
their wil to support their parents, but daughters 
must do so though they be unwilling. 

36. Everywhere else, priests of the gods wear 
their hairlong; in Egypt they are shaven. With all 
other men, in mourning for the dead those most 
nearly concerned have their heads shaven; Egyptians 
are shaven at other times, but after a death they let 
their hair and beard στον... The Egyptians are the 
only people who keep their animals with them in the 
house. Whereas all others live on wheat and barley, 
it is the greatest disgrace for an Egyptian so to live ; 
they make food from a coarse grain which some call 


317 


-— 


HERODOTUS 


τὰς ζειὰς μετεξέτεροι καλέουσι. φυρῶσι τὸ μὲν 
σταῖς τοῖσι ποσί, τὸν δὲ πηλὸν τῆσι χερσί, καὶ τὴν 
κόπρον ἀναιρέονται. τὰ αἰδοῖα ὦλλοι μὲν ἐῶσι 
ὡς ἐγένοντο, πλὴν ὅσοι ἀπὸ τούτων ἔμαθον, 
Αἰγύπτιοι δὲ περιτάµνονται. εἵματα τῶν μὲν 
ἀνδρῶν ἕκαστος ἔχει δύο, τῶν δὲ γυναικῶν ἓν 
ἑκάστη. τῶν ἱστίων τοὺς κρίκους καὶ τοὺς κάλους 
οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι ἔξωθεν προσδέουσι, Αἰγύπτιοι δὲ 
ἔσωθεν. γράμματα γράφουσι καὶ λογίζονται ψή- 
Ho “Ἕλληνες μὲν ἀπὸ τῶν ἀριστερῶν ἐπὶ τὰ 
εξιὰ φέροντες τὴν χεῖρα, Αἰγύπτιοι δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν 
δεξιῶν ἐπὶ τὰ ἀριστερά᾽ καὶ ποιεῦντες ταῦτα αὐτοὶ 
μὲν φασὶ ἐπὶ δεξιὰ ποιέειν, Έλληνας δὲ ἐπ᾽ apt- 
στερά. διφασίοισι δὲ γράμμασι χρέωνται, καὶ τὰ 
μὲν αὐτῶν ἱρὰ τὰ δὲ δημοτικὰ καλέεται. 

37. Θεοσεβέες δὲ περισσῶς ἐόντες μάλιστα 
πάντων ἀνθρώπων νόμοισι τοιοῖσιδε χρέωνται. 
ἐκ χαλκέων ποτηρίων πίνουσι, διασμῶντες ἀνὰ 
πᾶσαν ἡμέρην, οὐκ ὃ μὲν ὃ δ οὔ, ἀλλὰ πάντες. 
εἵματα δὲ λίνεα φορέουσι αἰεὶ νεόπλυτα, ἐπιτη- 
δεύοντες τοῦτο μάλιστα, τά τε αἰδοῖα περι- 
τάµνονται καθαρειότητος εἵνεκεν, προτιμῶντες 
καθαροὶ εἶναι ἢ εὐπρεπέστεροι. οἱ δὲ ἱρέες 
ξυρῶνται πᾶν τὸ σῶμα διὰ τρίτης ἡμέρης, ἵνα 
μήτε φθεὶρ μήτε ἄλλο μυσαρὸν μηδὲν ἐγγίνηταί 
σφι θεραπεύουσι τοὺς θεούς. ἐσθῆτα δὲ φορέουσι 
οἱ ἱρέες Ἄινέην μούνην καὶ ὑποδήματα βύβλινα' 
ἄλλην δέ σφι ἐσθῆτα οὐκ ἔξεστι λαβεῖν οὐδὲ 
ὑποδήματα ἄλλα. λοῦνται δὲ δὶς τῆς ἡμέρης 
ἑκάστης ψυχρῷ καὶ δὶς ἑκάστης νυκτός, ἄλλας τε 
θρησκηίας ἐπιτελέουσι μυρίας ὡς εἰπεῖν λόγῳ. 


πάσχουσι δὲ καὶ ἀγαθὰ οὐκ ὀλίγα: οὔτε τι γὰρ 
318 


BOOK II. 36-37 


spelt. They knead dough with their feet, and gather 
mud and dung with their hands. The Egyptians and 
those who have learnt it from them are the only 
people who practise circumcision. Every man has 
two garments, every woman only one. The rings 
and sheets of sails are made fast elsewhere outside 
the boat, but inside it in Egypt. The Greeks write 
and calculate by moving the hand from left to right; 
the Egyptians do contrariwise; yet they say that 
their way of writing is towards the right, and the 
Greek way towards the left. They use two kinds of 
writing ; one is called sacred, the other common.! 
37. They are beyond measure religious, more than 
any other nation; and these are among their cus- 
toms :—They drink from cups of bronze, which they 
cleanse out daily; this is done not by some but by 
all. They are especially careful ever to wear newly- 
washed linen raiment. They practise circumcision for 
cleanliness’ sake ; for they set cleanness above seemli- 
ness. Their priests shave the whole body every other 
day, that no lice or aught else that is foul may infest 
them in their service of the gods. The priests wear 
a single linen garment and sandals of papyrus?: they 
may take no other kind of clothing or footwear. 
Twice a day and twice every night they wash in cold 
water. Their religious observances are, one may 
say, innumerable. But also they receive many 
benefits: they neither consume nor spend aught of 


1 Three kinds, really : hieroglyphic, hieratic (derived from 
hieroglyphic), and demotic, a simplified form of hieratic. 
See Rawlinson’s essay, ch. 5, in his Appendix to Book II. 

2 On this plant, see ch. 92. 


319 


με’; 


HERODOTUS 


τῶν οἰκηίων τρίβουσι οὔτε δαπανῶνται, ἀλλὰ καὶ 
σιτία σφι ἐστὶ ἱρὰ πεσσόμενα, καὶ κρεῶν βοέων 
καὶ χηνέων πλῆθός τι ἑκάστῳ γίνεται πολλὸν 
ἡμέρης ἑκάστης, δίδοται δέ σφι καὶ οἶνος ἀμπέ- 
Mos" ἰχθύων δὲ οὔ σφι ἔξεστι πάσασθαι. 
κυάμους δὲ οὔτε τι μάλα σπείρουσι Αἰγύπτιοι 
ἐν τῇ χώρῃ, τούς τε γινομένους οὔτε τρώγουσι 
οὔτε ἕ οντες πατέονται, οἱ δὲ δὴ ἱρέες οὐδὲ 
ὁρέοντες ἀνέχονται, νομίξοντες οὐ καθαρὸν εἶναύ 
«μίν ὄσπριον. ἱρᾶται δὲ οὐκ εἷς ἑ ἑκάστου τῶν θεῶν 
ἀλλὰ πολλοί, τῶν εἷς ἐστι ἀρχιερεύς: ἐπεὰν δέ 
τις ἀποθάνῃ, τούτου ὁ παῖς ἀντικατίσταται. 

38. Τοὺς δὲ βοῦς τοὺς ἔρσενας τὸῦ ᾿Επάφου 
εἶναι νομίζουσι, καὶ τούτου εἵνεκα δοκιμάξουσι 
αὐτοὺς ὧδε: τρίχα ἣν καὶ μίαν ἴδηται ἐπεοῦσαν 
μέλαιναν, οὐ καθαρὸν εἶναι νομίζει. δίζηται. δὲ 
ταῦτα ἐπὶ τούτῳ τεταγμένος τῶν τις ἱρέων καὶ 
ὀρθοῦ ἑστεῶτος τοῦ κτήνεος καὶ ὑπτίου, καὶ τὴν 
γλῶσσαν ἐξειρύσας, εἰ καθαρὴ τῶν προκειμένων 
σημηίων, τὰ ἐγὼ ἐ ἐν ἄλλῳ λόγῳ ἐρέω: κατορᾷ δὲ 

/ » 
καὶ τὰς τρίχας τῆς οὐρῆς εἰ κατὰ φύσιν ἔχει 
πεφυκυίας. ἣν δὲ τούτων πάντων j καθαρός, 
σημαίνεται βύβλῳ περὶ τὰ κέρεα εἱλίσσων καὶ 
ἔπειτα γῆν σημαντρίδα ἐπιπλάσας ἐπιβάλλει τὸν 
δακτύλιον, καὶ οὕτω ἀπάγουσι. ἀσήμαντον δὲ 
θύσαντι θάνατος ἡ δημίη ἐ ἐπικέεται. δοκιμάξεται 
μέν νυν τὸ κτῆνος τρόπῷ τοιῷδε, θυσίη δέ σφι ἥδε 
κατέστηκε. 

39. ᾿Αγαγόντες τὸ σεσημασμένον κτῆνος πρὸς 
τὸν βωμὸν ὅκου ἂν θύωσι, πῦρ ἀνακαίουσι, ἔπειτα 
δὲ ἐπ᾿ αὐτοῦ οἶνον κατὰ τοῦ ἱρηίου ἐπισπείσαντες 
καὶ ἐπικαλέσαντες τὸν θεὸν σφάξουσι, σφά- 


320 


BOOK Il. 37-39 


their own; sacred food is cooked for them, to each 
man is brought every day flesh of beeves and geese 
in great abundance, and wine of grapes too is given 
to them. They may not eat fish. The Egyptians 
sow no beans in their country ; ifany grow, they will 
not eat them either raw or cooked; the priests 
cannot endure even to see them, considering beans 


. an unclean kind of pulse. Many (not one alone) are 


dedicated to the service of each god. One of these 
is the high priest; and when a high priest dies his 
son succeeds to his office. 

38. They hold that bulls belong to Epaphus,! and 
therefore test them thus to see if there be as much 
as one black hair on them ; if there be, the bull is 
deemed not pure; one of the priests, appointed to 
this task, examines the beast, making it to stand and 
to lie, and drawing out its tongue, to know whether 
it bear none of the stated sigris which I shall declare 
hereafter.? He looks also to the hairs of the tail, to 
see if they grow natura E it be pure in all these 
réspetts, the priest marks it by wrapping papyrus 
round the horns, then smears it with sealing-earth 
and stamps it with his ring ; and after this they lead 
the bull away. But the penalty is death for sacri- 
ficing a bull that the priest has not marked. Such is 
the manner of proving the beast; I will now show 
how it is sacrificed. 

39. Having brought the marked beast to the altar 
where the sacrifice is to be, they kindle a fire; then 
they pour wine on the altar over the victim and 
call upon the god; then they cut its throat, and 


1 Epaphus is the Greek form of Apis or Hapi, the bull-god 
of Memphis; for bulls of Mair's Oppian (L.C.L.) Cyn. II. 
86, note. 2 iii. 98. 


321 


HERODOTUS 


ξαντες δὲ ἀποτάμνουσι τὴν κεφαλήν. σῶμα μὲν 
4 ^ 4 , ^ \ / M 
δὴ τοῦ κτήνεος δείρουσι, κεφαλὴ δὲ κείνῃ πολλὰ 
καταρησάμενοι φέρουσι, τοῖσι μὲν ἂν 7) ἀγορὴ 
Vd , » > / » D! M 
καὶ "EXXqvés σφι ἔωσι ἐπιδήμιοι ἔμποροι, ot δὲ 
φέροντες ἐς τὴν ἀγορὴν ἀπ᾽ ὧν ἔδοντο, τοῖσι δὲ ἂν 
`Y / e D δ᾽ , / , ` 
μὴ παρέωσι "Ελληνες, of δ᾽ ἐκβάλλουσι ἐς τον 
/ ^ ^ 
ποταμόν: καταρῶνται δὲ τάδε λέγοντες τῆσι 
κεφαλῇσι, εἴ τι μέλλοι ἢ σφίσι τοῖσι θύουσι ἢ 
Αἰγύπτῳ τῇ συναπάση κακὸν γενέσθαι, ἐς κεφαλὴν 
ταύτην τραπέσθαι. κατὰ μέν νυν τὰς κεφαλὰς 
^ / ^ 
τῶν θυοµένων κτηνέων καὶ τὴν ἐπίσπεισιν τοῦ 
, ^ ^ 
οἴνου πάντες Αἰγύπτιοι νόμοισι τοῖσι αὐτοῖσι 
χρέωνται ὁμοίως ἐς πάντα τὰ ἱρά, καὶ ἀπὸ τούτου 
^ , 9$ SN » 3 N , LA ^ 
τοῦ νόµου οὐδὲ ἄλλου οὐδενὸς ἐμψύχου κεφαλῆς 
, 
γεύσεται Αἰγυπτίων οὐδείς. 
/ ^ e^ 
40. Ἡ δὲ δὴ ἐξαίρεσις τῶν ἱρῶν καὶ ἡ 
^ » » e F / 
καῦσις ἄλλη περὶ ἄλλο ἱρόν σφι κατέστηκε' 
9 n 
τὴν Ò ὧν µεγιστην τε Saipova ἥγηνται εἶναι καὶ 
ε 
μεγίστην οἱ ὁρτὴν ἀνάγουσι, ταύτην ἔρχομαι 
ἐρέων .. . .1 ἐπεὰν ἀποδείρωσι τὸν βοῦν, κατευ- 
ld A 
ξάμενοι κοιλίην μὲν κείνην πᾶσαν ἐξ ὧν εἷλον, 
σπλάγχνά δὲ αὐτοῦ λείπουσι ἐν τῷ σώματι καὶ 
τὴν πιμελήν, σκέλεα δὲ ἀποτάμνουσι καὶ τὴν 
ὀσφὺν ἄκρην καὶ τοὺς ὤμους τε καὶ τὸν τράχηλον. 
; ^ / ^ ^ M 
ταῦτα δὲ ποιήσαντες τὸ ἄλλο σῶμα τοῦ βοὸς 
πιμπλᾶσι ἄρτων καθαρῶν καὶ μέλιτος καὶ acta- 
φίδος καὶ σύκων καὶ λιβανωτοῦ καὶ σμύρνης καὶ 
τῶν ἄλλων θυωμάτων, πλήσαντες δὲ τούτων 
καταγίξουσι, ἔλαιον ἄφθονον καταχέοντες" mpo- 
r A A 
νηστεύσαντες δὲ θύουσι, καιομένων δὲ τῶν ἱρῶν 


1 There is an obvious lacuna; probably the name of the 
goddess (Isis) was given here. 


322 


BOOK II. 39-40 


having so done they sever the head from the body. 
They flay the carcase of the victim, then invoke 
many curses on its head and carry the same away. 
Where there is a market, and Greek traders in 
the place, the head is taken to the market and 
sold; where there are no Greeks, it is thrown into 
the river. The imprecation which they utter over 
the heads is, that whatever ill threatens themselves, 
who sacrifice, or the whole of Egypt, may fall upon 
that head, In respect of the heads of sacrificed 
beasts and the libation of wine, the practice of all 
Egyptians is the same in all sacrifices ; and from this 
ordinance no Egyptian will taste of the head of 
anything that had life. | 

~ 40. But in regard to the disembowelling and burn- 
ing of the victims, there is a different way for each 
sacrifice. I will now, however, speak of that goddess 
whom they deem the greatest, and in whose honour 
they keep highest festival. The ox being flayed, after 
` prayer made as aforesaid they take out the whole 
stomach, leaving the entrails in the carcase and the fat, 
and cut off the legs, the end of the loin, the shoulders, 
and the neck. Having done this, they fill what 
remains of the carcase of the ox with pure bread, 
honey, raisins, figs, frankincense, myrrh, and other 
kinds of incense, and then burn it, pouring much oil 
on it. They fast before the sacrifice, and while it is 
burning they all make lamentation; and when their 


323 


HERODOTUS 


τύπτονται πάντες, ἐπεὰν δὲ ἀποτύψωνται, δαῖτα 
προτίθενται τὰ ἐλίποντο τῶν ἱρῶν. 

41. Τοὺς uév vvv καθαροὺς βοῦς τοὺς ἔρσενας 
καὶ τοὺς μόσχους οἱ πάντες Αἰγύπτιοι θύουσι, 
τὰς δὲ θηλέας ob σφι ἔξεστι θύειν, ἀλλὰ ἱραί εἶσι 
τῆς Ἴσιος' τὸ γὰρ τῆς Ἴσιος ἄγαλμα ἐὸν γυναι- 
κήιον βούκερων ἐστὶ κατά περ Ἕλληνες τὴν Ἰοῦν 
γράφουσι, καὶ τὰς βοῦς τὰς θηλέας Αἰγύπτιοι 
πάντες ὁμοίως σέβονται προβάτων πάντων μάλιστα 
μακρᾷ. τῶν εἵνεκα οὔτε ἀνὴρ Αἰγύπτιος οὔτε 
γυνὴ ἄνδρα "Ελληνα φιλήσειε ἂν τῷ στόματι, 
οὐδὲ μαχαίρῃ ἀνδρὸς "Ἑλληνος χρήσεται οὐδὲ 
ὀβελοῖσι οὐδὲ λέβητι, οὐδὲ κρέως καθαροῦ βοὸς 
διατετμημένου Ἑλληνικῇ μαχαίρῃ γεύσεται. Oá- 
πτουσι δὲ τοὺς ἀποθνήσκοντας βοῦς τρόπον τόνδε" 
τὰς μὲν θηλέας ἐς τὸν ποταμὸν ἀπιεῖσι, τοὺς δὲ 
ἔρσενας κατορύσσουσι ἕκαστοι ἐν τοῖσι προα- 
στείοισι, τὸ Κέρας τὸ ἕτερον ἢ καὶ ἀμφότερα 
ὑπερέχοντα σημηίου εἵνεκεν" ἐπεὰν δὲ cami 
καὶ προσίῃ ὁ τεταγμένος χρόνος, ἀπικνέεται 
ἐς ἑκάστην πόλιν βᾶρις ἐκ τῆς Προσωπίτιδος 
καλευμένης νήσου. 1) 9 ἔστι μὲν ἐν τῷ Δέλτα, 
περίμετρον δὲ αὐτῆς εἰσὶ σχοῖνοι ἐννέα. ἐν ταύτῃ 
ὧν τῇ Προσωπίτιδι νήσῳ ἔνεισι μὲν καὶ ἄλλαι 
πόλιες συχναί, ἐκ τῆς δὲ αἱ βάριες παραγίνονται 
ἀναιρησόμεναι τὰ ὀστέα τῶν βοῶν, οὔνομα τῇ 
πόλι ᾿Ατάρβηχις, ἐν δ᾽ αὐτῇ ᾿Αφροδίτης ἐρὸν 
ἅγιον ἵδρυται. ἐκ ταύτης τῆς πόλιος πλανῶνται 
πολλοὶ ἄλλοι ἐς ἄλλας πόλις, ἀνορύξαντες δὲ «a 
ὀστέα ἀπάγουσι καὶ θάπτουσι ἐς ἕνα χῶρον 
πάντες. κατὰ ταὐτὰ δὲ τοῖσι βουσὶ καὶ TAANA 
κτήνεα θάπτουσι ἀποθνήσκοντα' καὶ γὰρ περὶ 


324 


BOOK II. 40-41 


lamentation is over, they set out a meal of what is 
left of the victim. 

41. All Egyptians sacrifice unblemished bulls and 
bull-calves; they may not sacrifice cows; these are 
sacred to Isis. For the images of Isis are in woman's 
form, horned like an ox, as the Greeks picture Io, and 
cows are held by far the most sacred of all beasts of 
the herd by all Egyptians alike. For this reason no 
Egyptian man or woman will kiss a Greek man, or 
use a knife, or a spit, or a caldron belonging to a 
Greek, or taste the flesh of an unblemished ox that 
has been cut up with a Greek knife. Oxen that die 
are dealt with in the following way :—Cows are cast 
into the river, bulls are buried by each city in its 
suburbs, with one or both horns uncovered for a sign: 
then, when the carcase is decomposed, and the time 
appointed is at hand, a boat comes to each city from. 
the island called Prosopitis, an island in the Delta, 
of nine schoeni in circuit. There are many other 
towns in Prosopitis; that one from which come the 
boats to gather the bones of the bulls is called 
Atarbechis ;! there stands in it a temple of Aphrodite 
of great sanctity. From this-town many go about, some 
to one town and some to another, and dig up the 
bones, which they then carry away and all bury in 
one place. As they bury the oxen, so they do with 
all other beasts at death. Such is their ordinance 


1 No doubt from Athor or Hathor, under which name Isis 
was often worshipped. 


325 


HERODOTUS 


^ e / L4 A 
ταῦτα οὕτω σφι νενομοθέτηται: κτείνουσι γὰρ 
δὴ οὐδὲ ταῦτα. 

42. "Όσοι μὲν δὴ Διὸς Θηβαιέος ἵδρυνται ἱρὸν 
ἢ νομοῦ τοῦ Θηβαίου εἰσί, οὗτοι μέν νυν πάντες 
ὀίων ἀπεχόμενοι αἶγας θύουσι. θεοὺς γὰρ δὴ οὐ 
τοὺς αὐτοὺς ἅπαντες ὁμοίως Αἰγύπτιοι σέβονται, 

AL / , T \ M / 9 
πλὴν Ἴσιός τε καὶ Οσίριος, τὸν δὴ Διόνυσον εἶναι 
λέγουσι' τούτους δὲ ὁμοίως ἅπαντες σέβονται. 
ὅσοι δὲ τοῦ Μένδητος ἔκτηνται ἱρὸν ἢ νομοῦ τοῦ 
Μενδησίου εἰσί, οὗτοι δὲ αἰγῶν ἀπεχόμενοι ὄις 
θύουσι. Θηβαῖοι μέν νυν καὶ ὅσοι διὰ τούτους 
ὀίων ἀπέχονται, διὰ τάδε λέγουσι τὸν νόμον 

᾽ 5 4 OF € A ^ / 
τόνδε σφίσι τεθῆναι. Πρακλέα θελῆσαι πάντως 
ἐδέσθαι τὸν Δία, καὶ τὸν οὐκ ἐθέλειν ὀφθῆναι ὑπ᾽ 
αὐτοῦ" τέλος δέ, ἐπείτε λιπαρέειν τὸν "Ἡρακλέα, 
τάδε τὸν Δία μηχανήσασθαι" κριὸν ἐκδείραντα 
προσχέσθαι τε τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀποταμόντα τοῦ 
κριοῦ καὶ ἐνδύντα τὸ νάκος οὕτω οἱ ἑωυτὸν 
ἐπιδέξαι. ἀπὸ τούτου κριοπρόσωπον τοῦ Διὸς 

» e^ 3 3 `~ \ , , 
τῶγαλμα ποιεῦσι Αἰγύπτιοι, ἀπὸ δὲ Αἰγυπτίων 
υ /, 37 3 \ > / 
Αμμώνιοι, ἐόντες Αἰγυπτιων τε καὶ Αἰθιόπων 
ἄποικοι καὶ φωνὴν μεταξὺ ἀμφοτέρων νομίζοντες. 
δοκέειν δέ μοι, καὶ τὸ οὔνομα ᾿Αμμώνιοι ἀπὸ τοῦδε 
σφίσι τὴν ἐπωνυμίην ἐποιήσαντο' ᾿Αμοῦν γὰρ 
Αἰγύπτιοι καλέουσι τὸν Δία. τοὺς δὲ κριοὺς οὐ 
θύουσι Θηβαῖοι, ἀλλ᾽ εἰσί σφι ἱροὶ διὰ τοῦτο. 
μιῇ δὲ ἡμέρῃ τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ, ἐν ὁρτῇ τοῦ Διός, κριὸν 
ἕνα κατακόψαντες καὶ ἀποδείραντες κατὰ τὠυτὸ 
ἐνδύουσι τῶγαλμα τοῦ Διός, καὶ ἔπειτα ἄλλο 


346 


BOOK II. 41-42 


respecting. these also; for they, too, may not be 
killed. 

42. All that have among them a temple of Zeus of 
Thebes, or are of the Theban province, sacrifice 
goats but will not touch sheep. For no gods are 
worshipped in common by the whole of Egypt save 
only Isis and Osiris, whom they say to be Dionysus; 
these are worshipped by all alike. Those who have a 
temple of Mendes! or are of the Mendesian province 
sacrifice sheep, but will not touch goats. The 
Thebans, and those who by the Theban example will 
not touch sheep give the following reason for their 
ordinance: Heracles? (they say) would by all means 
look upon Zeus, and Zeus would not be seen by him. 
At last, being earnestly entreated by Heracles, Zeus 
contrived a device, whereby he showed himself dis- 
playing the head and wearing the fleece of a ram 
which he had flayed and beheaded. It is from this 
that the Egyptian images of Zeus have a ram's head; 
and in this the Egyptians are imitated by the Ammo- - 
nians, who are colonists from Egypt and Ethiopia and 
speak a language compounded of the tongues of both 
countries. It was from this, I think, that the Ammo- 
nians got their name too; for Amun is the Egyptian 
name for Zeus. The Thebans, then, hold rams 
sacred for this reason, and do not sacrifice them. 
But on one day in the year, at the festival of Zeus, 
they cut in pieces and flay a single ram and put the 
fleece on the image of Zeus, as in the story ; then 


1 Mendes, Greek form of Binded, a town in the Delta 
where Osiris was worshipped in the form of a ram, according 
to monuments. Here Mendes apparently = Osiris. 

. * The Greeks identified with Heracles an Egyptian god 
Shu (called at Thebes Chonsu-Neferhotep, ᾿Αγαθοδαίµων). 


327 


b 


HERODOTUS 


ἄγαλμα Ἡρακλέος προσάγουσι πρὸς αὐτό. ταῦτα 
δὲ ποιήσαντες τύπτοντα! οἱ περὶ τὸ ἱρὸν ἅπαντες 
τὸν κριὸν καὶ ἔπειτα ἐν ἱρῇ θήκη θάπτουσι αὐτόν. 

43, Ἡρακλέος δὲ πέρι τόνδε τὸν λόγον ἤκουσα, 
ὅτι εἴη τῶν δυώδεκα θεῶν' τοῦ ἑτέρου δὲ πέρι 
Ἡρακλέος, τὸν “Ἕλληνες οἴδασι, οὐδαμῇ Αἰγύπτου 
ἐδυνάσθην ἀκοῦσαι. καὶ μὴν ὅτι γε οὐ παρ᾽ 
Ἑλλήνων ἔλαβον τὸ οὔνομα Αἰγύπτιοι τοῦ Ἡ pa- 
κλέος, ἀλλὰ “Ελληνες μᾶλλον map Αἰγυπτίων 
καὶ Ἑλλήνων οὗτοι οἱ θέμενοι τῷ Αμϕιτρύωνος 
γόνῳ τοὔνομα Ἡρακλέα, πολλά μοι καὶ ἄλλα 
τεκμήρια ἐστὶ τοῦτο οὕτω ἔχειν, ev δὲ καὶ τόδε, 
ὅτι τε τοῦ Ἡρακλέος τούτου οἱ γονέες ἀμφότεροι 
ἦσαν ᾿Αμϕιτρύων͵ καὶ ᾿Αλκμήνη γεγονότες πὸ 
ἀνέκαθεν ἀπ᾽ Αἰγύπτου, καὶ διότι Αἰγύπτιοι οὔτε 
Ποσειδέωνος οὔτε Διοσκούρων τὰ οὐνόματα φασὶ 
εἰδέναι, οὐδέ σφι θεοὶ οὗτοι ἐν τοῖσι ἄλλοισι 
θεοῖσι ἀποδεδέχαται. καὶ μὴν εἴ γε παρ᾽ Ἑλλήνων 
ἔλαβον οὔνομά τευ δαίμονος, τούτων οὐκ ἥκιστα 
ἀλλὰ μάλιστα ἔμελλον μνήμην ἕξειν, εἴ περ καὶ 
τότε ναυτιλίῃσι ἐχρέωντο καὶ ἦσαν Ἑλλήνων 
τενὲς ναυτίλοι, ὡς ἔλπομαί τε καὶ ἐμὴ γνώμη 
αἱρέει' ὥστε τούτων ἂν καὶ μᾶλλον τῶν θεῶν τὰ 
οὐνόματα ἐξεπιστέατο Αἰγύπτιοι ἡ η τοῦ H ρακλέος. 
ἀλλά τις ἀρχαῖος ἐστὶ Θεὸς Αἰγυπτίοισι Ἥρα- 
Kens’ ὡς δὲ αὐτοὶ λέγουσι, ἔτεα ἐστὶ ἑπτα- 
κισχίλια καὶ μύρια ἐς "Apaciw βασιλεύσαντα, 
ἐπείτε ἐκ τῶν ὀκτὼ θεῶν οἱ δυώδεκα θεοὶ ἐγένοντο 
τῶν Ἡρακλέα ἕ ἕνα νομίξουσι. 

44. Καὶ θέλων δὲ τούτων πέρι σαφές τι εἰδέναι 
ἐξ ὧν οἷόν τε ἣν, ἔπλευσα καὶ ἐς Τύρον τῆς 


428 


BOOK II. 42-44 


they bring an image of Heracles near to it. Having 
done this, all that are about the temple mourn for 
the ram, and presently bury it in a sacred coffer. 

43, Concerning Heracles, I heard it said that he 
was one of the twelve gods. But I could nowhere in 
Egypt hear anything concerning the other Heracles, 
whom the Greeks know. I have indeed many proofs 
. that the name of Heracles did not come from Hellas 
to Egypt, but from Egypt to Hellas (and in Hellas 
to those Greeks who gave the name Heracles to the 
son of Amphitryon); and this is the chief among 
them—that Amphitryon and Alcmene, the parents 
of this Heracles, were both by descent Egyptian ;! 
and that the Egyptians deny knowledge of the names 
of Poseidon and the Dioscuri, nor are these gods 
reckoned among the gods of Egypt. Yet had they 
got the name of any deity from the Greeks, it was 
these more than any that they were like to remember, 
if indeed they were already making sea voyages and 
the Greeks too had seafaring men, as I suppose and ' 
judge; so that the names of these gods would have 
been even better known to the Egyptians than the 
name of Heracles. Nay, Heracles is a very ancient 
god in Egypt ; as the Egyptians themselves say, the 
change of the eight gods to the twelve, of whom 
they deem Heracles one, was made seventeen 
thousand years before the reign of Amasis. 

44. Moreover, wishing to get clear knowledge of 
this matter whence it was possible so to do, I took 


1 rie grandchildren of Perseus, for whose Egyptian origin 
see 91. ; 


329 


HERODOTUS 


Φοινίκης, πυνθανόμενος αὐτόθι εἶναι ἱρὸν 'Hpa- 
κλέος ἅγιον, καὶ εἶδον πλουσίως κατεσκευασμένον 
ἄλλοισί τε πολλοῖσι ἀναθήμασι, καὶ ἐν αὐτῷ 
ἦσαν στῆλαι δύο, ἣ μὲν χρυσοῦ ἀπέφθου, ἣ δὲ 
σμαράγδου λίθου λάμποντος τὰς νύκτας μέγαθος. 
ἐς λόγους δὲ ἐλθὼν τοῖσι ἱρεῦσι τοῦ θεοῦ εἰρόμην 
ὁκόσος χρόνος εἴη ἐξ οὗ σφι τὸ ἱρὸν ἵδρυται. 
εὗρον δὲ οὐδὲ τούτους τοῖσι "Ελλησι συµφερο- 
μένους’ ἔφασαν γὰρ ἅμα Τύρῳ οἰκιζομένη καὶ τὸ 
ἱρὸν τοῦ θεοῦ ἱδρυθῆναι, εἶναι δὲ ἔτεα ἀπ᾽ οὗ 
Τύρον οἰκέουσι τριηκόσια καὶ δισχίλια. εἶδον δὲ 
ἐν τῇ Τύρῳ καὶ ἄλλο ἱρὸν "Ἡρακλέος ἐπωνυμίην 
ἔχοντος Θασίου εἶναι" ἀπικόμην δὲ καὶ ἐς Θάσον, 
ἐν τῇ εὗρον ἱρὸν Ἡρακλέος ὑπὸ Φοινίκων ἱδρυ- 
μένον, ot κατ᾽ Εὐρώπης ζήτησιν ἐκπλώσαντες 
Θάσον ἔκτισαν: καὶ ταῦτα καὶ πέντε yevence 
ἀνδρῶν πρότερα ἐστὶ ἢ τὸν ᾿Αμϕιτρύωνος ‘Hpa- 
κλέα ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι γενέσθαι. τὰ μέν νυν ἱστο- 
pnuéva δηλοῖ σαφέως παλαιὸν θεὸν ᾿Ἡρακλέα 
ἐόντα, καὶ δοκέουσι δέ μοι οὗτοι ὀρθότατα 
Ἑλλήνων ποιέειν, of διξὰ "Ἡράκλεια ἱδρυσάμενοι 
ἔκτηνται, καὶ τῷ μὲν ὡς ἀθανάτῳ Ὀλυμπίῳ 
δὲ ἐπωνυμίην θύουσι, τῷ δὲ ἑτέρῳ ὡς ἥρωι 
ἐναγίζουσι. 

4δ. Λέγουσι δὲ πολλὰ καὶ ἄλλα ἀνεπισκέπτως 
οἱ Ἕλληνες, εὐήθης δὲ αὐτῶν καὶ ὅδε ὁ μῦθος ἐστὶ 
τὸν περὶ τοῦ “Ἡρακλέος λέγουσι, ὡς αὐτὸν ἀπι- 
κόμενον ἐς Αἴγυπτον στέψαντες οἱ Αἰγύπτιοι ὑπὸ 
πομπῆς ἐξῆγον ὡς θύσοντες τῷ Διί: τὸν δὲ τέως 
μὲν ἡσυχίην ἔχειν, ἐπεὶ δὲ αὐτοῦ πρὸς τῷ βωμῷ 


1 The Tyrian god Melkart. 
330 


BOOK II. 44-45 


ship to Tyre in Phoenice, where I heard that there 
wasa very holy temple of Heracles. There I saw it, 
richly equipped with many other offerings, besides 
- that in it there were two pillars, one of refined gold, 
one of emerald, a great pillar that shone in the 
night-time ; and in converse with the priests I asked 
how long it was since their temple was built. I 
found that neither did their account tally with the 
belief of the Greeks ; for they said that the temple of 
the god was founded when Tyre first became a city, 
and that was two thousand three hundred years since. 
At Tyre I saw yet another temple of that Heracles 
called the Thasian. Then I went to Thasos, too, where 
_ I found a temple of Heracles built by the Phoenicians, 
who made a settlement there when they voyaged in 
search of Europe ; now they did so as much as five 
generations before the birth in Hellas of Heracles 
the son of Amphitryon. Therefore, what I have 
discovered by inquiry plainly shows that Heracles is 
anancient god. And further: those Greeks, I think, 
are most in the right, who have established and 
practise two worships of Heracles, sacrificing to one 
Heracles as to an immortal, and calling him the 
Olympian, but to the other bringing offerings as to a 
dead hero.? 
. 45. But among the many ill-considered tales told 
by the Greeks, this is a very foolish story which they 
relate about Heracles—how when he came to Egypt 
the Egyptians crowned him and led him out ina 
procession to sacrifice him to Zeus; and for a while 
(they say) he followed quietly, but when they began 
2 There is a dual Heracles in the Odyssey, xi. 601 seqq. 
An εἴδωλον of him is seen in the world of the dead; but 
** he himself” is an immortal among the gods of heaven. 


VOL. I. N 331 


HERODOTUS 


κατάρχοντο, ἐς ἀλκὴν τραπόμενον πάντας. σφέας 
καταφονεῦσαι. ἐμοὶ μέν νυν δοκέουσι ταῦτα λέ- 


Ύοντες τῆς Αἰγυπτίων]. δύσιας Ἰκαὶ [τῶν νόμων | 
οἱ 


πάμπαν ἀπείρως ἔχειν wes τοῖσι γὰρ 
οὐδὲ κτήνεα ὅση θύειν ἐστὶ χωρὶς ὑῶν καὶ ἐρσένων 
βοῶν καὶ μόσχων, ὅσοι ἂν καθαροὶ ἔωσι, καὶ 
χηνῶν, KOS ἂν οὗτοι ἀνθρώπους θύοιεν; ἔτι δὲ 
ἕνα ἐόντα τὸν Ἡρακλέα καὶ ἔτι ἄνθρωπον, ὡς δὴ 
φασί, κῶς φύσιν ἔχει πολλὰς μυριάδας φονεῦσαι; 
καὶ περὶ μὲν τούτων τοσαῦτα ἡμῖν εἰποῦσι καὶ 
παρὰ τῶν θεῶν καὶ παρὰ τῶν ἡρώων εὐμενείη εἴη. 

46. Τὰς δὲ δὴ αἶγας καὶ τοὺς τράγους τῶνδε 
εἵνεκα οὐ θύουσι Αἰγυπτίων οἱ εἰρημένοι: τὸν 
Πᾶνα τῶν ὀκτὼ θεῶν λογίξονται εἶναι οἱ Μενδή- 
σιοι, τοὺς δὲ ὀκτὼ θεοὺς τούτους προτέρους τῶν 
δυώδεκα θεῶν φασι γενέσθαι. γράφουσί τε δὴ 
καὶ γλύφουσι οἱ ἑωγράφοι καὶ οἱ ἀγαλματοποιοὶ 
τοῦ Π]ανὸς τῶγαλμα κατά περ Ἕλληνες αἰγοπρό- 
σωπον καὶ τραγοσκελέα, οὔτι τοιοῦτον νομίξοντες 
εἶναί μιν ἀλλὰ ὁμοῖον τοῖσι ἄλλοισι θεοῖσι: ὅτευ 
δὲ εἵνεκα τοιοῦτον γράφουσι αὐτόν, οὔ μοι ἥδιον 
ἐστὶ λέγειν. σέβονται δὲ πάντας τοὺς αἶγας οἱ 
Μενδήσιοι, καὶ μάλλον τοὺς ἔρσενας τῶν θηλέων, 
καὶ τούτων οἱ αἰπόλοι τιμὰς μέξονας ἔχουσι' ἐκ δὲ 
τούτων ἕνα μάλιστα, ὅστις ἐπεὰν ἀποθάνῃ, πένθος 
μέγα παντὶ τῷ Μενδησίῳ νομῷ τίθεται. καλέεται 
δὲ ὅ ,9 τε τράγος καὶ o Ἠὰν Αἰγυπτιστὶ Μένδης. 
ἐγένετο δὲ ἐν τῷ νομῷ τούτῳ ἐπ᾽ ἐμεῦ τοῦτο τὸ 
τέρας" γυναικὶ τράγος ἐμίσγετο ἀναφανδόν. τοῦτο 
ἐς ἐπίδεξιν ἀνθρώπων d ἀπίκετο. 

4T. Ὕν δὲ Αἰγύπτιοι μιαρὸν ἥγηνται θηρίον 
εἶναι, καὶ τοῦτο μὲν ἤν τις ᾿γαύσῃ αὐτῶν παριὼν 


332 


BOOK IL. 45-47 


the first rites of sacrifice upon him at the altar, he 
resisted and slew them all. Now it seems to me 
that by this story the Greeks show themselves wholly 
ignorant of the character and customs of the 
Egyptians ; for how should they sacrifice men, who 
are forbidden to sacrifice even the lower animals, 
save only swine and bulls and bull-calves, if they be 
unblemished, and geese? Moreover, Heracles being 
alone, and still but a man, as they say, how is it 
natural that he should slay a countless multitude ? 
So much I say of this matter; may no god or hero 
be displeased with me therefor ! 

46. This is the reason why the Egyptians of whom ` 
I have spoken sacrifice no goats, male or female: 
the Mendesians reckon Pan among the eight gods, 
who, they say, were before the twelve gods. Now 
in their painting and sculpture the image of Pan is 
made as among the Greeks with the bead and the 
legs of a goat; not that he is deemed to be in truth 
such, or unlike to other gods; but why they so 
present him I have no wish to say. The Mendesians 
hold all goats sacred, the male even more than the 
female, and goatherds are held in especial honour: 
one he-goat is most sacred of all; when he dies 
it is ordained that there should be great mourning 
in all the Mendesian province. In the Egyptian 
language Mendes is the name both for the he-goat 
and for Pan. In my lifetime a monstrous thing 
happened in this province, a woman having open in- 
tercourse with a he- goat. This came to be publicly 
known. 

47. Swine are heid by the Egyptians to be unclean 
beasts. Firstly, if an Egyptian touch a hog in 


333 


ber 


HERODOTUS 


UOS, αὐτοῖσι τοῖσι ἱματίοισι aT ὧν ἔβαψε € ἑωυτὸν 
Bas ἐς τὸν ποταμόν' τοῦτο δὲ οἱ συβῶται ἐόντες 
Αἰγύπτιοι ἐγγενέες ἐς ἱρὸν οὐδὲν τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ 
ἐσέρχονται μοῦνοι πάντων, οὐδέ σφι ἐκδίδοσθαι 
οὐδεὶς θυγατέρα ἐθέλει οὐδ' ἄγεσθαι ἐξ αὐτῶν, 
ἀλλ᾽ ἐκδίδονταύ τε οἱ συβῶται καὶ ἄγονται ἐξ 
ἀλλήλων. τοῖσι μέν νυν ἄλλοισι θεοῖσι θύειν ὃς 
ov δικαιεῦσι Αἰγύπτιοι, Σελήνῃ δὲ καὶ Διονύσω 
μούνοισι τοῦ αὐτοῦ χρόνου, τῇ αὐτῇ πανσελήνῳ, 
τοὺς bs, θύσαντες πατέονται τῶν κρεῶν. διότι 
δὲ τοὺς ὑς ἐν μὲν τῇσι ἄλλῃσι ὁρτῇσι ἀπεστυγή- 
κασι ἐν δὲ ταύτῃ θύουσι, ἔστι μὲν λόγος περὶ 
αὐτοῦ ὑπ᾽ Αἰγυπτίων λεγόμενος, ἐμοὶ μέντοι ἐπι- 
σταμένῳ οὐκ εὐπρεπέστερος ἐ ἐστὶ λέγεσθαι. θυσίη 
δὲ ἥδε τῶν ὑῶν τῇ Σελήνῃ ποιέεται" ἐπεὰν 
θύσῃ, τὴν οὐρὴν ἄκρην καὶ τὸν σπλῆνα καὶ τὸν 
ἐπίπλοον συνθεὶς ὁμοῦ κατ᾿ ὧν ἐκάλυψε πάσῃ 
τοῦ κτήνεος τῇ πιμελῇ τῇ περὶ τὴν νηδὺν γινομένῃ, 
καὶ ἔπειτα καταγίζει πυρί- τὰ δὲ ἄλλα κρέα 
σιτέονται ἐν τῇ πανσελήνῳ ἐν τῇ ἂν τὰ ἱρὰ 
θύσωσι, ἐ ἐν ἄλλῃ δὲ ἡμέρῃ οὐκ ἂν ἔτι γευσαίατο. 


οἱ δὲ πένητες αὐτῶν ὑπ᾽ ἀσθενείης βίου σταιτίνας 


πλάσαντες US καὶ ὁπτήσαντες ταύτας θύουσι. 
48. Τῷ δὲ Διονύσῳ τῆς ὁρτῆς τῇ δορπίῃ χοῖρον 
πρὸ τῶν θυρέων. σφάξας ἕκαστος διδοῖ aro- 


| φέρεσθαι τὸν .Χοῖρον | αὐτῷ τῷ ἀποδομένῳ τῶν 


συβωτέων. τὴν δὲ ἄλλην ἀνάγουσι ὁρτὴν τῷ 
Διονύσῳ οἱ Αἰγύπτιοι πλὴν χορῶν κατὰ ταὐτὰ 
σχεδὸν πάντα Ἓλλησι: ἀντὶ δὲ φαλλῶν ἄλλα 
σφι ἐστὶ ἐξευρημένα, € ὅσον τε πηχναῖα ἀγάλματα 
νευρόσπαστα, τὰ περιφορέουσι κατὰ κώμας γυ- 
ναῖκες, νεῦον τὸ αἰδοῖον, οὐ πολλῷ τεῳ ἔλασσον 


334 


BOOK ΙΙ. 47-48 


passing by, he goes to the river and dips himself in 
it, clothed as he is ; and secondly, swineherds, native 
born Egyptians though they be, are alone of all men 
forbidden to enter any Egyptian temple ; nor will any 
give a swineherd his daughter in marriage, nor take 
a wife from their women; but swineherds intermarry 
among themselves. Nor dothe Egyptians think right 
to sacrifice swine to any god save the Moon and 
Dionysus ; to these they sacrifice their swine at the 
same time, in the same season of full moon ; then 
they eat ofthe flesh. The Egyptians have an account 
of the reason why they sacrifice swine at this festival, 
yet abominate them at others; I know it, but it is 
not fitting that I should relate it. But this is how 
they sacrifice swine to the Moon: the sacrificer lays 
the end of the tail and the spleen and the caul 
together and covers them up with all the fat that he 
finds about the belly, then burns all with fire; as for | 
the rest of the flesh, they eat it at the time of full 
moon when they sacrifice the victim; but they will 
not taste it on any other day. Poor men, having but 
slender means, mould swine of dough, which they 
then bake and sacrifice. 

48. To Dionysus, on the evening of his festival, 
everyone offers a porker which he kills before his 
door and then gives to the swineherd himself who 
has sold it, for him to take away. The rest of the 
festival of Dionysus is ordered by the Egyptians 
much as it is by the Greeks, except for the dances; 
but in place of the phallus they have invented the 
use of puppets a cubit long moved by strings, which 
are carried about the villages by women, the male 
member moving and near as big as the rest of the 


335 


HERODOTUS 


ἐὸν τοῦ ἄλλου σώµατος' προηγέεται δὲ αὐλός, al 
δὲ ἕπονται ἀείδουσαι τὸν Διόνυσον. διότι δὲ μέξον 
τε ἔχει τὸ αἰδοῖον καὶ κινέει μοῦνον τοῦ σώματος, 
ἔστι λόγος περὶ αὐτοῦ ἱρὸς λεγόμενος. 

49. Ἤδη àv δοκέει μοι Μελάμπους ὁ 0 ᾿Αμυθέωνος 
τῆς θυσίης ταύτης οὐκ εἶναι ἀδαὴς. ἀλλ᾽ ἔμπειρος. 
Ἕλλησι γὰρ δὴ Μελάμπους ἐστὶ ὁ ἐξηγησάμενος 
τοῦ Διονύσου τό τε οὔνομα καὶ τὴν θυσίην͵ καὶ 
τὴν πομπὴν τοῦ parrot ἀτρεκέως μὲν οῦ πάντα 
συλλαβὼν τὸν λόγον ἔφηνε, ἀλλ᾽ οἱ ἐπιγενόμενοι 
τούτῳ σοφισταὶ μεξόνως ἐξέφηναν" τὸν δ᾽ ὧν 
φαλλὸν τὸν τῷ Διονύσῳ πεμπόμενον Μελάμπους 
ἐστὶ ὁ κατηγησάμενος, καὶ ἀπὸ τούτου μαθόντες 
ποιεῦσι τὰ ποιεῦσι "Ελληνες. ἐγὼ μέν νυν φημὶ 
Μελάμποδα γενόμενον ἄνδρα σοφὸν μαντικήν τε 
ἑωυτῷ συστῆσαι καὶ πυθόμενον ἀπ᾽ Αἰγύπτου 
ἄλλα τε πολλὰ ἐσηγήσασθαι ' Ἕλλησι καὶ τὰ 
περὶ | τὸν Διόνυσον, ὀλίγα αὐτῶν παραλλάξαντα. 
οὐ γὰρ δὴ συμπεσεῖν γε pioa τά τε ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ 
ποιεύμενα τῷ θεῷ καὶ τὰ ἐν τοῖσι "Ελλησι' ὁμό- 
Tpoma γὰρ ἂν ἦν τοῖσι Ἓλλησι, καὶ οὐ νεωστὶ 
ἐσηγμένα. ov μὲν οὐδὲ pow ὅκως Αἰγύπτιοι 
παρ᾽ Ἑλλήνων ἔλαβον ἢ τοῦτο ἢ ἄλλο κού τι 
νόμαιον. πυθέσθαι δέ μοι δοκέει μάλιστα Με- 
λάμπους τὰ περὶ τὸν Διόνυσον παρὰ Κάδµου τε 
τοῦ Τυρίου καὶ τῶν σὺν αὐτῷ ἐκ Φοινίκης ἀπικο- 
μένων ἐς τὴν νῦν Βοιωτίην καλεομένην χώρην. 

50. Σχεδὸν δὲ καὶ πάντων τὰ οὐνόματα τῶν θεῶν 
ἐξ Αἰγύπτου ἐλήλυθε ἐς τὴν Ἑλλάδα. διότι μὲν 
γὰρ ἐκ τῶν βαρβάρων, ἥκει, πυνθανόμενος οὕτω 
εὑρίσκω ἐόν' δοκέω δ᾽ ὧν μάλιστα ἀπ᾽ Αἰγύπτου 
ἀπῖχθαι. ὅτι γὰρ δὴ μὴ Ποσειδέωνος καὶ Διοσ- 


336 


BOOK II. 48-50 


body; a flute-player goes before, the women follow 
after, singing of Dionysus. There is a sacred legend 
which gives the reason for the appearance and 
motions of these puppets. 

49. Now, this being so, it seems to me that 
Melampus son of Amytheon was not ignorant but 
had attained knowledge of this sacrifice. For it 
was Melampus who taught the Greeks the name of 
Dionysus, and the way of sacrificing to him, and the 
phallic procession; I would not in strictness say that 
he showed them completely the whole matter, for 
the later teachers added somewhat to his showing; 
but it was from him that the Greeks learnt to 
bear the phallus along in honour of Dionysus, 
and they got their present practice from his teach- 
ing. I think, then, that Melampus showed himself 
a clever man, in that he had acquired the prophetic 
art, and in his teaching of the worship of Dionysus, 
besides much else, came from Egypt with but slight 
change; for I will not admit that it is a chance 
agreement between the Egyptian ritual of Dionysus 
and the Greek; for were that so, the Greek ritual 
would be of a Greek nature and not but lately 
introduced. Nor yet will I hold that the Egyptians 
took either this or any other custom from the Greeks, 
But I believe that Melampus learnt the worship of 
Dionysus chiefly from Cadmus of Tyre and those who 
came with Cadmus from Phoenice to the land now 
called Boeotia. 

50. Indeed, wellnigh all the names of the gods 
came to Hellas from Egypt. For I am assured by 
inquiry that they have come from foreign parts, and 
I believe that they came chiefly from Egypt. Except 
the names of Poseidon and the Dioscuri, as I have 


337 


HERODOTUS 


A 
^ ν καὶ 
tans αυτα εἰρηται, 
ov pot T s 
κούρων, ὡς καὶ edis e gue Χαρίτων καὶ 
Ἡρης καὶ a o» θεῶν Adve, αἰεί KOTE 
ee λέγω δὲ τὰ λέγουσι 
τὰ οὐνόματα ἐστὶ ἐν τη x Py φασι θεῶν γινώσκειν 
αὐτοὶ Αἰγύπτιοι. Κυ - Boxéaumt lor) Πελασ- 
ΔΛ; Mx» Ποσειδέωνος' τοῦτον δὲ 
y) M 
γῶν ὀνομασθῆναι, πλῆν | ύθοντο' οὐδαμοὶ ME 
τὸν θεὸν παρ A οὔνομα ἔκτηνται € μι 
; αἱ τιμῶσι τὸν θεὸν το "Bé 
Λίβυες κ > » 3099 e WOL ουὸεγν. 
^2 Lot OUO NP , a 
ζουσι © ὧν Avyurr αἱ ἄλλα πρὸς τούτοισι, T 
A ’ z 
δ]. Ταῦτα pev νυν καὶ Αἰγυπτίων νενομίκασ t 
ἐγὼ φράσω, Ἕλληνες ἀπ nue γον τὰ ators 
» 
τοῦ δὲ ᾿Ερμέω τὰ ἀγάλματα Ρ εµαθήκασι, ἀλλ. 
ὄντες οὐκ ἀπ ώς... ν ἁπάντων 
ποιευ A A èy 4 NVW 
y domi ο... 
^ ντε ` 
᾿Αθηναῖοι μεν : τηνικαῦτα ἐς "Ἕλληνας τε 
᾿Αθηναίοισι γὰρ ἤ ν οι ἐγένοντο ἐν τῇ χώρῃ, 
s Πελασγοὶ σύνοικ Oat. Borie 
λέουσι ye ἤρξαντο νομισθῆνα É 
ὅθεν περ καὶ Έλληνες fjp ónrar τὸ Ἑάμοθρήικὲς 
δὲ τὰ Καβείρων ρα ΕΕ παρὰ eV., οὗτος 
ολο. icd E Σαμοθρηίκην οἴκεον 
ὑνὴρ οἶδε τὸ λέγω: τὴν γὰρ ἵ περ ᾿Αθηναίοισι 
mis Πελασγοὶ οὗτοι ot περ ημας 
MPO TEPON: “βλαστός. i τούτων Σαμοθρήικ S 
Ζ 1 0, καὶ παρᾶ 4 ^w à 
σύνοικοι ἐγένοντο, βάνουσι. ὀρθὰ ὧν ἔχειν τ 
a © 2 ^ 
τὰ ὄργια maparaan Ἑρμέω "Αθηναῖοι πρῶτοι 
αἰδοῖα τἀγάλματα τοῦ Πελασγῶν ἐποιήσαντο 
ε , θόντες παρὰ XE MN. ἔλεξαν 
Ἑλλήνων pa «ρον Twa λόγον περὶ ο ος , 
οἱ δὲ Πελασγοὶ ἱρόν τινι υστηρίοισι δεδήλωται. 
v τοῖσι ἐν Σαμοθρηίκῃ p , Πελασγοὶ 
τὰ ἐν τοῖσ tyra πρότερον οἱ HeAaao 
deni δ πάτο D Reli ee imi 
θεοῖσι ἐπευχόμενοι, ὡς ἐγ 


338 


BOOK ΙΙ. so-s2 


already said, and Here, and Hestia, and Themis, and 


the Graces and the Nereids, the names of all the 
gods have ever existed in Egypt. I say but what the 
Egyptians themselves say. The gods whose names 
they say they do not know were, as I think, named 
by the Pelasgians, save only Poseidon, of whom they 
learnt the knowledge from the Libyans. Alone of 
all nations the Libyans have had among them the 
name of Poseidon from the first, and they have ever 
honoured this god. The Egyptians, however, are 


not accustomed to pay any honours to heroes, 


51. These customs then and others besides, which 
I shall show, were taken by the Greeks from the 
Egyptians. It was not so with the ithyphallic images 
of Hermes; the making of these came from the 
Pelasgians, from whom the Athenians were the first 
of all Greeks to take it, and then handed it oh to 
others. For the Athenians were then already 
counted as Greeks when the Pelasgians came to 
dwell in the land with them, and thereby began 
to be considered as Greeks. Whoever has been 
initiated into the rites of the Cabeiri, which the 
Samothracians learnt from the Pelasgians and now 
practice, he understands what my meaning is. 
Samothrace was formerly inhabited by those Pelas- 
gians who came to dwell among the Athenians, and 
it is from them that the Samothracians take their 
rites. The Athenians, then, were the first Greeks to 
make ithyphallic images of Hermes, and this they 
did because the Pelasgians taught them. The 
Pelasgians told a certain sacred tale about this, which 
is set forth in the Samothracian mysteries. 

52. Formerly, in all their sacrifices, the Pelasgians 
called upon gods (this I know, for I was told at 


339 


INT 


HERODOTUS 


cas, ἐπωνυμίην δὲ οὐδ οὔνομα ἐποιεῦντο οὐδενὶ 
αὐτῶν" οὐ γὰρ ἆ ἀκηκόεσάν κω. θεοὺς δὲ προσω- 
νόμασαν σφέας ἀπὸ τοῦ τοιούτου, ὅτι κόσμῳ 
θέντες τὰ πάντα πρήγματα καὶ πάσας νομὰς 
εἶχον. ἔπειτα δὲ χρόνου πολλοῦ διεξελθόντος 
ἐπύθοντο ἐκ τῆς Αἰγύπτου ἆ ἀπικόμενα τὰ οὐνόματα 
τῶν θεῶν τῶν ἄλλων, Διονύσου δὲ ὕστερον πολλῷ 
ἐπύθοντο. καὶ μετὰ χρόνον ἐχρηστηριάζοντο 
περὶ τῶν οὐνομάτων « ἐν Δωδώνῃ' τὸ γὰρ δὴ μαντήιον 
τοῦτο νενόμισται ἀρχαιότατον τῶν ἐν "Ἕλλησι 
χρηστηρίων εἶναι, καὶ ἣν τὸν χρόνον ' τοῦτον μοῦ- 
νον. ἐπεὶ ὦ ὧν ἐ ρηστηριάξοντο ἐν τῇ Δωδώνῃ οἱ 
Πελασγοὶ e ἀνέλωνται τὰ οὐνόματα τὰ ἀπὸ τῶν 
βαρβάρων ἥκοντα, ἀνεῖλε τὸ μαντήιον χρᾶσθαι. 
ἀπὸ μὲν δὴ τούτου τοῦ χρόνου ἔθυον τοῖσι οὐνόμασι 
τῶν θεῶν χρεώμενοι" παρὰ δὲ Πελασγῶν "Γλληνες 
ἐξεδέξαντο ὕ ὕστερον. 

53. Ἔνθεν δὲ ἐ ἐγένοντο ἕκαστος τῶν θεῶν, eire 
aiel ἦσαν πάντες, ὁκοῖοί τε τινὲς τὰ εἴδεα, οὐκ 
ἠπιστέατο μέχρι οὗ πρώην τε καὶ χθὲς d ὡς εἰπεῖν 
λόγῳ. Hetabon γὸ γὰρ καὶ "Όμηρον ἡλικίην τετρα- 
κοσίοισι ἔτεσι δοκέω μευ πρεσβυτέρους γενέσθαι 
καὶ οὐ πλέοσι". οὗτοι δὲ εἰσὶ οἱ ποιήσαντες θεο- 
γονίην Ἕλλησι καὶ τοῖσι θεοῖσι τὰς ἐπωνυμίας 
δόντες καὶ τιμάς τε καὶ τέχνας διελόντες καὶ εἴδεα 
αὐτῶν σημήναντες. οἱ δὲ πρότερον. ποιηταὶ λεγό- 

evor τούτων τῶν ἀνδρῶν γενέσθαι ὗ ὕστερον, ἔμοιγε 

κέειν, ἐγένοντο. τούτων τὰ μὲν πρῶτα αἱ Δωδω- 
νίδες ἱ ἱρεῖαι λέγουσι, τὰ δὲ ὕστερα τὰ ἐς Ἡσίοδόν 
τε καὶ Όμηρον ἔ ἔχοντα ἐγὼ λέγω. 

54. Χρηστηρίων δὲ πέρι τοῦ τε ἐν Ἕλλησι καὶ 


340 


BOOK II. 52-54 


Dodona) without giving name or appellation to 
any; for they had not as yet heard of such. They 
called them gods! because all things and the due 
assignment thereof were by them set in order. 
Then, after a long while, they learnt the names first 
of the rest of the gods, which came to them from 
Egypt, and, much later, the name of Dionysus; and 
presently they inquired of the oracle at Dodona 
concerning the names; for this place of divination is 
held to be the most ancient in Hellas, and at that 
time it was the only one. When the Pelasgians, 
then, inquired at Dodona if they should adopt the 
names that had come from foreign parts, the’ oracle 
bade them use the names. From that time on- 
wards they used the names of the gods in their 
sacrifices ; and the Greeks received these later from 
the Pelasgians. 

53. But whence each of the gods came into being, 
or whether they had all for ever existed, and what 
outward forms they had, the Greeks knew not till (so 
to say) a very little while ago; for I suppose that the. 
time of Hesiod and Homer was not more than four 
hundred years before my own; and these are they 
who taught the Greeks of the descent of the gods, 
and gave to all their several names, and honours, 
and arts, and declared their outward forms. But 
those poets who are said to be older than Hesiod 
and Homer were, to my thinking, of later birth. 
The earlier part of all this is what the priestesses of 
Dodona tell; the later, that which concerns Hesiod 
and Homer, is what I myself say. 

54. But as concerning the oracles in Hellas, and 


1 On the supposition that θεός meant “a disposer,” 
connected with θεσμός, τίθημι, ete. 


341 


her 


HERODOTUS 


τοῦ ἐν Λιβύῃ τόνδε Αἰγύπτιοι λόγον λέγουσι. 
ἔφασαν οἱ ἱρέες τοῦ Θηβαιέος Διὸς δύο γυναῖκας 
(petas. ἐκ Θηβέων ἐξαχθῆναι ὑπὸ Φοινίκων, καὶ 
τὴν μὲν αὐτέων πυθέσθαι ἐς Λιβύην πρηθεῖσαν τὴν 
δὲ ἐς τοὺς "Ελληνας: ταύτας δὲ τὰς γυναῖκας 
εἶναι τὰς ἱδρυσαμένας τὰ µαντήια πρώτας ἐν τοῖσι 
εἰρημένοισι . ἔθνεσι. εὑρομένου δέ pev ὁκόθεν οὕτω 
ἀτρεκέως ἐπιστάμενοι λέγουσι, ἔφασαν πρὸς 
ταῦτα ζήτησιν μεγάλην ἀπὸ σφέων γενέσθαι. τῶν 
γυναικῶν τουτέων, καὶ ἀνευρεῖν μὲν σφέας οὐ òv- 
νατοὶ γενέσθαι, πυθέσθαι δὲ ὕστερον ταῦτα περὶ 
αὐτέων τά περ δὴ ἔλεγον. 

55. Ταῦτα μέν νυν τῶν ἐν Θήβῃσι ἱρέων ἤκουον, 
τάδε δὲ Δωδωναίων φασὶ αἱ προμάντιες' δύο TE- 
λειάδας μελαίνας ἐκ Θηβέων τῶν Αἰγυπτιέων 
ἀναπταμένας τὴν μὲν αὐτέων ἐς Λιβύην τὴν δὲ 
παρὰ σφέας ἀπικέσθαι, ἱξομένην δέ μιν ἐπὶ φηγὸν 
αὐδάξασθαι φωνῇ ἀνθρωπηίῃ ὡς .χρεὸν εἴη μαν- 
τήιον αὐτόθι Διὸς γενέσθαι, καὶ αὐτοὺς ὑπολαβεῖν 
θεῖον εἶναι τὸ ἐπαγγελλόμενον αὐτοῖσι, καί σφεας 
ἐκ τούτου ποιῆσαι. τὴν δὲ ἐς τοὺς Λίβυας oi Xa- 
μένην πελειάδα λέγουσι 'Άμμωνος χρηστήριον 
κελεῦσαι τοὺς Λίβυας ποιέειν' ἔστι δὲ καὶ τοῦτο 
Διός. Δωδωναίων δὲ αἱ ἱρεῖαι, τῶν τῇ πρεσβυ- 
τάτῃ οὔνομα ἦν Ἡρομένεια, τῇ δὲ μετὰ ταύτην 
Τιμαρέτη, τῇ δὲ νεωτάτῃ Νικάνδρη, ἔλεγον ταῦτα 
συνωμολόγεον δέ σφι καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι Δωδωναῖοι οἱ 
περὶ τὸ ἱρὸν. | 

56. ᾿Εγὼ δ᾽ ἔχω περὶ αὐτῶν γνώμην τήνδε" εἰ 
ἀληθέως οἱ Φοίνικες ἐξήγαγον τὰς ἱρὰς γυναῖκας 
καὶ τὴν μὲν αὐτέων ἐς Λιβύην τὴν δὲ ἐς τὴν 
Ἐλλάδα ἀπέδοντο, δοκέει ἐμοί ἡ γυνὴ αὕτη τῆς 


342 


BOOK II. 54-56 


that one which is in Libya, this is the account given 
by the Egyptians. The priests of Zeus of Thebes 
told me that two priestesses had been carried away 
from Thebes by Phoenicians; one of them (so, they 
said, they had learnt) was taken away and sold in 
Libya, and the other in Hellas; these women, they 
said, were the first founders of places of divination in 
the countries aforesaid. When I asked them how it 
was that they could speak with so certain knowledge, 
they said in reply that their peopJe had sought dili- 
gently for these women, and had never been able to 
find them, but had learnt later the tale which was 
now told to me. 

55. That, then, I heard from the Theban priests ; 
and what follows, is told by the prophetesses of 
Dodona: to wit, that two black doves had come flying 
from Thebes in Egypt, one to Libya and one to 
Dodona; this last settled on an oak tree, and uttered 
there human speech, declaring that there must be 
there a place of divination from Zeus; the people of 
Dodona understood that the message was divine, and 
therefore they established the oracular shrine. The 
dove which came to Libya bade the Libyans (so they 
say) to make an oracle of Ammon; this also is sacred 
to Zeus. Such was the tale told by the Dodonaean 
priestesses, of whom the eldest was Promeneia and 
the next in age Timarete, and the youngest Nicandra ;. 
and the rest of the servants of the temple at Dodona 
likewise held it true. B 

56. But this is my own belief about it. If the 
Phoenicians did in truth carry away the sacred 
women and. sell one in Libya and one in Hellas, then 
to my thinking the part of what is now Hellas~tvet 


343 


- 


HERODOTUS 


νῦν Ἑλλάδος, πρότερον δὲ Πελασγύ)ς καλευμένης 
τῆς αὐτῆς ταύτης, πρηθῆναι ἐς Θεσπρωτούς, 
» , > 0 Ι ὃ z 0 € N ^ 
ἔπειτα δουλεύουσα αὐτόθι ἱδρύσασθαι ὑπὸ φηγῷ 
, e UN / [1d 9 $ Ἃ , ΄ 
πεφυκυίη ἱρὸν Atos, ὥσπερ ἣν οἰκὸς ἀμφιπολεύου- 
3 β ’ € oN ’ » , , 9 ^ 
σαν ἐν Θήβῃσι ἱρὸν Διός, ἔνθα ἀπίκετο, ἐνθαῦτα 
μνήμην αὐτοῦ ἔχειν ἐκ δὲ τούτου χρηστήριον 
κατηγήσατο, ἐπείτε συνέλαβε τὴν ᾿Ελλάδα γλῶσ- 
cav: φάναι δέ οἱ ἀδελφεὴν ἐν Λιβύῃ πεπρῆσθαι 
ὑπὸ τῶν αὐτῶν Φοινίκων ὑπ᾽ ὧν καὶ αὐτὴ ἐπρήθη. 

57. Πελειάδες δέ μοι δοκέουσι κληθῆναι πρὸς 
Δωδωναίων ἐπὶ τοῦδε αἱ γυναῖκες, διότι βάρβαροι 
5 d δέ e / » θέ 0 
Ίσαν, ἐδόκεον δὲ σφι ομοίως ὄρνισι φῦἐγγεσθαι" 
μετὰ δὲ χρόνον τὴν πελειάδα ἀνθρωπηίῃ φωνῇ 

^0 4 [4 9 / / » "e 
αὐδάξασθαι λέγουσι, ἐπείτε συνετά σφι ηὔδα ἡ 

{, Y δὲ , / » / NEA / 
γυνή ἕως δὲ ἐβαρβάριξε, ὄρνιθος τρόπον ἐδόκεέ 
θέ θαι, ἐπεὶ τέῳ à i 
σφι φθεγγεσθαι, ἐπεὶ τέῳ ἂν τροπῳ πελειάς γε 
ἀνθρωπηίῃ φωνῇ φθέγξαιτο ; μέλαιναν δὲ λέ- 
γοντες εἶναι τὴν πελειάδα σημαίνουσι ὅτι Αἰγυ- 

πτίη ἡ γυνὴ ἦν. 

58. “H δὲ μαντηίη ἤ τε ἐν Θήβῃσι τῇσι Αἰγυ- 
πτίησι καὶ ἐν Δωδώνῃ παραπλήσιαι ἀλλήλῃσι 
τυγχάνουσι ἐοῦσαι. ἔστι δὲ καὶ τῶν ἱρῶν ἡ μαν- 
τικὴ ἀπ᾽ Αἰγύπτου ἀπιγμένη. πανηγύρις δὲ ἄρα 
καὶ πομπὰς καὶ προσαγωγὰς πρῶτοι ἀνθρώπων 
Αἰγύπτιοι εἰσὶ οἱ ποιησάμενοι, καὶ παρὰ τούτων 
7 
Ἕλληνες μεμαθήκασι. τεκμήριον δέ μοι τούτου 

/ `~ A ’ 
τόδε" αἱ μὲν γὰρ φαίνονται ἐκ πολλοῦ τευ χρόνου 

’ e ΜΥ ΜΙ X κ. 3 / 
ποιεύμεναι, αἱ δὲ Ελληνικαὶ νεωστὶ ἐποιήθησαν. 
/ ο ^ 
59. Πανηγυρίζουσι δὲ Αἰγύπτιοι οὐκ ἅπαξ τοῦ 


344 


BOOK II. 56-59 


was formerly called Pelasgia, where this last was 
sold, was Thesprotia ; and presently, being there in 
slavery, she established a shrine of Zeus under an oak 
that was growing there; for it was reasonable that as 
she had been a handmaid of the temple of Zeus at 
Thebes she should remember that temple in the land 
to which she had come. After this she taught divi- 
nation, as soon as she understood the Greek language ; 
and she said that her sister had been sold in Libya 
by the same Phoenicians who sold her. 

57. I suppose that these women were called 
* doves" by the people of Dodona because they 
spoke a strange language, and the people thought 
it like the cries of birds; presently the woman spoke 
what they could ünderstand, and that is why they 
say that the dove uttered human speech; as long as 
she spoke in her foreign language, they thought her 
voice was like the voice of a bird. For how could 
a dove utter the speech of men? The tale that 
the dove was black signifies that the woman was 
Egyptian.! 

58. The fashions of divination at Thebes of Egypt 
and Dodona are like to one another; moreover the 
practice of divining from the sacrificed victim has 
also come from Egypt. It would seem too that the 
Egyptians were the first people to establish solemn 
assemblies, and processions, and services ; the Greeks 
learnt all this from them. I hold this proved, 
because the Egyptian ceremonies are manifestly very 
ancient, and the Greek are of late origin. 

59. The Egyptians hold solemn assemblies not 


1 Perhaps Herodotus’ explanation is right. But the name 
“doves” may be purely symbolic; thus priestesses οἱ 
Demeter and Artemis were sometimes called Bees, 


345 


HERODOTUS 


ἐνιαυτοῦ, πανηγύρις δὲ συχνάς, μάλιστα μὲν καὶ 
προθυμότατα ἐς Βούβαστιν πόλιν τῇ ᾿Αρτέμιδι, 
δεύτερα δὲ ἐς Βούσιριν, πόλιν τῇ "Ilor ἐν ταύτῃ 
γὰρ δὴ, τῇ πόλι ἐστὶ μέγιστον Ἴσιος ἱ ἱρόν, ἵδρυται 
δὲ ἡ πόλις αὕτη τῆς Αἰγύπτου ἐν μέσῳ τῷ Δέλτα: 


Ἶσις δὲ ἐστὶ κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλήνων γλῶσσαν Δημή- 


τηρ. τρίτα δὲ ἐς Xdav πόλιν τῇ ᾿Αθηναίῃ πανηγυ- 


ρίξουσι, τέταρτα δὲ ἐς Ἡλίου πόλιν τῷ HX, 
πέμπτα δὲ ἐς Βουτοῦν πόλιν τῇ Λητοῖ, ἕκτα δὲ ἐς 
Ἡάπρημιν πόλιν τῷ "Aper. 

60. Ἔς μέν νυν Βούβαστιν πόλιν ἐπεὰν κομί- 
ζωνται, ποιεῦσι τοιάδε. πλέουσί τε γὰρ δὴ ἅ ἅμα 
ἄνδρες γυναιξὶ καὶ πολλόν τι πλῆθος ἑκατέρων ἐν 
ἑκάστῃ Bápv αἳ μὲν τινὲς τῶν γυναικῶν κρόταλα 
ἔχουσαι κροταλίξουσι, οἳ δὲ αὐλέουσι κατὰ πάντα 
TOV πλόον, αἱ δὲ λοιπαὶ γυναῖκες καὶ ἄνδρες 
ἀείδουσι καὶ τὰς χεῖρας κροτέουσι. ἐπεὰν δὲ πλέ- 
οντες κατά τινα πόλιν ἄλλην γένωνται, ἐγχρίμ- 
ψαντες τὴν βᾶριν τῇ γῇ ποιεῦσι τοιάδε: αἳ μὲν 
τινὲς τῶν γυναικῶν ποιεῦσι τά περ εἴρηκα, αἳ δὲ 
τωθάξουσι, βοῶσαι τὰς ἐν τῇ πόλι ταύτῃ γυναῖκας, 
at δὲ ὀρχέονται, at δὲ ἀνασύρονται ἀνιστάμεναι. 
ταῦτα παρὰ: πᾶσαν πόλιν παραποταμίην ποιεῦσι" 
ἐπεὰν δὲ ἆ ἀπίκωνται ἐς τὴν Ῥούβαστιν, ὁρτάξουσι 
μεγάλας -ἀνάγοντες θυσίας, καὶ οἶνος ἀμπέλινος 
(ναισιμοῦται πλέων ἐν τῇ ὁρτῇ ταύτη ἢ ἐν τῷ 
ἅπαντι ἐνιαυτῷ τῷ ἐπιλοίπῳ. συμφοιτῶσι δέ, 
ὃ τι ἀνὴρ καὶ γυνή ἐστι πλὴν παιδίων, καὶ ἐς 
ἑβδομήκοντα μυριάδας, ὡς οἱ ἐπιχώριοι λέγουσι. 

61. Ταῦτα μὲν δὴ. ταύτῃ ποιέεται, ἐν δὲ Βουσίρι 
πόλι ὡς ἀνάγουσι τῇ Ἴσι τὴν On εἴρηται πρό- 
τερόν μοι’ τύπτονται μὲν γὰρ δὴ μετὰ τὴν θυσίην 


346 


σον T i dy κ ue ο ee ιν te 


BOOK Il. 59-61 


once in the year, but often. The chiefest of these 
and the most zealously celebrated is at the town of 
Bubastis! in honour of Artemis, and the next is that 
in honour of Isis at Busiris. This town is in the 
middle of the Egyptian Delta, and there is in it a 
very great temple of Isis, who is in the Greek 
language, Demeter. The third greatest festival is at 
Sais\in honour of Athene; the fourth is the festival 
of the sun at Heliopolis, the fifth of Leto at Buto, and 
the sixth of Ares at Papremis. 

60. When the people are on their way to Bubastis 
they go by river, men and women together, a great 


number of each in every boat. Some of the women 


make a noise with rattles, others play flutes all the 
way, while the rest of the women, and the men, sing 
and clap their hands. As they journey by river to 
Bubastis, whenever they come near any other town 
they bring their boat near the bank; then some of 
the women do as I have said, while some shout 
mockery of the women of the town ; others dánce, 
and others stand up and expose their persons. This 
they do whenever they come beside any riverside 
town. But when they have reached Bubastis, they 
make a festival with great sacrifices, and more wine is 
drunk at this feast than in the whole year beside. 
Men and women (but not children) are wont to 
assemble there to the number of seven hundred 
thousand, as the people of.the place say. 

61. Such is their practice there; I have already 


-told how they keep the feast of Isis at Busiris. 


There, after the sacrifice, all the men and women 


! Bubastis in the Delta, the ‘‘city of Pasht," where the 
cat-headed goddess Pasht (identified by Herodotus with 
Artemis) was worshipped. 


347 


HERODOTUS 


πάντες καὶ πᾶσαι, μυριάδες κάρτα πολλαὶ ἀνθρώ- 
πων' τὸν δὲ τύπτονται, οὔ µοι ὅσιον ἐστὶ λέγειν. 
ὅσοι δὲ Καρῶν εἰσι ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ οἰκέοντες, οὗτοι 
δὲ 'τοσούτῳ͵ ἔτι πλέω ποιεῦσι τούτων ὅσῳ καὶ τὰ 
μέτωπα κόπτονται μαχαίρῃσι, καὶ τούτῳ εἰσὶ 
δῆλοι ὅτι εἰσὶ ξεῖνοι καὶ οὐκ Αἰγύπτιοι. 

62. Ἔς Σάιν δὲ πόλιν ἐπεὰν συλλεχθέωσι, τῆς 
θυσίης ἐν τῇ νυκτὶ λύχνα καίουσι πάντες πολλὰ 
ὑπαίθρια περὶ τὰ δώματα κύκλῳ τὰ δὲ λύχνα 
ἐστὶ ἐμβάφια ἔμπλεα ἁλὸς καὶ ἐλαίου, ἐπιπολῆς 
δὲ ἔ ἔπεστι αὐτὸ τὸ ιἑλλύχνιον, καὶ τοῦτο καίεται 
πο. καὶ τῇ ὁρτῇ οὔνομα κέεται. λυ νοκαΐη. 

è ὃ ἂν μὴ ἔλθωσι τῶν Αἰγυπτίων ἐς την πανή- 
Ύυριν ταύτην, | φυλάσσοντες τὴν νύκτα τῆς θυσίης 
καίουσι καὶ αὐτοὶ πάντες τὰ λύχνα, καὶ οὕτω οὐκ 
ἐν Σά: μούνῃ καίεται ἀλλὰ καὶ ἀνὰ πᾶσαν At- 
γυπτον. ὅτευ δὲ εἵνεκα φῶς. ἔλαχε καὶ τιμὴν ἡ 
νὺξ αὕτη, ἔστι ἱρὸς περὶ αὐτοῦ λόγος λεγόμενος. 

63. "Es δὲ Ἡλίου τε πὀλιν καὶ Βουτοῦν θυσίας 
μούνας ἐπιτελέουσι φοιτέοντες. ἐν δὲ Παπρήμι 
θυσίας μὲν καὶ ἱρὰ κατά περ καὶ τῇ ἄλλη ποιεῦσι" 
εὖτ᾽ ἂν δὲ γίνηται καταφερὴς Ò ἥλιος, ὀλίγοι μὲν 
τινὲς τῶν ἱρέων περὶ τῶγαλμα πεπονέαται, οἱ δὲ 
πολλοὶ αὐτῶν ξύλων κορύνας ἔχοντες ἑ ἑστᾶσι τοῦ 
ἱροῦ ἐν τῇ ἐσόδῳ, ἄλλοι τε εὐχωλὰς ἐπιτελέοντες 
πλεῦνες χιλίων ἀνδρῶν, ἕ ἕκαστοι ἔχοντες ξύλα καὶ 
οὗτοι, ἐπὶ τὰ ἕτερα ἁλέες ἑστᾶσι. τὸ δὲ ἄγαλμα 
ἐὸν ἐν νηῷ μικρῷ ξυλίνῳ κατακεχρυσωμένῳ προ- 
εκκομίζουσι τῇ προτεραίῃ ἐς ἄλλο οἴκημα ipóv. 
οἱ μὲν δὴ ὀλίγοι οἱ περὶ τῶγαλμα λελειμμένοι 
ἕλκουσι «τετράκυκλον ἅμαξαν ἄγουσαν τὸν νηόν 
τε καὶ τὸ ἐν τῷ νηῷ ἐνεὸν ἄγαλμα, of δὲ οὐκ ἐῶσι 


348 


BOOK II. 61-63 


lament, in countless numbers; but it were profane 
for me to say who it is for whom they lament. 
Carian dwellers in Egypt do even more than this, for 
they cut their foreheads with knives; showing there- 
by, that they are not Egyptians but strangers. 

62. When they assemble at Sais, on the night of 
the sacrifice, they all keep lamps burning in the open 
air round about their houses. These lamps are saucers 
full of salt and oil, the wick floating thereon, and 
burning all night. This is called the Feast of Lamps. 
Egyptians who do not come to this assemblage are 
careful on the night of sacrifice to keep their own 
lamps burning, and so they are alight not only.at Sais 
but throughout all Egypt. A sacred tale is told 
showing why this night is thus lit up and honoured. 

63, When the people go to Heliopolis and Buto 
they offer sacrifice only. At Papremis sacrifice is 
offered and rites performed as elsewhere; but when 
the sun is sinking, while a few of the priests are — 
left to busy themselves with the image, the 
greater number of them beset the entrance of the 
temple, with clubs of wor i in their hands; they 
are confronted by more than a thousand men, all 
perforning vows and all carrying wooden clubs 
like the rest. The image of the god, in a little 
wooden gilt casket, is carried on the day before 
this from the temple to another sacred chamber. 
The few who are left with the image draw a four- 
wheeled cart carrying it in its casket; the other 
priests stand in the temple porch and prevent its 

349 


HERODOTUS 


ἐν τοῖσι προπυλαίοισι ἑστεῶτες ἐσιέναι, οἱ δὲ 
εὐχωλιμαῖοι τιµωρέοντες τῷ θεῷ παίουσι αὐτοὺς 
ἀλεξομένους. ἐνθαῦτα μάχη ξύλοισι καρτερὴ yí- 
νεται κεφαλάς τε συναράσσονται, καὶ ὡς ἐγὼ 
δοκέω πολλοὶ καὶ ἀποθνήσκουσι ἐκ τῶν τρω- 
µάτων' οὐ μέντοι ot γε Αἰγύπτιοι ἔφασαν ἀποθνή- 
σκειν οὐδένα. τὴν δὲ πανήγυριν ταύτην ἐκ τοῦδε 
νομίσαι φασὶ οἱ ἐπιχώριοι’ οἰκέειν ἐν τῷ ἱρῷ 
τούτῳ τοῦ ᾿Άρεος τὴν μητέρα, καὶ τὸν "Apea ἀπό- 
τροφον γενόμενον ἐλθεῖν ἐξανδρωμένον͵ ἐθέλοντα 
τῇ μητρὶ συμμῖξαι, καὶ τοὺς προπόλους τῆς 
μητρός, οἷα οὐκ ὀπωπότας αὐτὸν πρότερον, οὐ 
περιορᾶν παριέναι ἀλλὰ ἀπερύκειν, τὸν δὲ ἐξ 
ἄλλης πόλιος ἀγαγόμενον ἀνθρώπους τούς τε 
προπόλους τρηχέως περισπεῖν καὶ ἐσελθεῖν παρὰ 
τὴν μητέρα. ἀπὸ τούτου τῷ "Apei ταύτην τὴν 
πληγὴν ἐν τῇ ὁρτῇ νενομικέναι φασί. 

64. Καὶ τὸ μὴ μίσγεσθαι γυναιξὶ ἐ ἐν ἱ ροῖσι μηδὲ 
ἀλούτους ἀπὸ γυναικῶν ἐς ἱρὰ ἐσιέναι οὗτοι εἰσὶ 
οἱ πρῶτοι θρησκεύσαντες. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἆλλοι 
σχεδὸν πάντες ἄνθρωποι, πλὴν Αἰγυπτίων καὶ 
Ἑλλήνων, μίσγονται ἐν ἱροῖσι καὶ ἀπὸ γυναικῶν 
ἀνιστάμενοι ἄλουτοι ἐσέρχονται ἐς ἱρόν, νομί- 
ὅοντες ἀνθρώπους εἶναι «ατά περ τὰ ἄλλα κτήνεα- 
καὶ γὰρ τὰ ἄλλα κτήνεα ὁρᾶν καὶ ὀρνίθων γένεα 
ὀχευόμενα ἔν τε τοῖσι νηοῖσι τῶν θεῶν καὶ ἐν 
τοῖσι τεμένεσι: εἰ ὧν εἶναι. τῷ θεῷ τοῦτο μὴ 
φίλον, οὐκ ἂν οὐδὲ τὰ κτήνεα ποιέειν. οὗτοι 
μέν νυν τοιαῦτα ἐπιλέγοντες ποιεῦσι ἔμοιγε οὐκ 
ἀρεστά: Αἰγύπτιοι δὲ θρησκεύουσι περισσῶς τά 
τε ἄλλα περὶ τὰ ἱρὰ καὶ δὴ καὶ τάδε. 

65. ᾿Βοῦσα ἡ Αἴγυπτος ὅμουρος τῇ Λιβύη οὐ 


359 


BOOK II. 63-65 


entrance ; the votaries take the part of the god, and 
smite the priests, who resist. There is hard fighting 
with clubs, and heads are broken, and as I- think 
(though the Egyptians told me no life was lost), 
many die of their wounds. The assemblage, say the 
people of the country, took its rise thus:—The 
mother of Ares dwelt in this temple; Ares had been 
reared away from her, and when he grew to manhood 
came to hold converse with his mother; but as her 
attendants, never having seen him before, kept him 
off and would not suffer him to pass, Ares brought 
men from another town, roughly handled the attend- 
ants, and gained access to his mother. From this, 
they say, arose this custom of a battle of blows at 
the festival in honour of Ares.! | 

64. Further, it was the Egyptians who first made 
it a matter of religious observance not to have inter- 
course with women in temples, nor enter a temple 
after such intercourse without washing. Nearly all 
other men are less careful in this matter than are the 
Egyptians and Greeks, and hold a man to be like 
any other animal; for beasts and birds (they say) 
are seen to mate both in the temples and the sacred 
precincts; now were this displeasing to the god 
neither would the beasts do so. This is the reason 
given by others for practices which I for my part 
mislike; but the Egyptians in this and in all otlier 
matters are exceeding strict against desecration of 
their temples. 

65. Though Egypt has Libya on its borders, it is 


! It is uncertain what Egyptian deity Herodotus identifies 
with Ares. Ina Greek papyrus, '' Ares" is the equivalent 
for the Egyptian Anhur, a god, apparently, not clearly 
differentiated from ** Shu” or ** Heracles.” 


351 


HERODOTUS 


μάλα θηριώδης ἐστί" τὰ δὲ ἐόντα σφι ἅπαντα 
ἱρὰ νενόμισται, καὶ τὰ μὲν σύντροφα αὐτοῖσι 
τοῖσι ἀνθρώποισι, τὰ δὲ ov. τῶν δὲ εἵνεκεν ἀνεῖται 
τὰ θηρία ἱρὰ εὖ λέγοιμι, καταβαίην ἂν τῷ λόγῳ 
ἐς τὰ θεῖα πρήγματα, τὰ ἐγὼ φεύγω μάλιστα 
ἀπηγέέσθαι: τὰ δὲ καὶ εἴρηκα αὐτῶν ἐπιψαύσας, 
ἀναγκαίῃ καταλαμβανόμενος εἶπον. νόμος δὲ ἐστὶ 
περὶ τῶν. θηρίων ὧδε ἔχων: μελεδωνοὶ ἀποδε- 
δέχαται τῆς τροφῆς χωρὶς ἑκάστων καὶ ἔρσενες 
καὶ θήλεαι τῶν Αἰγυπτίων, τῶν παῖς παρὰ πατρὸς 
ἐκδέκεται τὴν τιμήν. οἳ δὲ ἐν τῇσι πόλισι ἕκαστοι 
εὐχὰς τάσδε σφι ἀποτελέουσι' εὐχόμενοι τῷ θεῷ 
τοῦ ἂν j TÓ θηρίον, ξυρῶντες τῶν παιδίων ἢ 
πᾶσαν τὴν κεφαλὴν ἦ ἢ τὸ ἥμισυ ἢ τὸ τρίτον μέρος 
τῆς κεφαλῆς, ἱστᾶσι σταθμῷ πρὸς ἀργύριον τὰς 
τρίχας" τὸ Ò ἂν ἑλκύσῃ, τοῦτο τῇ μελεδωνῷ τῶν 
θηρίων διδοῖ, ἣ δὲ ἀντ᾽ αὐτοῦ τάμνουσα ἰχθῦς 
παρέχει Βορὴν τοῖσι θηρίοισι. τροφὴ μὲν δὴ 
αὐτοῖσι τοιαύτη ἀποδέδεκται" τὸ δ᾽ ἄν τις τῶν 
θηρίων τούτων ἀποκτείνῃ, ἣν μὲν ἑκών, θάνατος 
ἡ ζημίη, ἣν δὲ ἀέκων, ἀποτίνει ἑημίην τὴν ἂν οἱ 
ἐρέες τάξωνται. ὃς Ò ἂν ἶβιν ἢ 1 ρηκα ἀποκτείνῃ, 
ἤν τε ἑκὼν ἤν τε ἀέκων, τεθνάναι ἀνάγκη. 

66. Πολλῶν δὲ ἐόντων ὁμοτρόφων τοῖσι ἀνθρώ- 
ποισι θηρίων πολλῷ ἂν ἔτι πλέω ἐγίνετο, εἰ 
μὴ κατελάμβανε τοὺς αἰελούρους τοιάδε" ἐπεὰν 
τέκωσι αἱ θήλεαι, οὐκέτι φοιτέουσι παρὰ τοὺς 
ἔρσενας' οἳ δὲ .διξήμενοι μίσγεσθαι αὐτῇσι οὐκ 
ἔχουσι. πρὸς ὧν ταῦτα σοφίξονται τάδε" -ἁρπά- 
Covres ἀπὸ τῶν θηλέων καὶ ὑπαιρεόμενοι τὰ τέκνα 
κτείνουσι, κτείναντες μέντοι οὐ πατέονται' al 


352 


BOOK II. 65-66 


not a country of many animals. All of them are 
held sacred ; some of these are part of mens' house- 
holds and some not; but were I to declare the 
reason why they are dedicated, I should be brought 
to speak of matters of divinity, of which I am espe- 
cially unwilling to treat ; I have never touched upon 
such save where necessity has compelled me. But ! 
will now show how it is customary to deal with the 
animals. Men and women are appointed guardians 
to provide nourishment for each kind severally; .a 
son inherits this office from his father. Towusmen in 
each place, when they pay their vows, make prayer 
to the god to whom the animal is dedicated, shaving 
the whole or the half or the third part of their 
children's heads, and weighing the hair in a balance 
against a sum of silver; then whatever be the weight 
in silver of the hair is given to the female guardian 
of the cre:tures, who buys fish with it, cuts them 
up and feeds them therewith. Thus is food pro- 
vided for them. Whoever kills one of these crea- 
tures with intention is punished with death ; if he 
kill by mischance he pays whatever penalty the 
priests appoint. Whoever kills an ibis or à hawk, 
with intention or without, must die for it. 

66. There are many household animals ; and there 


would be many more, were it not for what happens to 


the cats. When the females have kittened they ` 
will not consort with the.males ; and these seek them 
but cannot get their will of them ; so their device is 
to steal and carry off and kill the kittens (but they do 
not eat what they have killed). The mothers, 


353 


HERODOTUS 


δὲ στερισκόµεναι τῶν τέκνων, ἄλλων δὲ ἐπιθυ- 
μέουσαι, οὕτω δὴ à ἀπικνέονται παρὰ τοὺς ἔρσενας" 
φιλότεκνον γὰρ τὸ θηρίον. πυρκαϊῆς δὲ γενομένης 
θεῖα πρήγματα καταλαμβάνει τοὺς αἰελούρους" 
οἱ | μὲν γὰρ Αἰγύπτιοι διαστάντες φυλακὰς ἔχουσι 
τῶν αἰελούρων,, ἀμελήσαντες σβεννύναι τὸ καιό- 
μενον, οἱ δὲ αἰέλουροι διαδύνοντες καὶ ὑπερθρώ- 
σκοντες τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἐσάλλονται ἐς TO πῦρ. 
ταῦτα δὲ γινόμενα πένθεα μεγάλα τοὺς At- 
γυπτίους καταλαμβάνει. ἐν ὁτέοισι Ò ἂν οἰκίοισι 
αἰέλουρος ἀποθάνη ἀπὸ τοῦ αὐτομάτου, οἱ ἐνοικέ- 
οντες πάντες ξυρῶνται τὰς -ὀφρύας μούνας, παρ᾽ 
ὀτέοισι Ò ἂν κύων, πᾶν τὸ σῶμα καὶ τὴν κεφαλήν. 
67. ᾿Απάγονται δὲ οἱ αἰέλουροι ἀποθανόντες ἐς 
ipas στέγας, ἔνθα θάπτονται ταριχευθέντες, € ἐν Βου- 
βάστιπόλι" τὰς δὲ κύνας ἐν τῇ ἑωυτῶν ἕκαστοι πόλι 
θάπτουσι ἐ ἐν (prat θήκῃσι. ὣς δὲ αὕτω-” τῆσι κυσὶ 
οἱ ἰχνευταὶ θάπτονται. τὰς δὲ μυγαλ: S$ καὶ τοὺς 
ἴρηκας ἀπάγουσι ἐς Βουτοῦν πόλιν, τὰς δὲ ἴβις ἐς 
Ἑρμέω πόλιν. τὰς δὲ ἄρκτους. ἐούσας σπανίας 
καὶ τοὺς λύκους οὐ πολλῷ τεῳ ἐόντας ἀλωπέκων 
μέζονας αὐτοῦ θάπτουσι τῇ ἂν εὑρεθέωσι κείμενοι. 
68. Τῶν δὲ κροκοδείλων ἰφύσις! ἐστὶ τοιήδε. 
τοὺς Χειμεριωτάτους μῆνας τέσσερας ἐσθίει οὐδέν, 
ἐὸν δὲ τετράπουν. .Χερσαῖον καὶ λιμναῖον ἐστί. 
τίκτει μὲν γὰρ͵ wà ἐν γῇ καὶ ἐκλέπει, καὶ τὸ 
πολλὸν τῆς ἡμέρης διατρίβει ἐν τῷ ξηρῷ, τὴν δὲ 
νύκτα πᾶσαν ἐν τῷ ποταμῴ' θερμότερον γὰρ δή 
ἐστι τὸ ὕδωρ τῆς τε αἰθρίης καὶ τῆς δρόσου. 
πάντων δὲ τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν θνητῶν τοῦτο ἐξ ea- 
χίστου μέγιστον γίνεται" T E yàp Oa χηνέων 
οὐ πολλῷ μέξονα τίκτει, καὶ ὁ νεοσσὸς κατὰ λόγον 


354 


BOOK II. 66-68 


deprived of their young and desiring to have more 
will then consort with the males; for they are 
creatures that love offspring. And when a fire 
breaks out very strange things happen to the cats. 
The Egyptians stand round in a broken line, thinking 
more of the cats than of quenching the burning ; but 
the cats slip through or leap over the men and spring 
into the fire. When this happens, there is great 
mourning in Egypt. Dwellers in a house where a 
cat has died a natural death shave their eyebrows and 
no more ; where a dog has so died, the head and the 
whole body are shaven. 

67. Dead cats are taken away into sacred buildings, 
where they are embalmed and buried, in the town of 
Bubastis; bitches are buried in sacred coffins by the 
townsmen, in their several towns; and the like is 
done with ichneumons. Shrewmice and hawks are 
taken away to Buto, ibises to the city of Hermes, 
There are but few bears, and the wolves are little 
bigger than foxes; both these are buried wherever 
they are found lying. x18 phusis DE. 

68. I will now show what kind of creature is the 
crocodile. For the four winter months it eats noth- 
ing. It has four feet, and lives both on land and in 
the water, for it lays eggs and hatches them out on 
land, and it passes the greater part of the day on dry 
ground, and the night in the river, the water being 
warmer than the air and dew. No mortal creature 
known to us grows from so small a beginning to such 
greatness; for its eggs are not much bigger than goose 
eggs, and the young crocodile is of a bigness answering 


355 


HERODOTUS 


τοῦ (o0 γίνεται, αὐξανόμενος δὲ γίνεται καὶ ἐς 
ἑπτακαίδεκα πήχεας καὶ μέξων ἔτι. ἔχει δὲ 
ὀφθαλμοὺς μὲν vos, ὀδόντας δὲ μεγάλους καὶ 
χαυλιόδοντας κατὰ λόγον τοῦ σώματος. γλῶσ- 
σαν δὲ μοῦνον θηρίων οὐκ ἔφυσε, οὐδὲ κινέει τὴν 
κάτω γνάθον, ἀλλὰ καὶ τοῦτο μοῦνον θηρίων τὴν 
ἄνω γνάθον προσάγει τῇ κάτω. ἔχει δὲ καὶ 
ὄνυχας καρτεροὺς καὶ δέρµα λεπιδωτὸν a ἄρρηκτον 
ἐπὶ τοῦ νώτου. τυφλὸν δὲ ἐν ὕδατι, ἐν δὲ τῇ 
αἰθρίῃ ὀξυδερκέστατον. ἅτε δὴ ὧν ἐν ὕδατι 
δίαιταν ποιεύμενον, τὸ στόμα ἔνδοθεν φοοέει πᾶν 
μεστὸν βδελλέων. τὰ μὲν δὴ ἄλλα opvea καὶ 
θηρία φεύγει μιν, ὁ δὲ τροχίλος εἰρηναῖόν οἱ ἐστὶ 
ἅτε ὠφελεομένῳ πρὸς αὐτοῦ" ἐπεὰν yàp ἐς τὴν 
γῆν ἐκβῇ ἐκ τοῦ ὕδατος ὁ .κροκόδειλος καὶ ἔπειτα 
χάνῃ (ἔωθε γὰρ τοῦτο ὡς ἐπίπαν ποιέειν πρὸς τὸν 
ζέφυρον), ἐνθαῦτα ὁ τροχέλος ἐσδύνων ἐς τὸ 
στόμα αὐτοῦ καταπίνει τὰς βδέλλας' ὃ ὃ δὲ wpe- 
λεύμενος ἥδεται καὶ οὐδὲν σίνεται τὸν τροχίλον. 

. 69. Toto: μὲν δὴ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων (poi εἰσι οἱ 
κροκόδειλοι, τοῖσι δὲ οὔ, ἀλλ ἅτε πολεμίους 
περιέπουσι" οἱ δὲ περί. τε Θήβας καὶ τὴν Μοίριος 
λίμνην οἰκέοντες καὶ κάρτα ἥγηνται αὐτοὺς εἶναι 


-ἱρούς: ἐκ πάντων δὲ ἕ ένα ἑκάτεροι τρέφουσι κρο- 


κόδειλον δεδιδαγμένον εἶναι .χειροήθεα, ἀρτήματά 
τε λίθινα χυτὰ καὶ χρύσεα ἐς τὰ WTA ἐνθέντες καὶ 
ἀμφιδέας περὶ τοὺς ἐμπροσθίους πόδας, καὶ σιτία 
ἀποτακτὰ διδόντες καὶ ἱρήια, καὶ περιέποντες 
ὡς κάλλιστα ζῶντας" ἀποθανόντας δὲ θάπτουσι 
ταριχεύοντες ἐν ἱρῇσι θήκῃσι. οἱ δὲ περὶ Ἔλε- 
φαντίνην πόλιν οἰκέοντες καὶ ἐσθίουσι αὐτοὺς οὐκ 
ἡγεόμενοι ἱροὺς εἶναι. καλέονται δὲ οὐ KEKORI 


. 856 


BOOK II. 68-60 


thereto, but it grows to a length of seventeen 
cubits and more. It has eyes like pigs’ eyes, and 
great teeth and tusks answering to the bigness of its 
body. It is the only animal that has no tongue. 
Nor does it move the lower jaw. It is the only 
creature that brings the upper jaw down upon the 
lower. It has also strong claws, and a scaly impene- 
trable hide on its back. It is blind in the water, but 
very keen of sight in the air. Since it lives in the 
water, its mouth is all full within of leeches. All birds 
and beasts flee from it, except only the sandpiper,! 
with which it is at peace, because this bird does the 
crocodile a service ; for whenever the crocodile comes 
ashore out of the water and then opens its mouth 
(and this it does for the most part to catch. the west 
wind), the sandpiper goes into its mouth and eats 
the leeches; the crocodile is pleased by this service | 
and does the sandpiper no harm. watt? 
69. Some of the Egyptians hold crocodiles sacred, 
——— M tó 
others do not so, but treat them as enemies. The 
dwellers about Thebes and the lake Moeris deem 
them to be very sacred. There, in every place one 
crocodile is kept, trained to be tame ; they put orna- 
ments of glass and gold on its ears and bracelets on 
its forefeet, provide for it special food and offerings, 
and give the creatures the best of treatment while 
they live; after death the crocodiles are embalmed 
and buried in sacred coffins. But about Elephantine 
they are not held sacred, and are even eaten. The 
Egyptians do not call them crocodiles, but champsae. 


! Egyptian spur-winged lapwing (Hoplopterus armatus). 
357 


HERODOTUS 


ἀλλὰ χάμψαι' κροκοδείλους δὲ Ἴωνες ὠνόμασαν, 
εἰκάξοντες αὐτῶν τὰ εἴδεα τοῖσι παρὰ σφίσι γινο- 
μένοισι κροκοδείλοισι τοῖσι ἐν τῇσι αἱμασιῇσι. 

10. "Αγραι δὲ σφέων πολλαὶ κατ ατεστᾶσι καὶ 
παντοῖαι' ἣ δ᾽ ὧν ἔμοιγε δοκέει ἀξιωτάτη ἀπηγή- 
σιος εἶναι, ταύτην γράφω] ἐπεὰν νῶτον ὑὸς δε- 
λεάσῃ περὶ ἄγκιστρον, μετιεῖ ἐς μέσον τὸν ποταμόν, 
αὐτὸς δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ χείλεος τοῦ ποταμοῦ ἔχων δέλ.- 
φακα ζωὴν ταύτην τύπτει. ἐπακούσας δὲ τῆς 
φωνῆς ὸ κροκόδειλος ἵεται κατὰ τὴν φωνήν, 
ἐντυχὼν δὲ τῷ νώτῳ καταπίνει: of δὲ ἕλκουσι, 
ἐπεὰν δὲ ἐξελκυσθῇ ἐς γῆν, πρῶτον ἁπάντων ὁ 
θηρευτὴς πηλῷ κατ ὧν ἔπλασε αὐτοῦ TOUS 
ὀφθαλμούς" τοῦτο δὲ ποιήσας κάρτα εὐπετέως τὰ 
λοιπὰ χειροῦται, μὴ ποιήσας. δὲ τοῦτο σὺν πόνῳ. 

71. Οἱ δὲ ἵπποι οἱ ποτάμιοι νομῷ μὲν τῷ 
Παπρημίτῃ ἱ ἱροί εἰσι, τοῖσι δὲ ἄλλοισι Αἰγυπτίοισι 
οὐκ ipo. φύσιν δὲ παρέχονται ἰδέης τοιήνδε" 
τετράπουν ἐστί, δίχηλον, ὁπλαὶ Boos, σιμόν, 
λοφιὴν ἔχον ἵππου, χαυλιόδοντας Φαῖνον, οὐρὴν 
ἵππου καὶ φωνήν, μέγαθος ὅσον τε βοῦς L pé- 
jio ros TÓ δέρµα δ᾽ αὐτοῦ οὕτω δή τι παχύ ἐστι 
ὥστε αὔου γενομένου ξυστὰ ποιέεσθαι ἀκόντια 
ἐξ αὐτοῦ. 

12. Γίνονται δὲ καὶ ἐνύδριες € ἐν τῷ ποταμῷ, τὰς 
ἱρὰς ἥγηνται εἶναι. νοµίζουσι. δὲ καὶ τῶν ἐχθύων 
τὸν καλεύμενον λεπιδωτὸν ἱρὸν εἶναι καὶ τὴν 
ἔγχελυν, ἱροὺς δὲ τούτους τοῦ Νείλου φασὶ εἶναι, 
καὶ τῶν ὀρνίθων τοὺς χηναλώπεκας. . 

73. Ἔστι δὲ καὶ ἄλλος ὄρνις. ipós, τῷ οὔνομα 
φοῖνιξ. ἐγὼ μέν μιν οὐκ εἶδον εἰ μὴ ὅσον γραφῇ" 
καὶ γὰρ δὴ καὶ σπάνιος ἐπιφοιτᾷ σφι, δι’ ἐτέων, 


358 


BOOK Il. 69-73 


The Ionians called them crocodiles, from their like- 
ness to the lizards which they have in their walls.! 48 92655. 

70. There are many and various ways of crocodile 
hunting ; I will write only of that one way which I 
think most worthy of mention :—The hunter baits a 
hook with a chine of pork, and lets it float into the 
midst of the river; he himself stays on the bank with 
a young live pig, which he beats. Hearing the cries 
of the pig, the crocodile goes after the sound, and 
meets the ‘chine, which it swallows; then the hunters 
pull the line. When the crocodile is drawn ashore, 
first of all the hunter smears its eyes over with mud ; 
when this is done the quarry is very easily mastered, 
which, without that, is no light matter. 

71. River horses are sacred in the province of 
Papremis, but not elsewhere in Egypt. For their 
outward form, they are four-footed, with cloven hoofs 
like oxen; their noses are blunt ; they are maned like. 
horses, with tusks showing, and have a horse's tail 
and a horse’s neigh; their bigness is that of the 
biggest oxen. Their hide is so thick that when it is 
dried spearshafts are made of it. 

72. Otters also are found in the river, which the 
Egyptians deem sacred; and they hold sacred that 
fish too which is called the scale-fish, and the eel. 
These, and the fox-goose? among birds, are | said to 
be sacred to the god. of the Nile. 

73. Another bird also is sacred; it is called the 
phoenix. I myself have ever seen it, but only pic- 
tures of it ; for the bird comes but seldom into Eg gypt, 

! κροκόδειλος is Ionic for a lizard ; the commoner word is 
σαύρα Or σαῦρος; χάμψα, is the Egyptian “ em-suh," a name | 
which survives in the Arabic. *' timsah,” ὁ t.e. em-suh with the. 
feminine article prefixed. 

3 Or ** Nile-goose.' The Egyptian goose (Chenalopea 
Aegyptica). 

359 


HERODOTUS 


ὡς Ἡλιοπολῖται λέγουσι, πεντακοσίων' φοιτᾶν 
δὲ τότε φασὶ ἐπεάν οἱ ἀποθάνη ὁ πατήρ. ἔστι δέ, 
εἰ τῇ γραφῇ παρόμοιος, τοσόσδε καὶ τοιόσδε' τὰ 
μὲν αὐτοῦ χρυσόκομα τῶν πτερῶν τὰ δὲ ἐρυθρὰ ἐς 
τὰ μάλιστα" αἰετῷ περιήγησιν ὁμοιότατος καὶ τὸ 
μέγαθος. τοῦτον δὲ λέγουσι μηχανᾶσθαι τάδε, 
ἐμοὶ μὲν οὗ πιστὰ λέγοντες" ἐξ ᾿Αραβίης ὁρμώ- 
μενον ἐς τὸ ἱρὸν τοῦ Ἡλίου κομίξειν τὸν πατέρα ἐν 
σμύρνῃ ἐμπλάσσοντα καὶ θάπτειν ἐν τοῦ Ἡλίου 

ἱρῷ, κομίξειν δὲ οὕτω: πρῶτον τῆς σμύρνης 
d» πλάσσειν ὅσον τε δυνατός ἐστι φέρειν, μετὰ 
ὲ πειρᾶσθαι αὐτὸ φορέοντα, € ἐπεὰν δὲ ἀποπειρηθῇ, 
οὕτω δὴ κοιλήναντα τὸ ev τὸν πατέρα ἐς αὐτὸ 
ἐντιθέναι, σμύρνῃ δὲ ἄλλη ἐμπλάσσειν τοῦτο κατ᾽ 
ὅ τι τοῦ gov ἐκκοιλήνας ἐνέθηκε τὸν πατέρα" 
ἐσκειμένου δὲ τοῦ πατρὸς γίνεσθαι τὠυτὸ βάρος: 
ἐμπλάσαντα δὲ κομίξειν μιν ἐπ᾽ Αἰγύπτου ἐς τοῦ 
"Ἡλίου τὸ ἱρόν. ταῦτα μὲν τοῦτον τὸν ὄρνιν 
λέγουσι ποιέειν. 

14. Εἰσὶ δὲ περὶ Θήβας ἱροὶ ὄφιες, ἀνθρώπων 
οὐδαμῶς δηλήμονες, οἳ μεγάθεϊ ἐόντες μικροὶ δύο 
κέρεα φορέουσι πεφυκότα ἐξ ἄκρης τῆς κεφαλῆς" 
τοὺς θάπτουσι ἀποθανόντας ἐν τῷ ἱρῷ τοῦ Διός: 
τούτου γὰρ σφέας τοῦ θεοῦ φασι εἶναι ἱρούς. 

75. Ἔστι δὲ χῶρος τῆς ᾿Αραβίης κατὰ Βουτοῦν 
πόλιν μάλιστά κῃ κείμενος, καὶ ἐς τοῦτο τὸ χωρίον 
ἦλθον πυνθανόμενος περὶ, τῶν πτερωτῶν ὀφίων" 
ἀπικόμενος δὲ εἶδον ὀστέα ὀφίων καὶ ἀκάνθας 
πλήθεϊ μὲν ἀδύνατα ἀπηγήσασθαι, σωροὶ δὲ ἡ ἦσαν 
ἀκανθέων καὶ μεγάλοι καὶ ὑποδεέστεροι καὶ ἐλάσ- 
σονες ἔτι τούτων, πολλοὶ δὲ ἦσαν οὗτοι. ἔστι δὲ 
ὁ χῶρος οὗτος, ἐν τῷ αἱ ἄκανθαι κατακεχύαται, 


360 


BOOK II. 73-75 


once in five hundred years, as the people ot Helio- 
polis say. It issaid that the phoenix comes when his 
father dies. If the picture truly shows his size and 
appearance, his plumage is partly golden but mostly 
red. He is most like an eagle in shape and bigness. 
The Egyptians tell a tale of this bird's devices which 
I do not believe. He comes, they say, from Arabia 
bringing his father to the Sun's temple enclosed in 
myrrh, and there buries him. His manner of bring- 
ing is this: first he moulds an egg of myrrh as heavy. 
as he can carry, and when he has proved its weight 
by lifting it he then hollows out the egg and puts his. 
father in it, covering over with more myrrh the hollow 
in which the body lies; so the egg being with his 
father in it of the same weight as before, the 
phoenix, after enclosing him, carries him to the 
temple of the Sun in Egypt. Such is the tale of 
what is done by this bird. 

14. Near Thebes there are sacred snakes, harmless 
to men, small in size and bearing two horns on the 
top of their heads. "These, when they die, are buried 
in the temple of Zeus, to whom they are said to be 
sacred. | 

75. Not far from the town of Buto, there is a 
place in Arabia to which I went to learn about the 
winged serpents. When I came thither, I saw in- 
numerable bones and backbones of serpents; many 
heaps of backbones there were, great and small and 
smaller still. This place, where lay the backbones 


361 


HERODOTUS 


τοιόσδε τις, ἐσβολὴ ἐξ ὀρέων στεινῶν ἐς πεδίον 
µέγα, τὸ δὲ πεδίον τοῦτο συνάπτει τῷ Αἰγυπτίῳ 
πεδίῳ. λόγος δὲ ἐστὶ ἅμα τῷ ἔαρι πτερωτοὺς 
ὄφις ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αραβίης πέτεσθαι ἐπ᾽ Αἰγύπτου, 
τὰς δὲ ἴθις τὰς ὄρνιθας ἀπαντώσας ἐς τὴν 
ἐσβολὴν ταύτης τῆς χώρης οὐ παριέναι τοὺς ὄφις 
ἀλλὰ κατακτείνειν. καὶ τὴν ἶβιν διὰ τοῦτο τὸ 
ἔργον τετιμῆσθαι λέγουσι Αράβιοι μεγάλως πρὸς 
Αἰγυπτίων: ὁμολογέουσι δὲ καὶ Αἰγύπτιοι διὰ 
ταῦτα τιμᾶν τὰς ὄρνιθας ταύτας. 

10. Εἶδος δὲ τῆς uev ἴβιος τόδε" μέλαινα δεινῶς 
πᾶσα, σκέλεα δὲ φορέει γεράνου, πρόσωπον δὲ 
ἐς τὰ μάλιστα ἐπίγρυπον, μέγαθος ὅσον κρέξ. 
τῶν μὲν δὴ μελαινέων. τῶν μαχομενέων πρὸς τοὺς 
ὄφις ἥδε ἰδέη, τῶν ὃ ἐν ποσὶ μᾶλλον εἰλευμενέων 
τοῖσι ἀνθρώποισι (διξαὶ γὰρ. δή εἰσι ἴβιες) ψιλὴ 
τὴν κεφαλὴν Kal τὴν δειρὴν πᾶσαν, λευκὴ πτεροῖσι 
πλὴν κεφαλῆς καὶ αὐχένος καὶ ἀκρέων τῶν 
πτερύγων καὶ τοῦ πυγαίου ἄκρου (ταῦτα δὲ τὰ 
εἶπον πάντα μέλανα ἐστὶ δεινῶς), σκέλεα δὲ καὶ 
πρόσωπον ἐμφερὴς τῇ ἑτέρη. τοῦ δὲ ὄφιος ἡ 
μορφὴ οἵη περ τῶν ὕδρων, πτίλα δὲ οὐ πτερωτὰ 
φορέει ἀλλὰ τοῖσι τῆς νυκτερίδος πτεροῖσι μά- 
λιστά κῃ ἐμφερέστατα. 

Τοσαῦτα μὲν θηρίων πέρι ἱρῶν εἰρήσθω. 

77. Αὐτῶν δὲ δὴ Αἰγυπτίων οἳ μὲν περὶ τὴν 
σπειροµένην Αἴγυπτον οἰκέουσι, μνήμην ἀνθρώπων 
πάντων ἐπασκέοντες μάλιστα λογιώτατοι εἰσὶ 
μακρῷ τῶν ἐγὼ ἐς διάπειραν ἀπικόμην, τρόπῳ δὲ 
Cons τοιῷδε δια χρέωνται" συρμαΐξουσι τρεῖς ἡμέρας 
ἐπεξῆς μηνὸς ἑκάστου, ἐμέτοισι θηρώμενοι τὴν 
ὑγιείην καὶ κλύσμασι, νομίζοντες ἀπὸ τῶν Tpe- 


463 


oS A CEN ο «αμ SS 


ο -A 


-———— aes 


-- ΕΞ ορ e dn DR EL ee qr | PETENTE NE — ë ΚΝ eee E y 


BOOK Il. 75-77 


scattered, is where a narrow mountain pass opens into 
a great plain, which is joined to the plain of Egypt. 
Winged serpents are said to fly at the beginning of 
spring, from Arabia, making for Egypt; but the ibis 
birds encounter the invaders in this pass and kill 
them. The Arabians say that the ibis is greatly 
honoured by the Egyptians for this service, and the 
Egyptians give the same reason for honouring these 
birds. | 
76. Now this is the appearance of the ibis. It is 
all deep black, with legs like a crane's, and a beak 
strongly hooked ; its size is that of a landrail. Such 
is the outward form of the ibis which fights with the 


serpents. Those that most consort with men (for 


the ibis is of two kinds)! have all the head and neck 
bare of feathers; their plumage is white, save the 
head and neck and the tips of wings and tail (these 
being deep black); the legs and beak of the bird 
are like those of the other ibis. The serpents are 


like water-snakes. Their wings are not feathered 


but most like the wings of a bat. 

I have now said enough concerning creatures that 
are sacred. 

717. Among the Egyptians themselves, those who 
dwell in the cultivated country are the, most care- 
ful of all men to preserve the memory of the past, 
and none whom I have questioned have so many 
chronicles. I will now speak of the manner of life 
which they use. For three following days in every 
month they purge themselves, pursuing after health 
by means of emetics and drenches; for they think 

1 Geronticus Calvus and Ibis Aethiopica, 


VOL.I. ο 363 


HERODOTUS 


φόντων σιτίων πάσας τὰς νούσους τοῖσι ἀνθρώ- 


rotat γίνεσθαι. εἰσὶ μὲν γὰρ καὶ ἄλλως Αἰγύπτιοι 


μετὰ Λίβυας ὑγιηρέστατοι πάντων ἀνθρώπων τῶν 
ὠρέων δοκέειν ἐμοὶ εἵνεκα, ὅτι οὐ μεταλλάσσουσι 
αἱ ὧραι: ἐν γὰρ τῇσι μεταβολῆσι τοῖσι ἀνθρώ- 
ποισι αἱ νοῦσοι μάλιστα γίνονται τῶν τε ἄλλων 
πάντων καὶ δὴ καὶ τῶν ὡρέων μάλιστα. ἀρτο- 
φαγέουσι δὲ ἐκ τῶν ὀλδράων ποιεῦντες ἄρτους, 
τοὺς ἐκεῖνοι κυλλήστις T οἴνω δὲ ἐκ 
κριθέων πεποιημένῳ διαχρέωνται: οὐ γάρ σφι 
εἰσὶ ἐν τῇ χώρῃ ἄμπελοι. ἰχθύων δὲ τοὺς μὲν 
πρὸς ἥλιον αὐήναντες ὠμοὺς σιτέονται, τοὺς δὲ 
ἐξ ἄλμης τεταριχευμένους. ὀρνίθων δὲ τούς τε 
ὄρτυγας καὶ τὰς νήσσας καὶ τὰ μικρὰ τῶν ὀρνίθων 
ὠμὰ σιτέονται π οταριχεύσαντες. τὰ δὲ ἄλλα 
ὅσα ὴ ὀρνίθων ἢ i ἰχθύων σφι ἐστὶ ἐ ἐχόμενα, χωρὶς 
ἢ ὁκόσοι σφι ἱροὶ ἀποδεδέχαται, τοὺς λοιποὺς 
ὀπτοὺς καὶ ἑφθοὺς σιτέονται. 

78. Ev δὲ τῆσι συνουσίῃσι τοῖσι εὐδαίμοσι 
αὐτῶν, ἐπεὰν ἀπὸ δείπνου γένωνται, περιφέρει 
ἀνὴρ νεκρὸν ἐν σορῷ ξύλινον πεποιημένον, μεμιμη- 
μένον ἐς τὰ μάλιστα, καὶ γραφῇ καὶ ἔργῳ, μέγαθος 
ὅσον τε πηχυαῖον ὴ δίπηχυν, δεικνὺς ὲ ἑκάστῳ 
τῶν συμποτέων λέγει Es τοῦτον ὀρέων. πῖνέ τε 
καὶ τέρπευ' ἔσεαι γὰρ ἀποθανὼν τοιοῦτος. ταῦτα 
μὲν παρὰ τὰ συμπόσια ποιεῦσι. 

79. Ἡατρίοισι δὲ χρεώμενοι νόμοισι ἄλλον où- 
δένα ἐ ἐπικτῶνται τοῖσι ἄλλα τε ἐπάξια ἐστὶ νό- 
pia, καὶ δὴ καὶ ἄεισμα ἕν ἐστι, Λίνος, ὅσπερ ἔν τε 
Φοινίκη ἀοίδιμος ἐστὶ καὶ ἐν Κύπρῳ καὶ ἄλλη, κατὰ 

t MSS. πάντῃ πηχυαῖον ; Stein brackets πάντῃ, ‘‘a cubit's 
length every way ” being unintelligible here. 


364 


μπας πμ E CN 


aa Wao ee το πο Miaa brini ασ ο. — — πο * = -- 


BOOK ΙΙ. 77-79 


it is from the food which they eat that all sick- 
nesses come to men. Even without this, the 
Egyptians are the healthiest of all men, next to 
the Libyans; the reason of which to my thinking 
is that the climate in all seasons is the same; for 
change is the great cause of men's falling sick, more 
especially changes of seasons. They eat bread, 
making loaves which they call * cyllestis ” 1 of coarse 
grain. For wine, they use a drink made of barley ; 
for they have no vines in their country. They 
eat fish uncooked, either dried in the sun or pre- 
served with brine. Quails and ducks and small birds 
are salted and eaten raw ; all other kinds of birds, 
as well as fish (except those that the Egyptians hold 
sacred) are eaten roast and boiled. 

78. At rich men’s banquets, after dinner a man 
carries round a wooden image of a corpse in a coflin, 
painted and carved in exact imitation, a cubit or two 
cubits long. This he shows to each of the company, - 
saying “ Drink and make merry, but look on this ; for 
such shalt thou be when thou art dead." Suchisthe 


_ custom at their drinking-bouts. 


79. They keep the ordinances of their fathers, and 
add none others to them. Among other notable 
customs of theirs is this, that they have one song, the 
Linus-song,? which is sung in Phoenice and Cyprus 

1 Loaves twisted to a point, apparently. 

? This is the hymn for a slain youth (said to typify the 
departure of early summer), Thammuz, Atys, H las, or 


Linus; the Semitic refrain ai lenu, **alas for us," becomes 
the Greek αἴλινος, from! which comes the name Linus, 


pcm 365 


HERODOTUS 


μέντοι ἔθνεα οὔνομα ἔχει, συμφέρεται δὲ ὡυτὸς 
εἶναι τὸν OL “Ελληνες Λίνον ὀνομάζοντες ἀείδουσι, 
ὥστε πολλὰ μὲν καὶ ἄλλα ἀποθωμάζειν µε τῶν 
περὶ Αἴγυπτον ἐόντων, ἐν δὲ δὴ καὶ τὸν Λίνον 
ὁκόθεν ἔλαβον τὸ οὔνομα φαίνονται δὲ αἰεί κοτε 
τοῦτον ἀείδοντες. ἔστι δὲ Αἰγυπτιστὶ ὁ Λίνος 
καλεύμενος Μανερῶς. ἔφασαν δέ μιν Αἰγύπτιοι 
τοῦ πρώτου βασιλεύσαντος Αἰγύπτου παῖδα pov- 
νογενέα γενέσθαι, ἀποθανόντα δὲ αὐτὸν ἄνωρον 
θρήνοισι τούτοισι ὑπὸ Αἰγυπτίων τιμηθῆναι, καὶ 
ἀοιδήν τε ταύτην πρώτην καὶ μούνην σφίσι 
γενέσθαι. 

80. Συμφέρονται δὲ καὶ τόδε ἄλλο Αἰγύπτιοι 
Ἑλλήνων μούνοισι Λακεδαιμονίοισι: οἱ νεώτεροι 
αὐτῶν τοῖσι πρεσβυτέροισι συντυγχάνοντες 
εἴκουσι τῆς ὁδοῦ καὶ ἐκτ άπονται καὶ ἐπιοῦσι ἐξ 
ἕδρης ὑπανιστέαται. τόδε μέντοι ἄλλοισι Ἑλ- 
λήνων οὐδαμοῖσι συμφέρονται: ἀντὶ τοῦ προσα- 
γορεύειν ἀλληήλους. ἐν τῇσι ὁδοῖσι προσκυνέουσι 
αν µέχρι τοῦ γούνατος τὴν χεῖρα. 

᾿Ενδεδύκασι δὲ κιθῶνας λινέους περὶ, τὰ 
^ on θυσανωτούς, τοὺς καλέουσι καλασίρις' 
ἐπὶ τούτοισι δὲ εἰρίνεα εἵματα λευκὰ ἐπαναβληδὸν 
φορέουσι. ov μέντοι ἔς γε τὰ ἱρὰ ἐσφέρεται͵ εἰρί- 
νεα οὐδὲ συγκαταθάπτεταί σφι' οὐ γὰρ ὅσιον. 
ὁμολογέουσι δὲ ταῦτα τοῖσι Ὀρφικοῖσι καλεομέ- 
νοισι καὶ Ῥακχικοῖσι, ἐοῦσι δὲ Αἰγυπτίοισι καὶ 
II υθαγορείοισι' οὐδὲ γὰρ τούτων τῶν ὀργίων µετέ- 
χοντα ὅσιον ἐστὶ ἐν εἰρινέοισι εἵμασι θαφθῆναι. 
τ δὲ περὶ αὐτῶν ἱρὸς λόγος λεγόμενος. 
83. Καὶ τάδε ἄλλα Αἰγυπτίοισι ἐστὶ ἐξευρη- 
μένα, peis τε καὶ ἡμέρη ἑκάστη θεῶν ὅτευ ἐστί, 
366 


. UU = = E = -ᾱ- = ah -- 


BOOK Il. 79-82 


and elsewhere; each nation has a name of its own for 
this, but it is the same song that the Greeks sing, 
and call Linus; wherefore it is to me one of the 
many strange things in Egypt, whence the Egyptians 
got the name. Plainly they have ever sung this song ; 
the name for Linus in Egyptian is Maneros.! The 
Egyptians told me that Maneros was the only son 
of their first king, who died untimely, and this 
dirge was sung by the Egyptians in his honour; 
and this, they said, was their earliest and their only 
chant. | 

80. There is à custom too which no Greeks save 
the Lacedaemonians have in common with the 
Egyptians:—younger men, when they meet their 
elders, turn aside and give place to them in the way, 
and rise from their seats when an older man 
approaches. But they have another custom which is 
nowhere known in Greece: passers-by do not address 
each other, but salute by lowering the hand to the 
knee. 

81. They wear linen tunics with fringes hanging 
about the legs, called * calasiris," and loose white 
woollen mantles over these. But nothing of wool is 
brought into temples, or buried with them; that is 
forbidden. In this they follow the same rule as the 
ritual called Orphic and Bacchic, but which is in 
truth Egyptian and Pythagorean; for neither may 
those initiated into these rites be buried in woollen 
wrappings. There is a sacred legend about this. 

82. I pass to other inventions of the Egyptians. 
They assign each month and each day to some god; 


1 Maneros, probably from the refrain ma-n-hra, *'come 
back to us,” 


367 


HERODOTUS 

καὶ τῇ ἕκαστος ἡμέρῃ γενόμενος ὁτέοισι ἐγκυρήσει 
καὶ ὅκως τελευτήσει καὶ ὁκοῖός τις ἔσται. καὶ 
τούτοισι τῶν Ἑλλήνων οἱ ἐν ποιήσι γενόμενοι 
ἐχρήσαντο. τέρατά τε πλέω σφι ἀνεύρηται Ù 
τοῖσι ἄλλοισι ἅπασι ἀνθρώποισι' γενομένου γὰρ 
τέρατος φυλάσσουσι γραφόμενοι τὠποβαῖνον, 
καὶ ἣν κοτε ὕστερον παραπλήσιον τούτῳ γένηται, 
κατὰ τὠυτὸ νομίζουσι ἀποβήσεσθαι. 

83. Μαντικὴ δὲ αὐτοῖσι ὧδε διακέεται' ἀνθρω- 
πων μὲν οὐδενὶ προσκέεται ἡ τέχνη, τῶν δὲ θεῶν 
μετεξετέροισι' καὶ γὰρ Ἡρακλέος μαντήιον αὐτόθι 
ἐστὶ καὶ Απόλλωνος καὶ Αθηναίης καὶ ᾿Αρτέμιδος 
καὶ "Αρεος καὶ Διός, καὶ τό γε μάλιστα ἐν τιμῇ 
ἄγονται πάντων τῶν μαντηίων, Λητοῦς ἐν Βουτοῖ 
πόλι ἐστί. οὐ μέντοι αἵ γε μαντηίαι σφι κατὰ 
τὠυτὸ ἑστᾶσι, ἀλλὰ διάφοροι εἰσί. 

84. Ἡ δὲ ἰητρικὴ κατὰ τάδε σφι δέδασται᾽ 
μιῆς νούσου ἕκαστος ἰητρός ἐστι καὶ οὐ πλεόνων. 
πάντα δ᾽ ἰητρῶν ἐστι πλέα' of μὲν γὰρ ὀςθαλμῶν 
ἰητροὶ κατεστᾶσι, οἳ δὲ κεφαλῆς, οἳ δὲ ὀδόντων, οἳ 
δὲ τῶν κατὰ νηδύν, οἳ δὲ τῶν ἀφανέων νούσων. 

85. Θρῆνοι δὲ καὶ ταφαί σφεων εἰσὶ aide’ τοῖσι 
ἂν ἀπογένηται ἐκ τῶν οἰκίων ἄνθρωπος τοῦ τις 
καὶ λόγος ᾖ, τὸ θῆλυ γένος πᾶν τὸ ἐκ τῶν οἰκίων 
τούτων Kat ὧν ἐπλάσατο τὴν κεφαλὴν πηλῷ Ù 
καὶ τὸ πρόσωπον, κἄπειτα ἐν τοῖσι οἰκίοισι λι- 
ποῦσαι τὸν νεκρὸν αὐταὶ ἀνὰ τὴν πόλιν στρωφώ- 
μεναι τύπτονται ἐπεζωσμέναι καὶ φαίνουσαι τοὺς 
μαξούς, σὺν δέ σφι αἱ προσήκουσαι πᾶσαι, ἑτέρω- 
θεν δὲ οἱ ἄνδρες, τύπτονται ἐπεζωμένοι καὶ οὗτοι. 
ἐπεὰν δὲ ταῦτα ποιήσωσι, οὕτω ἐς τὴν ταρίχευσιν 
κομέζουσι. 


368 


BOOK II. 82-85 


they can tell what fortune and what end and what 
disposition a man shall have according to the day of 
his birth. This has given material to Greeks who deal 
in poetry. They have made themselves more omens 
than all other nations together; when an ominous 
thing happens they take note of the outcome and 
write it down; and if something of a like kind 
happen again they think it will have a like result. 

83. As to the art of divination among them, it 
belongs to some of the gods, but to no one among 
men ; there are in their country oracles of Heracles, 
Apollo, Athene, Artemis, Ares, and Zeus, and (which 
is the most honoured of all) of Leto in the town of 
Buto, Nevertheless they have diverse ways of divin- 
ation, not one only. 

84. The practice of medicine is so divided among 
them, that each physician is a healer of one disease 
and no more. All the country is full of physicians, 
some of the eye, some of the teeth, some of what 


- pertains to the belly, and some of the hidden diseases. 


85. They mourn and bury the dead as I will show. 
Whenever a man of note is lost to his house by death, 
all the womenkind of the house daub their faces or 
heads with mud; then, with all the women of their 
kin, they leave the corpse in the house, and roam 
about the city lamenting, with their garments girt 
round them and their breasts showing ; and the men 
too lament in their place, with garments girt likewise. 
When this is done, they take the dead body to be 
embalmed. 

369 


HERODOTUS 


86. Γἰσὶ δὲ ob ἐπ αὐτῷ τούτω κατέαται καὶ 
τέχνην ἔχουσι ταύτην. οὗτοι, ἐπεάν σφι κομισθῇ 
νεκρός, δεικνύουσι τοῖσι κομίσασι παραδείγματα 
νεκρῶν ξύλινα, τῇ γραφῇ μεμιμημέναΤ.. ., καὶ τὴν 
μὲν σπουδαιοτάτην αὐτέων φασὶ εἶναι τοῦ οὐκ ὅσιον 
ποιεῦμαι τὸ οὔνομα ἐπὶ τοιούτῳ πρήγματι ὀνομά- 
ἕειν, τὴν δὲ δευτέρην δεικνύουσι ὑποδεεστέρην τε 
ταύτης καὶ εὐτελεστέρην, τὴν δὲ τρίτην εὐτελε- 
στάτην' φράσαντες δὲ πυνθάνονται παρ᾽ αὐτῶν 
κατὰ ἥντινα βούλονταί σφι σκευασθῆναι τὸν 
νεκρόν. οἳ μὲν δὴ ἐκποδὼν μισθῷ ὁμολογήσαντες 
ἀπαλλάσσονται, οἳ δὲ ὑπολειπόμενοι ἐν οἰκήμασι 
ὧδε τὰ σπουδαιότατα ταριχεύουσι. πρῶτα μὲν 
σκολιῷ σιδήρῳ διὰ τῶν μυξωτήρων ἐξάγουσι τὸν 
ἐγκέφαλον, τὰ μὲν αὐτοῦ οὕτω ἐξάγοντες, τὰ δὲ 
ἐγχέοντες φάρμακα" μετὰ δὲ λίθῳ Αἰθιοπικῷ ὀξέι 
παρασχίσαντες παρὰ τὴν λαπάρην ἐξ ὧν εἶλον τὴν 
κοιλίην πᾶσαν, ἐκκαθήραντες δὲ αὐτὴν καὶ διηθή- 
σαντες οἴνῳ φοινικηίῳ αὖτις διηθέουσι θυμιήμασι 
τετριμμένοισι' ἔπειτα τὴν νηδὺν σμύρνης ἀκηράτου 
τετριμμένης καὶ κασίης καὶ τῶν ἄλλων θυμιημάτων, 
πλὴν λιβανωτοῦ, πλήσαντες συρράπτουσι ὀπίσω. 
ταῦτα δὲ ποιήσαντες ταριχεύουσι λύτρῳ κρύψαν- 
τες ἡμέρας ἑβδομήκοντα: πλεῦνας δὲ τουτέων οὐκ 
ἔξεστι ταριχεύειν. ἐπεὰν δὲ παρέλθωσι αἱ ἑβδο- 
µήκοντα, λούσαντες τὸν νεκρὸν κατειλίσσουσι πᾶν 
αὐτοῦ τὸ σώμα σινδόνος βυσσίνης τελαμῶσι κατα- 
` τετμημένοισι, ὑποχρίοντες τῷ κόμμι, τῷ δὴ ἀντὶ 
κόλλης τὰ πολλὰ χρέωνται Αἰγύπτιοι. ἐνθεῦτεν 
δὲ παραδεξάμενοί μιν οἱ προσήκοντες ποιεῦνται 
ξύλινον τύπον ἀνθρωποειδέα, ποιησάμενοι δὲ 

1 MSS. appear to show indications of a lacuna here. 


370 


BOOK II. 86 


86. There are men whose whole business this is 
and who have this special craft. These, when a dead 
body is brought to them, show the bringers wooden 
models of corpses, painted in exact imitation; the 
most perfect manner of embalming belongs, they say, 


to One whose name it were profane for me to speak 


in treating of such matters; the second way, which 
they show, is less perfect than the first, and cheaper, 
and the third is the least costly of all.. Having 
shown these, they ask the bringers of the body in 
which fashion they desire to have it prepared. The 
bearers, having agreed in a price, go their ways, and 
the workmen, left behind in their place, embalm the 
body. If they do this in the most perfect way, they 
first draw out part of the brain through the nostrils 
with an iron hook, and inject certain drugs into the 
rest. Then, making a cut near the flank with a 
sharp knife of Ethiopian stone, they take out all the 
intestines, abd clean the belly, rinsing it with palm 
wine and bruised spices; and presently, filfing the 
bely with pure ground myrrh and casia and any 
other spices, save only frankincense, they sew up the 
anus. Having done this, they conceal the body for 
seventy days, embalmed in saltpetre ; no longer time 
is allowed for the embalming ; and when the seventy 
days are past they wash the body and wrap the whole 
of it in bandages of fine linen cloth, anointed with gum, 
which the Egyptians mostly use instead of glue; 
which done, they give back the dead man to his friends. 
These make a hollow wooden figure like a man, in 

371 


P 


| 


HERODOTUS 


ἐσεργνῦσι τὸν νεκρόν, καὶ κατακληίσαντες οὕτω 
θησαυρίξουσι è ἐν οἰκήματι θηκαίῳ, ἱστάντες ὀρθὸν 
πρὸς τοῖχον. 

87. Οὕτω μὲν τοὺς τὰ πολυτελέστατα σκευά- 
ζουσι νεκρούς, τοὺς δὲ τὰ µέσα βουλομένους τὴν 
δὲ πολυτελείην φεύγοντας σκευάξουσι ὧδε' ἐπεὰν 
τοὺς κλυστῆρας πλήσωνται τοῦ ἀπὸ ' κέδρου ἀλεί- 
φατος γινομένου, ἐν ὧν ἔπλησαν τοῦ νεκροῦ τὴν 
κοιλίην, οὔτε ἀναταμόντες αὐτὸν οὔτε ἐξελόντες 
τὴν νηδύν, κατὰ δὲ τὴν ἕδρην ἐσηθήσαντες καὶ ἐπι- 
λαβόντες τὸ epa. τῆς ὀπίσω 0000 ταριχεύουσι 
τὰς προκειμένας ἡμέρας, τῇ δὲ τελευταίῃ ἐξιεῖσι 
ἐκ τῆς κοιλίης τὴν κεδρίην τὴν ἐσῆκαν πρότερον. 
f) δὲ ἔχει τοσαύτην δύναμιν ὥστε ἅμα ἑωυτῇ τὴν 
νηδὺν καὶ τὰ σπλάγχνα κατατετηκότα ἐξάγει" 
τὰς δὲ σάρκας τὸ λύτρον κατατήκει, καὶ δὴ λεύπε- 
ται τοῦ νεκροῦ τὸ δέρμα μοῦνον καὶ τὰ ὀστέα. 
ἐπεὰν δὲ ταῦτα ποιήσωσι, aT ὧν ἔδωκαν οὕτω 
τὸν νεκρόν, οὐδὲν ἔ ἔτι πρηγματευθέντες. 

88. Ἡ δὲ τρίτη ταρίχευσις ἐστὶ ᾖδε, ἣ τοὺς 
χρήμασι ἀσθενεστέρους σκευάξει' συρμαίῃ διηθη- 
σαντες THY κοιλιίην ταριχεύουσι τὰς ἑβδομήκοντα 

ἡμέρας καὶ ἔπειτα ἀπ᾽ ὧν ἔδωκαν ἀποφέρεσθαι. 

89. Tas δὲ γυναῖκας τῶν ἐπιφανέων ἀνδρῶν, 
ἐπεὰν τελευτήσωσι, . οὐ παραυτίκα διδοῦσι ταρι- 
χεύειν, οὐδὲ ὅσαι ἂν ἔωσι εὐειδέες κάρτα καὶ λόγου 
πλεῦνος γυναῖκες" ἀλλ᾽ ἐπεὰν τριταῖαι ἢ τεταρ- 
ταῖαι γένωνται, οὕτω παραδιδοῦσι τοῖσι Tapt- 
χεύουσι. τοῦτο δὲ ποιεῦσι οὕτω τοῦδε εἵνεκεν, ἵνα 
µή σφι οἱ ταριχευταὶ μίσγωνται τῇσι γυναιξί᾽ 
λαμφθῆναι γὰρ τινὰ φασὶ μισγόμενον νεκρῷ 
προσφάτῳ γυναικός, κατειπεῖν δὲ τὸν ὀὁμότεχνον. 


372 


BOOK II. 86-89 


which they enclose the corpse, shut it up, and pre- 
serve it safe in a coffin-chamber, placed erect against 
a wall. 

87. This is how they prepare the dead who 
have wished for the most costly fashion!; those 
whose wish was for the middle and less costly 
way are prepared in another fashion. The em- 
balmers charge their syringes with cedar oil and 
therewith fill the belly of the dead man, making no 
cut, nor removing the intestines, but injecting the 
drench through the anus and checking it from 
returning; then they embalm the body for the 
appointed days; on the last day they let the oil which 
they poured in pass out again. It has so great power 
that it brings away the inner parts and intestines all. 
dissolved ; the flesh is eaten away by the saltpetre, 
and in the end nothing is left of the body but 
skin and bone. Then the embalmers give back the 
dead body with no more ado. 

-88. When they use the third manner of embalming, 
which is the preparation of the poorer dead, they 
cleanse the belly with a purge, embalm the body for 
the seventy days and then give it back to be taken 
away. 

89. Wives of notable men, and women of great 
beauty and reputation, are not at once given over to 
the embalmers, but only after they have been dead 
for three or four days; this is done, that the 
embalmers may not have carnal intercourse with 
them. For it is said that one was found having 
intercourse with a woman newly dead, and was 
denounced by his fellow-workman. 


1 τοὺς τὰ πολυτελέστατα, 8C. βουλομένους. 


373 


be. 


HERODOTUS 


90. Ὃς ὃ ἂν ἡ αὐτῶν Αἰγυπτίων ἡ ξείνων 
ὁμοίως ὑπὸ κροκοδείλου ἁρπασθεὶς 7) UT αὐτοῦ 
τοῦ ποταμοῦ φαίνηται. τεθνεώς, κατ᾽ ἣν ἂν πόλιν 
ἐξενειχθῇ, τούτους πᾶσα ἀνάγκη ἐστὶ ταριχεύ- 
σαντας αὐτὸν καὶ περιστείλαντας ὡς κάλλιστα 
θάψαι ἐ ἐν ἱρῆσι θήκῃσι᾽ οὐδὲ ψαῦσαι ἔξεστι αὐτοῦ 
ἄλλον οὐδένα οὔτε τῶν προσηκόντων οὔτε τῶν 
φίλων, ἀλλά μιν αἱ ἱρέες αὐτοὶ τοῦ Νείλου ἅτε 
πλέον τι ἢ ἀνθρώπου νεκρὸν χειραπτάζοντες 
θάπτουσι. 

91, Ἑλληνικοῖσι: δὲ νομαΐοισι φεύγουσι χρᾶσθαι, 
τὸ δὲ σύμπαν εἰπεῖν, μηδ᾽ ἄλλων μηδαμὰ μήδα- 
μῶν ἀνθρώπων νομαίοισι. οἱ μέν νυν ἄλλοι Αἰγύ- 
πτιοι οὕτω τοῦτο φυλάσσουσι, ἔστι δὲ Νέμμις Tó- 
Aus µεγάλη νομοῦ τοῦ Θηβαϊκοῦ ἐγγὺς Νέης πό- 
Atos" ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ πὀλι ἐστὶ Περσέος τοῦ Δανάης 
ἱρὸν τετράγωνον, πέριξ δὲ αὐτοῦ φοίνικες πεφύ- 
κασι. τὰ δὲ πρόπυλα. τοῦ ἱροῦ λίθινα ἐστὶ κάρτα 
μεγάλα ἐπὶ δὲ αὐτοῖσι ἀνδριάντες δύο ἑστᾶσι 

7 ΄ 3 . ^ , ή 
λίθινοι μεγάλοι. ἐν δὲ τῷ περιβεβλημένῳ τούτῳ 
νηός τε ἔνι καὶ ἄγαλμα ἐν αὐτῷ ἐνέστηκε τοῦ llep- 
σέος. οὗτοι οἱ Χεμμῖται λέγουσι τὸν Περσέα 
πολλάκις μὲν ἀνὰ τὴν γῆν φαίνεσθαί, σφι πολλάκις 
δὲ ἔσω τοῦ ἱροῦ, σανδάλιόν τε αὐτοῦ πεφορημένον 
εὑρίσκεσθαι ἐὸν τὸ μέγαθος δίπηχυ, τὸ ἐπεὰν 
φανῇ, εὐθηνέειν ἅπασαν Αἴγυπτον. ταῦτα μὲν 
λέγουσι, ποιεῦσι δὲ τάδε "Ἑλληνικὰ τῷ Περσέι" 
ἀγῶνα γυμνικὸν τιθεῖσι, διὰ πάσης ἀγωνίης ἔχοντα, 
παρέχοντες ἄεθλα κτήνεα καὶ χλαίνας καὶ δέρ- 
ματα. εὐρομένου δέ µευ ὅ τι σφι μούνοισι ἔωθε ὁ 
Περσεὺς ἐπιφαίνεσθαι καὶ ὅ τι κεχωρίδαται 
Αὐγνπτίων τῶν ἄλλων ἀγῶνα γυμνικὸν τιθέντες, 


374 


BOOK II, 9go-91 


90. When anyone, be he Egyptian or stranger, is 
known to have been carried off by a crocodile or 
drowned by the river itself, such an one must by αἱ] 
means be embalmed and tended as fairly as may be 
and buried in a sacred coffin by the townsmen of the 
place where he is cast up; nor may any of his kins- 
folk or his friends touch him, but his body is deemed 
something more than human, and is handled and 
buried by the priests of the Nile themselves. 

91. The Egyptians shun the use of Greek customs, 
and (to speak generally) the customs of any other 
men whatever. Yet, though the rest are careful of 
this, there is a great city called Chemmis, in the 
Theban province, near the New City; in this city is 
a square temple of Perseus son of Danae, in a grove 
of palm trees. The colonnade before this temple is 
of stone, very great ; and there stand at the entrance 
two great stone statues. In this outer court there is 
a shrine with an image of Perseus standing in it. 
The people of this Chemmis say that Perseus is often 
seen up and down this land, and often within the 
temple, and that the sandal he wears is found, and it 
is two cubits long; when that is seen, all Egypt 
prospers. This is what they say ; and their doings in 
honour of Perseus are Greek, in that they celebrate 
games comprising every form of contest, and offer 
animals and cloaks and skins as prizes. When I 
asked why Perseus appeared to them alone, and why, 
unlike all other Egyptians, they celebrate games, 


375 


HERODOTUS 


ἔφασαν τὸν Περσέα ἐ ἐκ τῆς ἑωυτῶν πόλιος yeyo- 
vévat’ τὸν γὰρ Δαναὸν καὶ τὸν Λυγκέα ἐόντας 
Χεμμίτας ἐκπλῶσαι ἐς τὴν Ἑλλάδα, ἀπὸ δὲ τού- 
των γενεηλογέοντες κατέβαινον ἐς τὸν Περσέα. 
ἀπικόμενον δὲ αὐτὸν ἐς Αἴγυπτον κατ᾽ αἰτίην τὴν 
καὶ Ἕλληνες λέγουσι, οἴσοντα ἐκ Λιβύης τὴν 1 ορ- 
γοῦς κεφαλήν, ἔφασαν ἐλθεῖν καὶ Tapa σφέας 
καὶ ἆ ἀναγνῶναι τοὺς συγγενέας πάντας᾽ ᾽ἐκμεμαθη- 
κότα δέ μιν ἀπικέσθαι ἐς Αἴγυπτον τὸ τῆς Χέμ- 
ptos οὔνομα, πεπυσµένον παρὰ τῆς μητρός. ἀγῶνα 
δέ οἱ γυμνικὸν αὐτοῦ. κελεύσαντος ἐπιτελέειν. 

92, Ταῦτα μὲν πάντα οἱ κατύπερθε τῶν ἑλέων 
οἰκέοντες Αἰγύπτιοι νοµίζουσι οἱ δὲ δὴ ἐν τοῖσι 
ἕλεσι κατοικημένοι τοῖσι μὲν αὐτοῖσι νόμοισι 

ρέωνται τοῖσι καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι Αἰγύπτιοι, καὶ τὰ 
ἆλλα καὶ γυναικὶ μιῇ. ἕκαστος αὐτῶν συνοικέει 
κατά περ "Ἕλληνες, ἀτὰρ πρὸς εὐτελείην τῶν 
σιτίων τάδε σφι ἄλλα ἐξεύρηται. ἐπεὰν πλήρης 
γένηται ὁ ποταμὸς καὶ τὰ πεδία πελαγίσῃ, φύεται 
ἐν τῷ ὕδατι κρίνεα πολλά, τὰ Αἰγύπτιοι καλέουσι 
λωτόν’ ταῦτ᾽ ἐπεὰν δρέψωσι αὐαίνουσι πρὸς ἥλιον 
καὶ ἔπειτα τὸ ἐκ μέσου τοῦ λωτοῦ, τῇ μήκωνι ἐὸν 
ἐμφερές, πτίσαντες ποιεῦνται ἐξ αὐτοῦ ἄρτους 
ὁπτοὺς πυρί. ἔστι δὲ καὶ ἡ pita τοῦ λωτοῦ τούτου 
ἐδωδίμη καὶ ἐγγλύσσει ἐπιεικέως, ἐὸν στρογγύλον, 
μέγαθος κατὰ μῆλον. ἔστι δὲ καὶ ἄλλα κρίνεα 
ῥόδοισι ἐμφερέα, ἐν τῷ ποταμῷ γινόμενα καὶ 
ταῦτα, ἐξ ὧν ὁ καρπὸς ἐν ἄλλῃ κάλυκι παραφυο- 
μένῃ ἐκ τῆς ῥίξης γίνεται, κηρίῳ σφηκῶν ἰδέην 
ὁμοιότατον" ἐν τούτῳ τρωκτὰ ὅσον τε πυρὴν ἐλαίης 
ἐγγίνεται συχνά, τρώγεται δὲ καὶ ἁπαλὰ ταῦτα 
καὶ aba. τὴν δὲ βύβλον τὴν ἐπέτειον γινομένην 


376 


BOOK II. 91-92 


they told me that Perseus was by lineage of their 
city ; for Danaus and Lynceus, who voyaged to Greece, ` 
were of Chemmis; and they traced descent from 
these down to Perseus. They told too how when he 
came to Egypt for the reason alleged also by the 
Greeks-—namely, to bring the Gorgon’s head from 
Libya—he came to Chemmis too and recognised all 
his kin; and how before he came to Egypt he had 
heard the name of Chemmis from his mother. It was 
at his bidding, said they, that they celebrated the 
games. 

93. All these are the customs of Egyptians who 
dwell above the marsh country. Those who inhabit 
the marshes have the same customs as the rest, both 
in other respects, and in that each man has one wife, 
as in Greece. They have, besides, devised means to 
make their food less costly. When the river is in 
flood and overflows the plains, many lilies, which the 
Egyptians call lotus, grow in the water. They pluck 
these and dry them in the sun, then they crush the 
poppy-like centre of the plant and bake loaves of it. 
The root also of this lotus is eatable, and of a sweetish 
taste; it is round, and of the bigness of an apple. 
Other lilies also grow in the river, which are like 
roses; the fruit of these is found in a calyx springing 
from the root by a separate stalk, and is most like to 
a comb made by wasps; this produces many eatable 
seeds as big as an olive-stone, which are eaten both 
fresh and dried. They use also the byblus which 


377 


HERODOTUS 


ἐπεὰν ἀνασπάσωσι ἐκ τῶν ἑλέων, τὰ μὲν ἄνω 
αὐτῆς ἀποτάμνοντες ἐς ἄλλο τι τράπουσι, τὸ δὲ 
κάτω λελειμμένον ὅσον τε ἐπὶ πῆχυν τρώγουσι 
καὶ πωλέουσι 1 οἳ δὲ ἂν καὶ κάρτα βούλωνται 
χρηστῇ τῇ βύβλῳ χρᾶσθαι, ἐν κλιβάνῳ διαφανέι 
πνίξαντες οὕτω τρώγουσι. οἳ δὲ τινὲς αὐτῶν 
ζῶσι ἀπὸ τῶν ἰχθύων μοῦνον, τοὺς ἐπεὰν λάβωσι 
καὶ ἐξέλωσι τὴν κοιλίην, αὐαίνουσι πρὸς ἥλιον καὶ 
ἔπειτα αὔους ἐόντας σιτέονται. 

98. Οἱ δὲ ἐχθύες οἱ ἀγελαῖοι ἐν μὲν τοῖσι ποτα- 
μοῖσι οὐ μάλα γίνονται, τρεφόμενοι δὲ ἐν τῇσι 
λίμνησι τοιάδε ποιεῦσι. ἐπεάν σφεας ἐσίῃ οἶστρος 
κυΐσκεσθαι, ἀγεληδὸν ἐκπλώουσι ἐς θάλασσαν' 
ἡγέονται δὲ οἱ ἔρσενες ἀπορραίνοντες τοῦ θοροῦ, 
αἳ δὲ ἑπόμεναι ἀνακάπτουσι καὶ ἐξ αὐτοῦ kvi- 
σκονται. ἐπεὰν δὲ πλήρεες γένωνται ἐν τῇ Üa- 
λάσσῃ, ἀναπλώουσι ὀπίσω ἐς ἤθεα τὰ ἑωυτῶν 
ἕκαστοι, ἡγέονται μέντοι γε οὐκέτι οἱ αὐτοί, ἀλλὰ 
τῶν θηλέων γίνεται ἡ ἡγεμονύη: ἡγεύμεναι δὲ 
ἀγεληδὸν ποιεῦσι οἷόν περ ἐποίευν οἱ ἔρσενες' τῶν 
γὰρ GOV ἀπορραίνουσι κατ᾽ ὀλίγους τῶν κέγχρων, 
οἱ δὲ ἔρσενες καταπίνουσι ἑπόμενοι. εἰσὶ δὲ οἱ 
κέγχροι οὗτοι ἐχθύες. ἐκ δὲ τῶν περιγινομένων 
καὶ μὴ καταπινομένων κέγχρων οἱ τρεφόμενοι 
ἐχθύες γίνονται. of Ò ἂν αὐτῶν ἁλώσι ἐκπλώοντες 
ἐς θάλασσαν, φαίνονται τετριμμένοι τὰ ἐπ᾽ ἀρι- 
στερὰ τῶν κεφαλέων, οἳ δ᾽ ἂν ὀπίσω ἀναπλώοντες, 
τὰ ἐπὶ δεξιὰ τετρίφαται. πάσχουσι δὲ ταῦτα διὰ 
τόδε" ἐγόμενοι τῆς γῆς ἐπ᾽ ἀριστερὰ καταπλώουσι 
ἐς θάλασσαν, καὶ ἀναπλώοντες ὀπίσω τῆς αὐτῆς 

1c 


win brackets καὶ πωλέουσι, as being inappropriate; it 
should perhaps come after τράπουσι above. 


378 


BOOK Il. 92-93 


grows annually: it is plucked from the marshes, the 
top of it cut off and turned to other ends, and the 
lower part, about a cubit's length, eaten or sold. 
Those who wish to use the byblus at its very best 
bake it before eating in a redhot oven. Some live 
on fish alone. They catch the fish, take out the 
intestines, then dry them in the sun and eat them 
dried. 

. 93. Fish that go in shoals do not often come to 
birth in the river ; they are reared in the lakes, and 
this is the way with them: when the desire of 
spawning comes on them, they swim out to sea in 
shoals, the males leading, and throwing out their 
seed, while the females come after and swallow it 
and so conceive. When the females have become 
pregnant in the sea, then all the fish swim back to 
their homes ; but now it is the females and not the 
males who lead the way, going before in a shoal, and 
(like the males) throwing off ever and anon a few of 
their eggs (which are like millet-seeds), which the 
males devour as they follow. These millet-seeds, or 
eggs, are fish. It is from the surviving eggs, which 
are not devoured, that the fish which grow come to 
the birth. Those fish that are caught while swim- 
ming seawards show bruises on the left side of their 
heads; those that are caught returning, on the right 
side. This happens to them because as they swim 
seawards they keep close to the left bank, and hold 


379 


HERODOTUS 


ἀντέχονται, ἐγχριμπτόμενοι καὶ ψαύοντες ὡς pá- 
λιστα, ἵνα δὴ μὴ ἁμάρτοιεν τῆς ὁδοῦ διὰ τὸν ῥόον. 
ἐπεὰν δὲ πληθύνεσθαι ἄρχηται ὁ Νεῖλος, τά τε 
κοῖλα τῆς γῆς καὶ τὰ τέλματα τὰ παρὰ τὸν 
ποταμὸν πρῶτα ἄρχεται πίμπλασθαι διηθέοντος 
τοῦ ὕδατος ἐκ τοῦ ποταμοῦ" καὶ αὐτίκα τε πλέα 
γίνεται ταῦτα καὶ παραχρῆμα ἰχθύων σμικρῶν 
πίμπλαται πάντα. κόθεν δὲ οἰκὸς αὐτοὺς γίνε- 
σθαι, ἐγώ μοι δοκέω κατανοέειν τοῦτο' τοῦ προ- 
τέρου ἔτεος ἐπεὰν ἀπολύπῃ, ὁ Νεῖλος, οἱ ἰχθύες 
ἐντεκόντες Wà ἐς τὴν ἐλὺν ἅμα τῷ ἐσχάτῳ ὕδατι 
ἀπαλλάσσονται" ἐπεὰν δὲ περιελθόντος τοῦ χρόνου 
πάλιν ἐπέλθῃ τὸ ὕδωρ, ἐκ τῶν Qv τούτων Tap- 
αυτίκα γίνονται οἱ ἐχθύες οὗτοι. 

94. Καὶ περὶ μὲν τοὺς ἐχθύας οὕτω ἔχει. ἀλεί- 
φατι δὲ χρέωνται Αἰγυπτίων οἱ περὶ τὰ ἕλεα 
οἰκέοντες ἀπὸ τῶν σιλλικυπρίων τοῦ καρποῦ, τὸ 
καλεῦσι μὲν Αἰγύπτιοι rikt, ποιεῦσι δὲ ὧδε. 
παρὰ τὰ χείλεα τῶν τε ποταμῶν καὶ τῶν λιμνέων 
σπείρουσι τὰ σιλλικύπρια ταῦτα, τὰ ἐν “Ἕλλησι 
αὐτόματα ἄγρια φύεται: ταῦτα ἐν τῇ Αἰγύπτῳ 
σπειρόμενα καρπὸν φέρει πολλὸν μὲν δυσώδεα δέ" 
τοῦτον ἐπεὰν συλλέξωνται, οἳ μὲν κὀψαντες ἀπι- 
ποῦσι, οἳ δὲ καὶ φρύξαντες ἀπέψουσι, καὶ τὸ 
ἀπορρέον ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ συγκοµίζονται. ἔστι δὲ πῖον 
καὶ οὐδὲν ἧσσον τοῦ ἐλαίου τῷ λύχνῳ προσηνές, 
ὀδμὴν δὲ βαρέαν παρέχεται. 

95. Πρὸς δὲ τοὺς κώνωπας ἀφθόνους ἐόντας 
τάδε σφι ἐστὶ μεμηχανημένα. τοὺς μὲν τὰ ἄνω 
τῶν ἑλέων οἰκέοντας οἱ πύργοι ὠφελέουσι, ἐς τοὺς 
ἀναβαίνοντες κοιμῶνται: οἱ γὰρ κώνωπες ὑπὸ 
τῶν ἀνέμων οὐκ οἷοί τε εἰσὶ ὑψοῦ πέτεσθαι. τοῖσι 


380 


πο -wwe . 


ὃς À -α 


m- "Ἢ - HE 


σον, ο uM 


ON oo —————— iS --mL—— 4 E — 


BOOK II. 93-95 


to the same bank also in their return, grazing it and 
touching it as much as they may, I suppose lest the 
current should make them miss their course. When 
the Nile begins to rise, hollow and marshy places 
near the river are the first to begin to fill, the water 
trickling through from the river, and as soon as they 
are flooded they are suddenly full of little fishes. 
Whence it is like that these come into being I 
believe that I can guess, When the Nile falls, the 
fish have spawned into the mud before they leave it 
with the last of the water; and as the time comes 
round, and in the next year the flood comes again, 
this spawn at once gives birth to these fishes. 

94. So much then for the fishes. The Egyptians 
who live about the marshes use an oil drawn from the 
castor-berry, which they call kiki. They sow this 
plant on the banks of the rivers and lakes; it grows 
wild in Hellas; in Egypt it produces abundant but 
ill-smelling fruit, which is gathered, and either 
bruised and pressed, or boiled after roasting, and the 
liquid that comes from it collected. — This is thick 
and as useful as oil for lamps, and gives off a strong 
smell. 

95. Gnats are abundant ; this is how the Egyptians 
protect themselves against them: those who dwell 
higher up than the marshy country are well served 
by the towers whither they ascend to sleep, for the 
winds prevent the gnats from flying aloft; those 


381 


ia 
T d 


HERODOTUS 


δὲ περὶ τὰ ἕλεα οἰκέουσι τάδε ἀντὶ τῶν πύργων 
ἄλλα μεμηχάνηται" πᾶς ἀνὴρ αὐτῶν ἀμφίβλη- 
στρον ἔκτηται, τῷ τῆς μὲν ἡμέρης ἰχθῦς ἀγρεύει, 
τὴν δὲ νύκτα τάδε αὐτῷ χρᾶται" ἐν τῇ ἀναπαύεται 
κοίτῃ, περὶ ταύτην ἵστησι τὸ ἀμφίβληστρον καὶ 
ἔπειτα ἐνδὺς i ὑπ᾽ αὐτὸ κατεύδει. οἱ δὲ κώνωπες, 
ἣν μὲν ἐν ἱματίῳ ἐνειλιξάμενος εὔδῃ ἢ σινδόνι, 
διὰ τούτων. δάκνουσι, διὰ δὲ τοῦ δικτύου οὐδὲ 
πειρῶνται ἀρχήν. 

96. Τὰ δὲ δὴ πλοῖά σφι, τοῖσι φορτηγέουσι, 
ἐστὶ ἐκ τῆς ἀκάνθης ποιεύμενα, τῆς 7 μορφὴ μὲν 
ἐστὶ ὁμοιοτάτη τῷ Κυρηναίῳ λωτῷ, τὸ δὲ δάκρυον 
κύμμι ἐστί. ἐκ ταύτης ὧν τῆς ἀκάνθης κοψάµενοι 
ξύλα ὅσον τε διπήχεα πλινθηδὸν συντιθεῖσι 
ναυπηγεύμενοι τρόπον τοιόνδε: περὶ γόμφους mv- 
κνοὺς καὶ μακροὺς περιείρουσι τὰ διπήχεα ξύλα" 
ἐπεὰν δὲ τῷ τρόπῳ τούτῳ ναυπηγήσωνται, ζυγὰ 
ἐπιπολῆς τείνουσι αὐτῶν: νομεῦσι δὲ οὐδὲν 
χρέωνται" ἔσωθεν δὲ τὰς ἁρμονίας ἐν ὧν ἐπάκ- 
τωσαν τῇ βύβλῳ. πηδάλιον δὲ ἓν ποιεῦνται, 
καὶ τοῦτο διὰ τῆς τρόπιος διαβύνεται. ἱστῷ δὲ 
ἀκανθίνῳ χρέωνται, ἱ ἱστίοισι δὲ βυβλίνοισι. ταῦτα 
τὰ πλοῖα ἀνὰ μὲν τὸν ποταμὸν οὐ δύναται πλέειν, 
ἣν μὴ πμ. ἄνεμος ἐπέχῃ, ἐκ γῆς δὲ παρ- 
έλκεται, κατ ῥόον δὲ κομίζεται woe: ἔστι. ἐκ 
μυρίκης πεποιημένη θύρη, κατερραμμένη ῥύπεϊ 
καλάμων, καὶ λίθος τετρημένος διτάλαντος μά- 
λιστά «n σταθµόν' τούτων τὴν μὲν θύρην δεδε- 
μένην κάλῳ ἔμπροσθε τοῦ πλοίου ἀπιεῖ ἐπι- 
φέρεσθαι, τὸν δὲ λίθον ἄλλῳ κάλῳ ὄπισθε. ἡ 
μὲν δὴ θύρη ᾿ τοῦ ῥόου ἐμπίπτοντος χωρέει ταχέως 
καὶ ἕλκει τὴν βᾶριν (τοῦτο γὰρ δὴ οὔνομα ἐστὶ 


382 


eS = = T- um αν r ë 


ga am αμα -— = um JUR — See 


BOOK II. 95-96 


living about the marshes have a different device, 
instead of the towers. Every man of them has a net, 
with which he catches fish by day, and for the night 
he sets it round the bed where he rests, then creeps 
under it and so sleeps. If he sleep wrapped in a 
garment or cloth, the gnats bite through it; but 
through the net they do not even try at all to 
bite. 

96. The boats in which they carry cargo are made 
of the acacia,! which is in form most like to the lotus 
of Cyrene, and its sap is gum. Of this tree they cut 
logs of two cubits length and lay them like courses 
of bricks,? and build the boat by making these two- 
cubit logs fast to long and close-set stakes; and 


having so built they set crossbeams athwart and on 


the logs. They use no ribs. They caulk the seams 


within with byblus. There is one rudder, passing 


through a hole in the boat’s keel. The mast is of 
acacia-wood and the sails of byblus. These boats 
cannot move upstream unless a brisk breeze con- 
tinue; they are towed from the bank; but down- 
stream they are thus managed: they have a raft 
made of tamarisk wood, fastened together with 
matting of reeds, and a pierced stone of about two 
talents’ weight ; the raft is let go to float down ahead 
of the boat, made fast to it by a rope, and the stone 
is made fast also by a rope to the after part of the 
boat. So, driven by the current, the raft floats 


᾽ swiftly and tows the “ baris ” (which is the name of 


1 The ** Mimosa Nilotica,” still used for boat-building in 
Egypt. 
? That is, like bricks laid not one directly over ànother 


but with the joints alternating : t ον. | T i ^ 


383 


Αἱ 


HERODOTUS 


τοῖσι πλοίοισι τούτοισι), ὁ δὲ λίθος ὄπισθε 
ἐπελκόμενος καὶ ἐὼν ἐν βυσσῷ κατιθύνει τὸν 
πλόον. ἔστι δέ σφι τὰ πλοῖα ταῦτα πλήθεϊ 
πολλά, καὶ ἄγει ἔνια πολλὰς χιλιάδας ταλάντων. 

97. Ἐπεὰν δὲ ἐπέλθη ὁ o Νεῖλος τὴν χώρην, αἱ 
πόλιες μοῦναι φαίνονται ὑπερέχουσαι, μάλιστά 
κῃ ἐμφερέες | τῇσι ἐν τῷ Αἰγαίῳ πόντῳ νήσοισι" 
τὰ μὲν γὰρ ἄλλα τῆς Αἰγύπτου πέλαγος γίνεται, 


αἱ δὲ πόλιες -μοῦναι ὑπερέχουσι. πορθμεύονται 


ὧν, ἐπεὰν τοῦτο γένηται, οὐκέτι κατὰ τὰ ῥέεθρα 
τοῦ ποταμοῦ ἀλλὰ διὰ μέσου τοῦ πεδίου. ἐς μέν 
ye Μέμφιν ἐκ Ναυκράτιος ἀναπλώοντι παρ᾽ αὐτὰς 
τὰς πυραμίδας γίνεται. ὁ πλόος" ἔστι δὲ οὐδ' οὗτος, 
ἀλλὰ παρὰ τὸ ὀξὺ τοῦ Δέλτα καὶ παρὰ Κερκά- 
σωρον πόλιν: ἐς δὲ Ναύκρατιν ἀπὸ θαλάσσης καὶ 
Κανώβου διὰ πεδίου πλέων ἥξεις κατ᾽ ᾿Ανθυλλάν 
τε πόλιν καὶ τὴν ᾿Αρχάνδρου καλευμένην. 

98. Τουτέων δὲ ἡ μὲν "Ανθυλλα ἐοῦσα λογίμη 
πόλις ἐς ὑποδήματα ἐξαίρετος δίδοται τοῦ αἰεὶ . 
βασιλεύοντος Αἰγύπτου τῇ γυναικί (τοῦτο δὲ 
γίνεται ἐξ ὅσου ὑπὸ Πέρσῃσι ἐστὶ Αἴγυπτος), 7) 
δὲ -ἑτέρη πόλις δοκέει μοι τὸ οὔνομα. ἔχειν ἀπὸ 
τοῦ Δαναοῦ γαμβροῦ ᾿Αρχάνδρου τοῦ Φθίου τοῦ 
᾿Αχαιοῦ- καλέεται γὰρ δὴ ᾿Αρχάνδρου. πόλις. ein 
ὃ ἂν καὶ ἄλλος τις "Αρχανὸρος, ov μέντοι γε 
ττιον τὸ οὔνομα, 

Μέχρι μὲν τούτου ὄψεις τε ἐμὴ καὶ νώ 

ἱστορί ταῦτα λέγουσα ἐστί, τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦδε 
Αἰγυπτίους ἔρχομαι λόγους ἐρέων κατὰ τὰ ἤκουον: 
πρξοξοταζ δὲ ἀὐτοῖοί τὸ καὶ τῆς Quis φρο. 


Μῖνα τὸν πρῶτον βασιλεύσαντα Αἰγύπτου οἱ 


384 


BOOK II. 96-99 


these boats,) and the stone dragging behind on the 
river bottom keeps the boat's course straight. There 
are many of these boats ; some are of many thousand 


| talents' burden. 


97. When the Nile overflows the land, the towns 
alone are seen high and dry above the water, very 
like to the islands in the Aegean sea. These alone 
stand out, the rest of Egypt being a sheet of water. 
So when this happens folk are ferried not,as is their 
wont, in the course of the stream, but clean over the 
plain. From Naucratis indeed to Memphis the boat 
going upwards passes close by the pyramids them- 
selves ; 1 the usual course is not this, but by the 


Delta's point and the town Cercasorus: but your 


voyage from the sea and Canobus to Naucratis will 
take you over the plain near the town of Anthylla 
and that which is called Archandrus' town. 

98. Anthylla is a town of some name, and is 
specially assigned to the consort of the reigning king 
of Egypt, for the provision of her shoes. This has 
been done since Egypt has been under Persian | 
dominion. The other town, I think, is named after 
Archandrus son of Phthius the Achaean, and son-in- 
law of Danaus; for it is called Archandrus’ town. 
It may be that there was another Archandrus; but 
the name is not Egyptian. 

99. Thus far all 1 have said is the outcome of my 
own sight and judgment and inquiry. Henceforth . 
I will record Egyptian chronicles, according to that 
which I have heard, adding thereto somewhat of 
what I myself have seen. The priests told me that 
Min was the first king of Egypt, and that first he 

1 The meaning of these words is not clear. Some think 


that they mean ‘‘though here the course is not so? aud 
that perhaps ὁ ἑωθώς has been lost after οὗτος. 
385 


| E» 


HERODOTUS 


ipées ἔλεγον τοῦτο μὲν ἀπογεφυρῶσαι τὴν Ménu- 
φιν. τὸν γὰρ ποταμὸν πάντα ῥέειν παρὰ τὸ ὄρος 
τὸ ψ άμμινον πρὸς Λιβύης, τὸν δὲ Miva ἄνωθεν, 
ὅσον τε ἑκατὸν σταδίους ἀπὸ Μ έμϕιος, τὸν πρὸς 
μεσαμβρίης à ἀγκῶνα προσχώσαντα τὸ μὲν ἀρχαῖον 
ῥέεθρον ἀποξηρῆναι, τὸν δὲ ποταμὸν ὀχετεῦσαι 
τὸ μέσον τῶν ὀρέων ῥέειν. ἔτι δὲ καὶ νῦν ὑπὸ 
Περσέων ὁ ἀγκὼν οὗτος τοῦ Νείλου ὡς ἀπεργ- 
μένος ῥέῃ. ἐν φυλακῇσι μεγάλῃσι ἔχεται, φρασ- 
σόμενος ava, πᾶν ἔτος" εἰ γὰρ ἐθελήσει ῥήξας 
ὑπερβῆναι ὁ ποταμὸς ταύτῃ, Ky υνος πάση 
Μέμφι κατακλυσθῆναι. ἐστί. ὡς δὲ τῷ Mw 
τούτῳ τῷ πρώτῳ γενομένῳ βασιλέι χέρσον yeyo- 
νέναι τὸ ἀπεργμένον, τοῦτο μὲν ἐν αὐτῷ πόλιν 
κτίσαι ταύτην ἥτις νῦν Μέμφις καλέεται: ἔστι 
γὰρ καὶ ἡ Μέμφις ἐν τῷ στεινῷ τῆς Αἰγύπτου: 
ἔξωθεν δὲ αὐτῆς περιορύξαι λίμνην ἐκ τοῦ πο- 
ταμοῦ πρὸς βορέην τε καὶ πρὸς ἑσπέρην (τὸ yàp. 
πρὸς τὴν ἠῶ αὐτὸς ὁ Νεῖλος ἀπέργει), τοῦτο δὲ 
τοῦ Ἡφαίστου τὸ ἱρὸν ἱδρύσασθαι ἐν αὐτῇ, ἐὸν 
μέγα τε καὶ ἀξιαπηγητότατον. 

100. Μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον κατέλεγον οἱ ipées 
ἐκ Βύβλου ἄλλων βασιλέων «τριηκοσίων καὶ 
τριήκοντα οὐνόματα. ἐν τοσαύτῃσι δὲ γενεῇσι 
ἀνθρώπων ὀκτωκαίδεκα psy Αἰθίοπες ἦσαν, 
μία δὲ γυνὴ ἐπιχωρίη, δὲ ἄλλοι ἄνδρες 
Αἰγύπτιοι. τῇ δὲ γυναικὶ οὔνομα ἣν, ἥτις 
ἐβασίλευσε, τό περ τῇ Βαβυλωνίῃ, Νίύτωκρις" 
τὴν ἔλεγον τιμωρέουσαν ἀδελφεῷ, τὸν Αὐγύ- 
πτιοι βασιλεύοντα σφέων ἀπέκτειναν, ἀπο- 
κτείναντες δὲ οὕτω ἐκείνῃ ἀπέδοσαν τὴν βα- 
σιληίην, τούτῳ τιμωρέουσαν πολλοὺς Αἰγυπτίων 


386 


πμ 0 x — = = — που e ο" νο ο LO w U-—" EL ται S RC 
4 


i | — PR"  — Kt c “ΠΕ 
x 


BOOK II. 99-100 


separated Memphis from the Nile by a dam. All the 
river had flowed close under the sandy mountains on 
the Libyan side, but Min made the southern bend 
of it which begins about an hundred furlongs above 
Memphis, by damming the stream ; thereby he dried 
up the ancient course, and carried the river by a 
channel so that it flowed midway between the hills. 
And to this day the Persians keep careful guard over 
this bend of the river, strengthening its dam every 
year, that it may keep the current in; for were the 
Nile to burst his dykes and overfiow here, all Memphis 
were in danger of drowning. Then, when this first 
king Min had made what he thus cut off to be dry 
land, he first founded in it that city which is now 
called Memphis—for even Memphis lies in the narrow 
part of Egypt—and outside of it he dug a lake to its 
north and west, from the river (the Nile itself being 
the eastern boundary of the place); and secondly, he 
built in it the great and most noteworthy temple of 
Hephaestus. 

100. After him came three hundred and thirty 
kings, whose names the priests recited from a papyrus 
roll. In all these many generations there were 
eighteen Ethiopian kings, and one queen, native to - 
the country; the rest were all Egyptian men. The 
name of the queen was the same as that of the 
Babylonian princess, Nitocris. She, to avenge her 
brother (he was king of Egypt and was slain by his 
subjects, who then gave Nitocris the sovereignty) put 


387 


HERODOTUS 


διαφθεῖραι δόλῳ. ποιησαμένην γάρ μιν οἴκημα 
περίµηκες ὑπόγαιον καινοῦν τῷ λόγῳ, νόῳ δὲ ἄλλα 
μηχανᾶσθαι" καλέσασαν δέ pay Αἰγυπτίων τοὺς 
μάλιστα μεταιτίους τοῦ φόνου ἴδε πολλοὺς 
ἱστιᾶν, δαινυμένοισι δὲ ἐπεῖναι. τὸν ποταμὸν δι᾽ 
αὐλῶνος κρυπτοῦ μεγάλου. ταύτης μὲν πέρι το- 
σαῦτα ἔλεγον, πλὴν ὅτι αὐτήν μιν, ὡς τοῦτο 
ἐξέργαστο, ῥ ῥίψαι ἐς οἴκημα σποδοῦ πλέον, ὅκως 
ἀτιμώρητος γένηται. 

101. Τῶν δὲ ἄλλων βασιλέων οὗ γὰρ ἔλεγον 
οὐδεμίαν ἔ Ύων ἀπόδεξιν καὶ οὐδὲν εἶναι λαμπρό- 
τητος, πλὴν ἑνὸς τοῦ ἐσχάτου αὐτῶν Μοίριος" 
τοῦτον. δὲ ἀποδέξασθαι μνημόσυνα τοῦ Ἡφαίστου 
τὰ πρὸς βορέην ἄνεμον τετραμμένα προπύλαια, 
λίμνην τε ὀρύξαι, τῆς ἡ περίοδος ὅσων ἐστὶ 
σταδίων ὕστερον δηλώσω, πυραμίδας τε ἐν αὐτῇ 
οἰκοδομῆσαι, τῶν τοῦ μεγάθεος πέρι ὁμοῦ αὐτῇ τη 
λύμνῃ ἐπιμνήσομαι: τοῦτον μὲν τοσαῦτα ἀπο- 
δέξασθαι, τῶν δὲ ἄλλων οὐδένα οὐδέν. 

102. Ἡαρᾶμειψάμενος ὦ ὧν τούτους τοῦ ἐπὶ τού- 
τοισι γενομένου βασιλέος, τῷ οὔνομα ἦν Σέσω- 
oT pts, τούτου μνήμην ποιήσομαι" τὸν ἔλεγον οἱ 
ἐρέες πρῶτον μὲν πλοίοισι μακροῖσι ὁρμηθέντα 
ἐκ τοῦ ᾿Αραβίου κόλπου τοὺς παρὰ τὴν Ἠρυθρὴν 
θάλασσαν κατοικημένους καταστρέφεσθαι, ἐς ὃ 
πλέοντά μιν πρόσω ἀπικέσθαι ἐς θάλασσαν οὐκέτι 
πλωτὴν ὑπὸ βραχέων. ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ ὡς ὀπίσω 
ἀπίκετο ἐς Αἴγυπτον, κατὰ τῶν ἱρέων τὴν φάτιν, 
πολλὴν στρατιὴν τῶν . -1 λαβὼν ἤλαυνε διὰ τῆς 
ἠπείρου, πᾶν ἔθνος τὸ ἐμποδὼν καταστρεφόμενος. 


! A word is omitted, perhaps ἦρχεν; τῶν ἦρχεν Ξ.οἳ his 
subjects. 


388 


BOOK ΙΙ. 100-102 


many of the Egyptians to death by guile. She built 
a Spacious underground chamber; then, with the 
pretence of handselling it, but with far other intent 
in her mind, she gave a great feast, inviting to it 
those Egyptians whom she knew to have been most 
concerned in her brother's murder; and while they 
feasted she let the nver in upon them by a great 
and secret channel This was all that the priests 
told of her, save that also when she had done this 
she cast herself into a. chamber full of hot ashes, 
thereby to escape vengeance. 

101. But of the other kings they related no 
achievement or deed of great note, save of Moeris, 
who was the last of them. This Moeris was remem- 
bered as having built the northern forecourt of the 
temple of Hephaestus, and dug a lake, of as many 
furlongs in circuit as I shall later show; and built 
there pyramids also, the size of which I will mention 


= when I speak of the lake. All this was Moeris’ 


work, they said ; of none of the rest had they any- 
thing to record. 

102. Passing over these, therefore, I will now 
speak of the king who came after them, Sesostris.! 
This king, said the priests, set out with a fleet of long 
ships? from the Arabian Gulf and subdued all the 
dwellers by the Red Sea, till as he sailed on he came 
to a sea which was too shallow for his vessels. After 
returning thence back to Egypt, he gathered a great 
army (according to the story of the priests) and 
marched over the mainland, subduing every nation to 


! Rameses IL, called by the Greeks Sesostris; said to 
have ruled in the fourteenth century B.C. 
3 Ships of war. 


389 


HERODOTUS 


ὁτέοισι μέν νυν αὐτῶν ἀλκίμοισι ἐνετύγχανε καὶ 
δεινῶς γλεχομένοισι περὶ τῆς ἐλευθερίης, τούτοισι 
μὲν στήλας ἐνίστη ἐς τὰς χώρας διὰ γραμμάτων 
λεγούσας τό τε ἑωυτοῦ οὔνομα καὶ τῆς πάτρης, 
καὶ ὡς δυνάμι τῇ ἑωυτοῦ κατεστρέψατο σφέας" 
ὅτεων δὲ ἀμαχητὶ καὶ εὐπετέως παρέλαβε τὰς 
πόλιας, τούτοισι δὲ ἐνέγραφε ἐν τῇσι στήλῃσι 
κατὰ ταὐτὰ καὶ τοῖσι ἀνδρηίοισι τῶν ἐθνέων ye- 
νομένοισι, καὶ δὴ καὶ αἰδοῖα γυναικὸς προσ- 
ενέγραφε, δῆλα βουλόμενος ποιέειν ὡς εἴησαν 
ἀνάλικιδες. 

103. Tatra δὲ ποιέων διεξήιε τὴν ἤπειρον, ἐς 
ὃ ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ασίης ἐς τὴν Εὐρώπην διαβὰς τούς τε 
Σκύθας κατεστρέψατο καὶ τοὺς Θρήικας. ἐς τού- 
τους δέ μοι δοκέει καὶ προσώτατα ἀπικέσθαι ὁ 
Αἰγύπτιος στρατός" ἐν μὲν γὰρ τῇ τούτων χώρῃ 
φαίνονται σταθεῖσαι αἱ στῆλαι, τὸ δὲ προσωτέρω 
τούτων οὐκέτι. ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ ἐπιστρέψας ὀπίσω 
ἤιε, καὶ ἐπείτε ἐγίνετο ἐπὶ báo. ποταμῷ, οὐκ 
ἔχω τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν ἀτρεκέως εἰπεῖν εἴτε αὐτὸς ὁ 
βασιλεὺς Σέσωστρις ἀποδασάμενος τῆς ἑωυτοῦ 
στρατιῆς μόριον ὅσον δὴ αὐτοῦ κατέλιπε τῆς 
χώρης οἰκήτορας, εἴτε τῶν τινες στρατιωτέων τῇ 
πλάνῃ αὐτοῦ ἀχθεσθέντες περὶ Φᾶσιν ποταμὸν 
κατέμειναν. 

104. Φαίνονται μὲν γὰρ ἐόντες οἱ Κόλχοι Ai- 
γύπτιοι, νοήσας δὲ πρότερον αὐτὸς ἢ ἀκούσας 
ἄλλων λέγω. ὡς δέ µοι ἐν φροντίδι ἐγένετο, 
. εἰρόμην ἀμφοτέρους, καὶ μᾶλλον οἱ Κόλχοι ἐμε- 
µνέατο τῶν Αἰγυπτίων ἢ οἱ Αἰγύπτιοι τῶν 
Κόλχων" νομίξειν δ᾽ ἔφασαν οἱ Αἰγύπτιοι τῆς 
Σεσώστριος στρατιῆς εἶναι τοὺς Κόλχους. αὐτὸς 


390 


. BOOK ΙΙ. 102-104 


which he came. When those that he met were 
valiant men and strove hard for freedom, he set up 
pillars in their land whereon the inscription showed 
his own name and his country's, and how he had 
overcome them with his own power; but when the 
cities had made no resistance and been easily taken, 
then he put an inscription on the pillars even as he 
had done where the nations were brave ; but he drew 
also on them the privy parts of a woman, wishing to 
show clearly that the people were cowardly. 

103. Thus doing he marched over the country till 
he had passed over from Asia to Europe and sub- 
dued the Scythians and Thracians. Thus far and 
no farther, I think, the Egyptian army went ; for 
the pillars can be seen standing in their country, but 
in none beyond it. Thence he turned about and went 
back homewards; and when he came to the Phasis 
river,it may be (for I cannot speak with exact know- | 
ledge) that King Sesostris divided off some part of his 
army and left it there to dwell in the country, or it 
may be that some of his soldiers grew weary of his 
wanderings, and stayed by the Phasis. 

104. For it is plain to see that the Colchians are 
Egyptians ; and this that I say I myself noted before 
I heard it from others. When I began to think on 
this matter, I inquired of both peoples; and the 
Colchians remembered the Egyptians better than 
the Egyptians remembered the  Colchians; the 
Egyptians said that they held the Colchians to be 
part of Sesostris army. I myself guessed it to be 

391 


HERODOTUS 


Δ v no Nov Xa LA b 
δὲ εἴκασα τῇδε, καὶ OTL μελάγχροες εἰσὶ καὶ 
οὐλότριχες. καὶ τοῦτο μὲν ἐς οὐδὲν ἀνήκει" εἰσὶ 

. Nw ^ , \ a . - 
γὰρ καὶ ἕτεροι τοιοῦτοι’ ἀλλὰ τοῖσιδε καὶ μᾶλλον, 
μά - » A / \ 2 
ὅτι μοῦνοι πάντων ἀνθρώπων Κόλχοι καὶ At- 
γύπτιοι καὶ Αἰθίοπες περιτάµνονται ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς 

. 4 ^ , N \ 4 e. ^ 
τὰ αἰδοῖα. Φοίνικες δὲ καὶ Σύροι οἱ ἐν τῇ Παλαι- 

ε ΄ , 

στίνῃ καὶ αὐτοὶ ὁμολογέουσι παρ Αἰγυπτίων 

ld , δὲ ε . 8 00 N 
μεμαθηκέναι, Σύριοι δὲ οἱ περὶ Θερμώδοντα καὶ 
Παρθένιον ποταμὸν καὶ Μάκρωνες οἱ τούτοισι 

f / 
ἀστυγείτονες ἐόντες ἀπὸ Κόλχων φασὶ νεωστὶ 
μεμαθηκέναι. οὗτοι γὰρ εἰσὶ οἱ περιταμνόμενοι 
ἀνθρώπων μοῦνοι, καὶ οὗτοι Αἰγυπτίοισι φαί- 
νονται ποιεῦντες κατὰ ταὐτά. αὐτῶν δὲ Αἰγυ- 
πτίων καὶ Αἰθιόπων οὐκ ἔχω εἰπεῖν ὀκότεροι παρὰ 
^ , ^ 
τῶν ἑτέρων ἐξέμαθον: ἀρχαῖον γὰρ δή τι φαίνεται 
, 

ἐόν. ὡς δὲ ἐπιμισγόμενοι Αἰγύπτῳ ἐξέμαθον, 
μέγα μοι καὶ τόδε τεκμήριον γίνεται: Φοινίκων 

΄ 8 ^ € lA 2 / , , , 
ὁκόσοι τῇ “Ἑλλάδι ἐπιμίσγονται, οὐκέτι Αἰγυ- 
πτίους μιμέονται κατὰ τὰ αἰδοῖα. ἀλλὰ τῶν ἐπι- 
γινομένων οὐ περιτάµνουσι τὰ αἰδοῖα. 

105. Φέρε νῦν καὶ ἄλλο εἴπω περὶ τῶν Κόλχων, 
ὡς Αἰγυπτίοισι προσφερέες εἰσί' λίνον μοῦνοι 

Φ / 4 
οὗτοί τε καὶ Αἰγύπτιοι ἐργάζονται καὶ κατὰ 

, £ e ? ^ N^ xe ^ , 
ταὐτά, καὶ ἡ bon πᾶσα καὶ ἡ γλῶσσα ἐμφερής 
ἐστι ἀλλήλοισι. λίνον δὲ τὸ μὲν Κολχικὸν ὑπὸ 
ε 

Ἑλλήνων Σαρδωνικὸν κέκληται, τὸ μέντοι ἀπ᾽ 
Αἰγύπτου ἀπικνεύμενον καλέεται Αἰγύπτιον. 

106. At δὲ στῆλαι τὰς ἵστα κατὰ τὰς χώρας 
ὁ Αἰγύπτου βασιλεὺς Σέσωστρις, αἱ μὲν πλεῦνες 


392 


A u—— = πο πε --- ο Ub - 


= T 


g. - οτι az aii πω TR adc)» Se παν. UU ων, ce 


BOOK II. 104-106 


so, partly because they are dark-skinned and woolly- 
haired; though that indeed goes for nothing, seeing 
that other peoples, too, are such; but my better 
proof was that the Colchians and Egyptians and 
Ethiopians are the only nations that have from the 
first practised circumcision. The Phoenicians and 
the Syrians of Palestine acknowledge of themselves 
that they learnt the custom from the Egyptians, and 
the Syrians of the valleys of the Thermodon and 
the Parthenius, as well as their neighbours the Ma- 
crones, say that they learnt it lately from the 
Colchians, These are the only nations that circum- 
cise, and it is seen that they do even as the 
Egyptians. But as to the Egyptians and Ethiopians 
themselves, I cannot say which nation learnt it from 
the other; for it is manifestly a very ancient custom. 
That the others learnt it from intercourse with 
Egypt I hold to be clearly proved by this—that 
Phoenicians who hold intercourse with Hellas cease 
to imitate the Egyptians in this matter and do not 
circumcise their children. 

105. Nay, and let me speak of another matter in 
which the Colchians are like to the Egyptians: they 
and the Egyptians alone work linen, and have the 
same way, a way peculiar to themselves, of working 
it; and they are alike in all their manner of life, 
and in their speech. Linen has two names: the 
Colchian kind is called by the Greeks Sardonian ; 1 
that which comes from Egypt is called Egyptian. 

106. As to the pillars which Sesostris, king of 
Egypt, set up in the countries, most of them are no 


1 There seems to be no reason for connecting Colchian 
linen with Sardinia (as Σαρδωνικόν would imply). The 
Colchian word may have had a similar sound. 


393 


~ 


£l . 


. 1. 
T t 
m : 
= 1. 


HERODOTUS 


οὐκέτι φαίνονται περιεοῦσαι, ἐν δὲ τῇ Παλαιστίνῃ 
Συρίῃ αὐτὸς ὥρων ἐούσας καὶ τὰ γράμματα τὰ 
εἰρημένα ἐνεόντα καὶ γυναικὸς αἰδοῖα. εἰσὶ δὲ κα 
περὶ Ἰωνίην δύο τύποι ἐν πέτρησι ἐγκεκολαμμένοι 
τούτου τοῦ ἀνδρός, τῇ τε ἐκ τῆς ᾿Εφεσίης ἐς 
Φώκαιαν ἔρχονται καὶ τῇ ἐκ Σαρδίων ἐς Σμύρνην. 
ἑκατέρωθι δὲ ἀνὴρ ἐγγέγλυπται μέγαθος πέμπτης 
σπιθαμῆς, τῇ μὲν δεξιῆ χειρὶ ἔχων αἰχμὴν τῇ δὲ 
ἀριστερῇ τόξα, καὶ τὴν ἄλλην σκευὴν ὡσαύτως" 
καὶ γὰρ Αἰγυπτίην καὶ Αἰθιοπίδα ἔχει ἐκ δὲ τοῦ 
ὤμου ἐς τὸν ἕτερον ὦμον διὰ τῶν στηθέων γράμ- 
ματα ἱρὰ Αἰγύπτια διήκει ἐγκεκολαμμένα, λέγοντα 
τάδε: “᾿Εγὼ τήνδε τὴν χώρην ὤμοισι τοῖσι ἐμοῖσε 
ἐκτησάμην.᾽ ὅστις δὲ καὶ ὁκόθεν ἐστί, ἐνθαῦτα μὲν 
οὐ δηλοῖ, ἑτέρωθι δὲ δεδήλωκε' τὰ δὴ καὶ μετεξέ- 
τεροι τῶν θεησαμένων Μέμνονος εἰκόνα εἰκάζουσί 
μιν εἶναι, πολλὸν τῆς ἀληθείης ἀπολελειμμένοι. 
107. Τοῦτον δὴ τὸν Αἰγύπτιον Σέσωστριν ava- 
χωρέοντα καὶ ἀνάγοντα πολλοὺς ἀνθρώπους τῶν 
ἐθνέων τῶν τὰς χώρας κατεστρέψατο, ἔλεγον οἱ 
ἱρέες, ἐπείτε ἐγίνετο ἀνακομιζόμενος ἐν Δάφνησι 
τῇσι Πηλουσίῃσι, τὸν ἀδελφεὸν ἑωυτοῦ, τῷ ἐπέ- 
τρεψε ὁ Σέσωστρις τὴν Αἴγυπτον, τοῦτον ἐπὶ 
ξείνια αὐτὸν καλέσαντα καὶ πρὸς αὐτῷ τοὺς 
παῖδας περινῆσαι ἔξωθεν τὴν οἰκίην ὕλῃ, περινή- 
σαντα δὲ ὑποπρῆσαι. τὸν δὲ ὡς μαθεῖν τοῦτο, 
αὐτίκα συμβουλεύεσθαι τῇ γυναικί: καὶ γὰρ δὴ 
καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα αὐτὸν ἅμα ἄγεσθαι: τὴν δέ οἱ 
συμβουλεῦσαι τῶν παίδων ἐόντων ἓξ τοὺς δύο 
ἐπὶ τὴν πυρὴν ἐκτείναντα γεφυρῶσαι τὸ καιό- 
μενον, αὐτοὺς δὲ ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνων ἐπιβαίνοντας ἐκσώ- 
ζεσθαι. ταῦτα ποιῆσαι τὸν Σέσωστριν, καὶ δύο 


394 


πως ο ον - 


— u—— —R— ο =- ὃς, —— 


 -——— σσ πο "ανω ο. — ee == 


- 


BOOK II. 106-107 


longer to be seen. But I myself saw them in the 
Palestine part of Syria, with the writing aforesaid and 
the women’s privy parts upon them. Also there are 
in Ionia two figures 1 of this man carven in rock, one 
on the road from Ephesus to Phocaea, and the other 
on that from Sardis to Smyrna. In both places there 
is a man of a height of four cubits and a half cut in 
relief, with a spear in his right hand and a bow in 
his left, and the rest of his equipment answering 
thereto ; for it is both Egyptian and Ethiopian ; and 
right across the breast from one shoulder to the 
other there is carven a writing in the Egyptian 
sacred character, saying: “I myself won this land 
with the might of my shoulders.” There is nothing 
here to show who he is and whence he comes, but 
it is shown elsewhere. Some of those who have seen 
these figures guess them to be Memnon, but they 
are far indeed from the truth. 

107. Now when this Egyptian Sesostris (so said 
the priests), being on his way homewards and bring- 
ing many men of the nations whose countries he 
had subdued, had come in his return to Daphnae of 
Pelusium, his brother, to whom he had given Egypt 
in charge, invited him and his sons to a banquet and 
then piled wood round the house and set it on fire. 
When Sesostris was aware of this, he took counsel 
at once with his wife, whom (it was said) he was 
bringing with him; and she counselled him to lay 
two of his six sons on the fire and to make a bridge 
over the burning whereby they might pass over the 
bodies of the two and escape. This Sesostris did ; 


1 Two such figures have been discovered in the pass of 
Karabel, near the old road from Ephesus to Smyrna. They 
are not, however, Egyptian in appearance. 


VOL. I. P 395 


HERODOTUS 


μὲν τῶν παίδων κατακαῆναι τρύπῳ τοιούτῳ, τοὺς 
δὲ λοιποὺς ἀποσωθῆναι ἅμα τῷ πατρί. 

108. Νοστήσας δὲ ὁ Σέσωστρις ἐ ἐς τὴν Αἴγυπτον 
καὶ τισάμενος τὸν ἀδελφεύν, τῷ μὲν ὁμίλῳ τὸν 
ἐπηγάγετο τῶν τὰς χώρας κατεστρέψατο, τούτῳ 
μὲν τάδε ἐχρήσατο" τούς τέ οἱ λίθους τοὺς ἐπὶ 
τούτου τοῦ βασιλέος κομισθέντας ἐς τοῦ Ἡφαί- 
στου τὸ ἱρόν, ἐόντας μεγάθεϊ περιμήκεας, οὗτοι 
ἦσαν οἱ ἑλκύσαντες, καὶ τὰς «διώρυχας τὰς νῦν 
ἐούσας ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ πάσας οὗτοι ἀναγκαξόμενοι 
ὤρυσσον, ἐποίευν TE OUK ἑκόντες Αἴγυπτον, τὸ 
πρὶν ἐοῦσαν ἱππασίμην καὶ ἁμαξευομένην πᾶσαν, 
ἐνδεᾶ τούτων. ἀπὸ yap τούτου τοῦ χρόνου Αἴ- 
γυπτος ἐοῦσα πεδιὰς πᾶσα ἄνιππος καὶ ἀναμά- 
ξευτος γέγονε" αἴτιαι δὲ τούτων αἱ διώρυχες 
γεγόνασι ἐοῦσαι πολλαὶ καὶ παντοίους τρόπους 
ἔχουσαι. κατέταμνε δὲ τοῦδε εἵνεκα τὴν χώρην 
ὁ βασιλεύς" ὅσοι τῶν Αἰγυπτίων μὴ ἐπὶ τῷ πο- 
ταμῷ ἔκτηντο τὰς πόλις ἀλλ᾽ ἀναμέσους, οὗτοι, 
ὅκως τε ἀπίοι ὃ ποταμός, σπανίξοντες ὑδάτων 
πλατυτέροισι ἐχρέωντο τοῖσι πόμασι, ἐκ φρεάτων 
χρεώμενοι. 

109. Τούτων μὲν δὴ εἵνεκα κατετμήθη ἡ Αἴ. 
γυπτος. κατανεῖμαι δὲ τὴν χώρην Αἰγυπτίοισι 
ἅπασι τοῦτον ἔλεγον τὸν βασιλέα, κλῆρον ἴσον 
ἑκάστῳ τετράγωνον διδόντα, καὶ ἀπὸ τούτου τὰς 
προσόδους ποιήσασθαι, ἐπιτάξαντα ἀποφορὴν 
ἐπιτελέειν κατ᾽ ἐνιαυτόν. εἰ δὲ τινὸς τοῦ κλήρου 
ὁ ποταμός τι παρέλοιτο, ἐλθὼν ἂν πρὸς αὐτὸν 
ἐσήμαινε τὸ γεγενημένον" ὃ δὲ ἔ ἔπεμπε τοὺς ἐπι- 
σκεψομένους καὶ ἀναμετρήσοντας ὅσῳ ἐλάσσων 
ὁ χῶρος γέγονε, ὅκως τοῦ λοιποῦ κατὰ λόγον 


396 


BOOK II. 107-109 


two of his sons were thus burnt, but the rest were 
saved alive with their father. 

108. Having returned to Egypt, and taken venge- 
ance on his brother, Sesostris found work, as I shall 
show, for the multitude which he brought with him 
from the countries which he had subdued. It was 
these who dragged the great and long blocks of 
stone which were brought in this king's reign to the 
temple of Hephaestus; and it was they who were 
compelled to dig all the canals which are now in 
Egypt, and thus, albeit with no such intent, made 
what was before a land of horses and carts to be 
now without either. For from this time Egypt, 
albeit a level land, could use no horses or carts, by 
reason of the canals being so many and going every 
way. The reason why the king thus intersected the 
country was this: those Egyptians whose towns were 
not on the Nile but inland from it lacked water 
whenever the flood left their land, and drank only 
brackish water from wells. 

109. For this cause Egypt was intersected. This 
king moreover (so they said) divided the country 
among all the Egyptians by giving each an equal 
square parcel of land, and made this his source of 
revenue, appointing the payment of a yearly tax. 
And any man who was robbed by the river of a part 
of his land would come to Sesostris and declare 
what had befallen him ; then the king would send 
men to look into it and measure the space by which 
the land was diminished, so that thereafter it should 

397 


HERODOTUS 


τῆς τεταγμένης ἀποφορῆς τελέοι. δοκέει δέ μοι 
ἐνθεῦτεν γεωμετρίη εὑρεθεῖσα ἐς τὴν Ἑλλάδα 
ἐπανελθεῖν' πόλον μὲν γὰρ καὶ γνώμονα καὶ τὰ 
δυώδεκα μέρεα τῆς ἡμέρης παρὰ Βαβυλωνίων 
ἔμαθον οἱ " “Ἕλληνες, 

110. Βασιλεὺς μὲν δὴ οὗτος μοῦνος Αἰγύπτιος 
Αἰθιοπίης ἦρξε, μνημόσυνα δὲ ἐλίπετο πρὸ τοῦ 
Ἡφαιστείου ἀνδριάντας λιθίνους, δύο μὲν τριή- 
κοντα πηχέων, ἑωυτόν τε καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα, τοὺς 
δὲ παῖδας ἐ ἐόντας τέσσερας εἴκοσι πηχέων ἕκαστον' 
τῶν δὴ ὁ ἱρεὺς τοῦ Ἡφαίστου χρόνῳ μετέπειτα 
πολλῷ Δαρεῖον τὸν. Πέρσην ου περιεῖδε ἱστάντα 
ἔμπροσθε ἀνδριάντα, pas ov οἱ πεποιῆσθαι ἔργα 
οἷά περ Σεσώστρι TH Ἀὐγυπτίῳ' Σέσωστριν μὲν 
γὰρ ἄλλα τε καταστρέψασθαι ἔθνεα οὐκ ἐλάσσω 
ἐκείνου καὶ δὴ καὶ Σκύθας, Δαρεῖον δὲ ov δυνα- 
σθῆναι Σκύθας ἑλεῖν" οὔκων δίκαιον εἶναι ἱστάναι 
ἔμπροσθε τῶν ἐκείνου ἀναθημάτων μὴ οὐκ -ὑπερ- 
βαλλόμενον. τοῖσι ἔργοισι. Δαρεῖον μέν νυν 
λέγουσι πρὸς ταῦτα συγγνώμην ποιήσασθαι. 

111. Σεσώστριος δὲ τελευτήσαντος ἐκδέξασθαι 
ἔλεγον τὴν βασιληίην τὸν παῖδα αὐτοῦ Φερών, 
τὸν ἀποδέξασθαι μὲν οὐδεμίαν στρατηύην, συνενεἰ- 
χθῆναι δέ οἱ τυφλὸν γενέσθαι διὰ τοιόνδε πρῆγμα. 
τοῦ ποταμοῦ κατελθόντος μέγιστα δὴ τότε ἐπ 
ὀκτωκαίδεκα πήχεας, ὡς ὑπερέβαλε τὰς ἀρούρας, 
πνεύματος ἐμπεσόντος κυματίης ὁ ποταμὸς ἐγέ- 
νετο' τὸν δὲ βασιλέα λέγουσι τοῦτον ἀτασθαλίῃ 
χρησάμενον, λαβόντα αἰχμὴν βαλεῖν ἐς μέσα» 
τὰς Sivas τοῦ ποταμοῦ, μετὰ δὲ αὐτίκα καμόντα 
αὐτὸν τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς τυφλωθῆναι. δέκα μὲν δὴ 


398 


BOOK ΙΙ. 109-111 


pay in proportion to the tax originally imposed. 
From this, to my thinking, the Greeks learnt the art 
of measuring land; the sunclock and the sundial, 
and the twelve divisions of the day, came to Hellas 
not from Egypt but from Babylonia. 

110. Sesostris was the only Egyptian king who 
also ruled Ethiopia. To commemorate his name, 
he set before the temple of Hephaestus two stone 
statues of himself and his wife, each thirty cubits 
high, and statues of his four sons, each of twenty 
cubits. Long afterwards Darius the Persian would 
have set up his statue before these; but the priest 
of Hephaestus forbade him, saying that he had 
achieved nothing equal to the deeds of Sesostris the 
Egyptian ; for Sesostris (he said) had subdued the 
Scythians, besides as many other nations as Darius 
had conquered, and Darius had not been able to over- 
come the Scythians ; therefore it was not just that 
Darius should set his statue before the statues of 
Sesostris, whose achievements he had not equalled. 
Darius, it is said, let the priest have his way. 

111. When Sesostris died, he was succeeded in 
the kingship (so said the priests) by his son Pheros.1 
This king made no wars; and it happened that he 
became blind, for the following reason: the Nile 
came down in a flood such as never was before, 
rising to a height of eighteen cubits, and the water 
which overflowed the fields was roughened by a 
strong wind; then, it is said, the king was so in- 
fatuated that he took a spear and hurled it into the 
midst of the river eddies. Straightway after this 
he suffered from a disease of the eyes, and became 
Llind. When he had been blind for ten years, an 


! Manetho's list shows no such name. It is probably not 
& name but a title, Pharaoh. 399 


HERODOTUS 


ἔτεα εἶναί μιν τυφλν, ἑνδεκάτῳ δὲ ἔτεϊ ἀπικέσθαι 
οἱ μαντήιον ἐκ Βουτοῦς πόλιος ὡς ἐξήκει τέ οἱ 
€ ^ 

ὁ χρόνος τῆς ζημίης καὶ ἀναβλέψει γυναικὸς οὔρῳ 
νιψάµενος τοὺς ὀφθαλμούς, ἥτις παρὰ τὸν ἑωυτῆς 
ἄνδρα μοῦνον πεφοίτηκε, ἄλλων ἀνδρῶν ἐοῦσα 
ἄπειρος. καὶ τὸν πρώτης τῆς ἑωυτοῦ γυναικὸς 
πειρᾶσθαι, μετὰ δέ, ὡς οὐκ ἀνέβλεπε, ἐπεξῆς 
πασέων πειρᾶσθαι: ἀναβλέψαντα δὲ συναγαγεῖν 
τὰς γυναῖκας τῶν ἐπειρήθη, πλὴν ἢ τῆς τῷ οὔρῳ 

, * 7 3 , / ^ ^ 

νιψάμενος ἀνέβλεψε, ἐς μίαν πολιν, ἣ νῦν κα- 

, 3 X A > / , 
λέεται ᾿Ερυθρὴ βῶλος": ἐς ταύτην συναλίσαντα 
ὑποπρῆσαι πάσας σὺν αὐτῇ τῇ πόλι: τῆς Ce 

/ ^ » 3 fF / Ν » 
νιψ-άμενος τῷ οὔρῳ ἀνέβλεψε, ταύτην δὲ ἔσχε 
αὐτὸς γυναῖκα. ἀναθήματα δὲ ἀποφυγὼν τὴν 

2 ^ 3 ^ » > AN νι Έντα / 
πάθην τῶν ὀφθαλμῶν ἄλλα τε ἀνὰ τὰ ἱρὰ πάντα 
τὰ λόγιμα ἀνέθηκε καὶ τοῦ γε λόγον μάλιστα 
y \ xy 3 a € / N.N , , 
ἄξιον ἐστὶ ἔχειν, ἐς τοῦ Ηλίου τὸ ἱρὸν ἀξιοθέητα 
ἀνέθηκε ἔργα, ὀβελοὺς δύο λιθίνους, ἐξ ἑνὸς ἐόντα 
ἑκάτερον λίθου, μῆκος μὲν ἑκάτερον πηχέων 
ἑκατόν, εὖρος δὲ ὀκτὼ πηχέων. 

119. Τούτου δὲ ἐκδέξασθαι τὴν βασιληίην ἔλε- 
yov ἄνδρα Μεμφίτην, τῷ κατὰ τὴν Ιλλήνων 
γλῶσσαν οὔνομα Πρωτέα civar τοῦ νῦν τέμενος 
ἐστὶ ἐν Μέμφι κάρτα καλὸν τε καὶ εὖ ἐσκευασ- 

^ € 
μένον, τοῦ ᾿Ἡφαιστείου πρὸς νότον ἄνεμον xrel- 
μενον. περιοικέουσι δὲ τὸ τέμενος τοῦτο Φοίνικες 
Τύριοι, καλέεται δὲ ὁ χῶρος οὗτος ὁ συνάπας 
, ^ .. A 
Τυρίων στρατόπεδον. ἔστι δὲ ἐν τῷ τεμένεϊ τοῦ 

" e 4 

Πρωτέος ἱρὸν τὸ καλέεται ξείνης ᾿Αφροδίτης: 
A € A 
συμβάλλομαι δὲ τοῦτο τὸ ἱρὸν εἶναι Ἰλλένης τῆς 
Τυνδάρεω, καὶ τὸν λόγον ἀκηκοὼς ὡς διαιτήθη 
Ἑλέ à Πρωτέι, καὶ δὴ καὶ ὅ γης Α 

ένη παρὰ Ἱ]ρωτέι, καὶ δὴ καὶ ὅτι ξείνης Agpo- 

4οο 


BOOK ΙΙ. 111-1123 


oracle from the city of Buto declared to him that 
the time of his punishment was drawing to an end, 
and that he should regain his sight by washing his 
eyes with the issue of a woman who had never had 
intercourse with any man but her own husband. 
Pheros made trial with his own wife first, and as 
he still remained blind, with all women, one after 
another. When he at last recovered sight, he took 
all the women of whom he bad made trial, save only 
her who had made him to see again, and gathered 
them into one town, that which is now called * Red 
Clay "; where having collected them together he 
burnt them and the town ; but the woman by whose 
means he had recovered sight he took to wife. 
Among the many offerings which he dedicated in al} 
the noteworthy temples for his deliverance from 
blindness, most worthy of mention are the two mar- 
vellous stone obelisks which he set up in the temple 
of the Sun. Each of these is made of a single 
block, and is an hundred cubits high and eight cubits 
thick. 

112. Pheros was succeeded (they said) by a man 
of Memphis, whose name in the Greek language 
was Proteus. This Proteus has a fair and well- 
adorned temple precinct at Memphis, lying to the 
south of the temple of Hephaestus. Round the pre- 
cinct dwell Phoenicians of Tyre, and the whole place 
is called the Camp of the Tyrians. There is in the 
precinct of Proteus a temple entitled the temple of 


the Stranger Aphrodite; this I guess to be a temple , 
of Helen, daughter of Tyndareus, partly because 


I have heard the story of Helen's abiding with 
Proteus, and partly because it bears the name of 


401 


K 


HERODOTUS 


δίτης ἐπώνυμον ἐστί: ὅσα γὰρ ἄλλα ᾿Αφροδίτης 
ἱρά ἐστι, οὐδαμῶς ξείνης ἐπικαλέεται. 

119. Ἔλεγον δέ μοι οἱ ἱρέες t ἱστορέοντι τὰ περὶ 
Ἑλένην γενέσθαι ὧδε. ᾿Αλέξανδρον ἁρπάσαντα 
Ἑλένην ἐκ Σπάρτης ἀποπλέειν ἐς τὴν ἑωυτοῦ" 
καί μιν, ὡς ἐγένετο ἐν τῷ Λἰγαίῳ, ἐξῶσται ἄνεμοι 
ἐκβάλλουσι ἐς τὸ Αἰγύπτιον πέλαγος, ἐνθεῦτεν 
δέ, οὐ γὰρ ἀνιεῖ τὰ πνεύματα, ἀπικνέεται ἐς Αἴ- 
γυπτον καὶ Αἰγύπτου ἐς τὸ νῦν Κανωβικὸν 
καλεύμενον στόμα τοῦ Νείλου καὶ ἐς Ταριχείας. 


Ly δὲ > N ^ > 7 M \ ^ 9 *H , 
Ἵν 6€ ἐπὶ τῆς ἠιόνος TO καὶ νῦν ἐστι Ἡρακλέος 


ἱρόν, ἐς τὸ ἦν καταφυγὼν οἰκέτης ὅτευ ὧν ἀνθρώ- 
πων ἐπιβάληται στίγματα ἱρά, ἑωυτὸν διδοὺς τῷ 
θεᾷ, οὐκ ἔξεστι τούτου ἄψασθαι. ὁ νόμος οὗτος 
διατελέει ἐὼν ὅμοιος μέχρι ἐμεῦ τῷ ἀπ᾽ ἀρχῆς. 
τοῦ ὦν δὴ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου ἀπιστέαται θεράποντες 
πυθόμενοι τὸν ' περὶ τὸ ἱρὸν ἔχοντα νόμον, ἱκέται 
δὲ ἱζόμενοι τοῦ θεοῦ κατηγόρεον τοῦ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου, 
βουλόμενοι βλάπτειν αὐτόν, πάντα λόγον ἐξηγεύ- 
μενοι ὡς εἶχε περὶ τὴν Ἑλένην τε καὶ τὴν ἐς 
Μενέλεων ἀδικίην" κατηγόρεον δὲ ταῦτα πρός τε 
τοὺς ἱρέας καὶ τὸν τοῦ στόματος τούτου φύλακον, 
τῷ οὔνομα ἦν Θῶνις. 

114. ᾿Ακούσας δὲ τούτων ὁ Θῶνις πέμπει τὴν 
ταχίστην ἐς Μέμφιν παρὰ Πρωτέα ἀγγελίην 
λέγουσαν τάδε. " "Hei ξεῖνος γένος μὲν Τευκρός, 
ἔργον δὲ ἀνόσιον ἐν τῇ Ελλάδι ἐξεργασμένος: 
ξείνου γὰρ τοῦ ἑωυτοῦ ἐξαπατήσας τὴν γυναῖκα 
αὐτήν τε ταύτην ἄγων ἥκει καὶ πολλὰ κάρτα 
χρήματα, ὑπὸ ἀνέμων ἐς γῆν ταύτην ἀπενειχθείς. 


^ 


κότερα δῆτα τοῦτον ἐῶμεν ἀσινέα ἐκπλέειν ἢ 


402 


ΒΟΟΚ II. 112-I14 


the Stranger Aphrodite ; for no other of ας 
temples is called by that name. 

113. When I enquired of the priests, they told 
me that this was the story of Helen:—After carry- 
ing off Helen from Sparta, Alexandrus sailed away 
for his own country; violent winds caught him in 
the Aegean, and drove him into the Egyptian sea; 
whence (the wind not abating) he came to Egypt, 
to the mouth of the Nile called the Canopic mouth, 
and to the Salting-places. Now there was on the coast 
(and still is) a temple of Heracles; where if a servant 
of any man take refuge and be branded with certain 
sacred marks in token that he delivers himself to 
the god, such an one may not be toucbed. This law 
continues to-day the same as it has ever been from 
the first. Hearing of the temple law, certain of 
Alexandrus' servants separated themselves from him, 
threw themselves on the mercy of the god, and 
brought an accusation against Alexandrus with 
intent to harm him, telling all the story of Helen 
and the wrong done to Menelaus. They laid this 
accusation before the priests and the warden of the 
Nile mouth, whose name was Thonis. 

114. When Thonis heard it, he sent this message 
with all speed to Proteus at Memphis: * There has 
come hither a Teucrian stranger who has done great 
wrong in Hellas. He has deceived his host and 
robbed him of his wife, and brought her hither 
driven to your country by tbe wind, with very great 
store of wealth besides. Shall we suffer him to sail 
away unharmed, or take away from him that which 


493 


HERODOTUS 


ἀπελώμεθα τὰ ἔχων ἦλθε; ἀντιπέμπει πρὸς 
ταῦτα ὁ Πρωτεὺς λέγοντα τάδε. “"Ανδρα τοῦτον, 
ὅστις κοτὲ ἐστὶ ἀνόσια ἐργασμένος ξεῖνον τὸν 
ἑωυτοῦ, συλλαβόντες ἀπάγετε παρ᾽ ἐμέ, ἵνα εἰδέω 
ὅ τε κοτὲ καὶ λέξει." 

115. ᾿Ακούσας δὲ ταῦτα ὁ Θῶνις συλλαμβάνει 
τὸν ᾿Αλέξανδρον καὶ τὰς νέας αὐτοῦ κατίσχει, μετὰ 
δὲ αὐτόν τε τοῦτον ἀνήγαγε ἐς Μέμφιν καὶ τὴν 
Ῥλένην τε καὶ τὰ χρήματα, πρὸς δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἱκέτας. 
ἀνακομισθέντων δὲ πάντων, εἰρώτα τὸν ᾿Αλέξαν- 
ὅρον ὁ ὁ Πρωτεὺς τίς εἴη καὶ ὁκόθεν THEOL, ὃ δέ οἱ 
καὶ τὸ γένος κατέλεξε καὶ τῆς πάτρης εἶπε τὸ 
οὔνομα, καὶ δὴ καὶ τὸν πλόον ἀπηγήσατο ὁκόθεν 
πλέοι. μετὰ δὲ ὁ Πρωτεὺς εἰρώτα αὐτὸν ὁκόθεν 
τὴν Ἑλένην λάβοι" πλανωμένου δὲ τοῦ ᾿Αλε- 
ξάνδρου ἐ ἐν τῷ λόγῳ καὶ οὗ λέγοντος τὴν ἀληθείην, 
ἤλεγχον οἱ γενόμενοι ἱκέται, ἐξηγεύμενοι πάντα 
λόγον τοῦ ἀδικήματος. τέλος δὲ δη σφι λόγον 
τόνδε ἐκφαίνει ὁ Πρωτεύς, λέγων ὅτι “᾿Εγὼ εἰ μὴ 
περὶ πολλοῦ ἡγεύμην μηδένα ξείνων κτείνειν, ὅσοι 
ὑπ᾽ ἀνέμων ἤδη ἀπολαμφθέντες ἦλθον ἐς χώρην 
τὴν ἐμήν, ἐγὼ ἄν σε ὑπὲρ τοῦ Ἕλληνος ἐ ἐτισάμην, 
ὅς, à κάκιστε «ἀνδρῶν, ξεινίων τυχὼν. ἔργον. ἀνο- 
σιώτατον ἐργάσαο' παρὰ τοῦ σεωυτοῦ ξείνου τὴν 
γυναῖκα ἦλθες. καὶ μάλα ταῦτά ToL οὐκ ἤρκεσε, 
ἀλλ) ἀναπτερώσας αὐτὴν οἴχεαι ἔχων ἐκκλέψας. 
καὶ οὐδὲ ταῦτά τοι μοῦνα ἤρκεσε, ἀλλὰ καὶ οἰκία 
τοῦ ξείνου κεραΐσας ἥκεις, νῦν ὧν ἐπειδὴ περὶ 
πολλοῦ ἥγημαι μὴ ξεινοκτονέειν, γυναῖκα . μὲν 
ταύτην καὶ τὰ ρήματα. οὔ τοι προήσω ἀπά- 
γεσθαι, ἀλλ αὖτ ἐγὼ τῷ Ελληνι ξείνῳ φυλάξω, 
ἐς ὃ ἂν αὐτὸς ἐλθὼν ἐκεῖνος ἀπαγαγέσθαι 


494 


BOOK II. 114-115 


he has brought?" Proteus sent back this message : 
* Whoever be this man who has done a wrong to 
his own host, seize him and bring him to me, that I 
may know what he will say." 

115. Hearing this, Thonis seized Alexandrus and 
held his ships there, and presently brought him with 
Helen and all the wealth, and the suppliants there- 
with, to Memphis. All having come thither, Proteus 
asked Alexandrus who he was and whence he sailed ; 
Alexandrus told him of his lineage and the name 
of his country, and of his voyage, whence he sailed. 
Then Proteus asked him whence he had taken 
Helen; Alexandrus made no straightforward or 
truthful answer; but the men who had taken refuge 
with the temple disproved his tale, and related the 
whole story of the wrongful act. When all was 
said, Proteus thus gave sentence :—“ Were I not 
careful to slay no stranger who has ever been caught 
by the wind and driven to my coasts, I would have 
avenged that Greek upon you; seeing that, O 
basest of men! you have done foul wrong to him 
who hospitably entreated you, and have entered in 
to the wife of your own host. Nay, and this did not 
suffice you; you made her to fly with you and stole 
her away. Nor was even this enough, but you have 
come hither with the plunder of your host's house. 
Now, therefore, since I am careful to slay no stranger, 
I will not suffer you to take away this woman and 
these possessions; I will keep them for the Greek 
stranger, till such time as he shall himself come to 

405 


HERODOTUS 


ἐθέλῃ: αὐτὸν δέ σε καὶ τοὺς σοὺς συμπλόους 
τριῶν ἡμερέων προαγορεύω ἐκ τῆς ἐμῆς γῆς ἐς 
» ` [4 3 N , [74 ld 
ἄλλην τινὰ μετορμίξεσθαι, εἰ δὲ pij, ἅτε πολεμίους 
περιέψ-εσθαι.᾽ 

116. Ἑλένης μὲν ταύτην ἄπιξιν παρὰ Πρωτέα 

, [f 

ἔλεγον οἱ ἱρέες γενέσθαι" δοκέει δέ μοι καὶ Ὅμηρος 
τὸν λόγον τοῦτον πυθέσθαι" ἀλλ᾽ οὐ γὰρ ὁμοίως 
ἐς τὴν ἐποποιίην εὐπρεπὴς ἦν τῷ ἑτέρῳ τῷ περ 
ἐχρήσατο, ἑκὼν μετῆκε αὐτόν, δηλώσας ὡς καὶ 
τοῦτον ἐπίσταιτο τὸν λόγον: δῆλον δὲ κατὰ [yàp]! 
2 / 5 , / M , ^ y , / 
ἐποίησε ἐν ᾿Ιλιάδι (καὶ οὐδαμῇ ἄλλη ἀνεπόδισε 
e / / M , / ε , , 
ἑωυτόν) πλάνην τὴν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου, ws ἀπηνείχθη 
» € , ^ A N , \ e 
ἄγων Ἑλένην τῇ τε δὴ ἄλλῃ πλαζόμενος καὶ ὡς 
ἐς Σιδῶνα τῆς Φοινίκης ἀπίκετο. ἐπιμέμνηται δὲ 
αὐτοῦ ἐν Διομήδεος ἀριστηίη' λέγει δὲ τὰ ἔπεα 
T7 
ὧδε. 


LÁ , x e 2 , y ^ 
Ενθ' ἔσαν οἱ πέπλοι παμποίκιλοι, ἔργα γυναικῶν 
Σ ΄ . 9 M 3 , , 
ιδονίων, τὰς αὐτὸς ᾿Αλέξανδρος θεοειδής 
xv / 2 M NT. , 
ἤγαγε Σιδονίηθεν, ἐπιπλὼς εὐρέα πόντον, 
` CaN ἔῃ ’ , ’ ? / 
τὴν ὁδὸν ἣν ᾿Ελένην περ ἀνήγαγεν εὐπατέρειαν. 


9 [4 . . 9 3 , , ^ ^ 
ἐπιμέμνηται δὲ καὶ ἐν Οδυσσείη ἐν τοῖσιδε τοῖσι 
ἔπεσι. ! 


Tota Διὸς θυγάτηρ ἔχε φάρμακα µητιύεντα, 

2 4 / M r , ^ ΄ 

ἐσθλά, τά οἱ Πολύδαμνα πόρεν Θῶνος παρά- 
κοιτις 

Αἰγυπτίη, τῇ πλεῖστα φέρει ζείδωρος ἄρουρα 

φάρμακα, πολλὰ μὲν ἐσθλὰ μεμιγμένα, πολλὰ 
δὲ λυγρά. 

1 κατά = καθά, ‘according as." γάρ is out of place here. 


406 


BOOK IL. 115-116 


take them away ; but as for you and the companions 
of your voyage, I warn you to depart from my 
country elsewhither within three days, else I will 
deal with you as with enemies.' 

116. This, by what the priests told me, was the 
manner of Helen's coming to Proteus. And, to my 
thinking, Homer too knew this story ; but seeing that 
it suited not so well with epic poetry as the tale of 
which he made use, he rejected it of set purpose, 
showing withal that he knew it. This is plain, from 
the passage in the Iliad (and nowhere else does he 
return to the story) where he relates the wanderings 
of Alexandrus, and shows how he with Helen was 
carried out of his course, among other places, to 
Sidon in Phoenice. This is in the story of the Feats 
of Diomedes, where the verses run as follows: 


There were the robes in his house, inwrought with 
manifold colours, 

Work of the women of Sidon, whom godlike Paris 
aforetime 

Brought from their eastern town, o'er wide seas 
voyaging thither, 

E'en when he won from her home fair Helen, the 
daughter of princes.} 


He makes mention of it in the Odyssey also: 


Suchlike drugs of grace, for a healing cunningly 
mingled, 

Once in the land of Nile had the wife of Thon, 
Polydamna, 

Giv'n to the daughter of Zeus; for there of the 
country's abundance, 

Potent to heal or to harm, are herbs full many 
engendered : 3 


1 Tl. vi. 289-92, 2 Od. iv. 227-30. 
: 407 


HERODOTUS 


καὶ τάδε ἕτερα πρὸς Τηλέμαχον Μενέλεως λέγει. 


Αἰγύπτῳ μ᾿ ἔτι δεῦρο θεοὶ μεμαῶτα νέεσθαι 
ἔσχον, ἐπεὶ οὔ σφιν ἔρεξα τεληέσσας ἑκατόμβας. 


ἐν τούτοισι τοῖσι ἔπεσι δηλοῖ ὅτι ἠπίστατο τὴν ἐς 
Αἴγυπτον ᾿Αλεξάνδρου πλάνην' ὁμουρέει γὰρ ἡ 
Lupin Αἰγύπτῳ, οἱ δὲ Φοίνικες, τῶν ἐστὶ ἡ Σιδών, 
ἐν τῇ Συρίῃ οἰκέουσι. 

117. Κατὰ ταῦτα δὲ τὰ ἔπεα καὶ τόδε τὸ 

ωρίον οὐκ ἥκιστα ἀλλὰ μάλιστα δηλοῖ ὅτι οὐκ 
Ομήρου τὰ Κύπρια ἔπεα ἐστὶ ἀλλ᾽ ἄλλου τινός. 
ἐν μὲν γὰρ τοῖσι Κυπρίοισι εἴρηται ὡς τριταῖος 
ἐκ Σπάρτης ᾿Αλέξανδρος ἀπίκετο ἐς τὸ Ἴλιον 

ε 

ἄγων Ἑλένην, evade τε πνεύματι χρησάμενος καὶ 
θαλάσσῃ λείῃ' ἐν δὲ Ἰλιάδι λέγει ὡς ἐπλάξετο 
ἄγων αὐτήν. 

118. Ὅμηρος μέν νυν καὶ τὰ Κύπρια ἔπεα 
χαιρέτω. εἰρομένου δέ uev τοὺς ἱρέας εἰ μάταιον 
λόγον λέγουσι οἱ "Ἕλληνες τὰ περὶ Ἴλιον γενέ- 
σθαι ἢ οὔ, ἔφασαν πρὸς ταῦτα τάδε, ἱστορίησι 

^ 7 A 
φάμενοι εἰδέναι παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ Μενέλεω. ἐλθεῖν μὲν 
ij ε [4 ε 4 3 . r / 
γὰρ μετὰ τὴν “Ελένης ἁρπαγὴν és τὴν Τευκρίδα 
^ € Ld ~ M ^ / 
γῆν Ἑλλήνων στρατιὴν πολλὴν βοηθεῦσαν Μενέ- 
λεῳ, ἐκβᾶσαν δὲ ἐς γῆν καὶ ἱδρυθεῖσαν τὴν 
στρατιὴν πέμπειν ἐς τὸ Ἴλιον ἀγγέλους, σὺν δέ 
27 > νι \ , , , 
σφι ἰέναι καὶ αὐτὸν Μενέλεων' τοὺς δ᾽ ἐπείτε 
A A € 
ἐσελθεῖν ἐς τὸ τεῖχος, ἀπαιτέειν Ἑλένην τε καὶ 
hS /, lA e y / , / 
τὰ χρήματα τά οἱ οἴχετο κλέψας͵ Αλέξανδρος, 
τῶν τε ἀδικημάτων δίκας αἰτέειν: τοὺς δὲ Tev- 
1 Stein brackets ἐπιμέμνηται . . . ἑκατόμβας, because (as he 


says) the quotations from the Odyssey have nothing to do 
with the story of Alexandrus. 


408 


BOOK IL. 116-118 
and again Menelaus says to Telemachus: 


Eager was I to return, but the gods fast held me in 
Egypt 

Wroth that I honoured them not nor offered a sacri- 
fice duly.1 


In these verses the poet shows that he knew of 
Alexandrus' wanderings to Egypt ; for Syria borders 
on Egypt, and the Phoenicians, to whom Sidon 
belongs, dwell in Syria. 

117. These verses and this passage prove most 
clearly that the Cyprian poems are by the hand not 
of Homer but of another. For the Cyprian poems 
relate that Alexandrus reached llion with Helen 
in three days from Sparta, having a fair wind and a 
smooth sea; but according to the Iliad he wandered 
from his course in bringing her. 

118. Enough, then, of Homer and the Cyprian 
poems. But when I asked the priests whether the 
Greek account of the Trojan business were vain or 
true, they gave me the following answer, saying that 
they had inquired and knew what Menelaus himself 
had said :—After the rape of Helen, a great host of 
Greeks came to the Teucrian land on Menelaus' 
behalf. Having there disembarked and encamped, 
they sent to Ilion messengers, of whom Menelaus 
himself was one. These, on coming within the city 
walls, demanded restitution of Helen and the possess- 
ions which Alexandrus had stolen from Menelaus and 
carried off, and reparation besides for the wrong 
done; but the Teucrians then and ever afterwards 


1 Od. iv. 351, 9. 
409 


HERODOTUS 


κροὺς τὸν αὐτὸν λόγον λέγειν τότε καὶ μετέπειτα, 
καὶ ομνύντας καὶ ἀνωμοτί, μι] pev ἔχειν ᾿Ελένην 
μηδὲ τὰ ἐπικαλεύμενα χρήματα, ἀλλ᾽ εἶναι αὐτὰ 
πάντα ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ, καὶ οὐκ ἂν δικαίως αὐτοὶ 
δίκας ὑπέχειν τῶν Πρωτεὺς ὁ Αἰγύπτιος βασιλεὺς 
ἔχει. οἱ δὲ “Ἕλληνες καταγελᾶσθαι δοκέοντες 
ὑπ αὐτῶν οὕτω δὴ ἐπολιόρκεον, ἐς ὃ ἐξεῖλον: 
ἑλοῦσι δὲ τὸ τεῖχος ὡς οὐκ ἐφαίνετο ἡ Ελένη], 
ἀλλὰ τὸν αὐτὸν λόγον τῷ προτέρῳ ἐπυνθάνοντο, 
οὕτω δὴ πιστεύσαντες τῷ λόγῳ τῷ πρώτῳ οἱ 
"Ελληνες αὐτὸν Μενέλεων ἀποστέλλουσι παρὰ 
Πρωτέα. 

119. ᾿Απικόμενος δὲ 0 Μενέλεως ἐς τὴν Αἴγυπτον 
καὶ ἀναπλώσας ἐς τὴν Μέμφιν, εἴπας τὴν arn- 
θείην τῶν πρηγμάτων, καὶ ξεινίων ἤντησε μεγάλων 
καὶ Ἑλένην ἀπαθέα κακῶν ἀπέλαβε, πρὸς δὲ καὶ 
τὰ ἑωυτοῦ χρήματα πάντα. τυχὼν μέντοι τούτων 
ἐγένετο Μενέλεως ἀνὴρ ἄδικος ἐς Αἰγυπτίους. 
ἀποπλέειν γὰρ ὁρμημένον αὐτὸν ἴσχον ἁπλοῖαι' 
ἐπειδὴ δὲ τοῦτο ἐπὶ πολλὸν τοιοῦτον ἦν, ἐπι- 
τεχνᾶται πρῆγμα οὐκ. ὅσιον" λαβὼν γὰρ. δύο 
παιδία ἀνδρῶν ἐπιχωρίων ἔντομα σφέα ἐποίησε. 
μετὰ δὲ ὡς ἐπάιστος ἐγένετο τοῦτο ἐργασμένος, 
μισηθείς τε καὶ διωκόμενος οἴχετο φεύγων τῆσι 
νηυσὶ ἐπὶ Λιβύης: τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ ὅκου ἔτι 
ἐτράπετο οὐκ εἶχον εἰπεῖν Αἰγύπτιοι. τούτων 
δὲ τὰ μὲν ἱστορίῃσι ἔφασαν ἐπίστασθαι, τὰ δὲ 
map ἑωυτοῖσι γενόμενα ἀτρεκέως ἐπιστάμενοι 
λέγειν. 

190. Ταῦτα μὲν Αἰγυπτίων οἱ ἱρέες ἔλεγον' ἐγὼ 
δὲ τῷ λόγῳ τῷ περὶ Ἑλένης λεχθέντι καὶ αὐτὸς 
προστίθεµαι, τάδε ἐπιλεγόμενος, εἰ ἦν Ελένη ἐν 


41ο 


BOOK II. 118-120 


declared, with oaths and without, that neither Helen 
nor the goods claimed were with them, she and they 
being in Egypt ; nor could they (so they said) justly 
make reparation for what was in the hands of tlie 
Egyptian king Proteus. But the Greeks thought 
that the Trojans mocked them, and therewith 
besieged tlie city, till they took it; and it was not 
till they took the fortress and found no Helen there, 
and heard the same declaration as before, that they 
gave credence to the Trojans’ first word and so sent 
Menelaus himself to Proteus. 

119. Menelaus then came to Egypt and went up 
the river to Memphis; there, telling the whole truth 
of what had happened, he was very hospitably 
entertained and received back Helen unharmed and 
all his possessions withal. Yet, albeit so well 
entreated, Menelaus did the Egyptians a wrong. 
For when he would have sailed away he was stayed 
by stress of weather; and this hindrance continuing 
for long, he devised and did a forbidden deed, taking 
two children of the land and sacrificing them. When 
it was known that he had so done, the people hated 
and pursued him, and he fled away with his ships to 
Libya; and whither he thence betook himself the 
Egyptians could not say. The priests told me that 
they had learnt some of this tale by inquiry, but that 
they spoke with exact knowledge of what had 
happened in their own country. 

120. So much was told me by the Egyptian priests. 
For myself, I believe their story about Helen: for I 
reason thus—that had Helen been in Ilion, then 


411 


HERODOTUS 


Ἰλίῳ, ἀποδοθῆναι ἂν αὐτὴν τοῖσι "Ελλησι ήτοι 
ἑκόντος γε ἢ ἀέκοντος ᾿Αλεξάνδρου. οὐ γὰρ δὴ 
οὕτω γε φρενοβλαβὴς ἢ ἦν ὁ Πρίαμος οὐδὲ οἱ ἄλλοι οἱ 
προσήκοντες αὐτῷ, ὥστε τοῖσι σφετέροισι σώμασι 
καὶ τοῖσι τέκνοισε καὶ τῇ πόλι κινδυνεύειν ἐβού- 
λοντο, ὅκως ᾿Αλέξανδρος Ἑλένῃ συνοικέῃ. el δέ 
τοι καὶ è ἐν τοῖσι πρώτοισι χρόνοισι ταῦτα ἐγίνω- 
σκον, ἐπεὶ πολλοὶ μὲν τῶν ἄλλων Τρώων, OKOTE 
συμμίσήοιεν τοῖσι Ἕλλησι, ἀπώλλυντο, αὐτοῦ δὲ 
Πριάμου οὐκ ἔστι ὅτε οὐ δύο ἡ ἢ τρεῖς ἢ καὶ ἔτι πλέους 
τῶν παίδων μάχης γινομένης ἀπέθνησκον, εἰ χρή 
TL τοῖσι ἐποποιοῖσι χρεώµενον. λέγειν, τούτων δὲ 
τοιούτων συμβαινόντων ἐγὼ μὲν ἔλπομαι, εἰ καὶ 
αὐτὸς Πρίαμος συνοίκεε '"EXévg, ἀποδοῦναι ἂν 
αὐτὴν τοῖσι ᾿Αχαιοῖσι, μέλλοντά γε δὴ τῶν πα- 
ρεόντων. κακῶν ἀπαλλαγήσεσθαι. οὐ μὲν οὐδὲ 7) 
Baciin és ᾿Αλέξανδρον περιήιε, ὥστε γέροντος 
Πριάμου ἐόντος ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνῳ τὰ πρήγματα εἶναι, 
ἀλλὰ "Ertop καὶ πρεσβύτερος καὶ ἀνὴρ ἐκείνου 
μᾶλλον ἐὼν ἔμελλε αὐτὴν Πριάμου ἀποθανόντος 
παραλάμψεσθαι, τὸν οὗ προσῆκε ἀδικέοντι τῷ 
ἀδελφεῷ ἐπιτράπειν, καὶ ταῦτα μεγάλων κακῶν 
δι᾽ αὐτὸν συμβαινόντων ἰδίῃ τε αὐτῷ καὶ τοῖσι 
ἄλλοισι πᾶσι Τρωσί. ἀλλ. οὐ γὰρ εἶχον Ἑλένην 
ἀποδοῦναι, οὐδὲ λέγουσι αὐτοῖσι τὴν ἀληθείην 
ἐπίστευον οἱ "Έλληνες, ὡς μὲν ἐγὼ γνώμην ἀπο- 
φαίνομαι, τοῦ δαιμονίου παρασκευάξοντος, ὅκως 
πανωλεθρίῃ ἀπολόμενοι καταφανὲς τοῦτο τοῖσι 
ἀνθρώποισι ποιήσωσι, ὡς τῶν μεγάλων ἀδικη- 
μάτων μεγάλαι εἰσὶ καὶ αἱ τιμωρίαι παρὰ τῶν 
θεῶν. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν τῇ ἐμοὶ δοκέει εἴρηται. 
121. Τρωτέος δὲ ἐκδέξασθαι τὴν βασιληίην 


412 


oer a a et ere ar lb ac T— ΠΗ. ΓΒΕ 


BOOK II. 120-121 


with or without the will of Alexandrus she would have 
been given back to the Greeks. For surely neither 
was Priam so mad, nor those nearest to him, as to 
consent to risk their own persons and their children 
and their city, that Alexandrus might have Helen to 
wife. Even be it granted that they were so minded 
in the first days, yet when not only many of the 
Trojans were slain in fighting against the Greeks, 
but Priam himself lost by death two or three or even 
more of his sons in every battle (if the poets are to 
be trusted), in this turn of affairs, had Helen been 
Priam’s own wife, I cannot but think (for myself) 
that he would have restored her to the Greeks, if by 
so doing he could eseape from the present evil plight. 
Nay, nor was Alexandrus next heir to the kingship, 
whereby he might have been the real ruler, Priam 
being old; it was Hector, an older and a more 
valiant man than Alexandrus, who was like to receive 
the royal power at Priam’s death ; and it was none of 
Hector's business to consent to his brother's wrong- 
doing, least of all when that brother was the cause of 
great calamity to Hector himself and the whole of 
Troy beside. But matters fell out as they did 
because the Trojans had not Helen there to give 
back, yet though they spoke the truth the Greeks 
would not believe them ; for, as I am convinced and 
declare, the powers above ordained that the utter 
destruction of Troy should prove in the sight of all 
men that the gods do greatly punish great wrong- 
doing. This is my own belief and thus I declare it. 
121. The next to reign after Proteus (they said) 


413 


HERODOTUS 


‘P ; y ^ , / \ 
αμψίνιτον ἔλεγον, ὃς μνημόσυνα ἐλίπετο TA 
προπύλαια τὰ πρὸς ἑσπέρην τετραμμένα τοῦ 
Ἡφαιστείου, ἀντίους δὲ τῶν προπυλαίων ἔστησε 
ἀνδριάντας δύο, ἐόντας τὸ μέγαθος πέντε καὶ 
εἴκοσι πηχέων, τῶν Αἰγύπτιοι τὸν μὲν πρὸς βορέω 
ἑστεῶτα καλέουσι θέρος, τὸν δὲ πρὸς νότον χει- 
μῶνα' καὶ τὸν μὲν καλέουσι θέρος, τοῦτον μὲν 
προσκυνέουσί τε καὶ εὖ ποιέουσι, τὸν δὲ χει- 
μῶνα καλεόμενον τὰ ἔμπαλιν τούτων ἔρδουσι. 
πλοῦτον δὲ τούτῳ τῷ βασιλέι γενέσθαι ἀργύρου 
μέγαν, τὸν οὐδένα τῶν ὕστερον ἐπιτραφέντων 
/ L4 8 e / ? 09 > . 
Βασιλέων δύνασθαι ὑπερβαλέσθαι οὐδ᾽ ἐγγὺς 
ἐλθεῖν. βουλόμενον δὲ αὐτὸν ἐν ἀσφαλείῃ τὰ 
χρήματα θησαυρίξειν οἰκοδομέεσθαι οἴκημα λί- 
θινον, τοῦ τῶν τοίχων ἕνα ἐς τὸ ἔξω μέρος τῆς 
οἰκίης ἔχειν. τὸν δὲ ἐργαζόμενον ἐπιβουλεύοντα 
τάδε μηχανᾶσθαι" τῶν λίθων παρασκευάσασθαι 
ἕνα ἐξαιρετὸν εἶναι ἐκ τοῦ τοίχου ῥηιδίως καὶ ὑπὸ 
δύο ἀνδρῶν καὶ ὑπὸ ἑνός. ὡς δὲ ἐπετελέσθη τὸ 
οἴκημα, τὸν μὲν βασιλέα θησαυρίσαι τὰ χρήματα 
ἐν αὐτῷ" χρόνου δὲ περιιόντος τὸν οἰκοδόμον περὶ 
τελευτὴν τοῦ βίου ἐόντα ἀνακαλέσασθαι τοὺς 
παῖδας (εἶναι γὰρ αὐτῷ δύο), τούτοισι δὲ ἀπηγή- 
σασθαι ὡς ἐκείνων προορῶν, ὅκως βίον ἄφθονον 
ἔχωσι, τεχνάσαιτο οἰκοδομέων τὸν θησαυρὸν τοῦ 
βασιλέος: σαφέως δὲ αὐτοῖσι πάντα ἐξηγησά- 
μενον τὰ περὶ τὴν ἐξαίρεσιν τοῦ λίθου δοῦναι τὰ 
μέτρα αὐτοῦ, λέγοντα ὡς ταῦτα διαφυλάσσοντες 
ταμίαι τῶν βασιλέος χρημάτων ἔσονται. καὶ τὸν 
μὲν τελευτῆσαι τὸν βίον, τοὺς δὲ παῖδας οὐκ ἐς 
μακρὴν ἔργου ἔχεσθαι, ἐπελθόντας δὲ ἐπὶ τὰ 
βασιλήια νυκτὸς καὶ τὸν λίθον ἐπὶ τῷ οἰκοδο- 


414 


Εκ o - T - wh X πω τα 


πα ο ῃ ὃ- ES a ο τας CH ES 


STS —— Ss —=— 


ee ο σι ΕΓ 


BOOK Il. ται 


was Rhampsinitus. The memorial of his name left 
by him was the western forecourt of the temple of 
Hephaestus ; before this he set two statues of twenty- 
five cubits’ height; the northernmost of these is 
called by the Egyptians Summer, and the southern- 
most Winter; that one which they call Summer 
they worship and entreat well, but do contrariwise 
to the statue called Winter. This king (they told 
me) had great wealth of silver, so great that none 
of the later-born kings could surpass or nearly 
match it. That he might store his treasure safely, 
he made to be built a stone chamber, one of its 
walls abutting on the outer side of his palace. 
But the builder of it craftily contrived that one 
stone should be so placed as to be easily removed by 
two men or even by one. So when the chamber 
was finished, the king stored his treasure in it. 
But as time went on, the builder, being now near 
his end, called to him his two sons and told them 
how he had provided an ample livelihood for them 
by the art with which he had built the king’s 
treasure-house ; he made them clearly to under- 
stand concerning the removal of the stone, and 
gave the measurements which would find it; saying 
that if they kept these in mind they would be 
stewards of the king's riches. So when he was dead, 
his sons set to work with no long delay: coming 
to the palace by night, they easily found and 


415 


HERODOTUS 


μήματι ἀνευρόντας ῥηιδίως μεταχειρίσασθαι καὶ 
τῶν χρημάτων πολλὰ ἐξενείκασθαι. ὡς δὲ τυχεῖν 
τὸν βασιλέα ἀνοίξαντα τὸ οἴκημα, θωμάσαι ἰδόντα 
τῶν χρημάτων καταδεᾶ τὰ ἀγγήια, οὐκ ἔχειν δὲ 
ὅντινα ἐπαιτιᾶται, τῶν τε σημάντρων ἐόντων σόων 
καὶ τοῦ οἰκήματος κεκληιμένου. ὡς δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ 
δὶς καὶ τρὶς ἀνοίξαντι αἰεὶ ἐλάσσω φαίνεσθαι τὰ 
χρήματα (τοὺς γὰρ κλέπτας οὐκ ἀνιέναι κεραΐ- 
ζοντας), ποιῆσαί μιν τάδε" πάγας προστάξαι 
ἐργάσασθαι καὶ ταύτας περὶ τὰ ἀγγήια ἐν τοῖσι 
τὰ χρήματα ἐνῆν στῆσαι. τῶν δὲ φωρῶν ὥσπερ 
ἐν τῷ πρὸ τοῦ Χρόνῳ. ἐλθόντων καὶ ἐσδύντος τοῦ 
ἑτέρου αὐτῶν, ἐπεὶ πρὸς τὸ ἄγγος προσῆλθε, ἰθέως 
τῇ πάγῃ ἐνέχεσθαι. ὡς δὲ γνῶναι αὐτὸν ἐν οἵῳ 
κακῷ ἦν, ἰθέως καλέειν τὸν ἀδελφεὸν καὶ δηλοῦν 
αὐτῷ τὰ παρεόντα, καὶ κελεύειν τὴν ταχίστην 
ἐσδύντα ἀποταμεῖν αὐτοῦ τὴν κεφαλήν, ὅκως μὴ 
αὐτὸς ὀφθεὶς καὶ γνωρισθεὶς ὃ ὃς εἴη προσαπολέσῃ 
κἀκεῖνον. τῷ δὲ δόξαι εὖ λέγειν, καὶ ποιῆσαί μιν 
πεισθέντα ταῦτα, καὶ καταρμόσαντα τὸν λίθον 
ἀπιέναι ἐπ᾽ olov, φέροντα τὴν κεφαλὴν τοῦ 
ἀδελφεοῦ. ὡς δὲ ἡμέρη ἐγένετο, ἐσελθόντα τὸν 
βασιλέα ἐς τὸ οἴκημα. ἐκπεπλῆχθαι -ὁρῶντα τὸ 
σῶμα τοῦ φωρὸς ἐν τῇ πάγῃ ἄνευ τῆς κεφαλῆς 
ἐόν, τὸ δὲ οἴκημα, ἀσινὲς καὶ οὔτε ἔσοδον οὔτε 
ἔκδυσιν οὐδεμίαν € ἔχον. ἀπορεύμενον δέ μι τάδε 
ποιῆσαι' τοῦ φωρὸς τὸν νέκυν κατὰ τοῦ τείχεος 
κατακρεµάσαι, φυλάκους δὲ αὐτοῦ καταστήσαντα 
ἐντείλασθαί σφι, τὸν ἂν ἴδωνται, ἀποκλαύσαντα ἢ 
κατοικτισάμενον, συλλαβόντας ἄ ἄγειν πρὸς ἑωυτόν. 

᾿Ανακρεμαμένου δὲ τοῦ νέκυος τὴν μητέρα 
δεινῶς φέρειν, λόγους δὲ πρὸς τὸν περιεόντα παῖδα 


416 


w-— = — = Sar = — 


— “Ἔν. E. -— = ÅT ob- 


M ο. EE Pea aw (ae γω Ld C νι ον νι —— — o 


BOOK ΙΙ. ται 


handled the stone in the building, and took away 
much of the treasure. When the king opened the 
building, he was amazed to see the vessels lacking 
their full tale of treasure; yet he knew not whom 
to accuse, seeing that the seals were unbroken and 
the chamber fast shut. But when at the second 
and third opening of the chamber he saw the 
treasure grown ever less (for the thieves ceased not 
from plundering), he bid traps to be made and set 
about the vessels in which his riches lay. The 
thieves came as they had done before, and one of 
them crept in; when he came near the vessel, at 
once he was caught and held in the trap. Seeing 
his evil plight, he straightway called to his brother, 
and, showing him how matters stood, “Creep in 
quickly," said he, “and cut off my head, lest I be 
seen and recognised and so bring you too to ruin." 
The brother consented and did this, thinking the 
counsel good. Then he set the stone in place 
again, and went away home, carrying his brother's 
head. When it was morning the king came to the 
chamber, and was amazed to see the thief's head- 
less body in the trap, yet the chamber unbroken, 
with no way of passing in or out; and he knew 
not what to do. But presently he hung the thief's 
dead body on the outer wall, and set guards over 
it, charging them to seize and bring before him 
whomsoever they should see weeping or making 
lamentation. 

But the thief’s mother, when the body had 
been so hung, was greatly moved : she talked with 


417 


ἊΝ 


HERODOTUS 


ποιευμένην προστάσσειν αὐτῷ ὅτεῳ τρόπῳ δύναται 
μηχανᾶσθαι à ὅκως τὸ σῶμα τοῦ ἀδελφεοῦ κατα- 
λύσας co paci et δὲ τούτων ἀμελήσει, διαπειλέειν 
αὐτὴν ὡς ἐλθοῦσα πρὸς τὸν βασιλέα μηνύσει 
αὐτὸν ἔχοντα τὰ χρήματα. ὡς δὲ χαλεπῶς 
ἐλαμβάνετο ἡ μήτηρ τοῦ περιεόντος παιδὸς καὶ 
πολλὰ πρὸς αὐτὴν λέγων οὐκ ἔπειθε, ἐπιτεχνή- 
σασθαι τοιάδε μιν' ὄνους κατασκευασάµενον καὶ 
ἀσκοὺς πλήσαντα οἴνου ἐπιθεῖναι ἐπὶ τῶν ὄνων 
καὶ ἔπειτα ἐλαύνειν αὐτούς" ὡς δὲ κατὰ τοὺς 
φυλάσσοντας ἦν τὸν κρεμάμενον νέκυν, ἐπισπά- 
σαντα τῶν ἀσκῶν δύο 7 τρεῖς ποδεῶνας αὐτὸν 
λύειν ἀπαμμένους' ὡς δὲ ἔρρεε ὁ οἶνος, τὴν κε- 
parry μιν κόπτεσθαι μεγάλα βοῶντα ὡς οὐκ 
ἔχοντα πρὸς ὁκοῖον τῶν ὄνων πρῶτον τράπηται. 
τοὺς δὲ φυλάκους ὡς ἰδεῖν πολλὸν -ῥέοντα τὸν 
οἶνον, .συντρέχειν ἐς τὴν ὁδὸν ἀγγήια ἔχοντας, 
καὶ τὸν ἐκκεχυμένον οἶνον συγκομίξειν ἐν κέρδεὶ 
ποιευμένους" τὸν δὲ διαλοιδορέεσθαι πᾶσι ὀργὴν 
προσποιεύμενον, παραμυθευμένων δὲ αὐτὸν τῶν 
φυλάκων χρόνῳ πρηὔνεσθαι προσποιέεσθαι καὶ 
ὑπίεσθαι τῆς ὀργῆς, τέλος δὲ ἐξελάσαι αὐτὸν τοὺς 
ὄνους . ἐκ τῆς ὁδοῦ καὶ κατασκευάξειν. ὡς δὲ 
Ἀόγους τε πλέους ἐγγίνεσθαι καί τινα καὶ σκῶψαι 
μιν καὶ ἐς ᾿γέλωτα προαγαγέσόαι, ἐπιδοῦναι αὐτοῖσι 
τῶν ἀσκῶν ἕνα" τοὺς δὲ αὐτοῦ ὥσπερ εἶχον κατα- 
κλιθέντας πίνειν διανοέεσθαι, καὶ ἐκεῖνον παρα- 
λαμβάνειν καὶ κελεύειν μετ᾽ ἑωυτῶν μείναντα 
συμπίνειν" τὸν δὲ πεισθῆναί τε δὴ καὶ καταμεῖναι. 
ὡς δέ μιν παρὰ τὴν TTV Φιλοφρόνως ἠσπάζοντο, 
ἐπιδοῦναι αὐτοῖσι καὶ ἄλλον τῶν ἀσκῶν' δαψιλέι 
δὲ τῷ ποτῷ χρησαμένους τοὺς φυλάκους ὑπερμε- 


418 


= μ.ο ο τπτ πο ορ ο: = -e = 


ΕΝ - — TW μας o» 


κο. ο. Gite ο ντ ο a πμ πω... ον Cees mL T 


BOOK II. ται 


her surviving son, and bade him contrive by what- 
ever means to loose and bring her his brother's 
body, threatening that if he would not obey her 
she would go to the king and lay an information 
that he had the treasure. So when she bitterly 
reproached him and for all he said he could not 
overpersuade her, the brother devised a plot: he 
got his asses and loaded them with skins full of 
wine and then drove them before him till he came 
near those who guarded the hanging body ; then he 
pulled at the feet of two or three of the skins and 
loosed their fastenings; and the wine so running out, 
he cried aloud and beat his head like one that knew 
not which of his asses he should deal with first. 
The guards, seeing the wine running freely, all 
took vessels and ran into the highway, where they 
caught the spilt wine, and thought themselves 
lucky; the man pretended to be angry and reviled 
each and all of them; but the guards speaking 
peaceably to him, he presently made as if he 
were comforted and appeased, till at last he drove 
his asses aside from the highway and put his gear in. 
order. So the guards and he fell into talk, and 
one of them jesting with him, so that there was 
laughter, he gave them one of the skins: where- 
upon without more ado they sat down and began 
to drink, making him one of their company and 
bidding him stay and drink with them; and he 
consented and stayed. They drank to him merrily, 
and he gave them yet another of the skins, till the 
guards grew very drunk with the abundance of 


419 


JE 


HERODOTUS 


Φυσθῆναι καὶ κρατηθέντας ὑπὸ τοῦ ὕπνου αὐτοῦ 
ἔνθα περ ἔπινον κατακοιµηθῆναι. τὸν δέ, ὡς 
πρόσω ἦν τῆς νυκτός, τό τε σῶμα τοῦ ἀδελφεοῦ 
καταλῦσαι καὶ τῶν φυλάκων ἐπὶ λύμῃ πάντων 
ξυρῆσαι τὰς δεξιὰς παρηίδας, ἐπιθέντα δὲ τὸν 
νέκυν ἐπὶ τοὺς ὄνους ἀπελαύνειν ἐπ᾽ οἴκου, ἐπιτε- 
λέσαντα τῇ μητρὶ τὰ προσταχθέντα. 

Τὸν δὲ βασιλέα, ὡς αὐτῷ ἀπηγγέλθη τοῦ φωρὸς 
ὁ νέκυς ἐκκεκλεμμένος, δεινὰ ποιέειν' πάντως δὲ 
βουλόμενον εὑρεθῆναι ὅστις κοτὲ εἴη ὁ ταῦτα 
μηχανώμενος, ποιῆσαί μιν τάδε, ἐμοὶ μὲν οὐ 
πιστά. τὴν θυγατέρα τὴν ἑωυτοῦ κατίσαι ἐπ᾽ 
οἰκήματος, ἐντειλάμενον πάντας τε ὁμοίως προσ- 
δέκεσθαι, καὶ πρὶν συγγενέσθαι, ἀναγκάξειν 
λέγειν αὐτῇ ὅ τι δὴ ἐν τῷ βίῳ ἔργασται αὐτῷ 
σοφώτατον καὶ ἀνοσιώτατον' ὃς Ò ἂν ἀπηγή- 
σηται τὰ περὶ τὸν φῶρα γεγενημένα, τοῦτον 
συλλαμβάνειν καὶ μὴ ἀπιέναι ἔξω. ὡς δὲ τὴν 
παῖδα ποιέειν τὰ ἐκ τοῦ πατρὸς προσταχθέντα, τὸν 
φῶρα πυθόμενον τῶν εἵνεκα ταῦτα ἐπρήσσετο, 
βουληθέντα πολυτροπίῃ τοῦ βασιλέος περιγενέ- 
σθαι ποιέειν τάδε' νεκροῦ προσφάτου ἀποταμόντα 
ἐν τῷ ὤμῳ τὴν χεῖρα ἰέναι αὐτὸν ἔχοντα αὐτὴν 
ὑπὸ τῷ ἱματίῳ. ἐσελθόντα δὲ ὡς τοῦ βασιλέος 
τὴν θυγατέρα καὶ εἰρωτώμενον τά περ καὶ οἱ 
ἄλλοι, ἀπηγήσασθαι ὡς ἀνοσιώτατον μὲν εἴη 
ἐργασμένος ὅτι τοῦ ἀδελφεοῦ ἐν τῷ θησαυρῷ τοῦ 
βασιλέος ὑπὸ πάγης ἁλόντος ἀποτάμοι τὴν κε- 
φαλήν, σοφώτατον δὲ ὅτι τοὺς φυλάκους κατα- 
μεθύσας καταλύσειε τοῦ ἀδελφεοῦ κρεμάμενον τὸν 
νέκυν. τὴν δὲ ὡς ἤκουσε ἅπτεσθαι αὐτοῦ. τὸν 
δὲ φῶρα ἐν τῷ σκότεϊ προτεῖναι αὐτῇ τοῦ νεκροῦ 
420 


τα πα 


“νυν ο, 


πο τν ———-—o- ἂν BE O μα του» T 


ο - ο CU ἕο Å| A—- 


hu - AMA 


—— 


BOOK II. rer 


liquor, and at last being overmastered by sleep lay 
down in the place where they had been drinking. 
When the night was far spent, the thief cut down 
his brother’s body and then (first shaving all the 
guard’s right cheeks by way of insult) laid it on his 
asses and drove them home, having so fulfilled his 
mother’s commands for her. 

When the king was told of the stealing away of 
the dead thief’s body he was very angry, and re- 
solved by all means to find who it was that had 
plotted the deed. So he bade his daughter (such 
is the story, but I myself do not believe it) to sit in 
a certain room and receive alike all who came; 
before she had intercourse with any, she should 
compel him to tell her what was the cleverest trick 
and the greatest crime of his life; then if any told 
her the story of the thief she must seize him and 
not suffer him to pass out. The girl did as her 
father bade her. The thief, learning the purpose 
of the king’s act, was minded to get the better of 
him by ready cunning. He therefore cut off the 
arm of a man newly dead at the shoulder, and went 
to the king’s daughter, carrying it under his cloak, 
and when asked the same question as the rest, he 
told her that his greatest crime was the cutting off 
of his brother’s head when the brother was caught 
in a trap in the king’s treasury, and his cleverest 
trick the release of his brother's hanging body by - 
making the guards drunk. Hearing this, the prin- 
cess would have laid hands on him, but the thief in 

421 


Ib 


HERODOTUS 


τὴν χεῖρα" τὴν δὲ ἐπιλαβομένην ἔ ἔχειν, νομίζουσαν 
αὐτοῦ ἐκείνου τῆς χειρὸς ἀντέχεσθαι" τὸν δὲ φῶρα 
προέμενον αὐτῇ οἴχεσθαι διὰ θυρέων φεύγοντα. 

Ὡς δὲ καὶ ταῦτα ἐς τὸν βασιλέα ἀνηνείχθη, 
ἐκπεπλῆχθαι μὲν ἐπὶ τῇ πολυφροσύνῃ τε καὶ 
τόλμῃ τοῦ ἀνθρώπου, τέλος δὲ διαπέμποντα ἐς 
πάσας τὰς πόλις ἐπαγγέλλεσθαι ἀδείην. τε δι- 
δόντα καὶ μεγάλα ὑποδεκόμενον ἐλθόντι ἐς ὄψιν 
τὴν ἑωυτοῦ. τὸν δὲ φῶρα πιστεύσαντα ἐλθεῖν 
πρὸς αὐτόν, 'Ῥαμψίνιτον δὲ μεγάλως θωμάσαι, καί 
οἱ τὴν θυγατέρα ταύτην συνοικίσαι ὡς πλεῖστα 
ἐπισταμένῳ ἀνθρώπων. Αἰγυπτίους μὲν γὰρ τῶν 
ἄλλων προκεκρίσθαι, ἐ ἐκεῖνον δὲ Αἰγυπτίων. 

122. Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ἔλεγον τοῦτον τὸν βασιλέα 
ζωὸν καταβῆναι κάτω ἐς τὸν οἱ "Ελληνες "Αιδην 
νομίζουσι εἶναι, καὶ κεῖθι συγκυβεύειν τῇ Δήμητρι, 
καὶ τὰ μὲν νικᾶν αὐτὴν τὰ δὲ ἑσσοῦσθαι ὑπ 
αὐτῆς, καί μιν πάλιν ἀπικέσθαι δῶρον. ἔχοντα 
παρ᾽ αὐτῆς χειρόµακτρον χρύσεον. ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς 
“Ῥαμψινίτου καταββάσιος, ὦ ὡς πάλιν ἀπίκετο, ὁρτὴν 
δὴ ἆ ἀνάγει» Αἰγυπτίους ἔφασαν: τὴν καὶ ἐγὼ οἶδα 
ἔτι καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ ἐπιτελέοντας αὐτούς, οὐ μέντοι εἴ 
γε διὰ ταῦτα ὁρτάξουσι ἔχω λέγειν. φᾶρος δὲ 
αὐτημερὸν ἐξυ ήναντες οἱ ἱρέες κατ᾽ wv ἔδησαν 
ἑνὸς ἑωυτῶν μίτρῃ τοὺς ὀφθαλμούς, ἀγαγόντες δέ 
μιν ἔχοντα τὸ φᾶρος ἐς ὁδὸν φέρουσαν ἐς ἱρὸν 
Δήμητρος αὐτοὶ ἀπαλλάσσονται ὀπίσω: τὸν δὲ 
ἑρέα τοῦτον καταδεδεµένον τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς λέγουσι 
ὑπὸ δύο λύκων ἄγεσθαι ἐς τὸ ἱρὸν τῆς Δήμητρος 
ἀπέχον τῆς πόλιος εἴκοσι σταδίους, καὶ αὖτις 
ὀπίσω ἐκ τοῦ ἱροῦ ἀπάγειν μιν τοὺς λύκους ἐς 
τὠυτὸ χωρίον. 


422 


BOOK II. 121-122 


the darkness giving her the dead man's arm, she 
seized that, thinking that she was grasping the arm 
of the thief, who, having given it to her, made his 
escape by way of the door. 

When this also came to the king’s ears, he was 
astonished at the man's ingenuity and daring, and in 
the end, he sent a proclamation to every town, 
promising the thief impunity and a great reward if 
he would come into the king's presence. The thief 
trusted the king and came before him; Rhamp- 
sinitus admired him greatly and gave him his 
daughter to wife for his surpassing cleverness, for 
as the Egyptians (said he) excelled all others in 
craft, so did he excel the Egyptians. 

122. After this (said the priests) this king went 
down alive to the place which the Greeks call 
Hades; there he played dice with Demeter, and 
after both winning and losing he returned back with 
a gift from her of a golden napkin. From this 
descent of Rhampsinitus the Egyptians were said 
by the priests to have kept a festival after his 
return, which to my own knowledge they celebrate 
to this day, but whether it be for that cause I cannot 
say. Onthe day of this festival the priests weave 
a cloth and bind it for a headgear on the eyes of 
one among themselves, whom they then lead, 
wearing the cloth, into a road that goes to the 
temple of Demeter; they themselves return back, 
but this priest with his eyes bandaged is guided 
(say they) by two wolves! to Demeter's temple, a 
distance of twenty furlongs from the city, and led 
back again from the temple by the wolves to the 
same place. 


! Jackals appear on Egyptian monuments, symbolising 
Anubis, the guide of the dead. 
423 


HERODOTUS 


128. Τοῖσι μέν νυν ὑπ᾽ Αἰγυπτίων λεγομένοισι 
χράσθω ὅτεῳ τὰ τοιαῦτα πιθανά ἐστι' ἐμοὶ δὲ 
παρὰ πάντα τὸν λόγον ὑπόκειται ὅτι τὰ λεγόμενα 
ὑπ᾽ ἑκάστων ἀκοῇ γράφω. ἀρχηγετέειν δὲ τῶν 
κάτω Αἰγύπτιοι λέγουσι Δήμητρα καὶ Διόνυσον. 
πρῶτοι δὲ καὶ τόνδε τὸν λόγον Αἰγύπτιοι εἰσὶ οἱ 
εἰπόντες, ὡς ἀνθρώπου ψυχὴ ἀθάνατος ἐστί, τοῦ 
σώματος δὲ καταφθίνοντος ἐς ἄλλο ζῷον aiel 
γινόμενον ἐσδύεται, ἐπεὰν δὲ πάντα περιέλθῃ τὰ 
χερσαῖα, καὶ τὰ θαλάσσια καὶ τὰ πετεινά, αὖτις 
ἐς ἀνθρώπου σῶμα γινόμενον ἐσδύνει τὴν περιή- 
λυσιν δὲ αὐτῇ γίνεσθαι ἐν τρισχιλίοισι ἔτεσι. 
τούτῳ τῷ λόγῳ εἰσὶ οἳ Ἑλλήνων ἐχρήσαντο, οἳ 
μὲν πρότερον oi δὲ ὕστερον, ὡς ἰδίῳ ἑωυτῶν ἐόντι" 
τῶν ἐγὼ εἰδὼς τὰ οὐνόματα οὐ γράφω. 

194. Μέχρι μέν vvv Ῥαμψινίτου βασιλέος εἶναι 
ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ πᾶσαν εὐνομίην ἔλεγον καὶ εὐθηνέειν 
Αἴγυπτον µεγάλως, μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον βασιλεύσαντα 
σφέων Χέοπα ἐς πᾶσαν κακότητα ἐλάσαι. κατα- 
κληίσαντα γάρ μιν πάντα τὰ ἱρὰ πρῶτα μὲν 
σφέας θυσιέων τουτέων ἀπέρξαι, μετὰ δὲ ἐργά- 
ζεσθαι ἑωυτῷ κελεύειν πάντας Αἰγυπτίους. τοῖσι 
μὲν δὴ ἀποδεδέχθαι ἐκ τῶν λιθοτομιέων τῶν ἐν 
τῷ ᾿Αραβίῳ ὄρεϊ, ἐκ τουτέων ἕλκειν λίθους μέχρι 
τοῦ Νείλου: διαπεραιωθέντας δὲ τὸν ποταμὸν 
πλοίοισι τοὺς λίθους ἑτέροισι ἐπέταξε ἐκδέκεσθαι 
καὶ πρὸς τὸ Λιβυκὸν καλεύμενον ὄρος, πρὸς 
τοῦτο ἕλκειν. ἐργάζοντο δὲ κατὰ δέκα μυριάδας 
ἀνθρώπων aiel τὴν τρίμηνον ἑκάστην. χρόνον δὲ 
ἐγγενέσθαι τριθομένῳ τῷ λεῷ δέκα ἔτεα μὲν τῆς 
ὁδοῦ κατ᾽ ἣν εἶλκον τοὺς λίθους, τὴν ἔδειμαν ἔργον 
ἐὸν οὐ πολλῷ τεῳ ἔλασσον τῆς πυραμίδος. ὡς ἐμοὶ 
424 


BOOK II, 125-124 


128. These Egyptian stories are for the use of 
whosoever believes such tales: for myself, it is my 
rule throughout this history that I record whatever 
is told me as I have heard it. 

It is believed in Egypt that the rulers of the 
lower world are Demeter and Dionysus! More- 
over, the Egyptians were the first to teach that the 
human soul is immortal, and at the death ofthe body 
enters into some other living thing then coming to 
birth; and after passing through all creatures of land, 
sea, and air (which cycle it completes in three 
thousand years) it enters once more into a human 
body at birth. Some of the Greeks, early and 
late, have used this doctrine as if it were their 
own; I know their names, but do not here record 
them. 

124. Till the time of Rhampsinitus Egypt (so the 
priests told me) was in all ways well governed and 
greatly prospered, but Cheops, who was the next 
king, brought the people to utter misery. For first 
he shut up all the temples, so that none could sacrifice 
there ; and next, he compelled all the Egyptians to 
work for him, appointing to some to drag stones from 
the quarries in the Arabian mountains to the Nile: 
and the stones being carried across the river in boats, 
others were charged to receive and drag them to the 
mountains called Libyan. They worked in gangs 
of a hundred thousand men, each gang for three 
months. For ten years the people were afflicted in 
making the road whereon the stones were dragged, 
the making of which road was to my thinking a task 
but a little lighter than the building of the pyramid,? 


1 Isis and Osiris. 
2 The “ Great Pyramid.” 


425 


HERODOTUS 


δοκέειν: τῆς μὲν γὰρ μῆκος εἰσὶ πέντε στάδιοι, 
εὖρος δὲ δέκα ὀργυιαί, ὕψος δέ, τῇ ὑψηλοτάτη 
ἐστὶ αὐτὴ ἑωυτῆς, ὀκτὼ ὀργυιαί, λίθου δὲ ξεστοῦ 
καὶ ζῴων ἐγγεγλυμμένων᾽ ταύτης τε δὴ τὰ δέκα 
ἔτεα γενέσθαι καὶ τῶν ἐπὶ τοῦ λόφου ἐπ᾿ οὗ 
ἑστᾶσι αἱ πυραμίδες, τῶν ὑπὸ γῆν οἰκημάτων, τὰς 
ἐποιέετο θήκας ἑωυτῷ ἐν νήσῳ, διώρυχα τοῦ 
Νείλου ἐσαγαγών. τῇ δὲ πυραμίδι αὐτῇ χρόνον 
γενέσθαι εἴκοσι ἔτεα ποιευμένῃ" τῆς ἐστὶ πανταχῇ 
μέτωπον ἕκαστον ὀκτὼ, πλέθρα ἐ ἐούσης τετραγώνου 
καὶ ὕψος ἴ ἴσον, λίθου δὲ ξεστοῦ τε καὶ ἁρμοσμένου 
τὰ μάλιστα" οὐδεὶς τῶν λίθων τριήκοντα ποδῶν 
ἐλάσσων. 

195. ᾿Εποιήθη δὲ ὧδε αὕτη ἡ πυραμίς' ἀναβα- 
θ μῶν τρόπον, τὰς μετεξέτεροι κρόσσας οἳ δὲ βω- 
μίδας ὀνομάξουσι, τοιαύτην τὸ πρῶτον ἐπείτε 
ἐποίησαν αὐτὴν, ἤειρον τοὺς ἐπιλοίπους λίθους 
μηχανῇσι ξύλων βραχέων πεποιημένῃσι, χαμᾶ- 
θεν μὲν ἐπὶ τὸν πρῶτον στοῖχον τῶν ἀναβαθμῶν 
ἀείροντες' ὅκως δὲ ἀνίοι ὁ λίθος ἐπ᾽ αὐτόν, ἐς ἑτέ- 
ρην μηχανὴν ἐτίθετο ἑστεῶσαν ἐπὶ τοῦ πρώτου 
στοίχου, ἀπὸ τούτου δὲ ἐπὶ τὸν δεύτερον εἵλκετο 
στοῖχον ἐπ᾽ ἄλλης μηχανῆς' ὅσοι γὰρ δὴ στοῖχοι 
ἦσαν τῶν ἀναβαθ μῶν, τοσαῦται καὶ μηχαναὶ 

/ 

ἦσαν, εἴτε καὶ τὴν αὐτὴν μηχανὴν ἐοῦσαν μίαν 
τε καὶ εὐβάστακτον μετεφόρεον ἐπὶ στοῖχον 
ἕκαστον, ὅκως τὸν λίθον ἐξέλοιεν' λελέχθω γὰρ 
ἡμῖν ἐπ᾽ ἀμφότερα, κατά περ λέγεται. ἐξεποιήθη 
δ ὧν τὰ ἀνώτατα αὐτῆς πρῶτα, μετὰ δὲ τὰ 
ἐχόμενα τούτων ἐξεποίευν, τελευταῖα δὲ αὐτῆς τὰ 
ἐπίγαια καὶ τὰ κατωτάτω ἐξεποίησαν. σεσήμαν- 
ται δὲ διὰ γραμμάτων Αἰγυπτίων ἐν τῇ πυρα- 


416 


BOOK ΙΙ. 124-125 


for the road is five furlongs long and ten fathoms 
broad, and raised at its highest to a height of eight 
fathoms, and it is all of stone polished and carven with 
figures. The ten years aforesaid went to the making of 
this road and of the underground chambers on the hill 
whereon the pyramids stand ; these the king meant 
to be burial-places for himself, and encompassed them 
with water, bringing in a channel from the Nile. 
The pyramid itself was twenty years in the making. 
Its base is square, each side eight hundred feet long, 
and its height is the same; the whole is of stone 
polished and most exactly fitted ; there is no block 
of less than thirty feet in length. 

125. This pyramid was made like a stairway with 
tiers, or steps. When this, its first form, was com- 
pleted,the workmen used levers made of short wooden 
logs to raise the rest of the stones;! they heaved up 
the blocks from the ground on to the first tier of steps; 
when the stone had been so raised it was set on 
another lever that stood on the first tier, and a lever 
again drew it up from this tier to the next. It may be 
that there was a new lever on each tier of the steps, 
or perhaps there was but one lever, and that easily 
lifted, which they carried up to each tier in turn, when 
they had taken out the stone ; I leave this uncertain, 
both ways being told me. But this is certain, that the 
upper part of the pyramid was the first finished off, 
then the next below it, and last of all the base and 
the lowest part. There are writings on ? the pyramid 


1 That is, the stones which were to fill up the angles of 
the steps, and make the side of the pyramid a smooth in- 
clined plane. The pyramids built by Cheops, Chephren, and 
Mycerinus respectively are the pyramids of Gizeh, near 
Cairo. 

2 Or, “in.” 


VOL.I. Q 427 


HERODOTUS 


μίδι ὅσα ἔς τε συρµαίην καὶ κρόμμυα καὶ σκόροδα 
ο. τοῖσι ἐργαξομένοισι' καὶ ὡς ἐμὲ εὖ 
μεμνῆσθαι τὰ ὁ ἑρμηνεύς μοι ἐπιλεγόμενος τὰ 
γράμματα ἔφη, ἑξακόσια καὶ χίλια τάλαντα 
ἀργυρίου͵ τετελέσθαι. εἰ Ò ἔστι οὕτω ἔχοντα 
ταῦτα, κόσα οἰκὸς ἄλλα δεδαπανῆσθαι ἐστὶ ἔς τε 
σίδηρον τῷ ἐργάξοντο καὶ σιτία καὶ ἐσθῆτα τοῖσι 
ἐργαζομένοισι, ὁκότε «χρόνον μὲν οἰκοδόμεον τὰ 
ἔργα τὸν εἰρημένον, ἄλλον δέ, ὡς ἐγὼ δοκέω, ἐν 
τῷ τοὺς λίθους ἔ ἔταμνον. καὶ ἦγον καὶ τὸ ὑπὸ γῆν 
ὄρυγμα ἐργάξοντο, οὐκ ὀλίγον χρόνον. 

126. Ες τοῦτο δὲ ἐλθεῖν Χέοπα κακότητος ὥστε 
χρημάτων δεόμενον τὴν θυγατέρα τὴν ἑωυτοῦ 
κατίσαντα ἐπ᾽ οἰκήματος προστάξαι πρήσσεσθαι 
ἀργύριον ὁκόσον δή τι" οὐ γὰρ. δὴ τοῦτό γε ἔλεγον. 
τὴν δὲ τά τε ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς ταχθέντα πρήσ- 
σεσθαι, idin δὲ καὶ αὐτὴν διανοηθῆναι μνημήιον 
καταλιπέσθαι, καὶ τοῦ ἐσιόντος πρὸς αὐτὴν ἑκά- 
στου δέεσθαι ὅκως ἂν αὐτῇ ἕνα λίθον ἐν τοῖσι 
ἔργοισι δωρέοιτο. ἐκ τούτων δὲ τῶν λίθων ἔφασαν 
τὴν. πυραμίδα. οἰκοδομηθῆναι τὴν ἐν μέσῳ τῶν 
τριῶν ἑστηκυῖαν, ἔμπροσθε τῆς μεγάλης πυρα- 

μίδος, τῆς ἐστὶ τὸ κῶλον ἕκαστον ὅλου καὶ 
ἡμίσεος πλέθρου. 

197. Βασιλεῦσαι δὲ τὸν Χέοπα τοῦτον At- 
γύπτιοι ἔλεγον πεντήκοντα ἔτεα, τελευτήσαντος 
δὲ τούτου ἐκδέξασθαι τὴν βασιληίην τὸν ἀδελφεὸν 
αὐτοῦ Χεφρῆνα" καὶ τοῦτον δὲ τῷ αὐτῷ τρόπῳ 
διαχρᾶσθαι τῷ ἑτέρῳ τά τε ἄλλα i καὶ πυραμίδα 
ποιῆσαι, ἐς μὲν τὰ ἐκείνου μέτρα οὐκ ἀνήκουσαν' 
ταῦτα yàp : Qv καὶ ἡμεῖς ἐμετρήσαμεν' (οὔτε γὰρ 
ὕπεστι οἰκήματα ὑπὸ γῆν, οὔτε ἐκ τοῦ Νείλου 


428 


m 


BOOK ΙΙ. 125—127 


in Egyptian characters showing how much was spent 
on purges and onions and garlic for the workmen ; 
and so far as I well remember, the interpreter when 
he read me the writing said that sixteen hundred 
talents of silver had been paid. Now if thatis so, how 
much must needs have been expended on the iron 
with which they worked, and the workmen's food and 
clothing? seeing that the time aforesaid was spent 
in building, and the hewing and carrying of the stone 
and the digging out of the underground parts was, 
as I suppose, a business of long duration. 

126. And so evil a man was Cheops that for lack 
of money he made his own daughter to sit in a 
chamber and exact payment (how much, I know not ; 
for they did not tell me this). She, they say, doing 
her father's bidding, was minded to leave some 
memorial of her own, and demanded of everyone 
who sought intercourse with her that he should give 
one stone to set in her work ; and of these stones 
was built the pyramid that stands midmost of the 
three, over against the great pyramid ; each side of 
it measures one hundred and fifty feet. 

127. Cheops reigned (so the Egyptians said) for 
fifty years; at his death he was succeeded by his 
brother Chephren, who bore himself in all respects 
like Cheops. Chephren also built a pyramid, of a less 
size than his brother's. I have myself measured it. 
It has no underground chambers, nor is it entered 


429 


HERODOTUS 


διῶρυξ ἥκει ἐς αὐτὴν ὥσπερ és τὴν ἑτέρην ῥέουσα' 
δι οἰκοδομημένου δὲ αὐλῶνος ἔσω νῆσον περιρρέει, 
ἐν τῇ αὐτὸν λέγουσι κεῖσθαι Χέοπα)' ὑποδείμας 
δὲ τὸν πρῶτον δόμον λίθου Λἰθιοπικοῦ ποικίλου, 
τεσσεράκοντα πόδας ὑποβὰς τῆς ἑτέρης τὠυτὸ ué- 
γαθος, ἐχομένην τῆς μεγάλης οἰκοδόμησε. ἑστᾶσι 
δὲ ἐπὶ λόφου τοῦ αὐτοῦ ἀμφότεραι, μάλιστα ἐς 
ἑκατὸν πόδας ὑψηλοῦ. βασιλεῦσαι δὲ ἔλεγον 
Χεφρῆνα ἓξ καὶ πεντήκοντα ἔτεα. 

198. Ταῦτα ἕξ τε καὶ ἑκατὸν λογίζονται ἔτεα, 
ἐν τοῖσι Αἰγυπτίοισί τε πᾶσαν εἶναι κακότητα 
καὶ τὰ ἱρὰ χρόνου τοσούτου κατακληισθέντα οὐκ 
ἀνοιχθῆναι. τούτους ὑπὸ μίσεος οὐ κάρτα θέλουσι 
Αἰγύπτιοι ὀνομάξειν, ἀλλὰ καὶ τὰς πυραμίδας 
καλέουσι ποιμένος Φιλίτιος, ὃς τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον 
ἔνεμε κτήνεα κατὰ ταῦτα τὰ χωρία. 

129. Μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον βασιλεῦσαι Αἰγύπτου 
Μυκερῖνον ἔλεγον Χέοπος παῖδα' τῷ τὰ μὲν τοῦ 
πατρὸς ἔργα ἀπαδεῖν, τὸν δὲ τά τε ἱρὰ ἀνοῖξαι 
καὶ τὸν λεὼν τετρυμένον ἐς τὸ ἔσχατον κακοῦ 
ἀνεῖναι πρὸς ἔργα τε καὶ θυσίας, δίκας δέ σφι 
πάντων βασιλέων δικαιότατα κρίνειν. κατὰ-τοῦτο 
μέν νυν τὸ ἔργον ἁπάντων ὅσοι ἤδη βασιλέες 
ἐγένοντο Αἰγυπτίων αἰνέουσι μάλιστα τοῦτον. τά 
τε ἄλλα γάρ μιν κρίνειν εὖ, καὶ δὴ καὶ τῷ ἐπιμεμ- 
φομένῳ ἐκ τῆς δίκης map ἑωυτοῦ διδόντα ἄλλα 
ἀποπιμπλάναι αὐτοῦ τὸν θυμόν. ἐόντι δὲ ἠπίῳ τῷ 
Μυκερίνῳ κατὰ τοὺς πολιήτας καὶ ταῦτα ἐπιτη- 
δεύοντι πρῶτον κακῶν ἄρξαι τὴν θυγατέρα ἀπο- 
θανοῦσαν αὐτοῦ, τὴν μοῦνόν οἱ εἶναι ἐν τοῖδι 
οἰκίοισι τέκνον. τὸν δὲ ὑπεραλγήσαντά τε τῷ 


430 


BOOK ΙΙ. 127-129 


like the other by a canal from the Nile, but the river 
comes in through a built passage and encircles an 
island, in which, they say, Cheops himself lies. This 
pyramid was built of the same bigness as the other, 
save that it falls forty feet short of it in height; it 
stands near to the great pyramid; the lowest layer 
of it is of variegated Ethiopian stone. Both of them 
stand on the same ridge, which is about an hundred 
feet high. Chephren, they said, reigned for fifty-six 
ears. 

ý 128. Thus they reckon that for a hundred and six 
years Egypt was in great misery and the temples 
so long shut were never opened. So much do the 
people hate the memory of these two kings that 
they do not greatly wish to name them, and call 
the pyramids after the shepherd Philitis, who then 
pastured his flocks in this place.! 

129. The next king of Egypt, they said, was 


Cheops’ son Mycerinus. He, being displeased with 


his father’s doings, opened the temples and suffered 
the people, now ground down to the depth of 
misery, to go to their business and their sacrifices ; 
and he was the justest judge among all the kings. 
It is on this account that he is praised beyond all 
the rulers of Egypt; for not only were his judg- 
ments just, but if any were not contented with the 
sentence Mycerinus would give such an one a 
present out of his own estate to satisfy him for 
his loss. Such was his practice, and so he ruled 
his people with clemency, yet calamities befel him, 
of which the first was the death of his daughter, 
the only child of his household. Greatly grieving 

! This is the form which Hdt. gives to the story of the 


rule of the ‘‘shepherds” (Hyksos) in Lower Egypt, perhaps 
from 2100 to 1600 5.6, 


431 


HERODOTUS 


περιεπεπτώκεε πρήγματι, καὶ βουλόμενον περισ- 
σότερόν τι τῶν ἄλλων θάψαι τὴν θυγατέρα, 
ποιήσασθαι βοῦν ξυλίνην κοίλην, καὶ ἔπειτα 
καταχρυσώσαντά μιν ταύτην ἔσω ἐν αὐτῇ θάψαι 
ταύτην δὴ τὴν ἀποθανοῦσαν. θυγατέρα. 

180. Αὕτη ὧν ἡ βοῦς Y? οὐκ ἐκρύφθη, ἀλλ᾽ ἔτι 
καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ ἦν φανερή, ἐν Σάι μὲν TOM ἐοῦσα, 
κειμένη δὲ ἐν τοῖσι βασιλήΐοισι ἐν οἰκήματι ἠσκη- 
μένῳ" θυμιήματα δὲ παρ᾽ αὐτῇ παντοῖα κατα- 
γίζουσι ἀνὰ πᾶσαν ἡμέρην, νύκτα δὲ ἑκάστην 
πάννυχος λύχνος παρακαίεται. ἀγχοῦ. δὲ τῆς 
βοὸς ταύτης ἐν ἄλλῳ οἰκήματι εἰκόνες τῶν παλ- 
λακέων τῶν Μυκερίνου ἑστᾶσι, ὡς ἔλεγον οἱ ἐν 
Lae πόλι ἱρέες" ἑστᾶσι μὲν γὰρ ξύλιναι κολοσσοί, 
ἐοῦσαι ἀριθμὸν ὡς εἴκοσι μάλιστά κῃ, γυμναὶ 
ἐργασμέναι' αἵτινες μέντοι εἰσί, οὐκ ἔχω εἰπεῖν 
πλὴν ἢ τὰ λεγόμενα. 

191. Οἳ δὲ τινὲς λέγουσι περὶ τῆς Boos ταύτης 
καὶ τῶν κολοσσῶν τόνδε τὸν λόγον, ὡς Μυκερῖνος 
ἠράσθη τῆς ἑωυτοῦ θυγατρὸς καὶ ἔπειτα ἐμίγη οἱ 
ἀεκούσῃ᾽ μετὰ δὲ λέγουσι ὡς 5 παῖς ἀπήγξατο 
ὑπὸ ἄχεος, ὃ δέ n ἔθαψε ἐν τῇ Boi ταύτῃ, ἡ δὲ 
μήτηρ αὐτῆς τῶν ἀμφιπόλων τῶν προδουσέων 
τὴν θυγατέρα τῷ πατρὶ ἀπέταμε τὰς χεῖρας, καὶ 
νῦν τὰς εἰκόνας αὐτέων εἶναι πεπονθυίας τά περ 
αἱ ζωαὶ ἔπαθον. ταῦτα δὲ λέγουσι «φλυηρέοντες, 
ὡς ἐγὼ δοκέω, τά τε ἄλλα καὶ δὴ καὶ τὰ περὶ τὰς 
χεῖρας τῶν κολοσσῶν: ταύτας γὰρ ὧν καὶ ἡμεῖς 
ὡρῶμεν. ὅτι ὑπὸ χρόνου τὰς χεῖρας ἀποβεβλή- 
κασι, αἳ ἐν ποσὶ αὐτέων ἐφαίνοντο ἐοῦσαι ἔτι καὶ 
ἐς ἐμέ. 

182. Ἡ δὲ βοῦς τὰ μὲν ἄλλα κατακέκρυπται 


432 


BOOK IL 129-132 


over this misfortune, he desired to give her a burial 
something more excellent than ordinary ; he made 
therefore a hollow cow's image of gilded wood 
and placed therein the body of his dead daughter. 
130. This cow was not buried in the earth but 
was to be seen even in my time, in the town of 


` Sais, where it lay in an adorned chamber of the 


palace; incense of all kinds is offered daily before 
it, and a lamp burns by it all through every night. 
There is another chamber near to this image, where 
stand the statues of Mycerinus’ concubines, as the 
priests of Sais told me; and indeed there are about 
twenty colossal wooden figures there, made like 
naked women, but I have only the priests’ word to 
show who they are. 

131. Some have a story about the cow and the 
statues, how Mycerinus conceived a passion for his 
own daughter and did her foul wrong, and she 
strangled herself for grief: then he buried her, 
they say, in this image of a cow; the girl’s mother 
cut off the hands of the attendants who had betrayed 
the daughter to her father, so that now (it is said) 
their statues are in the plight to which the living 
women were brought. But this I believe to be a 
foolish tale, especially as respects the hands of the 
figures. As we ourselves saw, it is time which has made 
the hands to drop away ; they were to be seen even 
in my day lying on the ground before the statues. 

132. As for the cow, it is covered with a purple 


433 


HERODOTUS 


φοινικέῳ εἵματι, τὸν αὐχένα δὲ καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν 
φαίνει κεχρυσωμένα παχέι κάρτα χρυσῷ' μεταξὺ 
δὲ τῶν κερέων ὁ τοῦ ἡλίου κύκλος μεμιμημένος 
ἔπεστι χρύσεος. ἔστι δὲ ἡ βοῦς οὐκ ὀρθὴ ἀλλ. 
ἐν γούνασι κειμένη, μέγαθος δὲ ὅση περ μεγάλη 
βοῦς ζωή. ἐκφέρεται δὲ ἐκ τοῦ οἰκήματος ἀνὰ 
πάντα ἔτεα, ἐπεὰν τύπτωνται Αἰγύπτιοι τὸν οὐκ 
ὀνομαζόμενον θεὸν à ὑπ᾽ ἐμεῦ ἐπὶ τοιούτῳ πρήγματι" 
τότε ὧν καὶ τὴν βοῦν ἐκφέρουσι ἐς τὸ φῶς' φασὶ 
γὰρ αὐτὴν δεηθῆναι τοῦ πατρὸς Μυκερίνου ἀπο- 
θνήσκουσαν ἐν τῷ ἐνιαυτῷ ἅπαξ μιν τὸν ἥλιον 
κατιδεῖν. 

133. Μετὰ δὲ τῆς θυγατρὸς τὸ πάθος δεύτερα 
τούτῳ τῷ βασιλέι τάδε γενέσθαι’ ἐλθεῖν οἱ 
μαντήιον ἐκ Βουτοῦς πόλιος ὡς μέλλοι εξ ἔτεα 
μοῦνον βιοὺς τῷ ἑβδόμῳ τελευτήσειν. τὸν δὲ 
δεινὸν ποιησάμενον πέμψαι ἐς τὸ μαντήιον. τῷ 
θεῷ ὀνείδισμα, ἀντιμεμφόμενον ὅτι ὁ μὲν αὐτοῦ 
πατὴρ καὶ πάτρως, ἀποκληΐσαντες τὰ ἱρὰ καὶ 
θεῶν οὐ μεμνημένοι ἀλλὰ καὶ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους 
φθείροντες, ἐβίωσαν χρόνον ἐπὶ πολλόν, αὐτὸς 
δ᾽ εὐσεβὴς ἐὼν μέλλοι, ταχέως οὕτω τελευτήσειν. 
ἐκ δὲ τοῦ χρηστηρίου αὐτῷ δεύτερα ἐλθεῖν 
λέγοντα τούτων εἵνεκα καὶ συνταχύνειν αὐτὸν 
τὸν βίον: οὐ γὰρ ποιῆσαί μιν τὸ χρεὸν ἣν 
ποιέειν δεῖν γὰρ. Αἴγυπτον κακοῦσθαι ἐπ᾿ ἔτεα 
πεντήκοντά τε καὶ ἑκατόν, καὶ τοὺς μὲν δύο τοὺς 
πρὸ ἐκείνου γενομένους βασιλέας μαθεῖν τοῦτο, 
κεῖνον δὲ οὔ. ταῦτα ἀκούσαντα τὸν Μυκερῖνον, 
ὡς κατακεκριμένων ἤδη οἱ τούτων, λύχνα ποιη- 
σάµενον πολλά, ὅκως γίνοιτο νύξ, ἀνάψαντα 


434 


μυς ο πο μα s 


-- p Ce Re ë “ 


BOOK Il. 1 32-133 


robe, and shows only the head and neck, which are 
encrusted with a very thick layer of gold. Between 
its horns it bears the golden figure of the sun's 
orb. It does not stand, but kneels; its stature is 
that of a live cow of great size. This image is 
carried out of the chamber once in every year, 
whenever the Egyptians make lamentation for the 
god whom I name not in speaking of these matters ; it 
is then that the cow is brought out into the light, 
for Mycerinus' daughter, they say, entreated him at 
her death that she might see the sun once a year.! 
133. After the grievous death of his daughter, it 
next happened to Mycerinus that an oracle was sent 
to him from the city of Buto, declaring that he had 
but six years to live and must die in the seventh. 
The king deemed this unjust, and sent back to the 
oracle a message of reproach, blaming the god: why 
must he die so soon who was pious, whereas his 
father and his uncle had lived long, who shut up the 
temples, and regarded not the gods, and destroyed 
men? But a second utterance from the place of 
divination declared to him that his good deeds were 
the very cause of shortening his life; for he had done 
what was contrary to fate; Egypt should have been 
afflicted for an hundred and fifty years, whereof the 
two kings before him had been aware, but not 
Mycerinus. Hearing this, he knew that his doom was 
fixed. Therefore he caused many lamps to be made, 
and would light these at nightfall and drink and make 


1 The cow-worship is no doubt the cult of Isis, honoured 
at Sais under the name Nit. 


435 


HERODOTUS 


αὐτὰ πίνειν τα καὶ εὐπαθέειν, οὔτε ἡμέρης οὔτε 
νυκτὸς ἀνιέντα, és τε τὰ ἕλεα καὶ τὰ ἄλσεα 
πλανώμενον καὶ ἵνα πυνθάνοιτο εἶναι ἐνηβητήρια 
ἐπιτηδεότατα. ταῦτα δὲ ἐμηχανᾶτο θέλων τὸ 
μαντήιον ψευδόμενον ἀποδέξαι, iva οἱ δυώδεκα 
ἔτεα ἀντὶ 8E ἐτέων γένηται, αἱ νύκτες ἡμέραι 
ποιεύμεναι. 

134. Πυραμίδα δὲ οὗτος ἀπελίπετο πολλὸν 
ἐλάσσω τοῦ πατρός, εἴκοσι ποδῶν καταδέουσαν 
κῶλον ἕκαστον τριῶν πλέθρων, ἐούσης τετρα- 
γώνου, λίθου δὲ ἐς τὸ ἥμισυ Αἰθιοπικοῦ' τὴν δὴ 
μετεξέτεροι φασὶ Ἑλλήνων Ῥοδώπιος ἑταίρης 
γυναικὸς εἶναι, οὐκ ὀρθῶς λέγοντες. οὐδὲ ὦ ὧν οὐδὲ 
εἰδότες μοι φαίνονται λέγειν οὗτοι ἥτις ἦν ἡ 
Ῥοδῶπις: οὐ γὰρ ἄν οἱ πυραμίδα ἀνέθεσαν 
ποιήσασθαι τοιαύτην, ἐς τὴν ταλάντων χιλιάδες 
ἀναρίθμητοι & ὡς λόγῳ εἰπεῖν ἀναισίμωνται" πρὸς 
δὲ ὅτι κατὰ "Αμασιν βασιλεύοντα ἦν ἀκμάξουσα 
Ῥοδῶπις, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ κατὰ τοῦτον. ἔτεσι γὰρ κάρτα 
πολλοῖσι ὕστερον τούτων τῶν βασιλέων τῶν τὰς 
πυραμίδας ταύτας ἦν λιπομένων Ῥοδῶπις, γενεὴν 
μὲν ἀπὸ Θρηίκης, δούλη δὲ ἦν ᾿Ιάδμονος τοῦ 
Ἡφαιστοπόλιος ἀνδρὸς Σαμίου, σύνδουλος δὲ 
Αἰσώπου. τοῦ λογοποιοῦ. καὶ yàp οὗτος Ἰάδμονος 
ἐγένετο, ὡς διέδεξε τῇδε οὐκ ἥκιστα: ἐπείτε γὰρ 
πολλάκις κηρυσσόντων Δελφῶν ἐκ θεοπροπίου ὃς 
βούλοιτο ποινὴν τῆς Αἰσώπου ψυχῆς ἀνελέσθαι, 
ἄλλος μὲν οὐδεὶς ἐφάνη, Ἰάδμονος δὲ παιδὸς παῖς 
ἄλλος ᾿Ιάδμων ἀνείλετο. οὕτω καὶ Αἴσωπος 
I dô ovos È ἐγένετο. 

135. 'Ῥοδῶπις δὲ ἐς Αἴγυπτον ἀπίκετο Ἐάνθεω 
τοῦ Σαμίου κομίσαντος, ἀπικομένη δὲ κατ᾽ ἐργασίην 


436 


Í e σπ ee w— — eel = c— - F αμα E C c-— 


BOOK II. 133-135 


merry; by day or night he never ceased from revel- 
ling, roaming to the marsh country and the groves 
and wherever he heard of the likeliest places of 
pleasure. Thus he planned, that by turning night 
into day he might make his six years into twelve 
and so prove the oracle false. 

134. This king too left a pyramid, but far smaller 
than his father’s; its sides form a square whereof 
each side is two hundred and eighty feet in length ; 
as far as the half of its height it is of Ethiopian 
stone. Some Greeks say that it was built by 
Rhodopis, the courtesan, but they are in error; 
indeed it is clear to me that when they say this 
they do not know who Rhodopis was, else they 
would never have credited her with the build- 
ing of a pyramid whereon what I may call an 
uncountable sum of talents must have been ex- 
pended. And it is a further proof of their error 
that Rhodopis flourished in the reign of Amasis, 
not of Mycerinus, and thus very many years after 
these kings who built the pyramids. She was a 
Thracian by birth, slave to Iadmon, son of Hephaes- 
topolis, a Samian, and fellow-slave of Aesopus the 
story-writer. For he also was owned by Iadmon; of 
which the chiefest proof is that when the Delphians, 
obeying an oracle, issued many proclamations 
inviting whosoever would to claim the penalty for 
the killing of Aesopus, none would undertake it 
but only another Jadmon, grandson of the first. 
Thus was Aesopus too shown to be the slave of 
Iadmon. 

135. Rhodopis was brought to Egypt by Xanthes 
of Samos, and on her coming was for a great sum of 


457 


HERODOTUS 


ἐλύθη χρημάτων μεγάλων ὑπὸ ἀνδρὸς Μυτιληναίου 
Χαράξου τοῦ Σκαμανδρωνύμου παιδός, ἀδελφεοῦ 
δὲ Σαπφοῦς τῆς μουσοποιοῦ. οὕτω δὴ ἡ Ῥοδῶπις 
ἐλευθερώθη, καὶ κατέμεινέ τε ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ καὶ 
κάρτα ἐπαφρόδιτος. γενομένη μεγάλα ἐκτήσατο 
χρήματα ὡς ἂν εἶναι Ῥοδώπι, ἀτὰρ οὐκ ὥς γε 
ἐς πυραμίδα τοιαύτην ἐξικέσθαι. τῆς γὰρ τὴν 
δεκάτην τῶν χρημάτων ἰδέσθαι ἐστὶ ἔτι καὶ ἐς 
τόδε παντὶ τῷ βουλομένῳ, οὐδὲν δεῖ μεγάλα οἱ 
χρήματα ἀναθεῖναι. ἐπεθύμησε γὰρ “Ῥοδῶπις 
μνημήιον ἑωυτῆς ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι καταλιπέσθαι, 
ποίημα ποιησαμένη τοῦτο τὸ μὴ τυγχάνοι ἄλλῳ 
ἐξευρημένον καὶ ὁ ἀνακείμενον è ἐν ἱ ἱρῷ, τοῦτο ἀναθεῖναι 
ἐς | Δελφοὺς μνημόσυνον ἑωυτῆς. τῆς ὧν δεκάτης 
τῶν χρημάτων ποιησαμένη ὀβελοὺς βουπόρους 
πολλοὺς σιδηρέους, ὅσον ἐνεχώρεε 7 δεκάτη οἱ. 
ἀπέπεμπε ἐς Δελφούς: οἳ καὶ νῦν ἔτι συννε- 
νέαται ὄπισθε μὲν τοῦ βωμοῦ τὸν Χῖοι ἀνέθεσαν. 
ἀντίον δὲ αὐτοῦ τοῦ νηοῦ. φιλέουσι δέ κως ἐν τῇ 
Ναυκράτι ἐπαφρόδιτοι γίνεσθαι αἱ ἑταὶ ipai. τοῦτο 
pv γὰρ αὕτη, τῆς πέρι λέγεται ὅδε ὁ ὁ λόγος, οὕτω 
δή TL κλεινὴ ἐγένετο ὡς καὶ οἱ πάντες Ἕλληνες 
Ῥοδώπιος τὸ .οὔνομα ἐξέμαθον" τοῦτο δὲ ὕστερον 
ταύτης, τῇ οὔνομα, ἣν ᾿Αρχιδίκη, ἀοίδιμος ἆ ἀνὰ τὴν 
Ἑλλάδα ἐγένετο, ἧσσον δὲ τῆς ἑτέρης περιλεσχή- 
νευτος. Χάραξος δὲ ὡς λυσάμενος Ῥοδῶπιν ἀπε- 
νόστησε ἐς Μυτιλήνην, ἐν μέλεϊ Σαπφὼ πολλὰ 
κατεκερτόμησέ μιν. 
136. 'Ῥοδώπιος μέν νυν πέρι πέπαυμαι. μετὰ 
. Μυκερῖνον γενέσθαι Αἰγύπτου βασιλέα ἔλεγον 
ἱρέες "Ασυχιν, τὸν τὰ πρὸς ἥλιον ἀνίσχοντα 
medi τῷ Ἡφαίστῳ προπύλαια, ἐόντα πολλῷ 


435 


BOOK Il. 135-136 


money freed for the practice of her calling by Charaxus 
of Mytilene, son of Scamandronymus and brother of 
Sappho the poetess. Thus Rhodopis was set free and 
abode in Egypt, where, her charms becoming well 
known, she grew wealthy enough for a lady of her 
profession, but not for the building of such a pyramid. 
_ Seeing that to this day anyone who wishes may know 
what was the tenth part of her possessions, she cannot 
be credited with greaf wealth. For Rhodopis desired 
to leave a memorial of herself in Greece, by having 
something made which no one else had contrived 
and dedicated in a temple and presenting this at 
Delphi to preserve her memory ; so she spent the 
tenth part of her substance on the making of a great 
number of iron ox-spits, as many as the tithe would 
pay for, and sent them to Delphi; these lie in a heap 
to this day, behind the altar set up by the Chians 
and in front of the shrine itself. It seems that the 
courtesans of Naucratis ever have the art of pleasing, 
for the woman of whom this story is told became so 
famous that all Greeks knew the name of Rhodopis, 
and in later days one Archidice was the theme of 
song throughout Greece, albeit less spoken of than 
the other.  Charaxus, after giving Rhodopis her 
freedom, returned to Mytilene and was bitterly 
attacked by Sappho in one of her poems. 

136. Enough has been said of Rhodopis. After 
Mycerinus, said the priests, Asuchis became king of 
Egypt. He built the eastern outer court of 
Hephaestus’ temple ; this is by much the fairest and | 

439 


HERODOTUS 


τε κάλλιστα καὶ πολλῷ μέγιστα. ἔχει μὲν γὰρ 
καὶ τὰ πάντα προπύλαια τύπους τε ἐγγεγλυμ- 
μένους καὶ ἄλλην ὄψιν οἰκοδομημάτων μυρίην, 
ἐκεῖνα δὲ καὶ μακρῷ μάλιστα. ἐπὶ τούτου βασι- 
λεύοντος ἔλεγον, ἀμιξίης ἐούσης πολλῆς χρημάτων, 
γενέσθαινόμον Αἰγυπτίοισι, ἀποδεικνύντα ἐνέχυρον 
τοῦ πατρὸς τὸν νέκυν οὕτω λαμβάνειν τὸ χρέος" 
προστεθῆναι δὲ ἔτι τούτῳ τῷ νόμῳ τόνδε, τὸν 
διδόντα τὸ χρέος καὶ ἁπάσης κρατέειν τῆς τοῦ 
λαμβάνοντος θήκης, τῷ δὲ ὑποτιθέντι τοῦτο τὸ 
ἐνέχυρον τήνδε ἐπεῖναι ζημίην μὴ βουλομένῳ 
ἀποδοῦναι τὸ χρέος, μήτε αὐτῷ ἐκείνῳ τελευτήσαντι 
εἶναι ταφῆς κυρῆσαι μήτ᾽ ἐν ἐκείνῳ τῷ πατρωίῳ 

΄ / 9 3 y ld 4 4 / 
τάφῳ μήτ᾽ ἐν ἄλλῳ μηδενί, μήτε ἄλλον μηδένα 
τῶν ἑωυτοῦ ἀπογενόμενον θάψαι. ὑπερβαλέσθαι 
δὲ βουλόμενον τοῦτον τὸν βασιλέα τοὺς πρότερον 
ἑωυτοῦ βασιλέας γενομένους Αἰγύπτου μνημόσυνον 
πυραμίδα λιπέσθαι ἐκ πλίνθων ποιήσαντα, ἐν τῇ 
γράμματα ἐν λίθῳ ἐγκεκολαμμένα τάδε λέγοντα 
ἐστί. “Mý µε κατονοσθῇς πρὸς τὰς λιθίνας 
πυραμίδας: προέχω γὰρ αὐτέων τοσοῦτον ὅσον 
ὁ Ζεὺς τῶν ἄλλων θεῶν. κοντῷ γὰρ ὑποτύπτοντες 
ἐς λίμνην, ὅ τι πρόσσχοιτο τοῦ πηλοῦ τῷ κοντῷῴ, 
τοῦτο συλλέγοντες πλίνθους εἴρυσαν καί µε τρόπῳ 
τοιούτῳ ἐξεποίησαν.᾽ 

197. Τοῦτον μὲν τοσαῦτα ἀποδέξασθαι. μετὰ 
δὲ τοῦτον βασιλεῦσαι ἄνδρα τυφλὸν ἐξ ᾿Ανύσιος 
πόλιος, τῷ οὔνομα "Ανυσιν εἶναι. ἐπὶ τούτου 
βασιλεύοντος ἐλάσαι ἐπ᾽ Αἴγυπτον χειρὶ πολλῇ 
Αἰθίοπάς τε καὶ Σαβακῶν τὸν Αἰθιόπων βασιλέα. 
τὸν μὲν δὴ τυφλὸν τοῦτον οἴχεσθαι φεύγοντα ἐς 
γὰ ἕλεα, τὸν δὲ Αἰθίοπα βασιλεύειν Αἰγύπτου 


440 


BOOK Il. 536—137 


largest of all the courts, for while all have carven 
figures and innumerable graces of architecture, this 
court has far more than any. In this king's reign 
as they told me, money in Egypt passed not readily 
from hand to hand ; wherefore a law was made that 
a man might borrow on the security of his father's 
dead body; and the law provided also, that the 
lender should have a lien on the whole burial-vault of 
the borrower, and that the penalty for the giver of 
this security, should he fail to repay the debt, should 
be that he might neither himself be buried at death 
nor bury any deceased of his kin either in that tomb 
of his fathers nor in any other. Moreover, being 
desirous of excelling all who ruled Egypt before 
him, this king left à pyramid of brick to commemo- 
rate his name, on which is this writing, cut on a 
stone :—* Deem me not less than the pyramids of 
stone; for I am as much more excellent than they 
as Zeus is than the other gods ; for they struck a 
pole down into a marsh and collected what mud 
clave to the pole; therewith they made bricks, and 
thus was I built." | 

137. These were the acts of Asuchis. After him 
reigned a blind man called Anysis, of the town of 
that name. In his reign Egypt was invaded by 
Sabacos king of Ethiopia and a great army of Ethio- 
pians.! The blind man fleeing away into the marshes, 
the Ethiopians ruled Egypt for fifty years. It is 


! In Manetho's list three Ethiopian kings form the twenty- 
fifth dynasty, Sabacon, Sebichos, and Taracos (the Tirhaka 
of the Old Testament). 441 


HERODOTUS 


ἐπ᾽ ἔτεα πεντήκοντα, ἐν τοῖσι αὐτὸν τάδε ἀπο- 
δέξασθαι: ὅκως τῶν τις Αἰγυπτίων ἁμάρτοι τι, 
κτείνειν μὲν αὐτῶν οὐδένα ἐθέλειν, τὸν δὲ κατὰ 
μέγαθος τοῦ ἀδικήματος ἑκάστῳ δικάξειν ἐπιτάσ- 
σοντα χώματα χοῦν πρὸς τῇ ἑωυτῶν πόλι, ὅθεν 
ἕκαστος ἦν τῶν ἀδικεόντων. καὶ οὕτω ἔτι αἱ 
πόλιες ἐγένοντο ὑψηλότεραι: τὸ μὲν γὰρ πρῶτον 
ἐχώσθησαν ὑπὸ τῶν τὰς διώρυχας ὀρυξάντων ἐπὶ 
Σεσώστριος βασιλέος, δεύτερα δὲ ἐπὶ τοῦ Αἰθίοπος 
καὶ κάρτα ὑψηλαὶ ἐγένοντο. ὑψηλέων δὲ καὶ 
ἑτερέων γενομενέων ἐν τῇ Αἰγύπτῳ πολίων, ὡς 
ἐμοὶ δοκέει, μάλιστα ἡ ἐν Βουβάστιπόλις ἐξεχώσθη, 
ἐν τῇ καὶ ἱρόν ἐστι Βουβάστιος ἀξιαπηγητότατον" 
μέξω μὲν γὰρ ἄλλα καὶ πολυδαπανώτερα ἐστὶ 
ἱρά, ἡδονὴ δὲ ἰδέσθαι οὐδὲν τούτου μᾶλλον. ἡ δὲ 
Βούβαστις κατὰ Ἑλλάδα γλῶσσαν ἐστὶ Αρτεμις. 

138. Τὸ & ἱρὸν αὐτῆς ὧδε ἔχει. πλὴν τῆς 
ἐσόδου τὸ ἄλλο νῆσος ἐστί: ἐκ γὰρ τοῦ Νείλου 
διώρυχες ἐσέχουσι οὐ συμμίσγουσαι ἀλλήλῃσι, 
ἀλλ. ἄχρι τῆς ἐσόδου τοῦ ἱροῦ ἑκατέρη ἐσέχει, 
ἣ μὲν τῇ περιρρέουσα ἣ δὲ τῇ, εὗρος ἐοῦσα 
ἑκατέρη ἑκατὸν ποδῶν, δένδρεσι κατάσκιος. τὰ 
δὲ προπύλαια ὕψος μὲν δέκα ὀργυιέων ἐστί, 
τύποισι δὲ ἑξαπήχεσι ἐσκευάδαται ἀξίοισι λόγου. 
ἐὸν δ᾽ ἐν μέσῃ τῇ πόλι τὸ ἱρὸν κατορᾶται πάντο- 
θεν περιιόντι: ἅτε γὰρ τῆς πόλιος μὲν ἐκκεχω- 
σμένης ὑψοῦ, τοῦ δ᾽ ἱροῦ οὐ κεκινημένου ὡς 
ἀρχῆθεν. ἐποιήθη, ἔσοπτον ἐστί. περϑϑέε, δὲ 
αὐτὸ αἱμασιὴ ἐγγεγλυμμένη τύποισι, ἔστι δὲ 
ἔσωθεν ἄλσος δενδρέων μεγίστων πεφυτευμένον 
περὶ νηὸν μέγαν, ἐν τῷ δὴ τῶγαλμα ἔνι: εὗρος 
è καὶ μῆκος τοῦ ἱροῦ πάντη σταδίου ἐστί. κατὰ 


443 


BOOK ΙΙ. 137-138 


recorded in the history of his reign that he would 
never put to death any Egyptian wrongdoer, but 
sentenced all, according. to the greatness of their 
offence, to raise embankments in.the town of which 
each was a native. Thus the towns came to stand 
yet higher than before; for having been first built on 
embankments made by the diggers of the canals in 
the reign of Sesostris, they were yet further raised 
in the reign of the Ethiopian. Other Egyptian towns, 
to my thinking, were so dealt with, but the level 
of Bubastis was raised more than any. In this town 
there is a temple of Bubastis, and it is a building 
most worthy of note. Other temples are greater 
and more costly, but none pleasanter to the eye than 

this. Bubastis is, in the Greek language, Artemis. 
138. I will now show the form of her temple: 
save for the entrance, it stands on an island ; two 
separate channels approach it from the Nile, and 
after coming up to the entry of the temple, they run 
round it on opposite sides; each of them is an hundred 
feet wide, and overshadowed by trees. The outer 
court has a height of ten fathoms, and is adorned with 
notable figures six cubits high. The temple is in the 
midst of the city, the whole circuit of which commands 
a view down into it; for the city's level has been 
raised, but that of the temple has been left as it was 
from the first, so that it can be seen into from with- 
out. A stone wall, carven with figures, runs round 
it; within is a grove of very tall trees growing round 
a great shrine, wherein is the image of the goddess; 
the temple is a square, each side measuring a furlong. 
443 


lt» 


HERODOTUS 


μὲν δὴ τὴν ἔσοδον ἐστρωμένη ἐστὶ ὁδὸς λίθου ἐπὶ 
σταδίους τρεῖς μάλιστά Kr, διὰ τῆς ἀγορῆς: φέ- 
ρουσα ἐς τὸ πρὸς ἠῶ, εὖρος δὲ ὡς τεσσέρων 
πλέθρων: τῇ δὲ καὶ τῇ τῆς ὁδοῦ δένδρεα οὐρανο- 
μήκεα πέφυκε" φέρει δὲ ἐς Ἑρμέω ἱρόν. τὸ μὲν 
δὴ ἱρὸν τοῦτο οὕτω ἔχει. 

139, Τέλος δὲ τῆς ἀπαλλαγῆς τοῦ Αἰθίοπος 
ὧδε ἔλεγον. γενέσθαι ὄψιν ἐν τῷ ὕπνῳ τοιήνδε 
ὀδόντα. αὐτὸν οἴχεσθαι φεύγοντα" ἐδόκέε οἱ ἄνδρα 
ἐπιστάντα συμβουλεύειν τοὺς ἱρέας τοὺς ἐν Αἱ- 
γύπτῳ συλλέξαντα πάντας μέσους διαταμεῖν. 
ἰδόντα δὲ τὴν ὄψιν ταύτην. λέγειν αὐτὸν ὡς πρό- 
φασίν οἱ δοκέοι ταύτην τοὺς θεοὺς προδεικνύναι, 
ἵνα ἀσεβήσας περὶ τὰ ἱρὰ κακὀν τι πρὸς θεῶν 
ἢ πρὸς ἀνθρώπων λάβοι" οὔκων ποιήσειν ταῦτα, 
ἀλλὰ γάρ οἱ ἐξεληλυθέναι τὸν χρόνον, ὁκόσον 
κεχρῆσθαι ἄρξαντα, Αἰγύπτου ἐκχωρήσειν. ἐν 
γὰρ τῇ Αἰθιοπίῃ ἐόντι αὐτῷ τὰ µαντήια, τοῖσι 
χρέωνται Αἰθίοπες, ἀνεῖλε ὡς ᾿δέοι αὐτὸν Αἰγύπτου 
βασιλεῦσαι ἔτεα πεντήκοντα. ὡς ὧν ὁ χρόνος 


| οὗτος ἐξήιε καὶ αὐτὸν ἡ ὄψις. τοῦ ἐνυπνίου ἐπε- 


τάρασσε, ἑκὼν ἀπαλλάσσετο ἐκ τῆς Αἰγύπτου ὁ 
Σαβακῶς. 

140. Ὡς δ᾽ dpa οἴχεσθαι, τὸν Αἰθίοπα ἐξ Αἱ- 
γύπτου, αὖτις τὸν τυφλὸν ἄρχειν ἐκ τῶν ἑλέων 
ἀπικόμενον, ἔνθα πεντήκοντα ἔτεα νῆσον χώσας 
σποδῷ τε καὶ yf) οἴκεε. ὅκως γάρ οἱ φοιτᾶν σίτον 
ἄγοντας Αἰγυπτίων, ὡς ἑκάστοισι προστετάχθαι, 
σιγῇ τοῦ Αἰθίοπος, ἐς τὴν δωρεὴν κελεύειν σφέας 
καὶ σποδὸν κομίξειν. ταύτην τὴν νῆσον οὐδεὶς 
πρότερον ἐδυνάσθη. ᾽Αμυρταίου ἐξευρεῖν, ἀλλὰ 
ἔτεα ἐπὶ πλέω ἢ ἑπτακόσια οὐκ οἷοί τε ἦσαν 


444 


BOOK II. 138-140 


A road, paved with stone, of about three furlongs’ 
length leads to the entrance, running eastward 
through the market place, towards the temple of 
Hermes; this road is about four hundred feet wide, 
and bordered by trees reaching to heaven. Such is 
this temple. | 

139. Now the departure of the Ethiopian (they 
said) was accomplished on this wise. He fled away 
from the country, having seen in a dream one who 
stood over him and counselled him to gather together 
all the priests in Egypt and cut them in sunder. 
Having seen this vision, he said that he supposed it 
to be a manifestation sent to him by the gods, that 
he might commit sacrilege and so be punished by 
gods or men; he would not (he said) act so, but 
otherwise, for the time foretold for his rule over 
Egypt, after which he was to depart, was now 
fulfilled : for when he was still in Ethiopia the oracles 
which are inquired of by the people of that country 
declared to him that he was fated to reign fifty years 
over Egypt. Seeing that this time was now completed 
and that he was troubled by what he saw in his 
dream, Sabacos departed from Egypt of his own 
accord. 

140. The Ethiopian having left Egypt, the blind 
man (it is said) was king once more, returning from the 
marshes, where he had dwelt fifty years on an island 
which he built of ashes and earth; for the Egyptians, 
who were severally charged to bring him food without 
the Ethiopian's knowledge, were bidden by the king 
to bring ashes whenever they came, as their gift. 
This island was never discovered before the time of 
Amyrtaeus ; all the kings before him sought it in vain 


445 


HERODOTUS 


αὐτὴν ἀνευρεῖν οἱ πρότεροι γενόμενοι βασιλέες 
᾽Αμυρταίου. οὔνομα δὲ ταύτῃ τῇ νήσῳ ᾿Ελβώ, 
µέγαθος Ò ἐστὶ πάντῃ δέκα σταδίων. 

141. Μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον βασιλεῦσαι τὸν ἱρέα τοῦ 
᾿Ἠφαίστου, τῷ οὔνομα εἶναι Σεθῶν' τὸν ἐν ἆλο- 
yit. ἔχειν παραχρησάµενον τῶν ND OL Αὐ- 
γυπτίων ὡς οὐδὲν δεησόμενον αὐτῶν, ἄλλα τε δὴ 
ἄτιμα ποιεῦντα ἐς αὐτούς, καί σφεας ἀπελέσθαι 
τὰς ἀρούρας" τοῖσι ἐπὶ τῶν προτέρων βασιλέων 
δεδόσθαι ἐξαιρέτους ἑκάστω δυώδεκα ἀρούρας. 
μετὰ δὲ ἐπ᾽ Αἴγυπτον ἐλαύνειν στρατὸν μέγαν 
Σαναχάριβον βασιλέα Ἀραβίων τε καὶ ᾿Ασσυ- 
ρίων" οὔκων δὴ ἐθέλειν τοὺς μαχίμους τῶν 
Αἰγυπτίων βοηθέειν. τὸν ὃ ἱρέα ἐς ἀπορίην 
ἀπειλημένον ἐσελθόντα ἐς τὸ μέγαρον πρὸς TO- 
γαλμα ἀποδύρεσθαι οἷα κινδυνεύει παθεῖν. ὀλο- 
φυρόμενον δ᾽ ἄρα μιν ἐπελθεῖν ἱ ὕπνον, καί οἱ δόξαι 
ἐν τῇ ὄψι ἐπιστάντα τὸν θεὸν θαρσύνειν ὡς οὐδὲν 
πείσεται ἄχαρι ἀντιάζων τὸν ᾿Αραβίων στρατόν: 
αὐτὸς γάρ οἱ πέμψειν τιμωρούς. τούτοισι δή μιν 
πίσυνον τοῖσι ἐνυπνίοισι, παραλαβόντα Αἰγυπτίων 
τοὺς βουλομένους οἱ ἕπεσθαι, στρατοπεδεύσασθαι 
ἐν Πηλουσίῳ" ταύτῃ γὰρ εἰσὶ αἱ éco BoXai ἕπε- 
σθαι δέ οἱ τῶν μαχίμων μὲν οὐδένα ἀνδρῶν, καπή- 
λους δὲ καὶ χειρώνακτας καὶ ἀγοραίους ἀνθρώπους. 
ἐνθαῦτα ἀπικομένοισι + τοῖσι ἐναντίοισι αὐτοῖσι 
ἐπιχυθέντας νυκτὸς μῦς ἀρουραίους κατὰ μὲν 
φαγεῖν τοὺς φαρετρεῶνας αὐτῶν κατὰ δὲ τὰ τόξα, 
πρὸς δὲ τῶν ἀσπίδων τὰ ὄχανα, ὥστε τῇ ὑστεραίῃ 


! Stein reads ἀπικομένου:, and supposes a lacuna after 
ἐναντίοισι} ἀπικομένοισι has the best authority. 


440 


BOOK Il. 140-141 


for more than seven hundred years. The name of it 
is Elbo, and it is ten furlongs long and of an equal 
breadth. 

141. The next king was the priest of Hephaestus, 
whose name was Sethos. He despised and took no 
account of the warrior Egyptians, thinking he would 
never need them; besides otherwise dishonour- 
ing them, he took away the chosen lands which 
had been given to them, twelve fields to each 
man, in the reign of former kings. So presently 
came king Sanacharib! against Egypt, with a great 
host of Arabians and Assyrians; and the warrior 
Egyptians would not march against him. The priest, 
in this quandary, went into the temple shrine and 
there bewailed to the god’s image the peril which 
threatened him. In his lamentation he fell asleep, 
and dreamt that he saw the god standing over him 
and bidding him take courage, for he should suffer 
no ill by encountering the host of Arabia: * Myself," 
said the god, * will send you champions." So he 
trusted the vision, and encamped at Pelusium with 
such Egyptians as would follow him, for here is the 
road into Egypt; and none of the warriors would go 
with him, but only hucksters and artificers and 
traders. Their enemies too came thither, and one 
night a multitude of fieldmice? swarmed over the 
Assyrian camp and devoured their quivers and their 
bows and the handles of their shields likewise, inso- 

! Sennacherib's attack on Hezekiah of Judaea was made 
on his march to Egypt.—II Kings, xviii. " 

2 This is Hdt.’s version of the Jewish story of the pest- 
ilence which destroyed the Assyrian army before Jerusalem. 
Mice are a Greek symbol of pestilence ; it is Apollo Smintheus 
(the mouse god) who sends and then stays the plague in 


Homer, ΙΙ. i. It has long been known that rats are carriers 
of the plague. 


447 


HERODOTUS 


φευγόντων σφέων γυμνῶν πεσεῖν πολλούς. καὶ 
νῦν οὗτος ὁ βασιλεὺς ἕστηκε ἐν τῷ ἱρῷ τοῦ Ἡ φαί- 
στου λίθινος, ἔχων ἐπὶ τῆς χειρὸς μῦν, λέγων 
διὰ γραμμάτων τάδε" “' Ἐς ἐμέ τις ὁρέων εὐσεβὴς 
Ld 

ἔστω." 

142, "Es μὲν τοσόνδε τοῦ λόγου Αἰγύπτιοί τε 
καὶ οἱ ipées ἔλεγον, ἀποδεικνύντες d ἀπὸ τοῦ πρώτου 
βασιλέος ἐς τοῦ Ἡφαίστου τὸν ἱρέα τοῦτον τὸν 
τελευταῖον βασιλεύσαντα μίαν τε καὶ τεσσερά- 
κοντα καὶ τριηκοσίας γενεὰς ἀνθρώπων γενομένας, 
καὶ ἐν ταύτῃσι ἀρχιερέας καὶ βασιλέας ἑ ἑκατέρους 
τοσούτους γενομένους. καίτοι τριηκόσιαι μὲν 
ἀνδρῶν γενεαὶ δυνέαται μύρια ἔτεα' γενεαὶ γὰρ 
τρεῖς ἀνδρῶν ἑκατὸν ἔτεα ἐστί: μιῆς δὲ καὶ τεσ- 
σεράκοντα ἔτι τῶν ἐπιλοίπων γενεέων, αἳ ἐπῆσαν 
τῇσι τριηκοσίῃσι, ἐσ ἐστὶ τεσσεράκοντα καὶ τριηκόσια 
καὶ χίλια έτεα. οὕτω, ἐν μυρίοισί τε ἔτεσι καὶ χι- 
λίοισι καὶ τριηκοσίοισί τε καὶ τεσσεράκοντα ἔλεγον 
θεὸν ἀνθρωποειδέα οὐδένα γενέσθαι: οὐ μέντοι 
οὐδὲ πρότερον οὐδὲ ὕστερον ἐν τοῖσι ὑπολοίποισι 
Αἰγύπτου βασιλεῦσι γενομένοισι ἔλεγον οὐδὲν 
τοιοῦτο. ἐν τοίνυν τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ τετράκις 
ἔλεγον ἐξ ἠθέων τὸν ἥλιον ἀνατεῖλαι: ἔνθα τε νῦν 
καταδύεται, ἐνθεῦτεν δὶς ἐπαντεῖλαι, καὶ ἔνθεν 
νῦν ἀνατέλλει, ἐνθαῦτα δὶς καταδῦναι. καὶ οὐδὲν 
τῶν κατ᾽ Αἴγυπτον ὑπὸ ταῦτα ἑτεροιωθῆναι, οὔτε 
τὰ ἐκ τῆς γῆς οὔτε τὰ ἐκ τοῦ ποταμοῦ σφι 
γινόμενα, οὔτε τὰ ἀμφὶ νούσους οὔτε τὰ κατὰ 
τοὺς θανάτους. 

148. Πρότερον δὲ Ἑκαταίῳ τῷ λογοποιῷ ἐν 
Θήβησι γενεηλογήσαντί τε ἑωυτὸν καὶ ἀναδή- 
σαντι τὴν πατριὴν ἐς ἑκκαιδέκατον θεὸν ἐποίησαν 


448 


BOOK II 141-143 


much that they fled the next day unarmed and many 
fell. And at this day a stone statue of the Egyptian 
king stands in Hephaestus’ temple, with a mouse in 
his hand, and an inscription to this effect: “ Look on 
me, and fear the gods." 

142. Thus far went the record given me by the 
Egyptians and their priests; and they showed me 
that the time from the first king to that priest of 
Hephaestus, who was the last, covered three hundred 
and forty-one generations of men, and that in this 
time such also had been the number of their kings, 
and of their high priests. Now three hundred 
generations make up ten thousand years, three 
generations being equal to a century. And over and 
above the three hundred the remaining forty-one 
cover thirteen hundred and forty years. Thus the 
whole sum is eleven thousand three hundred and 
forty years; in all which time (they said) they had 
had no king who was a god in human form, nor had 
there been any such thing either before or after 
those years among the rest of the kings of Egypt. 
Four times in this period (so they told me) the sun 
rose contrary to his wont; twice he rose where he 
now sets, and twice he set where now he rises; yet 
Egypt at these times underwent no change, neither 
in the produce of the river and the land, nor in the 
matter of sickness and death. 

143. Hecataeus! the historian was once at Thebes, 
where he made for himself a genealogy which 
connected him by lineage with a god in the sixteenth 

1 Hecataeus died soon after the Persian war. 


449 


HERODOTUS 


οἱ ἱρέες τοῦ Διὸς οἷόν τι καὶ ἐμοὶ οὐ γενεηλθγή- 
σαντι ἐμεωντόν' ἐσαγαγύντες ἐς τὸ μέγαρον ἔσω 
ἐὸν μέγα ἐξηρίθμεον δεικνύντες κολοσσοὺς ξυλίνους 
τοσούτους ὅσους περ εἶπον: ἀρχιερεὺς γὰρ ἕκα- 
στος αὐτόθι ἱστᾷ ἐπὶ τῆς ἑωυτοῦ Cons εἰκόνα 
ἑωυτοῦ" ἀριθμέοντες ὧν καὶ δεικνύντες οἱ ἱρέες 
ἐμοὶ ἀπεδείκνυσαν παῖδα πατρὸς ἑωυτῶν ἕκαστον 
ἐόντα, ἐκ τοῦ ἄγχιστα ἀποθανόντος τῆς εἰκόνος 
διεξιόντες διὰ πατέων, ἕως οὗ ἀπέδεξαν ἁπάσας 
αὐτάς. Ἑκαταίῳ δὲ γενεηλογήσαντι ἑωυτὸν καὶ 
ἀναδήσαντι ἐς ἑκκαιδέκατον θεὸν ἀντεγενεηλό- 
γήσαν ἐπὶ τῇ ἀριθμήσι, οὐ δεκόμενοι παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ 
ἀπὸ θεοῦ γενέσθαι ἄνθρωπον' ἀντεγενεηλόγησαν 
δὲ ὦδε, φάμενοι ἕκαστον τῶν κολοσσῶν πίρωμιν 
ἐκ πιρώμιος γεγονέναι, ἐς ὃ τοὺς πέντε καὶ τεσ- 
σεράκοντα καὶ τριηκοσίους ἀπέδεξαν. κολοσσούς 
[πίρωμιν ἐπονομαξόμενον), ! καὶ οὔτε ἐς θεὸν οὔτε 
ἐς ἥρωα ἀνέδησαν αὐτούς. πίρωμις δὲ ἐστὶ κατὰ 
Ἑλλάδα γλῶσσαν καλὸς κἀγαθός. 

144. Ἤδη ὧν τῶν αἱ εἰκόνες ἦσαν, τοιούτους 
ἀπεδείκνυσαν σφέας πάντας ἐόντας, θεῶν δὲ 
πολλὸν ἀπαλλαγμένους. τὸ δὲ πρότερον τῶν 
ἀνδρῶν τούτων eov. εἶναι τοὺς ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ 
ἄρχοντας, οὐκ ἐόντας ἅμα τοῖσι ἀνθρώποισι, καὶ 
τούτων αἰεὶ ἕνα τὸν κρατέοντα εἶναι" ὕστατον δὲ 
αὐτῆς βασιλεῦσαι Ὥρον τὸν ᾿Οσίριος παῖδα, τὸν 
᾿Απόλλωνα “Ἕλληνες ὀνομάξουσι" τοῦτον κατα- 
παύσαντα Tuga ava βασιλεῦσαι Ü ὕστατον Αἰγύπτου. 

Ὄσιρις δὲ ἐστὶ Διόνυσος κατὰ Ελλάδα γλῶσσαν. 


1 Whether we read ἐπονομαζόμενον (with Stein) or πίρωμιν 
ἐκ πιρώμιος γενόµενυν (with the MSS.) the words do not accord 
with the construction of the sentence. 


450 


BOOK Il. 143-144 


generation. But the priests did for him what they 
did for me (who had not traced my own lineage). 
They brought me into the great inner court of the 
temple and showed me there wooden figures which 
they counted up to the number they had already 
given, for every high priest sets there in his life- 
time a statue of bimself; counting and pointing 
to these, the priests showed me that each inherited 
from his father; they went through the whole 
tale of figures, back to the earliest from that of 
him who had lateliest died. Thus when Hecataeus 
had traced his descent and claimed that his six- 
teenth forefather was a god, the priests too traced 
a line of descent according to the method of their 
counting; for they would not be persuaded by him 
that a man could be descended from a god; they 
traced descent through the whole line of three 
hundred and forty-five figures, not connecting it 
with any ancestral god or hero, but declaring each 
figure to be a “ Piromis" the son of a ** Piromis," 
that is, in the Greek language, one who is in all 
respects a good man. 

144. Thus they showed that all whose statues 
.vood there had been good men, but wholly unlike 
gods. Before these men, they said, the rulers of 
Egypt were gods, but none had been contemporary 
with the human priests. Of these gods one or other 
had in succession been supreme; the last of them 
to rule the country was Osiris son Horus, called by 
the Greeks Apollo; he deposed Typhon,! and was 
the last divine king of Egypt. Osiris is, in the 
Greek language, Dionysus. 


1 Typhon is the Egyptian Set, the god of destruction. 
451 


HERODOTUS 


145. ᾿Εν "Ἕλλησι μέν νυν νεώτατοι τῶν θεῶν 
νομίζονται εἶναι Ἡρακλέης τε καὶ Διόνυσος καὶ 
Πάν, παρ᾽ Αἰγυπτίοισι δὲ Πὰν μὲν ἀρχαιότατος 
καὶ τῶν ὀκτὼ τῶν πρώτων λεγομένων θεῶν, 'Hpa- 
κλέης δὲ τῶν δευτέρων τῶν δυώδεκα λεγομένων 
εἶναι, Διόνυσος δὲ τῶν τρίτων, οἳ ἐκ τῶν δυώδεκα 
θεῶν ἐγένοντο. Ἡρακλέι μὲν δὴ ὅσα αὐτοὶ Al- 
γύπτιοι φασὶ εἶναι ἔτεα ἐς "Άμασιν βασιλέα, 
δεδήλωταί μοι πρόσθε: Πανὶ δὲ ἔτι τούτων πλέονα 
λέγεται εἶναι, Διονύσῳ δ᾽ ἐλάχιστα τούτων, καὶ 
τούτῳ πεντακισχίλια καὶ μύρια λογίζονται εἶναι 
ἐς “Apacw βασιλέα. καὶ ταῦτα Αιγύπτιοι ἀτρε- 
κέως φασὶ. ἐπίστασθαι, αἰεί τε Ἀογιξόμενοι καὶ 
αἰεὶ ἀπογραφόμενοι τὰ ἔτεα. Διονύσῳ μέν νυν τῷ 
ἐκ Σεμέλης. τῆς Κάδμου λεγομένῳ γενέσθαι κατὰ 
ἑξακόσια ἔτεα καὶ χίλια μάλιστα ἐστὶ ἐς .ἐμέ, 
"Βρακλέι δὲ τῷ ᾿Αλκμήνης κατὰ εἰνακόσια ἔτεα" 
Πανὶ δὲ τῷ ἐκ Πηνελόπης (ἐκ ταύτης γὰρ καὶ 
Ἑρμέω λέγεται γενέσθαι ὑπὸ Ἑλλήνων ὁ Πάν) 
ἐλάσσω ἔτεα ἐστὶ τῶν Τρωικῶν, κατὰ ὀκτακόσια 
μάλιστα ἐς ἐμέ. 

146. Τούτων ὧν ἀμφοτέρων πάρεστι χρᾶσθαι 
τοῖσί τις πείσεται λεγομένοισι μᾶλλον' ἐμοὶ δ᾽ 
ὧν ἡ περὶ αὐτῶν γνώμη ἀποδέδεκται. εἰ μὲν γὰρ 
φανεροί τε ἐγένοντο. καὶ κατεγήρασαν καὶ οὗτοι 
ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι, κατά περ Ἡρακλέης ὁ ἐξ Appi- 
τρύωνος γενόμενος, καὶ δὴ καὶ Διόνυσος ὁ ἐκ 
Σεμέλης καὶ Πὰν ὁ ὁ ἐκ Πηνελόπης γενόμενος, ἔφη 
ἄν τις καὶ τούτους ἄλλους ἄνδρας γενομένους ἔχειν 
τὰ ἐκείνων οὐνόματα τῶν προγεγονότων θεῶν. νῦν 
δὲ Διόνυσόν τε λέγουσι οἱ "Ελληνες ὡς αὐτίκα 
γενόμενον ἐς τὸν μηρὸν ἐνερράψατο Ζεὺς καὶ 
453 


BOOK II. 145-146 


145. Among the Greeks, Heracles, Dionysus, and 
Pan are held to be the youngest of the gods. But 
in Egypt Pan! is the most ancient of these and is 
one of the eight gods who are said to be the first of 
all, Heracles belongs to the second dynasty (that of 
the so-called twelve gods), and Dionysus to the third, 
which came after the twelve. How many years there 
were between Heracles and the reign of Amasis, 
I have already shown; Pan is said to be earlier 
still; the years between Dionysus and Amasis are 
the fewest, and they are reckoned by the Egyptians 
at fifteen thousand. Of all this the Egyptians claim 
to have certain knowledge, seeing that they had 
always reckoned the years and chronicled them in 
writing. Now the Dionysus who was called the son 
of Semele, daughter of Cadmus, was about sixteen 
hundred years before my time, and Heracles son of 
Alemene about nine hundred years; and Pan the 
son of Penelope (for according to. the Greeks 
Penelope and Hermes were the parents of Pan) 
was about eight hundred years before me, and thus 
of a later date than the Trojan war. 

146. With regard to these two, Pan and Dionysus, a 
man may follow whatsoever story he deems most cred- 
ible; but I here declare my own opinion concerning 
them :— Had Dionysus son of Semele and Pan son of 
Penelope been made manifest in Hellas and lived 
there to old age, like Heracles the son of Amphi- 
tryon, it might have been said that they too (like 
Heracles) were but men, named after the older Pan 
and Dionysus, the gods of antiquity ; but as it is, the 
Greek story has it that no sooner was Dionysus born 
than Zeus sewed him up in his thigh and carried 


! The Egyptian Khem. 
453 


P 


HERODOTUS 


ἤνεικε ἐς Νύσαν τὴν ὑπὲρ Αἰγύπτου ἐοῦσαν ἐν 
τῇ Αἰθιοπίῃ, καὶ Ilavós γε πέρι οὐκ ἔχουσι εἰπεῖν 
ὅκῃ ἐτράπετο γενόμενος. δῆλά μοι ὧν γέγονε ὅτι 
ὕστερον ἐπύθοντο οἱ "Ελληνες τούτων τὰ οὐνόματα, 
ἦ τὰ τῶν ἄλλων θεῶν: ἀπ᾽ οὗ δὲ ἐπύθοντο χρόνου, 
ἀπὸ τούτου γενεηλογέουσι αὐτῶν τὴν γένεσιν. 

141. Ταῦτα μέν νυν αὐτοὶ Αἰγύπτιοι λέγουσι" 
ὅσα δὲ οἵ τε ἄλλοι ἄνθρωποι καὶ Αἰγύπτιοι 
λέγουσι ὁμολογέοντες τοῖσι ἄλλοισι κατὰ ταύτην 
τὴν χώρην γενέσθαι, ταῦτ᾽ ἤδη φράσω’ προσέσται 
δέ τι αὐτοῖσι καὶ τῆς ἐμῆς ὄψιος. 

᾿Ελευθερωθέντες Αἰγύπτιοι μετὰ τὸν ἱρέα τοῦ 
Ηφαίστου, βασιλεύσαντα, οὐδένα γὰρ χρόνον οἷοί 
τε ἦσαν ἄνευ βασιλέος διαιτᾶσθαι, ἐστήσαντο 
δυώδεκα βασιλέας, δυώδεκα μοίρας δασάμενοι 
Αἴγυπτον πᾶσαν. οὗτοι ἐπιγαμίας ποιησάμενοι 
ἐβασίλευον νόμοισι τοῖσιδε χρεώμενοι, μήτε katat- 
ρέειν ἀλλήλους μήτε πλέον τι δίζησθαι € ἔχειν τὸν 
ἕτερον τοῦ ἑτέρου, εἶναί τε φίλους τὰ μάλιστα. 
τῶνδε δὲ εἵνεκα τοὺς νόμους τούτους ἐποιέοντο, 
ἐσχυρῶς περιστέλλοντες' ἐκέχρηστό σφι κατ᾽ 
ἀρχὰς αὐτίκα ἐνισταμένοισι ἐ ἐς τὰς τυραννίδας τὸν 

αλκέῃ φιάλῃ σπείσαντα αὐτῶν ἐν τῷ ἱρῷ τοῦ 
Ηφαίστου,: Το ῦτον ἁπάσης βασιλεύσειν Αἰγύπτου: 
ἐς γὰρ δὴ τὰ πάντα ἱρὰ συνελέγοντο. 

148. Καὶ δή σφι μνημόσυνα ἔδοξε λιπέσθαι 
κοινῇ, δόξαν δέ σφι ἐποιήσαντο λαβύρινθον, ὀλ.έ- 
γον ὑπὲρ τῆς λίμνης τῆς Μοίριος κατὰ Κροκοδεύ- 
λων καλεομένην πόλιν μάλιστά κη κείμενον" τὸν 
ἐγὼ ἤδη εἶδον λόγου μέξω. εἰ γάρ τις τὰ ÈE“ Ἑλλή- 
νων τείχεά τε καὶ ἔργων ἀπόδεξιν συλλογίσαιτο, 


454 


BOOK II. 146-148 


him away to Nysa in Ethiopia beyond Egypt ; and 
as for Pan, the Greeks know not what became of him 
after his birth. It is therefore plain to me that the 
Greeks learnt the names of these two gods later than 
the names of all the others, and trace the birth of 
both to the time when they gained the knowledge. 

147. Thus far I have recorded what the Egyptians 
themselves say. I will now relate what is recorded 
alike by Egyptians and foreigners to have happened 
in that land, and I will add thereto something of 
what I myself have seen. 

After the reign of the priest of Hephaestus the 
Egyptians were made free. But they could never live 
without a king, so they divided Egypt into twelve 
portions and set up twelve kings. These kings inter- 
married, and agreed to be close friends, undertaking 
not to depose one another nor to seek to possess one. 
more than another. The reason of this agreement, 
which they zealously guarded, was this: at their very 
first establishment in their several lordships an oracle 
was given them that that one of them who poured 
a libation from a bronze vessel in the temple of 
Hephaestus (where, as in all the temples, it was their 
wont to assemble) should be king of all Egypt. 

148. Moreover they resolved to preserve the 
memory of their names by some joint enterprise ; and 
having so resolved they made a labyrinth,! a little 
way beyond the lake Moeris and near the place called 
the City of Crocodiles. I have myself seen it, and 
indeed no words can tell its wonders ;? were all that 
Greeks have builded and wrought added together 


1 This “labyrinth” was a horseshoe-shaped group of 
buildings, supposed to have been near the pyramid of Hawára 
(Sayce). 2 I take ἤδη as = 4 δή, with λόγου μέζω. 


455 


d 


HERODOTUS 


ἑλάσσονος πόνου τε ἂν καὶ δαπάνης φανείη ἐόντα 
τοῦ λαβυρίνθου τούτου. καίτοι ἀξιόλογός γε καὶ 
ὁ ἐν 'Edéco ἐστὶ νηὸς καὶ ὁ ἐν Σάμῳ. ἦσαν μέν 
νυν καὶ αἱ πυραμίδες λόγου µέζονες, καὶ πολλῶν 
ἑκάστη αὐτέων Ἑλληνικῶν ἔργων καὶ μεγάλων 
ἀνταξίη, ὁ δὲ δὴ λαβύρινθος καὶ τὰς πυραμίδας 
ὑπερβάλλει: τοῦ [yàp]! δυώδεκα μὲν εἰσὶ αὐλαὶ 
κατάστεγοι, ἀντίπυλοι ἀλλήλῃσι, ἓξ μὲν πρὸς 
βορέω ἓξ δὲ πρὸς νότον τετραμμέναι, συνεχέες" 
τοῖχος δὲ ἔξωθεν ὁ αὐτός σφεας περιέργει. 
οἰκήματα ò ἔνεστι διπλᾶ, τὰ μὲν ὑπόγαια τὰ 
δὲ μετέωρα ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνοισι, τρισχίλια ἀριθμόν, 
πεντακοσίων καὶ χιλίων ἑκάτερα. τὰ μέν 
νυν μετέωρα τῶν οἰκημάτων αὐτοί τε ὡρῶμεν 
διεξιόντες καὶ αὐτοὶ θεησάµενοι λέγομεν, τὰ 
δὲ αὐτῶν ὑπόγαια λόγοισι ἐπυνθανόμεθα' οἱ γὰρ 
ἐπεστεῶτες τῶν Αἰγυπτίων δεικνύναι αὐτὰ οὐδα- 
μῶς ἤθελον, φάμενοι θήκας αὐτόθι εἶναι τῶν τε 
ἀρχὴν τὸν λαβύρινθον τοῦτον οἰκοδομησαμένων 

ασιλέων καὶ τῶν ἱρῶν κροκοδείλων. οὕτω τῶν 
μὲν κάτω πέρι οἰκημάτων ἀκοῇ παραλαβόντες 
λέγομεν, τὰ δὲ ἄνω μέξονα ἀνθρωπηίων ἔργων 
αὐτοὶ ὡρῶμεν: αἵ τε γὰρ διέξοδοι διὰ τῶν στεγέων 
καὶ οἱ ἑλιγμοὶ διὰ τῶν αὐλέων ἐόντες ποικιλώτατοι 
θῶμα μυρίον παρείχοντο ἐξ αὐλῆς τε ἐς τὰ οἰκή- 
ματα διεξιοῦσι καὶ ἐκ τῶν οἰκήματων ἐς πασ- 
τάδας, ἐς στέγας τε ἄλλας ἐκ τῶν παστάδων 
καὶ ἐς αὐλὰς ἄλλας ἐκ τῶν οἰκημάτων. ὀροφὴ 
δὲ πάντων τούτων λιθίνη κατά περ οἱ τοῖ- 
χοι, οἱ δὲ τοῖχοι τύπων ἐγγεγλυμμένων πλέοι, 

1 yàp is bracketed, τοῦ as a relative being in accordance 
with Herodotus' practice. 


456 


BOOK II. 148 


the whole would be seen to be a matter of less 
labour and cost than was this labyrinth, albeit the 
temples at Ephesus and Samos are noteworthy 
buildings. Though the pyramids were greater than 
words can tell, and each one of them a match for 
many great monuments built by Greeks, this 
maze surpasses even the pyramids. It has twelve 
roofed courts, with doors over against each other: 
six face the north and six the south, in two con- 
tinuous lines, all within one outer wall. There are 
also double sets of chambers, three thousand 
altogether, fifteen hundred above and the same 
number under ground. We ourselves viewed those 
that are above ground, and speak of what we have 
seen; of the underground chambers we were only 
told; the Egyptian wardens would by no means 
show them, these being, they said, the burial vaults 
of the kings who first built this labyrinth, and of 
the sacred crocodiles. Thus we can only speak 
from hearsay of the lower chambers; the upper 
we saw for ourselves, and they are creations greater 
than human. The outlets of the chambers and 
the mazy passages hither and thither through 
the courts were an unending marvel to us as we 
passed from court to apartment and from apartment 
to colonnade, from colonnades again to more cham- 
bers and then into yet more courts. Over all this 
is a roof, made of stone like the walls, and the 
walls are covered with carven figures, and every 


457 


HERODOTUS 


αὐλὴ δὲ é ἑκάστη περίστυλος- λ. θου λευκοῦ ἁρμοσ- 
μένου τὰ μάλιστα. τῆς δὲ γωνίης τελευτῶντος 
τοῦ λαβυρίνθου ἔχεται πυραμὶς τεσσερακοντόρ- 
γυιος, ἐν τῇ ζῷα μεγάλα ἐγγέγλυπται' ὁδὸς δ᾽ ἐς 
αὐτὴν ὑπὸ γῆν πεποίηται. 

149. Τοῦ δὲ λαβυρίνθου τούτου ἐόντος τοιούτου 
θῶμα ἔτι μέξον παρέχεται ἡ ἡ Μοίριος καλεομένη 
λίμνη, παρ᾽ ἣν ὁ λαβύρινθος οὗτος οἰκοδόμη- 
ται: τῆς τὸ περίμετρον τῆς περιόδου εἰσὶ στάδιοι 
ἑξακόσιοι καὶ τρισχίλιοι, σχοίνων ἑξήκοντα ἐόν- 
των, ἴσοι καὶ αὐτῆς Αἰγύπτου τὸ παρὰ θάλασσαν. 
κεῖται δὲ μακρὴ ἡ λίμνη πρὸς Βορέην τε καὶ νότον, 
ἐοῦσα βάθος, τῇ βαθ υτάτη͵ αὐτὴ ἑωυτῆς, πεντη- 
κοντόργυιος. ὅτι δὲ χειροποίητος ἐστὶ καὶ ὀρυκτή, 
αὐτὴ δηλοῖ: ἐν γὰρ μέσῃ τῇ λίμνη μάλιστά Kn 
ἑστᾶσι δύο πυραμίδες, τοῦ ὕδατος .ὑπερέχουσαι 
πεντήκοντα ὀργυιὰς ἑκατέρη, καὶ τὸ KAT ὕδατος 
οἰκοδόμηται ἕτερον τοσοῦτον, καὶ ἐπ᾿ ἀμφοτέρῃσι 
ἔπεστι κολοσσὸς λίθινος κατήμενος ἐν θρόνῳ. 
οὕτω αἱ μὲν πυραμίδες εἰσὶ ἑκατὸν ὀργυιέων, αἱ δ᾽ 
ἑκατὸν opyural δίκαιαι εἰσ) στάδιον ἑξάπλεθρον, 
ἑξαπέδου τε τῆς ὀργυιῆς μετρεομένης καὶ τετρα- 
πήχεος, τῶν ποδῶν μὲν τετραπαλαίστων ἐόντων, 
τοῦ δὲ πήχεος ἑξαπαλαίστου. τὸ δὲ ὕδωρ τὸ ἐν 
τῇ λίμνῃ αὐθιγενὲς μὲν οὐκ ἔστι (ἄνυδρος γὰρ 

j δεινῶς ἐστι ἡ ταύτῃ), ἐκ τοῦ Νείλου δὲ κατὰ 
διώρυχα ἐσῆκται, καὶ ἓξ μὲν μῆνας ἔσω ῥέει ἐς 
τὴν λίμνην, & δὲ μῆνας ἔξω ἐς τὸν Ν εἶλον αὗτις' 
καὶ ἐπεὰν μὲν ἐκρέῃ ἔξω, ἣ δὲ τότε τοὺς ef μῆνας 
ἐς τὸ βασιλήιον καταβάλλει ἐπ᾿ ἡμέρην ἑκάστην 
τάλαντον ἀργυρίου ἐκ τῶν ἰχθύων, ἐ ἐπεὰν δὲ ἐσίῃ 
τὸ ὕδωρ ἐς αὐτήν, εἴκοσι μνέας. 


45δ 


BOOK II. 148-149 


court is set round with pillars of white stone most 
exactly fitted together. Hard by the corner where 
the labyrinth ends there stands a pyramid forty 
fathoms high, whereon great figures are carved. 
A passage has been made into this underground. 

149. Such is this labyrinth; and yet more mar- 
vellous is the lake Moeris, by which it stands. This 
lake has a circuit of three thousand six hundred 
furlongs, or sixty schoeni, which is as much as the 
whole seaboard of Egypt. Its length is from north 
to south; the deepest part has a depth of fifty 
fathoms. That it has been dug out and made by 
men's hands the lake shows for itself; for almost 
in the middle of it stand two pyramids, so built that 
fifty fathoms of each are below and fifty above the 
water; atop of each is a colossal stone figure seated 
on a throne. Thus these pyramids are a hundred 
fathoms high ; and a hundred fathoms equal a fur- 
long of six hundred feet, the fathom measuring six 
feet or four cubits, the foot four spans and the cubit 
six spans. The water of the lake is not natural 
(for the country here is exceeding waterless) but 
brought by a channel from the Nile; six months it 
flows into the lake, and six back into the river. 
For the six months that it flows from the lake, the 
daily take of fish brings a silver talent into the 
royal treasury, and twenty minae for each day of 
the flow into the lake. 


VOL.I. R 459 


HERODOTUS 


150. Ἔλεγον δὲ οἱ ἐπιχώριοι καὶ ὡς ἐς τὴν 
Σύρτιν τὴν ἐς Λιβύην ἐκδιδοῦ ἡ λίμνη αὕτη ὑπὸ 
γῆν, τετραμμένη τὸ πρὸς ἑσπέρην ἐς τὴν μεσόγαιαν 
παρὰ τὸ ὄρος τὸ ὑπὲρ Μέμφιος. ἐπείτε δὲ τοῦ 
ὀρύγματος τούτου οὐκ ὥρων τὸν χοῦν οὐδαμοῦ 
ἐόντα, ἐπιμελὲς γὰρ δή μοι ἣν, εἰρόμην τοὺς 
ἄγχιστα οἰκέοντας τῆς λίμνης ὅκου εἴη ὁ χοῦς ὁ 
ἐξορυχθείς. οἳ δὲ ἔφρασάν μοι ἵνα ἐξεφορύθη, καὶ 
εὐπετέως ἔπειθον' Ίδεα yap ove καὶ ἐν Νίνῳ τῇ 
᾿Ασσυρίων πόλι γενόμενον ἕτερον τοιοῦτον. τὰ 
γὰρ Σαρδαναπάλλου τοῦ Νίνου βασιλέος ἐόντα 
μεγάλα Χρήματα καὶ φυλασσόμενα ἐν θησαυροῖσι 
καταγαίοισι ἐπενόησαν κλῶπες ἐκφορῆσαι. ἐκ δὴ 
ὧν τῶν σφετέρων οἰκίων ἀρξάμενοι οἱ κλῶπες 
ὑπὸ γῆν σταθμεόμενοι È ἐς τὰ βασιλήια οἰκία ὤρυσ- 
σον, τὸν δὲ χοῦν τὸν ἐκφορεύμενον ἐκ τοῦ ὀρύγ- 
ματος, ὅκως γένοιτο νύξ, ἐς τὸν Τίγρην ποταμὸν 
παραρρέοντα τὴν Νίνον ἐξεφόρεον, ἐ ἐς ὃ κατεργά- 
σαντο ὅ τι ἐβούλοντο. τοιοῦτον ἕτερον ἤκουσα καὶ 
κατὰ τὸ τῆς ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ λίμνης ὄρυγμα γενέσθαι, 
πλὴν οὐ νυκτὸς ἀλλὰ μετ᾽ ἡμέρην ποιεύμενον" 
ὀρύσσοντας γὰρ τὸν χοῦν τοὺς Αἰγυπτίους ἐς τὸν 
Νεῖλον φορέειν: ὃ δὲ ὑπολαμβάνων ἔμελλε δια- 
χέειν. ἡ μέν νυν λίμνη αὕτη οὕτω λέγεται 
ὀρυχθῆναι" 

151. "Τῶν δὲ δυώδεκα Βασιλέων δικαιοσύνῃ χρεω- 
μένων, ἀνὰ χρόνον ὡς ἔθυσαν. ἐν τῷ ἱρῷ τοῦ 
Ἡφαίστου, Tf ὑστάτῃ τῆς ὁρτῆς, ᾽μελλόντων 
κατασπείσειν, ὁ ἀρχιερεὺς ἐξήνεικέ σφι φιάλας 
χρυσέας, thot περ ἐώθεσαν σπένδειν, ἁμαρτὼν 
τοῦ ἀριθμοῦ, ἕνδεκα δυώδεκα ἐοῦσι. ἐνθαῦτα ὡς 
οὐκ εἶχε φιάλην ὁ ἔσχατος ἑστεὼς αὐτῶν Ψαμ- 


46ο 


BOOK II. 150-151 


150. Further, the people of the country said 
that this lake issues by an underground stream 
into the Libyan Syrtis, and stretches inland towards 
the west along the mountains that are above 
Memphis. I could not anywhere see the earth 
taken from the digging of this lake, and this 
giving me matter for thought, I asked those 
who dwelt nearest to the lake where the stuff 
was that had been dug out. They told me: 
whither it had been carried, and I readily be- 
lieved them, for I had heard of a like thing 
happening in the Assyrian city of Ninus. Sardana- 
pallus king of Ninus had great wealth, which he 
kept in an underground treasury. Certain thieves 
were minded to carry it off; they reckoned their 
course and dug an underground way from their own 
house to the palace, carrying the earth taken out of 
the dug passage at night to the Tigris, which runs 
past Ninus, till at length they accomplished their 
desire. This, I was told, had happened when the 
Egyptian lake was dug, save only that the work 
went on not by night but by day. The Egyptians 
bore the earth dug out by them to the Nile, to 
be caught and scattered (as was to be thought) 
by the river. Thus is this lake said to have been 
dug. 

151. Now the twelve kings dealt justly ; and as 
time went on they came to sacrifice in Hephaestus’ 
temple. On the last day of the feast, they being 
about to pour libations, the high priest brought out 
the golden vessels which they commonly used for 
this; but he counted wrongly and gave the twelve 
only eleven. So he who stood last of them, Psam- 
metichus, got no vessel; wherefore taking off his 


461 


€ 


HERODOTUS 


μήτιχος, περιελόμενος τὴν κυνέην ἐοῦσαν χαλκέην 
ὑπέσχε τε καὶ ἔσπενδε. κυνέας δὲ καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι 
ἅπαντες ἐφόρεόν τε βασιλέες καὶ ἐτύγχανον τότε 
ἔχοντες. Ψαμμήτιχος μέν νυν οὐδενὶ δολερῷ νόῳ 
χρεώμενος ὑπέσχε τὴν κυνέην" οἳ δὲ ἐν φρενὶ 
λαβόντες TO τε ποιηθὲν ἐκ Ψαμμητίχου. καὶ τὸ 
χρηστήριον, ὅτι ἐκέχρηστό σφι τὸν χαλκέῃ σπεί- 
σαντα αὐτῶν φιάλῃ τοῦτον βασιλέα ἔσεσθαι μοῦ- 
νον Αἰγύπτου, ἀναμνησθέντες τοῦ χρησμοῦ κτεῖναι 
μὲν οὐκ ἐδικαίωσαν «Ῥαμμήτιχον, ὡς ἀνεύρισκον 
βασανίξοντες ἐξ οὐδεμιῆς προνοίης αὐτὸν morh- 
σαντα, ἐς δὲ τὰ ἕλεα ἔδοξέ σφι διῶξαι Ψιλώσαν- 
τας τὰ πλεῖστα τῆς δυνάµιος, ἐκ δὲ τῶν ἑλέων 
που μὴ ἐπιμίσγεσθαι Th ἄλλη Αἰγύπτῳ. 
. Τὸν δὲ Ὑαμμήτιχον τοῦτον πρότερον pev- 
c τὸν Αἰθίοπα Σαβακῶν, ὅς οἱ τὸν πατέρα 
Νεκῶν ἆ ἀπέκτεινε, τοῦτον φεύγοντα τότε ἐς Συρίην, 
ὡς ἀπαλλάχθη ἐ ἐκ τῆς ὄψιος τοῦ ὀνείρου ὁ Αἰθίοψ, 
κατήγαγον Αἰγυπτίων οὗτοι οἳ ἐκ νομοῦ τοῦ 
Σαΐτεω εἰσί. μετὰ δὲ βασιλεύοντα τὸ δεύτερον 
πρὸς τῶν ἕνδεκα βασιλέων καταλαμβάνει pw διὰ 
τὴν κυνέην φεύγειν ἐ ἐς τὰ ἕλεα. ἐπιστάμενος ὧν 
ὡς περιυβρισμένος εἴη πρὸς αὐτῶν, ἐπενόεε τίσασ- 
αι τοὺς διώξαντα». πέμψαντι δέ οἱ ἐς Βουτοῦν 
πόλιν ἐς τὸ χρηστήριον τῆς Λητοῦς, ἔνθα δὴ 
Αἰγυπτίοισι ἐστὶ μαντήιον. ἀψευδέστατον, ἦλθε 
χρησμὸς ὡς τίσις ἥξει ἀπὸ θαλάσσης χαλκέων 
ἀνδρῶν ἐπιφανέντων. καὶ τῷ μὲν δὴ ἀπιστίη 
μεγάλη ὑπεκέχυτο χαλκέους οἱ ἄνδρας ἥξειν ἐ ἐπι- 
κούρους. χρόνου δὲ οὐ πολλοῦ διελθόντος ἆ ἀναγ- 
καίη κατέλαβε' ]ωνάς τε καὶ Κᾶρας ἄνδρας κατὰ 
ληίην ἐκπλώσαντας ἀπενειχθῆναι ἐς Αἴγυπτον, 


462 


BOOK ΙΙ. 151-152 


bronze helmet he held it out and poured the libation 


with it. All the other kings too were wont to wear 
helmets, and were then helmeted; it was not in 
guile, then, that Psammetichus held out his head- 
gear; but the rest marked Psammetichus' deed, and 
remembered the oracle which promised the sover- 
eignty of all Egypt to whosoever should pour liba- 
tion from a vessel of bronze; wherefore, though 
they deemed Psammetichus not to deserve death 
(for they proved him and found that he had 
acted without intent), they resolved to strip him of 
the most of his power and chase him away into 
the marshes, and that he was not to concern himself 
with the rest of Egypt. 

152. This Psammetichus had fomieily been in 
Syria, whither he had fled from Sabacos the Ethio- 
pian, who killed his. father Necos; then, when the 
Ethiopian departed by reason of what he saw in a 
dream, the Egyptians of the province of Sais brought 
him back from Syria; and now Psammetichus was 
for the second time king, when it happened to him 
to be driven away into the marshes by the eleven 
kings by reason of the matter of the helmet. There- 
fore he held himself to have been outrageously dealt 
with by them and had a mind to be avenged on those 
who had expelled him, and he sent to inquire of the 
oracle of Leto in the town of Buto, which is the 
most infallible in Egypt; the oracle answered that 
he should have vengeance when he saw men of 
bronze coming from the sea. Psammetichus secretly 
disbelieved that men of bronze would come to aid 
him. But after no long time, certain Ionians and 
Carians, voyaging for plunder, were forced to put in 
on the coast of Egypt, where they disembarked in 


463 


y 


HERODOTUS 


ἐκβάντας δὲ ἐς γῆν καὶ ὁπλισθέντας χαλκῷ ἆγ- 
γέλλει τῶν τις Αἰγυπτίων ἐς τὰ ἕλεα ἀπικόμενος 
τῷ Ψαμμητίχῳ, ὡς οὐκ ἰδὼν πρότερον χαλκῷ 
ἄνδρας ὁπλισθέντας, ὡς χάλκεοι ἄνδρες ἀπιγμένοι 
ἀπὸ θαλάσσης λεηλατεῦσι τὸ πεδίον. ὃ δὲ μαθὼν 
τὸ χρηστήριον ἐπιτελεύμενον φίλα. τε τοῖσι Ίωσι 
καὶ Καρσὶ ποιέεται καί σφεας μεγάλα ὑπισχνεύ- 
μενος πείθει μετ᾽ ἑωυτοῦ γενέσθαι. ὡς δὲ ἔπεισε, 
οὕτω ἅμα τοῖσι τὰ ἑωυτοῦ βουλομένοισι Αἰγυπτί- 
otc, καὶ τοῖσι ἐπικούρομσι καταιρέει τοὺς βασι- 
λέας. 

153. Κρατήσας δὲ Αἰγύπτου πάσης ὁ Ψαμμή- 
TLXOS ἐποίησε τῷ Ἡφαίστῳ προπύλαια ἐν Μέμφι 
τὰ προς νοτον ἄνεμον τετραμμένα, αὐλὴν TE τῷ 
"Απι, ἐν τῇ τρέφεται ἐπεὰν φανῇ ὁ Απις, οἰκοδό- 
µησε ἐναντίον τῶν προπυλαίων, πᾶσάν τε περί- 
στυλον ἐοῦσαν καὶ τύπων πλέην' ἀντὶ δὲ κιόνων 
ὑπεστᾶσι κολοσσοὶ δυωδεκαπήχεες τῇ αὐλῆ. ὁ δὲ 
"Amis κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλήνων γλῶσσαν ἐστὶ Ἔπαφος. 

154. Τοῖσι δὲ Ἴωσι καὶ τοῖσι Καρσὶ τοῖσι 
συγκατεργασαμένοισι αὐτῷ ὁ Ψαμμήτιχος δίδωσι 
χώρους ἐνοικῆσαι ἀντίους ἀλλήλων, τοῦ Νείλου 
τὸ μέσον ἔχοντος, τοῖσι οὐνόματα ἐτέθη Στρατό- 
πεδα' τούτους τε δή σφι τοὺς χώρους δίδωσι καὶ 
τὰ ἄλλα τὰ ὑπέσχετο πάντα ἀπέδωκε. καὶ δὴ 
καὶ παῖδας παρέβαλε αὐτοῖσι Αἰγυπτίους τὴν 
Ἑλλάδα γλῶσσαν ἐκδιδάσκεσθαι. ἀπὸ δὲ τού- 
των ἐκμαθόντων τὴν γλῶσσαν οἱ νῦν ἑρμηνέες ἐν 
Αἰγύπτῳ γεγόνασι. οἱ δὲ "Ιωνές τε καὶ οἱ Κᾶρες 
τούτους τοὺς χώρους οἴκησαν χρόνον ἐπὶ πολλόν: 
εἰσὶ δὲ οὗτοι οἱ χῶροι πρὸς θαλάσσης ὀλίγον 
ἔνερθε Βουβάστιος πόλιος, ἐπὶ τῷ Πηλουσίῳ 
464 


BOOK Il. 152-154 


their mail of bronze ; and an Egyptian came into the 
marsh country and brought news to Psammetichus 
(for he had never before seen mailed men) that men 
of bronze were come from the sea and were foraging 
in the plain. Psammetichus saw in this the fulfil- 
ment of the oracle; he made friends with the 
Ionians and Carians, and promised them great re- 
wards if they would join him, and having won them, 
with the aid of such Egyptians as consented and 
these allies he deposed the eleven kings. 

153. Having made himself master of all Egypt, 
he made the southern outercourt of Hephaestus’ 
temple at Memphis, and built over against this a 
court for Apis, where Apis is kept and fed whenever 
he appears; this court has an inner colonnade all 
round it and many carved figures; the roof is held 
up by great statues twelve cubits high for pillars. 
Apis is in the Greek language Epaphus. 

154. The Ionians and Carians who had helped 
him to conquer were given by Psammetichus places 
to dwell in called The Camps, opposite to each other 
on either side of the Nile ; and besides this he paid 
them all that he had promised. Moreover he put 
Egyptian boys in their hands to be taught the Greek 
tongue; these, learning Greek, were the ancestors 
of the Egyptian interpreters. The Ionians and 
Carians dwelt a long time in these places, which. are 
near the sea, on the arm of the Nile called the 
Pelusian, a little way below the town of Bubastis. 


465 


HERODOTUS 


καλεομένῳ στόματι τοῦ Νείλου. τούτους μὲν δὴ 
χρόνῳ ὕστερον βασιλεὺς Ἄμασις ἐξαναστήσας 
ἐνθεῦτεν κατοίκισε ἐς Μέμφιν, φυλακὴν ἑωυτοῦ 
ποιεύμενος πρὸς Αἰγυπτίων. τούτων δὲ οἰκισθέν- 
των ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ, οἱ "Ελληνες οὕτω ἐπιμισγόμενοι 
τούτοισι τὰ περὶ Αἴγυπτον γινόμει α ἀπὸ ὙΨαμμη- 
τίχου βασιλέος ἀρξάμενοι πάντα καὶ τὰ, ὕστε- 
ρον ἐπιστάμεθα ἀτρεκέως: πρῶτοι γὰρ οὗτοι ἐν 
Αἰγύπτῳ ἀλλόγλωσσοι κατοικίσθησαν.. ἐξ ὧν δὲ 
ἐξανέστησαν χώρων, ἐν τούτοισι δὲ οἵ τε ὀλκοὶ 
τῶν νεῶν καὶ τὰ ἐρείπια τῶν οἰκημάτων τὸ μέχρι 
in ἦσαν. 

55. Ὑαμμήτιχος μέν νυν οὕτω ἔσχε Αἴγυπτον. 
τοῦ 5 δὲ χρηστηρίου τοῦ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ πολλὰ ἐπε- 
μνήσθην ἤδη, καὶ δὴ λόγον περὶ αὐτοῦ ὡς ἀξίου 
ἐόντος ποιήσομαι. τὸ γὰρ χρηστήριον τοῦτο τὸ 
ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἐστὶ μὲν Λητοῦς ἱρόν, ἐν πόλι δὲ 
μεγάλῃ ἱδρυμένον κατὰ τὸ Σεθεννυτικὸν καλεό- 
μενον. στόμα τοῦ Νείλου, ἀναπλέοντι ἀπὸ θαλάσ- 
σης ἄνω. οὔνομα δὲ τῇ πόλι ταύτῃ ὅκου. τὸ 
χρηστήριον ἐστὶ Βουτώ, ὡς καὶ πρότερον ὠνό- 
µασταί μοι. ἱρὸν δὲ ἐστὶ ἐν τῇ Ῥουτοῖ ταύτῃ 
᾿Απόλλωνος καὶ Αρτέμιδος, καὶ ὅ γε νηὸς τῆς 
Λητοῦς, ἐν τῷ δὴ τὸ χρηστήριον ἔνι, αὐτὸς τε 
τυγχάνει ἐὼν μέγας καὶ τὰ προπύλαια ἔχει ἐς 
ὕψος δέκα ὀργυιέων. τὸ δέ µοι τῶν φανερῶν ἦν 
θῶμα μέγιστον παρεχόμενον, φράσω: ἔστι ἐν τῷ 
τεμένεϊ. τούτῳ Λητοῦς νηὸς ἐξ ἑ ἑνὸς λίθου πεποιη- 
μένος ἔς τε ὕψος καὶ ἐ ἐς μῆκος καὶ τοῖχος ἕκαστος 
τούτοισι ἴσος τεσσεράκοντα πηχέων. τούτων ἕκα- 
στον ἐστί, τὸ δὲ .καταστέγάσμα τῆς ὀροφῆς ἄλλος 
ἐπίκειται λίθος, ἔχων τὴν παρωροφίδα τετράπηχυν. 


466 


BOOK IL. 154-155 


Long afterwards, king Amasis removed them thence 
and settled them at Memphis, to be his guard 
against the Egyptians. It comes of our intercourse 
with these settlers in Egypt (who were the first 
men of alien speech to settle in that country) that 
we Greeks have exact knowledge of the history of 
Egypt from the reign of Psammetichus onwards. 
There still remained till my time, in the places 
whence the Ionians and Carians were removed, the 
landing engines! of their ships and the ruins of 
their houses. 

155. This is the story of Psammetichus’ con- 
quest of Egypt. I have often made mention of the 
Egyptian oracle, and I will now treat fully of it, 
for this it deserves. This Egyptian oracle is in a 
temple sacred to Leto, and is situated in a great 
city by the Sebennytic arm of the Nile, on the way 
up from the sea. The name of the city where is this 
oracle is Buto; I have already named it. In Buto 
there is a temple of Apollo and Artemis. The 
shrine of Leto in which is the oracle is itself very 
great, and its outer court is ten fathoms high. But I 
will now tell of what was the most marvellous among 
things visible there: in this precinct is the shrine 
of Leto, whereof the height and length of the walls 
is all made of a single stone slab; each wall has an 
equal length and height, namely, forty cubits. 
Another slab makes the surface of the roof, the 
cornice of which is four cubits broad. 

1 Probably capstans for hauling the ships ashore. ý 
497 


HERODOTUS 


156. Οὕτω μέν νυν ὁ LL τῶν φανερῶν 
μοι τῶν περὶ τοῦτο τὸ ἱρὸν ἐστὶ θωμαστοτα- 
τον, τῶν δὲ .δευτέρων νῆσος ἡ Χέμμις KANEV- 
μένη" ἔστι μὲν ἐν λέμνῃ βαθέῃ καὶ πλατέῃ κει- 
μένη παρὰ τὸ ἐν Βουτοῖ ἱρὸν, λέγεται δὲ ὑπ᾽ 
Αἰγυπτίων εἶναι αὕτη ἡ νῆσος πλωτή. αὐτὸς μὲν 
ἔγωγε οὔτε πλέουσαν οὔτε κινηθεῖσαν εἶδον, τέ- 
θηπα δὲ ἀκούων εἰ νῆσος ἆληθ έως ἐστὶ πλωτή. 
ἐν δὲ ὧν ταύτῃ νηός τε ᾿Απόλλωνος μέγας ἔνι καὶ 
βωμοὶ τριφάσιοι ἐνιδρύαται, ἐμπεφύκασι δ᾽ ἐν 
αὐτῇ φοίνικες συχνοὶ καὶ ἄλλα δένδρεα καὶ καρ- 
ποφόρα καὶ ἄφορα πολλ.ά. λόγον δὲ τόνδε ἐπι- 
λέγοντες οἱ Αἰγύπτιοι φασὶ εἶναι αὐτὴν πλωτήν, 
ὡς ἐν τῇ νήσφ ταύτῃ οὐκ ἐούση πρότερον πλωτῇ 
Λητώ, ἐοῦσα τῶν ὀκτὼ θεῶν τῶν πρώτων γενο- 
μένων, οἰκέουσα δὲ ἐν Bovroi πόλι, ἵνα δή οἱ τὸ 
χρηστήριον τοῦτο ἐστί, ᾿Απόλλωνα map Ἴσιος 
παρακαταθήκην δεξαμένη διέσωσε κατακρύψασα 
ἐν τῇ νῦν πλωτῇ λεγομένῃ νήσῳ, ὅτε τὸ πᾶν 
διζήμενος ὁ Τυφῶν ἐπῆλθε, θέλων ἐξευρεῖν τοῦ 
᾿Οσίριος τὸν παῖδα. ᾿Απόλλωνα δὲ καὶ Αρτεμιν 
Διονύσου καὶ Ἴσιος λέγουσι εἶναι παῖδας, Λητοῦν 
δὲ τροφὸν. αὐτοῖσι καὶ σώτειραν γενέσθαι. Αἰγυπ- 
τιστὶ δὲ ᾿Απόλλων μὲν ρος, Δημήτηρ δὲ Ἶσις, 
"Αρτεμις δὲ Βούβαστις. ἐκ τούτου δὲ τοῦ ) λόγου 
καὶ οὐδενὸς ἄλλου Αἰσχύλος ὁ 0 Εὐφορίωνος 1j "pace 
TÓ ἐγὼ φράσω, μοῦνος δὴ ποιητέων τῶν προγενο- 
μένων" ἐποίησε γὰρ "Αρτεμιν εἶναι θυγατέρα 
Δήμητρος. τὴν δὲ νῆσον διὰ τοῦτο γενέσθαι 
πλωτήν. ταῦτα μὲν οὕτω λέγουσι. 

151. Ψαμμήτιχος δὲ ἐβασίλευσε Αἰγύπτου τέσ- 
σερα καὶ πεντήκοντα ἔτεα, τῶν τὰ ἑνὸς δέοντα 


468 


MA Po ee. V MAS DEN Te αι LUTTE ους = OT ë ~Œ ιο. “πμ ώμο ee i72 Rt S E A eT ANL πο cape fa m eee RA O σα aware νο 


BOOK II. 156-157 


156. Thus then the shrine is the most marvellous 
of all things that I saw in this temple; but ol 
things of lesser note, the most wondrous is the 
island called Chemmis, This lies in a deep and 
wide lake near to the temple at Buto, and the 
Egyptians say that it floats. For myself I never 
saw it float, nor move at all, and I thought it a 
marvellous tale, that an island should truly float. 
However that be, there is a great shrine of Apollo 
thereon, and three altars stand there; many palm 
trees grow in the island, and other trees too, some 
yielding fruit and some not. The story told by the 
Egyptians to show why the island moves is this : 
when Typhon came seeking through the world for 
the son of Osiris, Leto, being one of the eight earliest 
gods, and dwelling in Buto where this oracle of hers 
is, received Apollo in charge from Isis and hid him 
for safety in this island which was before immovable 
but is now said to float. Apollo and Artemis were 
(they say) children of Dionysus and Isis, and Leto 
was made their nurse and preserver; in Egyptian, 
Apollo is Horus, Demeter Isis, Artemis Bubastis, It 
was from this and no other legend that Aeschylus 
son of Euphorion stole an imagination, which is in 
no other poet, that Artemis was the daughter of 
Demeter. For the aforesaid reason (say the 
Egyptians) the island was made to float Such is 
the tale. 

157. Psammetichus ruled Egypt for fifty-four 
years; for twenty-nine of these he sat before Azotus, 


469 


HERODOTUS 


τριήκοντα Ἄζωτον τῆς Συρίης μεγάλην πόλιν 
προσκατήμενος ἐπολιόρκεε, ἐς ὃ ἐξεῖλε. αὕτη δὲ 
ἡ Atwros ἁπασέων πολίων ἐπὶ πλεῖστον χρόνον 
πολιορκεομένη ἀντέσχε τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν. 

158. Ψαμμητίχου δὲ Νεκῶς παῖς ἐγένετο καὶ 
ἐβασίλευσε Αἰγύπτου, ὃς τῇ διώρυχι ἐπεχείρησε 
πρῶτος τῇ ἐς τὴν Ἐρυθρὴν θάλασσαν φερούσῃ, 
τὴν. Δαρεῖος ὁ Πέρσης δεύτερα διώρυξε" τῆς μῆκος 
ἐστὶ πλόος ἡμέραι τέσσερες, εὖρος δὲ ὠρύχθη 
ὥστε τριήρεας δύο πλέειν ὁμοῦ ἐλαστρευμένας. 
ἧκται δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ Νείλου τὸ ὕδωρ ἐς αὐτήν: 
ῆκται δὲ κατύπερθε ὀλίγον Βουβάστιος πόλιος 
παρὰ Π]άτουμον τὴν ᾿ΑἈραβίην. πόλιν, ἐσέχει δὲ ἐς 
τὴν ᾿Ἐρυθρὴν θάλασσαν. ὀρώρυκται δὲ πρῶτον 
μὲν τοῦ πεδίου τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου τὰ πρὸς ᾿Αραβίην 
ἔχοντα: ἔχεται δὲ κατύπερθε τοῦ πεδίου τὸ κατὰ 
Μέμφιν τεῖνον ὄρος, ἐν τῷ αἱ λιθοτομίαι ἔνεισι" 
τοῦ ὧν δὴ € ὄρεος τούτου παρὰ τὴν ὑπωρέην ἧκται 
7 διῶρυξ an ἑσπέρης μακρὴ πρὸς τὴν ἠῶ, καὶ 
ἔπειτα τείνει ἐς διασφάγας, φέρουσα ἀπὸ τοῦ 
ὄρεος πρὸς μεσαμβρίην τε καὶ νότον ἄνεμον ἐ ἐς τὸν 
κόλπον τὸν ᾿Αράβιον. τῇ δὲ ἐλάχιστον ἐστὶ καὶ 
συντομώτατον ἐκ THS Bopnins θαλάσσης ὑπερ- 
βῆναι ἐς τὴν νοτίην καὶ ᾿Ερυθρὴν τὴν αὐτὴν ταύ- 
την καλεομένην, ἀπὸ τοῦ Ιασίου ὄρεος τοῦ οὐρί- 
ζοντος Αἴγυπτόν τε καὶ Συρίην, ἀπὸ τούτου εἰσὶ 
στάδιοι ἀπαρτὶ χίλιοι ἐς τὸν ᾿Αράβιον κόλπον. 
τοῦτο μὲν τὸ συντομώτατον, 7 δὲ διῶρυξ πολλῷ 
μακροτέρη, ὅσῳ σκολιωτέρη ἐστί: τὴν ἐπὶ Νεκῶ 
βασιλέος ὀρύσσοντες Αἰγυπτίων ἀπώλοντο δυώ- 
δεκα μυριάδες. Νεκῶς μέν νυν μεταξὺ ὀρύσσων 
ἐπαύσατο μαντηίου ἐμποδίου γενομένου τοιοῦδε, 


470 


BOOK II. 157-158 


a great city in Syria, and besieged it till he took 
it. Azotus held out against a siege longer than any 
city of which I have heard. 

158. Psammetichus had a son Necos, who became 
king of Egypt. It was he who began the making 
of the canal into the Red Sea,! which was finished 
by Darius the Persian. This is four days’ voyage in 
length, and it was dug wide enough for two triremes 
to move in it rowed abreast. It is fed by the Nile, 
and is carried from a little above Bubastis by the 
Arabian town of Patumus; it issues into the Red Sea. 


_ The beginning of the digging was in the part of the 


Egyptian plain which is nearest to Arabia; the moun- 
tains that extend to Memphis (in which mountains are 
the stone quarries) come close to this plain ; the canal 
is led along the lower slope of these mountains in a 
long reach from west to east; passing then into a 
ravine it bears southward out of the hill country 
towards the Arabian Gulf. Now the shortest and 
most direct passage from the northern to the south- 
ern or Red Sea is from the Casian promontory, which 
is the boundary between Egypt and Syria, to the 
Arabian Gulf, and this is a distance of one thousand 
furlongs, neither more nor less; this is the most 
direct way, but the canal is by much longer, inasmuch 
as it is more crooked. In Necos' reign a hundred 
and twenty thousand Egyptians perished in the dig- 
ging of it. During the course of excavations, Necos 
ceased from the work, being stayed by a prophetic 


1 This canal ran from near Tel Basta (Bubastis) apparently 
to Suez. Inscriptions recording Darius' construction of it 
have been found in the neighbourhood. 


471 


HERODOTUS 


τῷ βαρβάρῳ αὐτὸν προεργάξεσθαι. βαρβάρους 
δὲ πάντας οἱ Αἰγύπτιοι καλέουσι τοὺς μὴ σφίσι 
ὁμογλώσσους. 

159. Παυσάμενος δὲ τῆς διώρυχος 0 Νεκῶς 
ἐτράπετο͵ πρὸς στρατηίας, καὶ τριήρεες αἳ μὲν ἐπγὶ 
τῇ βορηίῃ, θαλάσσῃ ἐποιήθησαν, at δ᾽ ἐν τῷ 
᾿Αραβίῳ κόλπῳ ἐπὶ τῇ ᾿Ερυθρῇ θαλάσσῃ, τῶν ἔτι 
οἱ ὀλκοὶ ἐπίδηλοι. καὶ ταύτῃσί τε ἐχρᾶτο ἐν τῷ 
δέοντι καὶ Σύροισι πεζῇ ὁ Νεκῶς συμβαλὼν ἐν 
Μαγδώλφ ἐνίκησε, μετὰ δὲ τὴν μάχην Κάδυτιν 
πόλιν τῆς Συρίης ἐοῦσαν μεγάλην εἷλε. ἐν τῇ δὲ 
ἐσθῆτι ἔτυχε ταῦτα κατεργασάμενος, ἀνέθηκε τῷ 
᾿Απόλλωνι πέμψας ἐς Βραγχίδας τὰς Μιλησίων. 
μετὰ δέ, ἑκκαίδεκα ἔτεα τὰ πάντα ἄρξας, τελευτᾶ, 
τῷ παιδὶ Ψάμμι παραδοὺς τὴν ἀρχήν. 

160. Ἐπὶ τοῦτον δὴ τὸν Ψάμμιν βασιλεύοντα 
Αἰγύπτου ἀπίκοντο ᾿Ηλείων ἄγγελοι, αὐχέοντες 
δικαιότατα καὶ κάλλιστα τιθέναι τὸν ἐν Ὀλυμπί η 
ἀγῶνα πάντων ἀνθρώπων, καὶ δοκέοντες παρὰ 
ταῦτα οὐδ᾽ ἂν τοὺς σοφωτάτους ἀνθρώπων Αἰγυ- 
πτίους οὐδὲν ἐπεξευρεῖν' ὡς δὲ ἆ ἀπικόμενοι ἐς τὴν 
Αἴγυπτον οἱ Ἠλεῖοι ἔλεγον τῶν εἵνεκα ἀπίκοντο, 
ἐνθαῦτα ὁ 0 βασιλεὺς οὗτος συγκαλέεται Λἰγυπτίων 
τοὺς Ἀεγομένους εἶναι σοφωτάτους. συνελθόντες 
δὲ οἱ Αἰγύπτιοι ἐπυνθάνοντο τῶν ᾿Ηλείων λεγόν- 
των ἅπαντα τὰ κατήκει σφέας ποιέειν περὶ τὸν 
ἀγῶνα: ἀπηγησάμενοι δὲ τὰ πάντα ἔφασαν ἥκειν 
ἐπιμαθησόμενοι εἴ τι ἔχοιεν Αἰγύπτιοι τούτων 
δικαιότερον ἐπεξευρεῖν. οἳ δὲ Βουλευσάμενοι 
ἐπειρώτων τοὺς ᾿Ηλείους et σφι οἱ πολιῆται eva- 
γωνίζονται. οἳ δὲ ἔφασαν καὶ σφέων καὶ τῶν 
ἄλλων Βλλήνων ὁμοίως τῷ βουλομένῳ ἐξεῖναι 


472 


BOOK II. 158-160 


utterance that he was toiling betorehand for the 
barbarian. The Egyptians call all men of other 
languages barbarians. 

159. Necos then ceased from making the canal 
and engaged rather in warlike preparation ; some of 
his ships of war were built on the northern sea, and 
some in the Arabian Gulf, by the Red Sea coast: the 
landing-engines of these are still to be seen. He 
used these ships at need, and with his land army 
met and defeated the Syrians at Magdolus,! taking 
the great Syrian city of Cadytis? after the battle. 
He sent to Branchidae of Miletus and dedicated 
there to Apollo the garments in which he won these 
victories. Presently he died after a reign of sixteen 
years, and his son Psammis reigned in his stead. 

160. While this Psammis was king of Egypt he was 
visited by ambassadors from Elis, the Eleans boast- 
ing that they had ordered the Olympic games with 
all the justice and fairness in the world, and claim- 
ing that even the Egyptians, albeit the wisest of all 
men, could not better it. When the Eleans came to 
Egypt and told the purpose of their coming, Psammis 
summoned an assembly of those who were said to 
be the wisest men in Egypt. These assembled, and 
inquired of the Eleans, who told them of the rules 
of the games which they must obey, and, having de- 
clared these, said they had come that if the 
Egvptians could invent any juster way they might 
learn this too. The Egyptians consulted together, 
and then asked the Eleans if their own townsmen 
took part in the contests. The Eleans answered 
that this was so: all Greeks from Elis or elsewhere 


1 Magdolus appears to be the Migdol of O.T. 


2 Gaza. 


473 


HERODOTUS 


ἀγωνίζεσθαι. οἱ δὲ Αἰγύπτιοι ἔφασαν σφέας 
οὕτω τιθέντας παντὸς τοῦ δικαίου ἡμαρτηκέναι: 
οὐδεμίαν γὰρ εἶναι μηχανὴν ὅκως οὐ τῷ ἀστῷ 
ἀγωνιζομένῳ προσθήσονται, ἀδικέοντες τὸν ξεῖνον. 
ἀλλ) εἰ δὴ βούλονται δικαίως τιθέναι καὶ τούτου 
εἵνεκα ἀπικοίατο ἐς Αἴγυπτον, ξείνοισι ayov- 
στῇσι ἐκέλευον τὸν ἀγῶνα τιθέναι, ᾿Ηλείων δὲ 
μηδενὶ εἶναι ἀγωνίζεσθαι. ταῦτα μὲν Αἰγύπτιοι 
᾿Ηλείοισι ὑπεθήκαντο. 

161. Ψάμμιος δὲ ἓξ ἔτεα μοῦνον βασιλεύσαντος 
Αὐγύπτου καὶ στρατευσαµένου ἐς Αἰθιοπίην καὶ 
µεταυτίκα τελευτήσαντος ἐξεδέξατο ᾿Απρίης ὁ 
Ψάμμιος' ὃς μετὰ Ψαμμήτιχον τὸν ἑωυτοῦ προ- 
πάτορα ἐγένετο εὐδαιμονέστατος τῶν πρότερον 
βασιλέων, ἐπ᾿ ἔτεα πέντε καὶ εἴκοσι ἄρξας, ἐν 
τοῖσι ἐπί τε Σιδῶνα στρατὸν ἤλασε καὶ ἐναυ- 
μάχησε τῷ Tupi. ἐπεὶ δέ οἱ ἔδεε κακῶς γενέσθαι, 
ἐγίνετο ἀπὸ προφάσιος τὴν ἐγὼ μεζόνως μὲν ἐν 
τοῖσι Λιβυκοῖσι λόγοισι ἀπηγήσομαι, μετρίως 8 
ἐν τῷ παρεόντι. ἀποπέμψας γὰρ στράτευμα ὁ 
᾿Απρίης ἐπὶ Κυρηναίους μεγαλωστὶ προσέπταισε, 
Αἰγύπτιοι δὲ ταῦτα ἐπιμεμφόμενοι ἀπέστησαν 
ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ, δοκέοντες τὸν ᾿Απρίην ἐκ προνοίης 
αὐτοὺς ἀποπέμψαι ἐς φαινόμενον κακόν, ἵνα δὴ 
σφέων φθορὴ γένηται, αὐτὸς δὲ τῶν λοιπῶν 
Αἰγυπτίων ἀσφαλέστερον ἄρχοι. ταῦτα δὲ δεινὰ 
ποιεύμενοι οὗτοί τε οἱ ἀπονοστήσαντες καὶ οἱ τῶν 
ἀπολομένων φίλοι ἀπέστησαν ἐκ τῆς ἰθέης. 

162. Πυθόμενος δὲ ᾿Απρίης ταῦτα πέμπει ἐπ᾽ 
αὐτοὺς "Αμασιν καταπαύσοντα λόγοισι. ὃ δὲ 
ἐπείτε ἀπικόμενος κατελάμβανε τοὺς Δἰγυπτίους 


474 


BOOK II. 160-162 


might contend. Then the Egyptians said that this 
rule was wholly wide of justice: ‘ For," said they, 
“it cannot be but that you will favour your own 
townsmen in the contest and deal unfairly by a 
stranger. Nay, if you will indeed make just rules 
and have therefore come to Egypt, you should admit 
only strangers to the contest, and not Eleans." 
Such was the counsel of the Egyptians to the 
Eleans. 

161. Psammis reigned over Egypt for six years 
only; he invaded Ethiopia, and immediately there- 
after died, and Apries! his son reigned in his stead. 
He was more fortunate than any former king (save | 
only his great-grandfather Psammetichus) during his 
rule of twenty-five years, in which he sent an army 
against Sidon and did battle by sea with the king of 
Tyre. But when it was fated that ill should befall 
him, the cause of it was one that I will now deal 
with briefly, and at greater length in the Libyan 
part of this history. Apries sent a great host against 
Cyrene and suffered a great defeat. The Egyptians 
blamed him for this and rebelled against him; for 
they thought that Apries had knowingly sent his 
men to their doom, that by their so perishing he 
might be the safer in his rule over the rest of the 
Egyptians. Bitterly angered by this, those who re- 
turned home and the friends of the slain openly 
revolted. 

162. Hearing of this, Apries sent Amasis to them 
to persuade them from their purpose. When Amasis 
came up with the Egyptians he exhorted them to 

! Apries is the Hophra of O.T.; he reigned from 589 to 
670 B.C., apparently. But the statement that he attacked 


Tyre and Sidon is inconsistent with Jewish history (Jerem. 
xxvii., Ezek. xvii). 
475 


HERODOTUS 


ταῦτα μὴ ποιέειν, λέγοντος αὐτοῦ τῶν τις Ai- 
γυπτίων ὄπισθε στὰς περιέθηκέ οἱ κυνέην, καὶ 
περιτιθεὶς ἔφη ἐπὶ βασιληίῃ περιτιθέναι. καὶ τῷ 
οὔ κως ἀεκούσιον ἐγίνετο, τὸ ποιεύμενον, ὡς διε- 
δείκνυε. ἐπείτε γὰρ ἐστήσαντο μιν βασιλέα τῶν 
Αἰγυπτίων οἱ ἀπεστεῶτες, παρεσκευάζετο ὡς ἑλῶν 
ἐπὶ τὸν Apin. πυθόμενος δὲ ταῦτα ὁ ᾿Απρίης 
ἔπεμπε ἐπ "Αμασιν ἄνδρα δόκιμον τῶν περὶ 
ἑωυτὸν Αἰγυπτίων, τῷ οὔνομα ἣν Πατάρβημις, 
ἐντειλάμενος αὐτῷ ζῶντα “A pact ἀγαγεῖν Tap 
ἑωυτόν. ὡς δὲ ἀπικόμενος. τὸν "Apac ἐκάλεε 0 
Πατάρθημις, ὁ Ἴλμασις, ἔτυχε yàp. ἐπ᾿ ἵππου 
κατήμενος, ἐπαείρας ἀπεματάισε, καὶ τοῦτό μιν 
ἐκέλευε ᾿Απρίῃ ἀπάγειν. ὅμως δὲ αὐτὸν ἀξιοῦν 
τὸν ' Πατάρβημιν βασιλέος μεταπεμπομένου ἰέναι 
πρὸς αὐτον' τὸν δὲ αὐτῷ ὑποκρίνεσθαι ὡς ταῦτα 
πάλαι παρεσκευάξετο ποιέειν, καὶ αὐτῷ οὐ μέμ- 
ψεσθαι ᾽Απρίην' παρέσεσθαι γὰρ καὶ αὐτὸς καὶ 
ἄλλους ἄξειν. τὸν δὲ Πατάρβημιν ἔκ τε τῶν 
λεγομένων οὐκ ἀγνοέειν τὴν διάνοιαν, καὶ παρα- 
σκεναξόμενον ὁ ὁρῶντα σπουδῇ ἆ ἀπιέναι, βουλόμενον 
τὴν ταχίστην βασιλέι δηλῶσαι τὰ πρησσόµενα. 
ὡς δὲ ἀπικέσθαι αὐτὸν πρὸς τὸν ᾿Απρίην οὐκ 
ἄγοντα τὸν "Αμασιν, οὐδένα λόγον αὐτῷ δόντα 
ἀλλὰ περιθύμως ἔχοντα περιταμεῖν προστάξαι 
αὐτοῦ τά τε ὦτα καὶ τὴν ῥῖνα. ἰδόμενοι 9 οἱ 
λοιποὶ τῶν Αὐγυπτίων, οἳ ἔτι τὰ ἐκείνου ἐφρόνεον, 
ἄνδρα τὸν δοκιμώτατον ἑωυτῶν οὕτω αἰσχρῶς 
λύμῃ διακείμενον, οὐδένα δὴ χρόνον ἐπισχόντες 
ἀπιστέατο πρὸς τοὺς ἑτέρους καὶ ἐδίδοσαν σφέας 
αὐτοὺς ᾿Αμάσι. 

163. Πυθόμενος δὲ καὶ ταῦτα ὁ ᾿Απρίης ὥπλιξε 


416 


BOOK II. 162-163 


desist from what they did; but while he spoke an 
Egyptian came behind him and put a helmet on his 
head, saying it was the token of royalty. And Amasis 
showed that this was not displeasing to him, for being 
made king by the rebel Egyptians he prepared to 
march against Αργίες, When Apries heard of it, he 
sent against Amasis an esteemed Egyptian named 
Patarbemis, one of his own court, charging him to 
take the rebel alive and bring him into his presence. 
Patarbemis came, and summoned Amasis, who lifted 
his leg with an unseemly gesture (being then on 
horseback) and bade the messenger take that token 
back to Apries. But when Patarbemis was never- 
theless instant that Amasis should obey the king’s 
summons and go to him—such is the story—-Amasis 
answered that he had long been making ready to do 
this, and Apries should be well satisfied with him: “For 
I will come myself," quoth he, “and bring others with 
me.” Hearing this, Patarbemis could not mistake 
Amasis’ purpose; he saw his preparations and made 
haste to depart, that he might with all speed make 
known to the king what was afoot. When Apries saw 
him return without Amasis he gave him no chance 
to speak, but in his rage and fury bade cut off Patar- 
bemis’ ears and nose. The rest of the Egyptians, 
who still favoured his cause, seeing the foul despite 
thus done to the man who was most esteemed among 
them, changed sides without more ado and delivered 

themselves over to Amasis. 
163. This news too being brought to Apries, he 
477 


. [ο 


HERODOTUS 


TOUS ἐπικούρους καὶ ἤλαυνε ἐπὶ τοὺς Αἰγυπτίους" 
εἶχε δὲ περὶ ἑωυτὸν Kápás τε καὶ Ἴωνας ἄνδρας 
ἐπικούρους τρισμυρίους" ἦν. δέ οἱ τὰ βασιλήια ἐν 
Σάι πόλι, μεγάλα ἐόντα καὶ ἀξιοθέητα. καὶ οἱ τε 
περὶ τὸν ᾿Απρίην ἐπὶ τοὺς Αἰγυπτίους Huo av καὶ 
οἱ περὶ τὸν "Αμασιν ἐπὶ τοὺς ξείνους" ἔν τε δὴ 
Μωμέμφι πόλι ἐγένοντο ἀμφότεροι καὶ πειρή- 
σεσθαι ἔμελλον ἀλλήλων. 

164. Ἔστι δὲ Αἰγυπτίων ἑπτὰ γένεα, καὶ 
τούτων oi μὲν ἱρέες of δὲ μάχιμοι κεκλέαται, οἳ 
δὲ βούκολοι oi δὲ συβῶται, of δὲ κάπηλοι, ot δὲ 
ἑρμήνεες, οἳ δὲ κυβερνήται. γένεα μὲν Αἰγυ- 
πτίων τοσαῦτα ἐστί, οὐνόματα. δέ σφι κέεται ἀπὸ 
τῶν τεχνέων. οἱ δὲ μάχιμοι αὐτῶν καλέονται μὲν 
Καλασίριές τε καὶ Ἡρμοτύβιες, ἐκ νομῶν δὲ 
τῶνδε εἰσί: κατὰ γὰρ δὴ νομοὺς Αἴγυπτος ἅπασα 
διαραίρηται. 

165. Ἑρμοτυβίων μὲν οἶδε εἰσὶ νομοί, Βουσι- 
ρίτης, Σαΐτης, Χεμμύτης, Παπρημίτης, νῆσος ἡ 
Ἡροσωπῖτις καλεομένη, Ναθῶ τὸ ἥμισυ. ἐκ μὲν 
τούτων τῶν νομῶν Ἑρμοτύβιες εἰσί, γενόμενοι, 
ὅτε ἐπὶ πλείστους ἐγένοντο, ἑκκαίδεκα μυριάδες. 
καὶ τούτων βαναυσίης οὐδεὶς δεδάηκε οὐδέν, ἀλλ’ 
ἀνέωνται ἐς τὸ μάχιμον. 

166. Καλασιρίων δὲ οἶδε ἄλλοι νομοί εἰσι, 
Θηβαῖος, Βουβαστίτης, Αφθίτης, Τανίτης, Mev- 
δήσιος, Σεβεννύτης, ᾿Αθριβίτης, Φαρβαϊθίτης, 
Θμουΐτης, Ὀνουφίτης, ᾿Ανύτιος, Μυεκφορίτης" 
οὗτος ὁ νομὸς ἐν νήσῳ οἰκέει ἀντίον Βουβάστιος 
πόλιος οὗτοι δὲ οἱ νομοὶ Καλασιρίων εἰσί, γε- 
νόμενοι, ὅτε ἐπὶ πλείστους ἐγένοντο, πέντε καὶ 
εἴκοσι μυριάδες ἀνδρῶν. οὐδὲ τούτοισι ἔξεστι 


418 


BOOK Il. 163-166 


armed his guard and marched against the Egyptians ; 
he had a bodyguard of Carians and Ionians, thirty 
thousand of them, and his royal dwelling was in the 
city of Sais, a great and marvellous palace.  Apries' 
men marched against the Egyptians, and so did 
Amasis men against the strangers; so they came 
both to Momemphis, where it was their purpose to 
prove each other's quality. 

164. The Egyptians are divided into seven classes, 
severally entitled priests, warriors, cowherds, swine- 
herds, hucksters, interpreters, and pilots. So many 
classes there are, each named after its vocation. The 
warriors are divided into Kalasiries and Hermotubies, 
and they belong to the following provinces (for all 
divisions in Egypt are made according to provinces). 

165. The Hermotubies are of the provinces of 
Busiris, Sais, Chemmis, and Papremis, the island 
called Prosopitis, and half of Natho—all of these; | 
their number, at its greatest, attained to a hundred 
and sixty thousand. None of these has learnt any 
common trade; they are free to follow arms alone. 

166. The Kalasiries for their part are of the 
provinces of Thebes, Bubastis, Aphthis, Tanis, 
Mendes, Sebennys, Athribis, Pharbaithis, Thmuis, 
Onuphis, Anytis, Myecphoris (this last is in an island 
over against the city of Bubastis)—all these; their 
number, at its greatest, attained to two hundred 
and fifty thousand men. These too may practise 


419 


HERODOTUS 


τέχνην ἐπασκῆσαι οὐδεμίαν, ἀλλὰ τὰ és πόλεμον 
ἐπασκέουσι μοῦνα, παῖς παρὰ πατρὸς ἐκδεκόμενος. 

167. Ei μέν νυν καὶ τοῦτο παρ᾽ Αἰγυπτίων 
μεμαθήκασι οἱ "Ελληνες, οὐκ ἔχω ἀτρεκέως κρῖναι, 
ὁρέων καὶ Θρήικας καὶ Σκύθας καὶ Πέρσας καὶ 
Λυδοὺς καὶ σχεδὸν πάντας τοὺς βαρβάρους ἆπο- 
τιµοτέρους τῶν ἄλλων ἡγημένους πολιητέων τοὺς 
τὰς τέχνας μανθάνοντας καὶ τοὺς ἐκγόνους τούτων, 
τοὺς δὲ ἀπαλλαγμένους τῶν χειρωναξιέων yev- 
ναίους νομιζομένους εἶναι, καὶ μάλιστα τοὺς ἐς 
τὸν πόλεμον ἀνειμένους: μεμαθήκασι δ᾽ ὧν τοῦτο 
πάντες οἱ "Ἕλληνες καὶ μάλιστα Λακεδαιμόνιοι. 
ἥκιστα δὲ Κορίνθιοι ὄνονται τοὺς χειροτέχνας. 

168. Γέρεα δέ σφι ἣν τάδε ἐξαραιρημένα μού- 
νοισι Αἰγυπτίων πάρεξ τῶν ἱρέων, ἄρουραι ἐξαί- 
pero. δυώδεκα ἑκάστῳ ἀτελέες. ἡ δὲ ἄρουρα 
ἑκατὸν πηχέων ἐστὶ Αἰγυπτίων πάντῃ, ὁ δὲ Ai- 
γύπτιος πῆχυς τυγχάνει ἴσος ἐὼν τῷ Σαμίῳ. 
ταῦτα μὲν δὴ τοῖσι ἅπασι ἣν ἐξαραιρημένα, τάδε 
δὲ ἐν περιτροπῇ ἐκαρποῦντο καὶ οὐδαμὰ ὡυτοί. 
Καλασιρίων χίλιοι καὶ Ἑρμοτυβίων ἐδορυφόρεον 
ἐνιαυτὸν ἕκαστοι τὸν βασιλέα" τούτοισι ὧν τάδε 
πάρεξ τῶν ἀρουρέων ἄλλα ἐδίδοτο ἐπ᾽ ἡμέρῃ 
ἑκάστη, ὁπτοῦ σίτου σταθμὸς πέντε μνέαι ἑκάστῳ, 
κρεῶν βοέων δύο μνέαι, οἴνου τέσσερες ἀρυστῆρες. 
ταῦτα τοῖσι αἰεὶ δορυφορέουσι ἐδίδοτο. 

169. Ἐπείτε δὲ συνιόντες 6 τε ᾿Απρίης ἄγων 
τοὺς ἐπικούρους καὶ ὁ "Αμασις πάντας Αἰγυπτίους 
ἀπίκοντο ἐς Μώμεμφιν πόλιν, συνέβαλον' καὶ ἐμα- 
χέσαντο μὲν εὖ οἱ ξεῖνοι, πλήθεϊ δὲ πολλῷ ἐλάσ- 
coves ἐόντες κατὰ τοῦτο ἑσσώθησαν. ᾿Απρίεω δὲ 


480 


BOOK II. ιόό6--ιόο 


no trade but only war, which is their hereditary 
calling. 

167. Now whether this separation, like other 
customs, has come to Greece from Egypt, I cannot 
exactly judge. I know that in Thrace and Scythia 
and Persia and Lydia and nearly all foreign countries 
those who learn trades and their descendants are 
held in less esteem than the rest of the people, and 
those who have nothing to do with artisans' work, 
especially men who are free to practise the art of 
war, are highly honoured. Thus much is certain, that 
this opinion, which is held by all Greeks and chiefly 
by the Lacedaemonians, is of foreign origin. It is in 
Corinth that artisans are held in least contempt. 

168. The warriors were the only Egyptians, except 
the priests, who had special privileges: for each of 
them there was set apart an untaxed plot of twelve 
acres. This acre is a square of a hundred Egyptian 
cubits each ‘ay, the Egyptian cubit being equal to 
the Samia. These lands were set apart for all; 
it was never the same men whocultivated them, but 
each in turn.! A thousand Kalasiries and as many 
Hermotubies were the king's annual bodyguard. 
These men, besides their lands, received each a daily 
provision of five minae's weight of roast grain, two 
minae of beef, and four cups of wine. These were 
the gifts received by each bodyguard. 

169. When Apries with his guards and Amasis 
with the whole force of Egyptians came to the town 
of Momemphis, they joined battle; and though the 
foreigners fought well, they were by much the fewer, 
and therefore were worsted. Apries, they say, 


1 That is, each twelve-acre plot was cultivated by a new 
occupier every year. 


481 


HERODOTUS 


λέγεται εἶναι ἥδε διάνοια, μηδ᾽ ἂν θεόν μιν μηδένα 
δύνασθαι παῦσαι τῆς βασιληίης’ οὕτω ἀσφαλέως 
ἑωυτῷ ἱδρῦσθαι ἐδόκεε. καὶ δη τότε συμβαλὼν 
ἑσσώθη καὶ ζωηρηθεὶς ἀπήχθη ἐς Σάιν πόλιν, ἐς 
τὰ ἑωυτοῦ οἰκία πρότερον ἐόντα, τότε δὲ ᾿Αμάσιος 
ἤδη βασιλήια. ἐνθαῦτα δὲ τέως μὲν ἐτρέφετο ἐν 
τοῖσι βασιληίοισι, καί μιν ᾽Άμασις εὖ περιεῖπε" 
τέλος δὲ μεμφομένων Αἰγυπτίων ὡς οὐ ποιέοι 
δίκαια τρέφων τὸν σφίσι τε καὶ ἑωυτῷ ἔχθιστον, 
οὕτω δὴ παραδιδοῖ τὸν ᾿Απρίην τοῖσι Ad ἰγυπτίοισι. 
οἳ δέ μιν ἀπέπνιξαν καὶ ἔπειτα ἔθαψαν ἐν τῇσι 
πατρωίησι ταφῆσι' al δὲ εἰσὶ ἐν τῷ ἱρῷ τῆς ᾿Αθη- 
ναΐης, ἀγχοτάτω τοῦ μεγάρου, ἐσιόντι ἀριστερῆς 
χειρός. ἔθαψαν δὲ Σάϊται πάντας τοὺς ἐκ νομοῦ 
τούτου γενομένους βασιλέας ἔ ἔσω ἐν τῷ ἱρῷ. καὶ 
γὰρ τὸ τοῦ ᾿Αμάσιος σῆμα ἑκαστέρω μὲν ἐστὶ τοῦ 
μεγάρου ἢ τὸ τοῦ ᾽Απρίεω καὶ τῶν τεύτου προ- 
πατόρων, ἔστι μέντοι καὶ τοῦτο ἐν τῇ αὐλῇ τοῦ 
ἱροῦ, παστὰς λιθίνη μεγάλη καὶ ἠσκημένη στύ- 
λοισί τε φοίνικας τὰ δένδρεα μεμιμημένοισι καὶ 
τῇ ἄλλῃ δαπάνῃ’ ἔσω δὲ ἐν τῇ παστάδι διξὰ 
θυρώματα ὃ ἕστηκε, ἐν δὲ τοῖσι θυρώμασι ἡ θήκη 
ἐστί. 

170. Eic δὲ καὶ αἱ ταφαὶ τοῦ οὐκ ὅσιον 
ποιεῦμαι ἐπὶ τοιούτῳ πρήγματι ἐξαγορεύειν τὸ 
οὔνομα ἐν Σάι, ἐν τῷ ἱρῷ τῆς ᾿Αθηναίης, ὄπισθε 
τοῦ νηοῦ, παντὸς τοῦ τῆς ᾿Αθηναίης ἐχόμεναι 
τοίχου. καὶ ἐν τῷ τεμένεϊ ὀβελοὶ ἑ ἑστᾶσι μεγάλοι 
λίθινοι, λίμνη τε ἐστὶ ἐχομένη λιθίνῃ κρηπῖδι 
κεκοσμημένη καὶ ἐργασμένη EÙ κύκλῳ καὶ 
μέγαθος, ὡς ἐμοὶ ἐδόκεε, ὅση περ ἡ ἐν Δήλῳ ἡ 
τροχοειδὴς καλεομένη. 

452 


BOOK Il. 169-170 


supposed that not even a god could depose him from 
his throne ; so firmly he thought he was established ; 
and now being worsted in battle and taken captive 
he was brought to Sais, to the royal dwelling which 
belonged once to him but now to Amasis, There 
he was sustained for a while in the palace, and well 
entreated by Amasis. But presently the Egyptians 
complained that there was no justice in allowing one 
who was their own and their king's bitterest enemy 
to live; whereupon Amasis gave Apries up to them, 
and they strangled him and then buried him in the 
burial-place of his fathers. This is in the temple of 


. Athene, very near to the sanctuary, on the left of the 


entrance. The people of Sais buried within the 
temple precinct all kings who were natives of their 
province. The tomb of Amasis is farther from the 
sanctuary than the tomb of Apries and his ancestors ; 
yet it also is within the temple court; it is a great 
colonnade of stone, richly adorned, the pillars whereof 
are wrought in the form of palm trees. In this 
colonnade are two portals, and the place where the 
coffin lies is within their doors. 

170. There is also at Sais the burial-place of him 
whose name I deem it forbidden to utter in speaking 
of such a matter; it is in the temple of Athene, 
behind and close to the whole length of the wall of 
the shrine. Moreover great stone obelisks stand in 
the precinct; and there is a lake hard by, adorned 
with a stone margin and wrought to a complete 
circle; it is, as it seemed to me, of the bigness of the 
lake at Delos which they call the Round Pond. 


483 


HERODOTUS 


171. Ἐν δὲ τῇ λίμνη ταύτῃ τὰ δείκηλα τῶν 
παθέων αὐτοῦ νυκτὸς ποιεῦσι, τὰ καλέουσι μυστή- 
pia Αἰγύπτιοι. περὶ μέν νυν τούτων εἰδότε "μοι 
ἐπὶ πλέον ὡς ἕκαστα αὐτῶν ἔχει, εὔστομα κείσθω. 
καὶ τῆς Δήμητρος τελετῆς πέρι, τὴν οἱ Ἕλληνες 
θεσμοφόρια καλέουσι, καὶ ταύτης μοι πέρι εὔστομα 
κείσθω, πλὴν ὅσον αὐτῆς ὁσίη ἐστὶ λέγειν ' αἱ 
Δαναοῦ θυγατέρες ἦσαν αἱ τὴν τελετὴν ταύτην 
ἐξ Αἰγύπτου ἐξαγαγοῦσαι καὶ διδάξασαι τὰς 
Πελασγιώτιδας γυναῖκας: μετὰ δὲ ἐξαναστάσης 
πάσης Πελοποννήσου ὑπὸ Δωριέων ἐξαπώλετο 
ή τελετή, οἱ δὲ ὑπολειφθέντες Πελοποννησίων καὶ 
ye ἐξαναστάντες ᾿Αρκάδες διέσωξον αὐτὴν μοῦνοι. 
9. Απρίεω δὲ ὧδε καταραιρηµένου ἐβασί- 
λευσε “Apacs, νομοῦ μὲν Σαΐτεω ἐών, ἐκ τῆς δὲ 
ἦν πόλιος, οὔνομά οἱ ἐστὶ Σιούφ. τὰ μὲν δὴ 
πρῶτα κατώνοντο τὸν "Apa Αἰγύπτιοι καὶ ἐν 
οὐδεμιῇ μοίρῃ μεγάλῃ ἦγον ἅτε δὴ δημότην τὸ 
πρὶν ἐόντα καὶ οἰκίης οὐκ ἐπιφανέος' μετὰ δὲ 
σοφίῃ αὐτοὺς ὁ "Auaats, οὐκ ἀγνωμοσύνῃ 
προσηγάγετο. ἦν οἱ ἄλλα τε ἀγαθὰ pupia, 
ἐν δὲ καὶ ποδανιπτὴρ χρύσεος, ἐν τῷ αὐτός τε 
ὁ "Άμασις καὶ οἱ δαιτυμόνες οἱ πάντες τοὺς 
πόδας ἑκάστοτε ἐναπενίξοντο' τοῦτον κατ᾽ ὧν 
κόψας ἄγαλμα δαίμονος. ἐξ αὐτοῦ ἐποιήσατο, 
καὶ ἵδρυσε τῆς πόλιος ὅκου ἦν ἐπιτηδεότατον: 
οἱ δὲ Αἰγύπτιοι φοιτέοντες πρὸς τῶγαλμα 
ἐσέβοντο μεγάλως. μαθὼν δὲ ὁ "Ἄμασις τὸ ἐκ 
τῶν ἀστῶν ποιεύμενον, συγκαλέσας Αἰγυπτίους 
ἐξέφηνε φὰς ἐκ τοῦ ποδανιπτῆρος τῶγαλμα γεγο- 

l Pn brackets πάσης, as not consistent with the following 
words. 


494 


BOOK II. 171-172 


171. On this lake they enact by night the story 
of the god's sufferings, a rite which the Egyptians 
call the Mysteries. I could speak more exactly of 
these matters, for I know the truth, but I will hold 
my peace ; nor will I say aught concerning that rite 
of Demeter which the Greeks call Thesmophoria,! 
saving such part of it as I am not forbidden to 
mention. It was the daughters of Danaus who 
brought this rite out of Egypt and taught it to the 
Pelasgian women; afterwards, when the people of 
Peloponnesus were driven out by the Dorians, it was 
lost, except in so far as it was preserved by the 
Arcadians alone, the Peloponnesian nation that was 
not driven out but left in its home. 

172. Apries being thus deposed, Amasis became 
king ; he was of a town called Siuph in the province 
of Sais. Now at first he was contemned and held in 
but little regard by the Egyptians, as having been 
but a common man and of no high family; but 
presently he won them to him by being cunning and 
not arrogant. He had among his countless treasures 
a golden foot-bath, in which he and all those who 
feasted with him were ever wont to wash their feet. 
This he broke in pieces and made thereof a god's 
image, which he set in the most fitting place in the 
city ; and the Egyptians came ever and anon to this 
image and held it in great reverence. When Amasis 
knew what the townsmen did, he called the 
Egyptians together and told them that the image 
had been made out of the foot-bath ; once (said he) 


1 A festival celebrated by Athenian women in autumn. 


485 


k 


i 


HERODOTUS 


νέναι, ἐς τὸν πρότερον μὲν τοὺς Αἰγυπτίους ἐ ἐνεμέειν 
τε καὶ ἐνουρέειν καὶ πόδας ἐναπονίζεσθαι, τότε δὲ 
μεγάλως. σέβεσθαι. ἤδη ὧν ἔφη λέγων. ὁμοίως 
αὐτὸς τῷ ποδανιπτῆρι πεπρηγέναι" εὐ γὰρ πρό- 


τερον εἶναι δημότης, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν τῷ παρεόντι εἶναι 


αὐτῶν ᾿ βασιλεύς" καὶ τιμᾶν τε καὶ προμηθέεσθαι 
ἑωυτοῦ ἐκέλευε. 

173. Τοιούτῳ μὲν τρόπῳ προσηγάγετο τοὺς 
Αἰγυπτίους ὥστε δικαιοῦν δουλεύειν, ἐχρᾶτο δὲ 
καταστάσι πρηγμάτων τοιῇδε" τὸ μὲν ὄρθριον 
μέχρι ὅτευ πληθούσης ἆ ἀγορῆς προθύμως ἔ ἔπρησσε 
τὰ προσφερόμενα πρήγματα, τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ τούτου 
ἔπινέ τε καὶ κατέσκωπτε τοὺς συμπότας καὶ ἣν 
μάταιός τε καὶ παιγνιήμων. ἀχθεσθέντες δὲ τού- 
τοισι οἱ φίλοι αὐτοῦ ἐνουθέτεον αὐτὸν τοιάδε 
λέγοντες. M Ὢ βασιλεῦ, οὐκ ὀρθῶς σεωυτοῦ προ- 
έστηκας, ἐς τὸ ἄγαν φαῦλον προάγων σεωυτόν. 
σὲ γὰρ ἐχρῆν ἐν θρόνῳ σεμνῷ σεμνὸν θωκέοντα δι᾿ 
ἡμέρης. πρήσσειν τὰ πρήγματα, καὶ οὕτω Αἰγύ- 
πτιοί τ᾽ ἂν ἠπιστέατο. ὡς: ὑπ ᾿ἀνδρὸς μεγάλου ἄ ἄρχον- 
ται, καὶ ἄμεινον σὺ ἂν ἤκουες: νῦν δὲ ποιέεις 
οὐδαμῶς βασιλικά," ὃ δ᾽ ἀμείβετο τοῖσιδε αὐτούς. 
“Τὰ τόξα οἱ ἐκτημένοι, ἐπεὰν μὲν δέωνται χρᾶσθαι, 
ἐντανύουσι" ei yàp δὴ τὸν πάντα χρόνον. ἐντε- 
ταμένα ein, ἐκραγείη ἄν, ὥστε ἐς τὸ δέον οὐκ ἂν 
ἔχοιεν αὐτοῖσι χρᾶσθαι. οὕτω δὲ καὶ ἀνθρώπου 
κατάστασις" εὖ ἐθέλοι κατεσπουδάσθαι αἰεὶ μηδὲ 
ἐς παιγνίην τὸ μέρος ἑωυτὸν ἀνιέναι, λάθοι ἂν 
ἤτοι μανεὶς ἢ ὅ ô γε ἀπόπληκτος γενόμενος" τὰ ἐγὼ 
ἐπιστάμενος μέρος ἑκατέρῳ νέμω.᾽ ταῦτα μὲν τοὺς 
φίλους ἀμείψατο. 

174. Λέγεται δὲ ὁ "Αμασις, καὶ ὅτε ἦν ἰδιώτης, 


486 


BOOK Il. 172-174 


his subjects had washed their feet in it and put it 
to yet viler uses; now they greatly revered it, *So 
now" (quoth he to them) “it has fared with me as 
with the foot-bath ; once I was a common man, now 
I am your king; it is your duty to honour me and 
hold me in regard." 

173. In this manner he won the Egyptians to 
consent to be his slaves ; and this is how he ordered 
his affairs: in the morning, till the filling of the 
market place, he wrought zealously at such business 
as came before him; the rest of the day he spent in 
drinking and jesting with his boon companions in 
idle and sportive mood. But this displeased his 
friends, who thus admonished him: “O King, you 
are ill guided so to demean yourseif. We would have 
you sit aloft on a throne of pride all day doing your 
business ; thus would the Egyptians know that they 
have a great man for their ruler, and you would have 
the better name among them; but now your be- 
haviour is nowise royal." * Nay," Amasis answered 
them, “men that have bows bend them at need 
only ; were bows kept for ever bent they would 
break, and so would be of no avail when they were 
needed. Such too is the nature of men. Were they 
to be ever at serious work nor permit themselves a 
fair share of sport they would go mad or silly ere 
they knew it; I am well aware of that, and give 
each of the two its turn." Such was his answer to 
his friends. 

174. It is said that before Amasis was a king he 


487 


-.. P 


HERODOTUS 


ὡς φιλοπότης ἣν καὶ φιλοσκώμμων καὶ οὐδαμῶς 
κατεσπουδασμένος ἀνήρ' ὅκως δέ μιν ἐπιλεύποι 
πίνοντά τε καὶ εὐπαθέοντα τὰ ἐπιτήδεα, κλέπτεσκε 
ἂν περιιών' ot ὃ ἄν μιν φάμενοι ἔχειν τὰ σφέτερα 
χρήματα ἀρνεύμενον ἄγεσκον ἐπὶ μαντήιον, ὅκου 
e / v A a" . Ν΄. ey 7 e b 
ἑκάστοισι εἴη. πολλὰ μὲν δὴ καὶ ἡλίσκετο ὑπὸ 

^ J Ν \ Na 1$ / , / \ 
τῶν μαντηίων, πολλὰ δὲ καὶ ἀπέφευγε. ἐπείτε δὲ 

\ 9 , 3 [d / e \ Φ.Α 
καὶ ἐβασίλευσε, ἐποίησε τοιάδε: ὅσοι μὲν αὐτὸν 
τῶν θεῶν ἀπέλυσαν μὴ φῶρα εἶναι, τούτων μὲν 
τῶν ἱρῶν οὔτε ἐπεμέλετο οὔτε ἐς ἐπισκευὴν ἐδίδου 

δέ δὲ 7 cÜ e Ò \ } A , / 
οὐδέν, οὐδὲ φοιτέων ἔθυε ὡς οὐδενὸς ἐοῦσι ἀξίοισι 
ψευδέα τε µαντήια ἐκτημένοισι' ὅσοι δέ μιν κατέ- 
δῆσαν φῶρα εἶναι, τούτων δὲ ὡς ἀληθέων θεῶν 
ἑόντων καὶ ἀψευδέα μαντήια παρεχομένων τὰ 
μάλιστα ἐπεμέλετο. 

175. Καὶ τοῦτο μὲν ἐν Σάι τῇ ᾿Αθηναίῃ προπύ- 
λαια θωμάσια οἷα ἐξεποίησε, πολλὸν πάντας 
ὑπερβαλόμενος τῷ τε ὕὑψεϊ καὶ τῷ μεγάθεϊ, ὅσων 
τε τὸ μέγαθος λίθων ἐστὶ καὶ ὁκοίων τεῶν' τοῦτο 
δὲ κολοσσοὺς μεγάλους καὶ ἀνδρόσφιγγας περι- 

’ 2 [A / y , , . 
μήκεας ἀνέθηκε, λίθους τε ἄλλους ἐς ἐπισκευὴν 
ὑπερφυέας τὸ μέγαθος ἐκόμισε. ἠγάγετο δὲ τού- 

M \ , ^ \ / , / 
των τοὺς μὲν ἐκ τῶν κατὰ Μέμφιν ἐουσέων λιθο- 
/ ` δὲ e 10 , Ἔ / 
τομιέων, τοὺς δὲ ὑπερμεγάθεας ἐξ ᾿Βλεφαντίνης 
πόλιος πλόον καὶ εἴκοσι ἡμερέων ἀπεχούσης ἀπὸ 

r * » e , ^ , \ / 
Σάιος. τὸ δὲ οὐκ ἥκιστα αὐτων ἀλλὰ μάλιστα 
θωμάζω, ἔστι τόδε: οἴκημα μουνόλιθον ἐκόμισε ἐξ 
᾿Ελεφαντίνης πόλιος, καὶ τοῦτο ἐκόμιζον μὲν ἐπ᾿ 

μιξον μ 


488 


/ 


BOOK II. 174-175 


was a man nowise serious-minded but much given to 
drinking and jesting; and when his drinking and 
merrymaking brought him to penury, he would wander 
around and steal from one and another. Then those 
others, when he denied the charge that he had taken 
their possessions, would bring him to whatever place 
of divination was nearest them; and the oracles often 
declared him guilty and often acquitted him. When 
he became king, he took no care of the shrines of 
the gods who had acquitted him of theft, nor gave 
them aught for maintenance, nor made it his prac- 
tice to sacrifice there, for he deemed them to be 
worthless and their oracles to be false ; but he tended 
with all care the gods who had declared his guilt, 
holding them to be gods in very truth and their 
oracles infallible. 

175. Amasis made a marvellous outer court for 
the temple of Athene 1 at Sais, surpassing, in height 
and grandeur, and in the size and splendour of the 
stones, all who had erected such buildings; moreover, 
he set up huge images and vast man-headed 
sphinxes,? and brought enormous blocks of stone 
besides for the building. Some of these he brought 
from the stone quarries of Memphis; those of 
greatest size came from the city Elephantine,? distant 
twenty days' journey by river from Sais. But let 
me now tell of what I hold the most marvellous of 
his works. He brought from Elephantine a shrine 
made of one single block of stone; three years it 


1 Apparently, Nit; also identified with Demeter (132, 
note). 

? Visitors to Karnak will remember the double row of 
sphinxes leading to the temple. 

8 The island opposite Assuan; the Assuan quarries have 
always been famous. 


489 


br 


HERODOTUS 


ἔτεα τρία, δισχίλιοι δέ οἱ προσετετάχατο ἄνδρες 
ἀγωγέες, καὶ οὗτοι ἅπαντες ἦσαν κυβερνῆται. τῆς 
δὲ στέγης ταύτης τὸ μὲν μῆκος ἔξωθεν ἐστὶ εἷς τε 
καὶ εἴκοσι πήχεες, εὗρος δὲ τεσσερεσκαίδεκα, ὕψος 
δὲ ὀκτώ. ταῦτα μὲν τὰ µέτρα ἔξωθεν τῆς στέγης 
τῆς μουνολίθου ἐ ἐστί, ἀτὰρ ἔσωθεν τὸ μῆκος ὀκτω- 
καίδεκα πηχέων καὶ πυγόνος εκ τὸ δὲ ὕψος 
πέντε πηχέων ἐστί. αὕτη τοῦ .ἱροῦ κέεται παρὰ 
τὴν ἔσοδον: ἔσω γάρ μιν ἐς τὸ ἱρόν φασι τῶνδε 
εἵνεκα οὐκ ἐσελκύσαι" τὸν ἀρχιτέκτονα αὐτῆς ἑλκο- 
μένης τῆς στέγης ἀναστενάξαι, οἷά τε χρόνου 
ἐγγεγονότος πολλοῦ καὶ ἀχθόμενον τῷ ἔργῳ, τὸν 
δὲ " Apacw ἐνθύμιον ποιησάμενον οὐκ ἐᾶν ἔτι προ- 
σωτέρω ἑλκύσαι. ἤδη δὲ τινὲς λέγουσι ὡς ἄνθρω- 
πος διεφθάρη ὑπ᾽ αὐτῆς τῶν τις αὐτὴν μοχλευόν- 
των, καὶ ἀπὸ τούτου οὐκ ἐσελκυσθῆναι. 

176. ᾿Ανέθηκε δὲ καὶ ἐν τοῖσι ἄλλοισι ἱροῖσι ὁ 
“Apacs πᾶσι τοῖσι ἐλλογίμοισι ἔργα τὸ μέγαθος 
ἀξιοθέητα, ἐ ἐν δὲ καὶ ἐν Μέμφι τὸν ὕπτιον κείμενον 
κολοσσὸν τοῦ Ἡφαιστείου ἔμπροσθε, τοῦ πόδες 
πέντε καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα εἰσὶ τὸ μῆκος: ἐπὶ δὲ τῷ 
αὐτῷ βάθρῳ ἑστᾶσι τοῦ αὐτοῦ ἐόντος λίθου δύο 
κολοσσοί, εἴκοσι ποδῶν τὸ μέγαθος ἐὼν ἑκάτερος, 
ὃ μὲν ἔνθεν ὃ Ò ἔνθεν τοῦ μεγάλου. ἔστι δὲ 
λίθινος ἕ ἕτερος τοσοῦτος καὶ ἐν Σι, κείμενος κατὰ 
τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον, τῷ ἐν Μέμφι. τῇ "σι τε 
τὸ ἐν Μέμφι i ἱρὸν "Αμασις ἐστὶ ὁ ἐξοικοδομήσας, 
ἐὸν μέγα τε καὶ ἀξιοθεητότατον. 

177. Emr’ ᾽Αμάσιος δὲ βασιλέος λέγεται Αἴγυ- 
πτος μάλιστα δὴ τότε εὐδαιμονῆσαι καὶ τὰ ἀπὸ τοῦ 


1 This lacuna is in one MS. filled by the words τὸ δὲ εὖρο: 
δυώδεκα πηχέων. 


490 


BOOK II. 175-177 


was in the bringing, and two thousand men were 
charged with the carriage of it, pilots all of them. 
This chamber measures in outer length twenty-one 
cubits, in breadth fourteen, in height eight. These 
are the outer measurements of the chamber which is 
made of one block ; its inner length is of eighteen 
cubits and four-fifths of a cubit, and its height of 
five cubits. It lies by the entrance of the temple ; 
the reason why it was not dragged within into the 
temple was (so they say), that while it was being 
drawn the chief builder groaned aloud for the much 
time spent and his weariness of the work, and 
Amasis taking this to heart would not suffer it to 
be drawn further. Some again say that a man, one 
of them that heaved up the shrine, was crushed by 
it, and therefore it was not dragged within. 

176. Moreover Amasis dedicated, besides monu- 
ments of marvellous size in all the other temples 
of note, the huge image that lies supine before 
Hephaestus’ temple at Memphis; this image is 
seventy-five feet in length ; there stand on the same 
base, on either side of the great image, two huge 
statues hewn from the same block, each of them 
twenty feet high. There is at Sais another stone 
figure of like bigness, lying as lies the figure at 
Memphis. It was Amasis, too, who built the great 
and most marvellous temple of Isis at Memphis. 

177. It is said that in the reign of Amasis Egypt 
attained to its greatest prosperity, in respect of what 


491 


HERODOTUS 


ποταμοῦ τῇ χώρῃ γινόμενα καὶ rà ἀπὸ τῆς χώρης 
τοῖσι ἀνθρώποισι, καὶ πόλις ἐν αὐτῇ γενέσθαι τὰς 
ἁπάσας τότε δισμυρίας τὰς οἰκεομένας. νόμον τε 
Αἰγυπτίοισι τόνδε ” Αμασις ἐστὶ ὁ καταστήσας, 
ἀποδεικνύναι ἔτεος ἑκάστου τῷ νομάρχη πάντα. 
τινὰ Αἰγυπτίων ὅθεν βιοῦται μὴ δὲ ποιεῦντα 
ταῦτα μηδὲ ἀποφαίνοντα δικαίην Conv ἰθύνεσθαι 
θανάτῳ. Σόλων δὲ ὁ ᾿Αθηναῖος λαβὼν ἐξ Αἰγύ- 
mrov τοῦτον. τὸν νόμον ᾿Αθηναίοισι ἔθετο τῷ 
ἐκεῖνοι ἐς αἰεὶ χρέωνται ἐόντι ἀμώμῳ νόμῳ. 

178. Φιλέλλην δὲ γενόμενος ὁ "Apacs ἄλλα τε 
ἐς Ἑλλήνων μετεξετέρους ἀπεδέξατο, καὶ δὴ καὶ 
τοῖσι ἀπικνευμένοισι ἐς Αἴγυπτον ἔδωκε Ναύκρα- 
τιν πόλιν ἐνοικῆσαι' τοῖσι δὲ μὴ βουλομένοισι 
αὐτῶν οἰκέειν, αὐτοῦ δὲ ναυτιλλομένοισι ἔδωκε 
χώρους ἐνιδρύσασθαι βωμοὺς καὶ τεμένεα θεοῖσι. 
τὸ μέν νυν μέγιστον αὐτῶν τέμενος, καὶ ὀνομασ- 
τότατον ἐὸν καὶ χρησιμώτατον, καλεύμενον δὲ 
Ἑλλήνιον, aide αἱ πόλιες εἰσὶ αἱ ἱδρυμέναι κοιν. 
Ἰώνων μὲν Χίος καὶ Τέως καὶ Φώκαια καὶ KXato- 
pevai, Δωριέων δὲ Ῥόδος καὶ Κνίδος καὶ Αλικαρ- 
νησσὸς καὶ Φάσηλις, Αἰολέων δὲ ἡ Μυτιληναίων 
μούνη. τουτέων μὲν ἐστὶ τοῦτο τὸ τέμενος, καὶ 
προστάτας τοῦ ἐμπορίου αὗται αἱ πόλιες εἰσὶ 
αἱ παρέχουσαι" ὅσαι δὲ ἄλλαι πόλιες µετα- 
ποιεῦνται, οὐδέν σφι μετεὸν μεταποιεῦνται. χωρὶς 
δὲ Αἰγινῆται ἐπὶ ἑωυτῶν ἱδρύσαντο τέμενος 
Διός, καὶ ἄλλο Σάμιοι Ἥρης καὶ Μιλήσιοι Απόλ.- 
λωνος. 

179. Ἦν δὲ τὸ παλαιὸν μούνη Ναύκρατις ἐμ- 
πόριον καὶ ἄλλο οὐδὲν Αἰγύπτου: εἰ δέ τις ἐς τῶν 
τι ἄλλο στομάτων τοῦ Νείλου ἀπίκοιτο, χρῆν 


492 


BOOK IL. 177—179 


the river did for the land and the land for its people : 
and that the whole sum of inhabited cities in the 
country was twenty thousand. It was Amasis also 
who made the law that every Egyptian should yearly 
declare his means of livelihood to the ruler of his 
province, and, failing so to do or to prove that he had 
a just way of life, be punished with death. Solon 
the Athenian got this law from Egypt and established 
it among his people ; may they ever keep it! for it is 
a perfect law. 

178. Amasis became a lover of the Greeks, and 
besides other services which he did to some of them 
he gave those who came to Egypt the city of 
Naucratis to dwell in, and to those who voyaged 
to the country without desire to settle there he gave 
lands where they might set altars and make holy 
places for their gods. Of these the greatest and 
most famous and most visited precinct is that which 
is called the Hellenion, founded jointly by the Ionian 
cities of Chios, Teos, Phocaea, and Clazomenae, the 
Dorian cities of Rhodes, Cnidus, Halicarnassus, and 
Phaselis, and one Aeolian city, Mytilene. It is to 
these that the precinct belongs, and these are they 
that appoint wardens of the port ; if any others claim 
rights therein they lay claim to that wherein they 
have no part or lot. The Aeginetans made a precinct 
of their own, sacred to Zeus; and so did the Samians 
for Here and the Milesians for Apollo. 

179. Naucratis was in old time the only trading 
port in Egypt. Whosoever came to any other mouth 
of the Nile must swear that he had not come of his 


493 


HERODOTUS 


ὀμόσαι μὴ μὲν ἑκόντα ἐλθεῖν, ἀπομόσαντα δὲ τῇ 
νηὶ αὐτῇ πλέειν ἐς τὸ Κανωβικόν" 5 εἰ μή ye olá 
τε εἴη πρὸς ἀνέμους ἀντίους πλέειν, τὰ φορτία ἔδεε 
περιάγειν ἐν βάρισι περὶ τὸ Δέλτα, μέχρι οὗ 
ἀπίκοιτο ἐς Ναύκρατιν. οὕτω μὲν δὴ Ναύκρατις 
ἐτετύμητο. 

180. ᾿Αμϕικτυόνων δὲ μισθωσάντων τὸν ἐν Δελ- 
φοῖσι νῦν ἐόντα νηὸν τριηκοσίων ταλάντων ἐξεργά- 
σασθαι (ὁ γὰρ πρότερον ἐὼν αὐτόθι αὐτόματος 
κατεκάη), τοὺς Δελφοὺς δὴ ἐπέβαλλε τεταρτη- 
μόριον τοῦ μισθώματος παρασχεῖν. πλανώμενοι 
δὲ οἱ Δελφοὶ περὶ τὰς πόλις ἐδωτίναξον, ποιεῦντες 
δὲ τοῦτο οὐκ ἐλάχιστον ἐξ Αἰγύπτου ἠνείκαντο" 
"Apacs μὲν yap σφι ἔδωκε χίλια στυπτηρίης 
τάλαντα, οἱ δὲ ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ οἰκέοντες "Ελληνες 
εἴκοσι μνέας. 

181. Κυρηναίοισι δὲ Αµμασις φιλότητά τε καὶ 
συμμαχίην συνεθήκατο, ἐδικαίωσε δὲ καὶ γῆμαι 
αὐτόθεν, εἴτ᾽ ἐπιθυμήσας Ἑλληνίδος γυναικὸς εἴτε 
καὶ ἄλλως φιλότητος Κυρηναίων εἵνεκα" γαμέει 
δὲ ὧν oi μὲν λέγουσι Βάττου oi δ᾽ ᾿Αρκεσίλεω 
θυγατέρα, οἳ δὲ Κριτοβούλου ἀνδρὸς τῶν ἀστῶν 
δοκίμου, τῇ οὔνομα ἦν Λαδίκη᾽ τῇ ἐπείτε συγκλί- 
νοιτο 0 ᾿Άμασις, μίσγεσθαι οὐκ οἷός τε ἐγίνετο, 
τῇσι δὲ ἄλλῃσι γυναιξὶ ἐ ἐχρᾶτο. ἐπείτε δὲ πολλὸν 
τοῦτο ἐγίνετο, εἶπε ὁ "Άμασις πρὸς τὴν Λαδίκην 
ταύτην καλεομένην, “"Ὦ γύναι, κατά í pe ἐφάρμαξας, 
καὶ ἔστι τοι οὐδεμία μηχανὴ μὴ οὐκ ἀπολωλέναι 
κάκιστα γυναικῶν πασέων. ἡ δὲ Λαδίκη, ἐ ἐπείτε 
οἱ ἀρνευμένῃ οὐδὲν ἐ ἐγίνετο πρηῦτερος ὁ " Άμασις, 
εὔχεται ἐν τῷ νόῳ τῇ ᾿Αφροδίτη, ἤν οἱ ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνην 


494 


BOOK ΙΙ. 179-181 


own will, and having so sworn must then take his 
ship and sail to the Canobic mouth; or, if he could © 
not sail against contrary winds, he must carry his 
cargo in barges round the Delta till he came to 
Naucratis. In such honour was Naucratis held. 

180. When the Amphictyons had hired out for 
three hundred talents the work of finishing the 
temple that now stands at Delphi (that which was 
formerly there having been burnt by pure mischance), 
it fell to the Delphians to provide a fourth part of 
the cost. They went about from city to city collect- 
ing gifts, and in this business they got most from 
Egypt; for Amasis gave them a thousand talents' 
weight of astringent earth,! and the Greek dwellers 
in Egypt twenty minae. 

181. Amasis made friends and allies of the people 
of Cyrene. Moreover he thought fit to take himself 
a wife from thence ; whether it was that he desired 
a Greek woman, or that he had other cause for 
winning the friendship of Cyrene, I know not; but 
he married one Ladice, said to be the daughter of 
Battus by some, of Arcesilaus by others, and by 
others again of Critobulus, an esteemed citizen of 
the place. But it so fell out that Ladice was the 
only woman with whom Amasis could not have inter- 
course; and this continuing, Amasis said to this 
Ladice, * Woman, you have cast a spell on me, and 
most assuredly you shall come to a terrible end." 
So, the king's anger not abating for all her denial, 
Ladice vowed in her heart to Aphrodite that she 


! Alum, apparently. | 
405 


HERODOTUS 


τὴν νύκτα μιχθῇ ὁ "Αμασις, τοῦτο γάρ οἱ κακοῦ 
εἶναι μῆχος, ἀγαλμά οἱ ἀποπέμψειν ἐς Κυρήνην. 
μετὰ δὲ τὴν εὐχὴν αὐτίκα οἱ ἐμίχθη ὁ Αμασις. 
\ 9 ^ y e ? [4 x 

καὶ τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν ἤδη, ὁκότε ἔλθοι "Αμασις πρὸς 
αὐτήν, ἐμίσγετο, καὶ κάρτα μιν ἔστερξε μετὰ τοῦτο. 
ἡ δὲ Λαδίκη ἀπέδωκε τὴν εὐχὴν τῇ θεῷ’ monoa- 
μένη γὰρ ἄγαλμα ἀπέπεμψε ἐς Κυρήνην, τὸ ἔτι 
καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ ἦν σόον, ἔξω τετραμμένον τοῦ Κυρηναίων 
ἄστεος. ταύτην τὴν Λαδίκην, ὡς ἐπεκράτησε Καμ- 
βύσης Αἰγύπτου καὶ ἐπύθετο αὐτῆς ἥτις εἴη, amé- 
πεμψε ἀσινέα ἐς Κυρήνην. 

189. ᾿Αγέθηκε δὲ καὶ ἀναθήματα ὁ " Άμασις ἐς 

\ e / ^ A » / » 
τὴν Ἑλλάδα, τοῦτο μὲν és Κυρήνην ἄγαλμα 
ἐπίχρυσον ᾿Αθηναίης καὶ εἰκόνα ἑωυτοῦ γραφῇ 
εἰκασμένην, τοῦτο δὲ τῇ ἐν Λίνδῳ ᾿Αθηναίῃ δύο τε 
> / / N , / , ΄ 
ἀγάλματα λίθινα καὶ θώρηκα λίνεον ἀξιοθέητον, 
τοῦτο δ᾽ ἐς Σάμον τῇ "Ἡρῃ εἰκόνας ἑωυτοῦ διφασίας 
ξυλίνας, αἳ ἐν τῷ νηῷ τῷ μεγάλῳ ἱδρύατο ἔτι καὶ 
τὸ μέχρι ἐμεῦ, ὄπισθε τῶν θυρέων. ἐς μέν νυν Σάμον 
ἀνέθηκε κατὰ ξεινίην τὴν ἑωυτοῦ τε καὶ Πολυκρά- 
^ 97 2 , / N > ^ 

τεος τοῦ Αἰάκεος, ἐς δὲ Λίνδον ξεινίης μὲν οὐδεμιῆς 
t ο . «εν. \ 3 / . ^ , / 
εἵνεκεν, ὅτι δὲ τὸ ἱρὸν τὸ ἐν Λίνδῳ τὸ τῆς ᾿Αθηναίης 
λέγεται τὰς Δαναοῦ θυγατέρας ἱδρύσασθαι προσ- 
σχούσας, ὅτε ἀπεδίδρησκον τοὺς Αἰγύπτου παῖδας. 
ταῦτα μὲν ἀνέθηκε ὁ "Άμασις, εἷλε δὲ Κύπρον 

^ ΄ , 
πρῶτος ἀνθρώπων καὶ κατεστρέψατο ἐς φόρου 
ἀπαγωγήν. 


496 


BOOK II. 181-182 


would send the goddess a statue to Cyrene if Amasis 
had intercourse with her that night; for that would 
remedy the evil; and thereafter all went well, and 
Amasis loved his wife much. Ladice paid her vow 
to the goddess; she had an image made and sent it 
to Cyrene, where it stood safe till my time, outside 
the city. Cambyses, when he had conquered Egypt 
and learnt who Ladice was, sent her away to Cyrene 
unharmed. 

182. Moreover Amasis dedicated offerings in 
Hellas. He gave to Cyrene a gilt image of Athene 
and a painted picture of himself, to Athene of Lindus 
two stone images and a marvellous linen breast-plate 
and to Here in Samos two wooden statues of himself, 
which stood yet in my time behind the doors in the 
great shrine. The offerings in Samos were dedicated 
by reason of the friendship between Amasis and 
Polycrates! son of Aeaces; what he gave to Lindus 
was for no friendship with any man, but because it 
is said that the temple of Athene in Lindus was 
founded by the daughters of Danaus, when they landed 
there in their flight from the sons of Egyptus. Such 
were Amasis’ offerings. Moreover he was the first 
conqueror of Cyprus, which he made tributary to 
himself. 


1 Polycrates’ rule began probably in 532 B.c. For the 
friendship between him and Amasis, see iii. 39. 


497 
VOL, I. κκ 


INDEX OF PROPER NAMES 


Abae, 1. 46 
Abantes, i. 146 
Abdera, |. ΤΉΝ 
Acarnan 


- Aegira, |. 145 
AE i 


urn 
AC lans, i. TN 2 IN 149-152, 
157, 171; 6,23 
Aeschylus, ài ΓΝ 
Aesopus, ii. 1 
Aeth opia M. ah, 28, 30, 110, 114, 
189, 146, 161 


Aethióplans ii, 29, 89, 30, 104, 


197-14 
Agamemnon, 1. 07 
Agasicles, i. 144 
Agba rr aa n 98, 110, 153 


A gyllsel, i. 167 


59 
ποια d 61, 64 
AA il. 43, 145 5 


Alexandrus, 1. 3 ; ii. 119-117 
Alitta, 1. 181 

Alyattes, i. 16-25, 73, 74, 92, 93 
Amasis, |. 181; fi, 154, 


90, 
161-103, 169, 172-176, 178, 182 
Ammon, i. 46; p in 55 
Ammonii, il. 32, 4 


HEROD, I, 


Amoun, il. 42 

Amphiaraus, i. 46, 49, 62 

Amphictyones, ii. 180 

Amphilytus, i. 62 

ο ο li. 43 
Amyrtaeus, ii, 140 

Amytheon, ii, 40 

Anaxandrides, i. 67 

Anthylla, ii, 08 

Anysis, ii. 187, 140, 166 

Apaturia, i. 147 

Aphrodisium (Cyprian), i. 105 

— (Egyptian), ii. 112 

NUS: 1.105, 181, 199; iij. 41, 


. 50, 59, wx %7, 91, 144: 


Apries, ii. 161, 169 
Arabia, ti. 8 12, 15, 19, 72, 124, 168 
Arabian Guif, ii. 11, 102, 158 
Arabes, : 131, 1 ee 
Araxes, Í. 909, 9 
Arcades, 1. 66, 108 
Archandrus ii, 0 
Archidice, il. 195" 
Archilochus, i. 12 
PAETA 185 
Ardys, i 
Ares, li, 6 4, 88 
Argauthonlus 1. 163, 165 
Argivi, i. 82 
Argos, |. 1 i. E. 

Argos, | 

Arion, i. C "ea 
Arisb 
Aristo pi L 168, 159 
Ariston, i. 67 
Arizanti, i. 101 
Armenii, i. 194 
Arsames, 1. 209 


hae 171 


499 


INDEX OF PROPER NAMES 


— Artembares, i. 114-116 
Arte 


mis, 1. 26 ; 11. 59, 60, 83, 137, 
Aryenis, 1. s 
Ascalon, 1.1 
ΡΝ Lob ὅ o2, 104, 180; il. 17, 


ο. 


19 
λος E 178, 192, 193 ; ii. 17 
Assyrii, b lo ; 1,9 96, i 1 2, 108, 106, 178, 


Ast NI 46, 7 vet, 80, 141, 36 
ges 
138, 127 77-190, 189 5 


"c πα 


ens y 105, Ata). P 29, 67-64, 
: i. 5 
Athribites, ii. 166 
Atlantic 


1, 200 
Atys (son o Croesus, 


ii. 49 
Bolbitine mouth of Nile, it. 17 
Branchidae, 1, 46, 92, 157, 158; ΙΙ. 


Dun des ii. 59, 187, 156, 106 
Bu 1 


Bubassia, i. 17 


Cadmel, ii. 45, 49 
Cadytis, ii. 150 
ος 


Cam 

byan 111, 122 
— (Cyrus’ a» 208; 1.1 
Camirus, |. 1 
Candaules, 1. b 8, 10-129 


500 


Canobic mouth of Nile, il. 15, 17, 
113, 179 

Canobus, ii. 15, 97 

Cappadocia, i. 71-73, 76 

Carians, i, 28, 92, 142, 146, 171, 
174; ii. 61, 18 154, 163 

Carthaginians, i. 166, 167 

Casian mountain, li. 6, 158 

Caspian, i. 20 208 

Cassandane, ii. 1 

Catadupa, il. 17 

Caucasus, i. 104, 203, 204 

Caucones, i. 147 

Caunii, i. 172, 176 
tae, ii. 33 

Cercasorus, ii. 15, 17, 97 

Chalybes, Í. 28 

Charaxus, ii. 135 

Chemmis, fi fi. 91, 156, 165 

, i. 124, 126, 127, 129 

Chep en, ii. 127, 128 


Chilon, i. 59 

Chios, i. Ἴ8, 142, 160; il. 135, 178 
Choaspes, i. 188 

Chromius, i. 82 

Cilicia, i iy 72; ii. 17, 84 


Cilla, {. 14 149 
Cimmerii, i. 6, 15, 16, 103 


Clazomenae, |. 16, 142; ii. 178 
Cleobis, i. 3 

Cnidus, 1. i44, 174 ; li. 178 
Codrus, 1. 1 


147 
Colchi, i. ae ii. 105, 109 
Colophon, 1 4, 14 42 
Corinth, 1. 14, 193, 24, 50, 51; fi. 167 
Cos, i. 1 144 


Crathis, i. 145 

Creston, i. 57 

Crete, i. 2, 2n 172-173 

Croesus, i. 7 et passim ap. |. 
Crophi, ii. 28 

Cume, i. 149, 157 

Cyaxares, i. 16, 46, 73, 103, 106 
Cynesii, ii. 33 

Cyprus, i. 72, 105, 199: ii. 79, 182 
Cypselus, |. 14, 20, 23 

Cyrene, t 32, 33, 161, 181, 182 
Cyrnus, i . 165-167 

Cyrus, 1. : is et passim ap. L 
Cythera, i. 82, 105 


Dai, i. 225 

Danaé, ii. 91 
Danaus, ii. 91, 98 
Daphnae, ii. 80, 107 


INDEX OF PROPER NAMES 


Dardanians, i. 189 


Darius, i. 183, 187, 209, 210; - 158 
ascylus, |. 
Delos, 1. 


Ex i, 13, 14, 19, 20, 25, 46-48, 
507, 85, 92, 167, 174; 


123, ΛΚ 45 56 
Dioscuri, fi. 43, 60 
Dodona, i. 46; ii. 52, 55, 57, 58 
Dorians . 66, 57, 189, 146, 171; 

ii. ΠΤ 
Dorus, 1. 56 
Drop 1 125 
Dryopes, 1. 66, 146 
Dyme, t. 146 


Echinades, ii, 10 
Elbo, ii. 140 
Eleans, ii, 160 
Piephantine, il, 9, 17, 28, 69, 175 
Eleusis, i 
Eneti i 196 
paphus, ii. 38, 1 
DUE" ἡ 92, 142; ii. 10, 148 
Ere 1. 61, 62 


Euphorion, fi. 1 

Euphrates, $. 180, 185, 186, 191, 198 

Europe, 1. 4, 103, 209 ; ii. 16, 26, 
33 τ 5 “daughter ‘of Agenor), 


i 2, 17 


Germanii, 1, 125 

Glaucus (of Chios), i 

— (son o Eppolochus), 1 147 
Gordias, 1. 14, 85, 45 


Greate d 189, 190, 202 


` Halicarnassus, i. 144, 176; 1i. 178 

- Halys, 1. 6, 28, 72, 75, 108, 130 

Harpagus, i. 80, 108-110, 118, 119, 
123, ob 102. 169, 171-176 


Hecataeus, ii, 145 

Hector, 1i. 1 Hoz 

Hegesicles, i. 6 

Helena, i. 3; iL 112, 118, 115-120 

Helice, i. 145 

Heliopolis, ii. 3, 7-9, 69, 63, 73 

Hellas, Hellenes, passim 

Hephaestopolis, li. 184 

Hephaestus, ii. 3, 99, 101, 108, 110, 
το is 186, 141, 142, 147, 151, 


Heracles, i. 7 ; 1. 33, 42-44, 83, 113 
Heraclidae, L 1 19, 91 
Heraclides, 1. 1 

Here, 1. 81, 70; il. ae 

Hermes, ii. 51, 138, 

Hermotybies, ἯΙ, led Tas, 168 
Hermuis, 1. [us d 

Herodotus, i 
ρα 61 iL οὖ 


Hippocrates, I 59 
ppolochus, 1. 147 

Hie a, ii. 60 

Histiaeotis, 1. 56 

Homer, il. 23, 58, 116, 117 

Hyela, 1. 167 

Hyllus, 1. 80 

Hyroeades, 1. 84 

Hystaspes, 1. 183, 209 


n i, tot b. il. 41 
onians passim 


179 
d 41, 42, 59, 61, 122, 123, 156, 


Issedones, 1. 2 
Ister, 1. 202; i. 106, 98, 84 


Istria, ii. 33° 
talla, i. 24, 146 


Labynetus, 1. 74 es S s 
Lacedaemon, i. 6, 6 
Lacrines, 1. 152 

Ladice, ii. 181 
Lebedus, 1. 142 
Leleges, 1. 171 


σοι 


INDEX OF PROPER NAMES 


Leobotes, 1. 65 

Leon, 1. 65 

Lesbos, i. 161, 160, 202 . 

Libya (and Libyans), i. 46; ii. 8, 
12, 15-18, 20, 22, 21-26, 32, 
50, he rk 77, 91, 99, 124, 


Liches, i. 67, 68 

Lide, 1, Ho EC 
Limeneum, i 

Lindus, i. τη δ 182 
Linus, ii, 79 

Loxias, 1. 91 

Lycia, i. 28, 147, 171, 178, 176, 182 
Lycurgus, 1 65, 66 
Lycus, |. 

Lydia, passin ap. |. 
Lydus, i. 7, 171 
Lynceus, it. 91 


Macedni, 1. 56 

Macrones, il. 104 

Madyes, i. 108 

Maeander, ii. 29 

Maeetis, |. 104 

Magdolus, fi, 159 

Magi, 1.101, 107, 108, 120, 128, 132, 

140 


Magnesia, 1. 161 

Maleae, 1. 82 

Mandane, i. 107, 108, 111 

Maneros, 1i. 

Manes, i. 94 

Maraphii, i. 125 

Marathon, i. 62 

Mardi, i. 125 

Marea, ff. 18, 30 

Mariandyni, 1. 28 

Maspil, i. 125 

Massagetae, 1 201, 204, 208, 211, 
212, 214-216 

Matienl, 1. 72, 202 

Mazares, |. 156, 107 160, 161 

Medea, 1. 2, 

M fedians, 1. 16, et passim ap. i. 

Megacles, 1. 59, 61 

Megarians, i. 59 

Meli, 1. 7 

Melampus, ii. 49 

Melant ro i. 147 

Meles, 1. 8 

Memphis, ή 8, 8, 10, 12-14, 97, 99, 
115, 115, 119, 150, 165, 154, 158, 
175, 17 


502 


Mendes, ii. 42, 46, 145 

Menelaus, ii. 113, 116, 118, 119 

Mermnadae, i. 7, 14 

Meroe, ii. 29 

Methymna, i. 151 

Midas, 1. 14, 35 

Miletus, i. 14, 15, 17, 18, 20, 22, 25, 
oe, 142, 143, 146, 169; ii. 33, 
159, 178 

Milyae, i. 173 

Min, ii. 4, 99 

Mie i. 171, 178 

Minyae, i. 146 

Mitra, i. 131 

Mitradates, i. 110, 111, 121 

Moeris (lake), ii. 4, 69, 148, 149 

— (King), ii. 13, 101 

Mophi, ii. 28 

Mycale, i. 148 

Mycerinus, li. 129-133, 186 

Myecphorite district, ii. 166 

Mylasa, i. 171 

Mylitta, i. 131, 199 

Myrina, i. 149° 

Myrsilus, 1. 7 

Myrsus, 1. 7 

Mysians, i. 28, ME eh 160, 171 

Mytilene, 1. 160; 135 

Myus, i. 142 


Nasamones, il. 32, 33 

Nathos, fi. 165 

Naucratis, il. 97, 135, 178-180 

Naxos, i. 6 

Necos, ii. 152, 158, 159 

N ilus, ii. passim. 

Ninus (King), i. 7 ; ii. 150 

— (city), i. 102, 103, 106, 178, 185, 
193 ; ii. 150 

Nisaea, i. 59 

Nitocris (of Egypt), ii. 100 

— (of Babylon), i. 185; ii. 100 

Notium, i. 149 

Nysa, ii. 146 


Oenotria, i. 167 

Oenussae, i. 165 

Oeolycus, i. 149 

Olenus, i. 145 

Olympia, i. 59, 160 

Olympus m aie: i. 56; (in 
Mysia), i. 36, 43 

ο ο ο. district, fi. 166 

Opis, 1. 1 


INDEX OF PROPER NAMES 


Orchomenus, i. 16, 146 

Orestes, i. 67, 63 

Orphica, ii. 81 

Orus, ii. 144 

Osiris, if. 42, 47-48, 123, 144-146, 


re i. 56 
Othryades, i. 89 


Pactyes, 1. 153-161 

Palestine, i. 105; ii. 104, 106 
Pamphylians, i, 28 

Pan, ii. 46, 145, 146 
Pandion, i. 173 

Panionia, f. 148 

Panionium, i, 141-148, 148, 170 
Panormus, i. 157 
Pantaleon, i, 92 

Panthialaet, $. 125 
Paphlagonians, i. 6, 28, 72 
Papremis, ii. 59, 63, 71, 165 
Paretaceni, i. 101 
Parthenius, ii, 104 
Pasargadae, i. 125 

Patara, i. 189 

Patarbemis, ii. 165 
Patrees, i. 145 

Pedasus, 1. 175 


Pelasgians, 1 56-58, 146; 11. M. 


Pellene, i. 145 

Peloponnesus, i. 56, 61, 68 ; if. 171 

Petusium, fi. 15, 17, 36, 141, 151 

Penelope, ii. 145, 146 

Pentapolis, i. 144 

Periander, i. 20, 23, 24 

Perseus, ii. 15, δι 

Persians, passim ap. i, 

Pharees, i. 145 

Pharnaspes, ii. 1 

Phaselis, íi. 178 

Phasis, i. 2, 104 ; if. 103 

Pheros, fi. 111 

Philition, ii. 128 

Phocaea, i. 80, 142, 152, 162, 164, 

. 166, 168 ; ii. 100, 1 178 

Phocians, 1. 46, 146 

Phoenice and Phoenicians, i. 1, 2, 
5, 105, 143; ii. 32, 44, 49, '54, 
56, 79, 104, 112, 116 

Phraortes, i. 73, 96, 102 

Phrygians, i. 14, 28, 85, 72; ii. 2 

Phthiotis, 1. 66 

Phya, i. 60 


Pindus, i. 56 

Pirus, i. 145 

Pb 4 i. 59-64 
isistratus, 

Pitane, 1. 149 

Pittacus, 1. 27 

Placie, i. 57 

Poseidon, i. 148 ; ii. 48, 50 

Poseidonia, i. 167 

Priam, i. 3, 4; ii. 120 

Priene, 1. 15 142. 161 

Prosopitis, il. 41, 105 

Proteus, ii. 112, 114-116, 118, 121 

Protothyes, i. 103 

Psammetichus, ii i. 2, 28, 80, 151- 
156, 157, 158, 16 

Psammis, ii. 160 

Pteria, i. 76 

Pylians, 1. 147 

Pyrene, ii. 33 

Pythermus, |, 159 

Pythian priestess, |. 13, 19, 47, 49, 
55, 65-67, 85, 91, 167, 174 

Pytho, 1.54 


Rhampsinitus, fi, 121, 122, 124 
Rhegium, 1. 166, 167 
Rhodes, i. 174; "il. 178 
Rhodopis, 1l. 134, 135 
Rhypes, i. 145 


Sabacos, T ανν 159 

Sacae, 1. 1 

Sagactil, E εδ. 

Sats, ii. 28, 59, 62, 130, 163, 109, 
170, 175, 176 

Samos, i. 70, 142, 148, 152; il. 148, 
168, 178, 182 

Samothracians, ii. 51 

ο. il, 141 

Sandanis, i 

Sappho, ΠΝ 136 

Sardanapallus, fi. 150 

Sardis, i. 7, 15, 69, 70, 73, 77-79, 
80, 84, 85, 141, 152-157 ; ii. 106 

Sardo, i. 166, 170 

Sardyattes, i. 16, 18 

Sarpedon, i. 173 

Saspires, i. 104 

Scamandronymus, ff. 135 

Scylace, i. 5 

Scythia and Scythians 2 Pu. ὧν 
ih er a 130; ii, 22, 1 


0, 


593 


INDEX OF PROPER NAMES 


Sebennytic were li, 17, 155, 166 
Semiramis, i. 184 

Semele, ii. 145, 146 

Serbonian M: 


arsh, ii. 6 
Sesostris, il, 102-104, 106-108, 110, 
111, 137 


Sethos, il. 141 
Sidon, i [n Md 
imb, i 1 : 


Smyma, l: ΚΗ 16, 94, 143, 149, 150 ; 


i. 

Solo£is, ii. 31 

Solon, i. 20-34, 86 ; ii. 177 
Solymi, i. 173 
Spargapises, | 211, 213 


Syrtis, il. 32, 1 150 


Tabalus, i. 154, 161 
Tachompso, 11. 29 
Taenarum, i, 29, 24 
Tanite ve district, ii, 166 


. 30 
Teos, i. 142, 168, 170; il. 178 
Telmessians, i. 78, 84 
Temnus, i. 149 


Tenedos, i. 151 
Teucri, ii. 118 


Thales, i. n 75, 170 

Thasos, fi. 4 

Thebes (Botctian), i. 52, td 

— (Egyptian), i. 182; ii. 3, 9, 15, 
54—56, 58, 69, 74, 91, τῷ 166 

iterate i. 51 

Thermodon, fi. 104 

Thesmophoria, ii. 171 

Thessalia, i. 57 

Thmuitan district, ii. 166 

Thonis, ii. 113, 114 

Thornax, i. 69 

Thrace, i. 168; ii. 103, 184, 167 

Thrasybulus, i. 20-23 

Thyni, i. a 

Thyrea, i 

Tigris, κ 189, 193 ; ii. 150 

Timarete, ii. 55 

Timesius, i. 168 

Tmolus, 1. 84, 93 

Tomyris, i. 205, 212, 214 

Triopium, i. 144, 174 

Tritaeees, i. 145 

TURO ee i. 192 

Troés, ii. 


Tyrrhenians, 1. 57, 94, 165, 166, 169 


Xanthes, fi. 135 
Xanthus, i. 176 
Xerxes, i. 183 


Zeus, passim, 


Printed in Great Britfin by 
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This is a reproduction of a library book that was digitized 
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information in books and make it universally accessible. 


Google books 


https://books.google.com 


HERODOTUS 


“WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY 
A. D. GODLEY 


HON, FELLOW OF MAGDALEN COLLEGE, OXFORD 


IN FOUR VOLUMES 
II 


BOOKS III AND IV 


LONDON : WILLIAM HEINEMANN 
NEW YORK : G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS 
MCMXXI 


è 
Ἕν 


CONTENTS 


PAGE 

INTRODUCTION TO BOOKS III AND IV . . . . . . . . vii 

BOOK Il. . . . . . . . SU E A 1 

BOOK IV ooo a Tm 197 

INDEX OF PROPER NAMES . . .. . . ... .. «ο 409 
MAPS :— | 

1. The Persian Empire ...........-. At end 


2. The World According to Herodotus. . . . . | 


ν 


INTRODUCTION TO BOOKS IIl 
AND IV 


Ἡκποροτύθ narrative in the Third Book of his 
history is extremely discursive and episodic. It 
may be briefly summarised as follows :— 

Chapters 1 to 38 deal in the main with Cambyses. 
They relate the Persian invasion and conquest of 
Egypt, Cambyses' abortive expedition against the 
Ethiopians, and the sacrilegious and cruel acts of the 
last part of his reign. The section 38-60 begins 
with an account of Polycrates of Samos, and his 
relations with Amasis of Egypt, and continues with 
a narrative of Polycrates war against his banished 
subjects. The fact that these latter were aided not 
only by Spartans but by Corinthians serves to intro- 
duce the story of the domestic feuds of Periander, 
despot of Corinth. Chapter 61 resumes the story of 
Cambyses; the Magian usurpation of the Persian 
throne, Cambyses' death, the counterplot against 
and ultimate overthrow of the pseudo-Smerdis and 
his brother by seven Persian conspirators, and the 
accession of Darius—all this is narrated with much 


vii 


INTRODUCTION TO BOOKS III AND IV 


picturesque and dramatic detail in twenty-eight 
chapters (61-88). Then follows a list of Darius 
tributary provinces (88-97), supplemented by various 
unconnected details relating to Arabia and India 
(98-117) The next thirty-two chapters (118-149) 
narrate various events in the early part of Darius’ 
reign: the fate of Polycrates of Samos; the insolence 
and death of his murderer Oroetes ; how Democedes, 
a Samian physician, rose to power at the Persian 
court and was sent with a Persian commission to 
reconnoitre Greek coasts; how Polycrates’ brother 
Syloson regained with Persian help the sovereignty 
of Samos. Lastly, chapters 150-160 describe the 
revolt and second capture of Babylon. 

Book IV begins with the intention of describing 
Darius’ invasion of Scythia, and the subject of more — 
than two-thirds of.the book is Scythian geography 
and history. Chapters 1-15 deal with the legendary 
origin of the Scythians; 16-31, with the population 
of the country and the climate of the far north ; this 
leads to a disquisition on the Hyperboreans and 
their alleged commerce with the Aegean (32-36), 
and (37-45) a parenthetic section, showing the rela- 
tion to each other of Europe, Asia, and Libya. The 
story of a circumnavigation of Libya forms part of 
this section. Chapters 46-58 enumerate the rivers 
of Scythia, and 59-82 describe its manners and 
customs. 

Darius' passage of the Hellespont and the Danube is 


viii 


INTRODUCTION TO BOOKS III AND IV 


narrated in chapters 83-98. Chapters 99-117 are once 
more parenthetic, describing first the general outline 
of Scythia, and next giving some details as to neigh- 
bouring tribes, with the story of the Amazons. From 
118 to 144 Herodotus professes to relate the move- 
ments of the Persian and Scythian armies, till Darius 
returns to the Danube and thence to Asia again. 

The Libyan part of the book begins at 145. 
Twenty-three chapters (145—167) give the history 
of Cyrene, its colonisation from Greece and the 
fortunes of its rulers till the time of Darius, when it 
was brought into contact with Persia by the appeal 
of its exiled queen Pheretime to the Persian governor 
of Egypt, who sent an army to recover Cyrene for 
her. The thirty-two following chapters (168-199) 
are a detailed description of Libya: 168-180, the 
Libyan seaboard from Egypt to the Tritonian lake; 
181-190, the sandy ridge inland stretching (accord- 
ing to Herodotus) from Thebes in Egypt to the 
Atlas; 191-199, in the main, Libya west of the 
“ Tritonian lake." Αἱ chapter 200 the story of 
Pheretime is resumed and the capture of Barce 
described. The book ends with the death of 
Pheretime and the disastrous return to Egypt of her 
Persian allies. 


The above brief abstract shows that Book IV, at 
least, is full of geography and ethnology. It is, I 
believe, generaly held that Herodotus himself 


ix 


INTRODUCTION TO BOOKS III AND IV 


visited the Cyrenaica and the northern coasts of the 
Black Sea, where the Greek commercial centre was 
the * port of the Borysthenites," later called Olbia; 
but there is no real evidence for or against such 
visits. The point is not very important. If he did 
not actually go to Cyrene or Olbia he must at least 
have had opportunities of conversing with Greeks 
resident in those places. These, the only informants 
whose language he could understand, no doubt sup- 
plied him with more or less veracious descriptions 
of the “hinterlands” of their cities; and possibly 
there may have been some documentary evidence— 
records left by former travellers. Whatever Hero- 
dotus' authorities—and they must have been highly 
miscellaneous —they take him farther and farther 
afield, to the extreme limits of knowledge or report. 

As Herodotus in description or speculation ap- 
proaches what he supposes to be the farthest con- 
fines of north and south, it is natural that he should 
also place on record his conception of the geography 
of the world —a matter in which he professes himself 
to be in advance of the ideas current in his time. 
There were already, it would appear, maps in those 
days. According to Herodotus, they divided the 
world into three equal parts — Europe, Asia, Libya ; 
the whole surrounded by the “ Ocean,’ which was 
still apparently imagined, as in Homer, to be a 
* river" into which ships could sail from the sea 
known to the Greeks. Possibly, as has been 


X 


INTRODUCTION TO BOOKS III AND IV 


suggested by moderns, this idea of an encircling river 
may have originated in the fact that to north, south, 
and east great rivers ran in the farthest lands known 
to: Greeks: the Nile in the south (and if it could be 
made to run partly from west to east, so much the 
better for the belief that it was a boundary), the 
Danube in the north, the Euphrates in the east; in 
the west, of course, the untravelled waters outside the 
* Pillars of Hercules" fitted into the scheme. But 
whether the legend of an encircling stream had a 
rational basis or not, Herodotus will have none of 
it. The Greeks, he says, believe the world to be sur- 
rounded by the Ocean; but they cannot prove it. 
The thing, to him, is ridiculous; as is also the neat 
_tripartite division of the world into three continents 
of equal extent. His own scheme is different. 
Taking the highlands of Persia as a base, he makes 
Asia a peninsula stretching westward, and Libya 
another great peninsula south-westward ; northward 
and alongside of the two is the vast tract called 
Europe. This latter, in his view, is beyond com- 
parison bigger than either Asia or Libya; its length 
from east to west is at least equal to the length of 
the other two together; and while there are at 
least traditions of the circumnavigation of Libya, 
and some knowledge of seas to the south and east 
of Asia, Europe stretches to the north in tracts of 
illimitable distance, the very absence of any tale of 
a northern boundary tending in itself to prove 


xi 


INTRODUCTION TO BOOKS III AND IV 


enormous extent. The lands north and south of 
the Mediterranean have each its great river; and 
Herodotus has already in the Second Book en- 
deavoured to show that there is a kind of corre- 
spondence between the Nile and the Danube. He, 
too, like the geographers with whom he disagrees, 
is obsessed, in the absence of knowledge, by a desire 
for symmetry. The Nile, he is convinced, flows for 
a long way across the country of the Ethiopians from 
west to east before it makes a bend to the north 
and flows thus through Egypt. So the Danube, too, 
rises in the far west of Europe, in the country of 
* Pyrene”; and as the Nile eventually turns and 
flows northward, so the Danube, after running for 
a long way eastward, makes an abrupt turn south- 
ward to flow into the Black Sea. Thus the Medi- 
terranean countries, southern Europe and northern 
Africa, are made to lie within what the two rivers— 
their mouths being regarded as roughly “ opposite ” 
to each other, in the same longitude—make into a 
sort of interrupted parallelogram. 

Such is the scheme of the world with which 
Herodotus incidentally presents us. But his real 
concern in the Fourth Book is with the geography 
of Libya and Scythia—northern Africa and southern 
Russia; in both cases the description is germane to 
his narrative, its motive being, in each, a Persian 
expedition into the country. 

Critics of the Odyssey have sometimes been at 


xii 


INTRODUCTION TO BOOKS III AND IV 


? 


pains to distinguish its “inner” from its ‘outer’ 
geography—the inner true and real, the outer a 
world of mere invention and fairy tale. There is 
no such distinction really; Greeks do not invent 
fairy tales; there are simply varying degrees of 
certitude. Greek geographical knowledge contem- 
poraneous with the composition of the Odyssey being 
presumably confined within very narrow limits, the 
frontiers of the known are soon passed, and the poet 
launches out into a realm not of invention, but of 
reality dimly and imperfectly apprehended—a world 
of hearsay and travellers’ tales, no doubt adorned 
in' the Homeric poem with the colours of poetry. 
Homer is giving the best that he knows of current 
information—not greatly troubled in his notices of 
remote countries by inconsistencies, as when he 
describes Egypt once as a four or five days' sail from 
Crete, yet again as a country so distant that even a 
bird will take more than a year to reach it. Hero- 
dotus' method is as human and natural as Homer's. 
Starting, of course, from a very much wider extent 
of geographical knowledge, he passes from what he 
has seen to what he knows at first hand from 
Cyrenaean or Borysthenite evidence; thence into 
more distant regions, about which his informants 
have been told; and so on, the accuracy of his 
statements obviously diminishing (and not guaran- 
teed by himself) as the distance increases, till at 
last in farthest north—farthest, that is, with the 


xiii 


INTRODUCTION TO BOOKS HI AND IV 


possible exception of “ Hyperboreans," about whom 
nobody knows anything—he is in the country of 
the griffins who guard gold and pursue the one-eyed 
Arimaspian; and in the south, among the men 
who have no heads, and whose eyes are in their 
breasts. 

It happens sometimes that the stories which have 
reached Herodotus from very distant lands and seas, 
and which he duly reports without necessarily stating 
his belief in them, do in truth rest on a basis of actual 
fact. Thus one of the strongest arguments for the 
truth of the story of a circumnavigation of Libya is 
the detail, mentioned but not believed by Herodotus, 
that the sailors, when sailing west at the extreme 
limit of their voyage, saw the sun on their right 
hand. Thus also the story of Hyperborean com- 
munication with Delos is entirely in harmony with 
ascertained fact. Whatever be the meaning of 
* Hyperborean," a term much discussed by the 
learned (Herodotus certainly understands the name 
to mean “living beyond the north wind"), the 
people so named must be located in northern 
Europe; and the Delos story, however imaginative 
in its details, does at least illustrate the known 
existence of trade routes linking the northern parts 
of our continent with the Aegean. To such an 
extent Herodotus' tales of the uttermost parts of 
the earth are informative. But with such exceptions, 
as one would naturally expect, it is true that as a 


xiv 


INTRODUCTION TO BOOKS III AND IV 


general rule the farther from home Herodotus is 
the farther also he is from reality. 

It follows from this that in proportion as Hero- 
dotus’ narrative of events is distant from the Greek 
world and his possible sources of information, so 
"much the more is it full, for us, of geographical 
difficulties. It is probable that, as he tells us, 
.** Scythians" did at some time or other invade the 

Black Sea coasts and dispossess an earlier population 
of ** Cimmerians," whom, perhaps, they pursued into 
Asia. The bare fact may be so; but Herodotus' 
description of the way in which it happened cannot 
be reconciled with the truths of geography. The 
whole story is confused; the Cimmerians could 
not have fled along the coast of the Black Sea, as 
stated by Herodotus; it would, apparently, have 
been a physical impossibility. In such cases the 
severer school of critics were sometimes tempted to 
dismiss an entire narrative as a parcel of lies. More 
charitable, moderns sometimes do their best to bring 
the historian's detailed story into some sort of har- 
mony with the map, by emendation of the text or 
otherwise. But if the former method was unjust, 
the latter is wasted labour. There is surely but one 
conclusion to draw, and a very obvious one: that 
Herodotus was misinformed as to geographical con- 
ditions. Ignorance lies at the root of the matter. 
Herodotus had not the geographical equipment for 
describing the movements of tribes on the north 


XV 


INTRODUCTION TO BOOKS III AND IV 


coast of the Black Sea, any more than our best 
authorities of sixty years ago had for describing 
tribal wanderings in Central Africa. 

Even worse difficulties would confront the enter- 
prising critic who should attempt to deal with Darius' 
marchings and counter-marchings in Scythia as matter 
for serious investigation. Herodotus’ story is, with 
regard to its details of time, plainly incredible; a 
great army could not conceivably have covered any- 
thing like the alleged distance in the alleged time. 
It must, apparently, be confessed that there are 
moments when the Father of History is supra 
geographiam— guilty of disregarding it when he did, 
as appears from other parts of the Fourth Book, 
know something of Scythian distances. The dis- 
regard may be explained, if not excused. Hero- 
dotus is seldom proof against the attractions of a 
Moral Tale. Given an unwieldy army of invaders, 
vis consili expers, and those invaders the natural 
enemies of Hellas,—and given also the known 
evasive tactics of Scythian warfare,—there was ob- 
viously a strong temptation to make a picturesque 
narrative, in which overweening power should 
be tricked, baffled, and eventually saved only by a 
hairs breadth from utter destruction at a supremely 
dramatic moment. So strong, we may suppose, was 
the temptation that Herodotus put from him con- 
siderations of time and distance, in the probably not 
unjustified expectation that his Greek readers or 


xvi 


INTRODUCTION TO BOOKS III AND IV 


hearers would not trouble themselves much about 
such details. In short, it must be confessed that 
Herodotus' reputation as a serious historian must 
rest on other foundations than his account of Darius' 
Scythian campaign.! 

Herodotus' list of the tribute-paying divisions of 
the Persian Empire is not a geographical document. 
Obviously it is drawn from some such source as the 
three extant inscriptions (at Behistun, Persepolis, and 
Naksh-i-Rustam) in which Darius enumerated the 
constituent parts of his empire; but it differs from 
these in that the numerical order of the units 
is not determined by their local position. It has 
indeed geographical importance in so far as the 
grouping of tribes for purposes of taxation naturally 
implies their local vicinity; but it is in no sense a 
description of the various units under Darius' rule; 
nor can we even infer that these districts and groups 
of districts are in all cases separate “ satrapies ” or 
governorships. That, apparently, is precluded by 
the occasional association of countries which could 
not have formed a single governorship, for instance, 
the Parthians, Chorasmians, Sogdi, and Arii, who 
compose the sixteenth district; while the Bactrians 
and Sacae, belonging here to separate tax-paying 


! For a detailed discussion of the various problems sug- 
gested by Book IV the reader is referred to the long and 
elaborate Introduction to Dr. Macan’s edition of Herodotus, 
Books IV, V, VI. 


xvii 


INTRODUCTION TO BOOKS III AND IV 


units, appear in other passages in Herodotus ` ‘as 
subjects of a single satrapy. What the historian 
gives us in Book III is simply a statistical list of 
Darius’ revenues and the sources from which they 
were drawn. 


xviii 


uA C τ) fA A ALLICHIMU. os en ftit]. Run ap κ εν 2r 
προ Sá au B6 E Ul ORE. ο... AE tH woe κα "κ" 


HERODOTUS 
BOOK III 


VOL. Ii. 


HPOAOTOY ΙΣΤΟΡΙΑΙ͂ 


Ρ 


. Emi τοῦτον δὴ τὸν ᾿Αμασιν Καμβύσης o 
κῴ ου ἐστρατεύετο, ἄγων καὶ ἄλλους τῶν Ἶρ ε 

ὶ Ἑλλήνων "Ιωνάς: Te καὶ Αἰολέας, δι αἰτίην 
τοιήνδε. πέμψας Καμβύσης ἐ ἐς Αἴγυπτον κήρυκα 
αἴτεε "Apaguw θυγατέρα, αἴτεε δὲ ἐκ βουλῆς ἀνδρὸς 
Αἰγυπτίου, ὃ ὃς μεμφόμενος "Apacw ἔπρηξε ταῦτα 
ὅτι μιν ἐξ ἆ ἁπάντων τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ i ἰητρῶν ἀπο- 
σπάσας ἀπὸ γυναικός τε καὶ τέκνων ἔκδοτον, 
ἐποίησε ἐς Πέρσας, ὅτε Κῦρος πέμψας παρὰ 
᾿Αμασιν αἴτεε ἰητρὸν ὀφθαλμῶν ὃ ὃς εἴη ἄριστος 
τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ. ταῦτα δὴ ἐπιμεμφόμενος ὃ 
Αἰγύπτιος ἐνῆγε τῇ συμβουλῇ κελεύων αἰτέειν 
τὸν Καμβύσεα "Αμασιν θυγατέρα, ἵνα ἢ δοὺς 
ἀνιῴτο ἢ μὴ δοὺς Καμβύσῃ ἀπέχθοιτο. ὁ δὲ 
"Αμασις τῇ. δυνάµι τῶν Περσέων ἀχθόμενος καὶ 
ἀρρωδέων οὐκ εἶχε οὔτε δοῦναι οὔτε ἀρνήσασθαι 
εὖ γὰρ ἠπίστατο ὅτι οὐκ ὡς γυναῖκά μιν ἔμελλε 
Καμβύσης ἕξειν ἀλλ᾽ ὡς παλλακήν. ταῦτα δὴ 
ἐκλογιξόμενος € ἐποίησε τάδε. ἣν ᾿Απρίεω τοῦ προ- 
τέρου βασιλέος θυγάτηρ κάρτα μεγάλη τε καὶ 
εὐειδὴς μούνη τοῦ οἴκου λελειμμένη, οὔνομα δέ οἱ 


2 


- 


HERODOTUS 


BOOK ΠῚ --. 


l. Ir was against this Amasis that Cambyses led 
an army of his subjects, Ionian and Aeolian Greeks 
among them.! This was his reason: Cambyses sent 
a herald to Egypt asking Amasis for his daüghier; 
and this he did by the counsel of a certain Egyptian, 
who devised it by reason of a grudge that he bcré 


against Amasis, because when Cyrus sent to Amasis’. 


asking for the best eye-doctor in Egypt the king had 
chosen this man out of all the Egyptian physicians 
and sent him perforce to Persia away from his wife 
and children. With this grudge in mind he moved 
Cambyses by his counsel to ask Amasis for his 
daughter, that Amasis might be grieved if he gave her, 
or Cambyses' enemy if he refused her. So Amasis was 
sorely afraid of the power of Persia, and could neither 
give his daughter nor deny her; for he knew well 
that Cambyses would make her not his queen but his 
mistress. Reasoning thus he bethought him of a 
very tall and fair damsel called Nitetis, daughter of 
the former king Apries, and all that was left of that 


1 The received date is 525 B.c. 


HERODOTUS 


ἦν Νίτητις' ταύτην δὴ τὴν παῖδα ὁ “Apacs 
κοσμήσας ἐσθῆτί τε καὶ χρυσῷ ἀποπέμπει ἐς 
Πέρσας ὡς ἑωυτοῦ θυγατέρα. μετὰ δὲ χρόνον ὥς 
μιν «ἠσπάξετο πατρόθεν - ὀνομάζων, λέγει πρὸς 
αὐτὸν ἡ παῖς ο, βασἰλεῦ, .διαβεβλημένος ὑπὸ 
᾿Αμάσιος οὐ μανθάχεις: ὃς ἐμὲ σοὶ κόσμῳ ἀσκή- 
σας ἀπέπεμψε ὡς ἑωυτοῦ θυγατέρα διδούς, ἐ ἐοῦσαν 
τῇ ἀληθείῃ ᾿Απρίεω, τὸν ἐκεῖνος ἐόντα ἑωυτοῦ 
δεσπότεα μετ᾽. ᾿Αἰγυπτίων ἐπαναστὰς ἐφόνευσε.” 
τοῦτο δὴ τὸ ἔπος καὶ αὕτη ἡ αἰτέη ἐγγενομένη 
ἤγαγε Καμβύσεα τὸν Κύρου μεγάλως θυμωθέντα 
ἐπ᾽ Αἴγυπτον., 

2.. Ὠὕτω μέν νυν λέγουσι Πέρσαι. Αἰγύπτιοι 
δὲ «οὐκη-δῦνται Καμβύσεα, φάμενοί μιν ἐκ ταύτης 
δὴ TAS ᾿Απρίεω θυγατρὸς γενέσθαι" Kô ον γὰρ 
εἶναι τὸν πέμψαντα παρὰ "Άμασιν € ἐπὶ τὴν θυγα- 
"τέρα, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ Καμβύσεα. λέγοντες δὲ ταῦτα οὐκ 
. ὀρθῶς λέγουσι. οὐ μὲν οὐδὲ λέληθε αὐτούς (εἰ 
- γὰρ τινὲς καὶ ἄλλοι, τὰ Περσέων νόμιμα ἐπιστέ- 
ατα! καὶ Αἰγύπτιοι) ὅ ὅτι πρῶτα μὲν νόθον οὔ σφι 
νόμος ἐστὶ βασιλεῦσαι γνησίου παρεόντος, αὗτις 
δὲ ὅτι Κασσανδάνης τῆς Φαρνάσπεω θυγατρὸς ἡ ἦν 
παῖς Καμβύσης, ἀνδρὸς ᾿Αχαιμενίδεω, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐκ 
τῆς Αἰγυπτίης. ἀλλὰ παρατράπουσι τὸν λόγον 
προσποιεύµενοι τῇ Κύρου οἰκίῃ συγγενέες εἶναι. 

3. Καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ὧδε ἔχει. λέγεται ξὲ καὶ 
ὅδε λόγος, ἐμοὶ μὲν οὐ πιθανός, ὡς τῶν Περσίδων 
γυναικῶν ἐσελθοῦσά τις παρὰ τὰς ; Κύρου γυναῖκας, 
ὡς εἶδε τῇ Κασσανδάνῃ παρεστεῶτα τέκνα εὐειδέα 
τε καὶ μεγάλα, πολλῷ ἐ ρᾶτο τῷ ἐπαίνῳ ὑπερθω- 
μάξουσα, ἡ ἡ δὲ Κασσανδάνη é ἐοῦσα τοῦ Κύρου γυνὴ 
εἶπε τάδε. ““Τοιῶνδε μέντοι ἐμὲ παίδων μητέρα 


4 


BOOK III. 1-3 


family; Amasis decked her out with raiment and 
golden ornaments and sent her to the Persians as if 
she were his own daughter. But after a while, the 
king greeting her as the daughter of Amasis, the 
damsel said, “ King, you know not how Amasis has 
deceived you: he decked me out with ornaments 
and sent me to you to pass for his own daughter ; but 
I am in truth the daughter of his master Apries, whom 
he and other Egyptians rebelled against and slew." 
It was these words and this reason that prevailed 
with Cambyses to Jead him in great anger against 
Egypt. 

2. This is the Persian story. But the Egyptians 
claim Cambyses for their own; they say that he was 
the son of this daughter of Apries, and that it was 
Cyrus, not Cambyses, who sent to Amasis for his 
daughter. But this tale is false. Nay, they are well 
aware (for the Egyptians have a truer knowledge 
than any men of the Persian law) firstly, that no 
bastard may be king of Persia if there be a son born 
in lawful wedlock ; and secondly, that Cambyses was 
born not of the Egyptian woman but of Cassandane, 
daughter of Pharnaspes, an Achaemenid. But they 
so twist the story because they would claim kinship 
with the house of Cyrus. 

3. So much for this matter. There is another tale 
too, which I do not believe :—that a certain Persian 
lady came to visit Cyrus' wives, and greatly praised 
and admired the fair and tall children who stood by 
Cassandane. Then Cassandane, Cyrus' wife, said, 
* Ay, yet though I be the mother of such children 


5 


HERODOTUS 


ἐοῦσαν Κῦρος ἐν atiptn ἔχει, τὴν δὲ ἀπ’ Αἰγύπτου 
ἐπίκτητον ἐν τιμῇ τίθεται.᾽ τὴν μὲν ἀχθομένην 
τῇ Νιτήτι εὐπεῖν ταῦτα, τῶν δέ οἱ παίδων τὸν 
πρεσβύτερον εἰπεῖν Καμβύσεα s Τοιγάρ τοι ὦ 
μῆτερ, ἐπεὰν ἐγὼ γένωμαι ἀνήρ, Αἰγύπτου τὰ μὲν 
ἄνω κάτω θήσω, τὰ δὲ κάτω ἄνω." ταῦτα εἰπεῖν 
αὐτὸν ἔτεα ὡς δέκα κου γεγονότα, καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας 
ἐν θώματι γενέσθαι’ τὸν δὲ διαμνημονεύοντα οὕτω 
δή, ἐ ἐπείτε ἀνδρώθη καὶ ἔσχε τὴν βασιληίην, ποιή- 
σασθαι τὴν ἐπ᾿ Αἴγυπτον στρατηίην. 

4. Συνήνεικε δὲ καὶ ἄλλο τι τοιόνδε πρῆγμα 
γενέσθαι ἐς τὴν ἐπιστράτευσιν ταύτην. ἦν τῶν 
ἐπικούρων ᾿Αμάσιος ἀνὴρ γένος μὲν ᾿Αλικαρνησ- 
σεύς, οὔνομα δέ οἱ Φώνης, καὶ γνώμην ἱκανὸς καὶ 
τὰ πολεμικὰ ἄλκιμος. οὗτος ὁ Φάνης μεμφόμενός 
κού τι ᾽Αμάσι ἐκδιδρήσκει πλοίῳ ἐξ Αἰγύπτου, 
βουλόμενος Καμβύσῃ ἐλθεῖν ἐς λόγους. οἷα δὲ 
ἐόντα αὐτὸν ἐν τοῖσι ἐπικούροισι λόγου οὐ σμικροῦ 
ἐπιστάμενόν τε τὰ περὶ Αἴγυπτον ἀτρεκέστατα, 
μεταδιώκει o Ἄμασις σπουδὴν ποιεύμενος ἑλεῖν, 
μεταδιώκει δὲ τῶν εὐνού ων τὸν πιστότατον ἆπο- 
στείλας τριήρεϊ κατ᾽ αὗτον, ὃς αἱρέει μιν ἐν Λυκίῃ, 
ἑλὼν δὲ οὐκ ἀνήγαγε ἐς Αἴγυπτον: σο in yap 
μιν περιῆλθε ὁ Φάνης" καταμεθύσας γὰρ τοὺς 
φυλάκους ἀπαλλάσσετο ἐς Πέρσας. ὁρμημένῳ 
δὲ στρατεύεσθαι Καμβύσῃἐ em Αἴγυπτον καὶ ἀπο- 
ρέοντι τὴν ἔλασιν, ὅκως τὴν ἄνυδρον διεκπερᾷ, 
ἐπελθὼν φράξει μὲν καὶ τὰ ἄλλα τὰ ᾿Αμάσιος 
πρήγματα, ἐξηγέεται δὲ καὶ τὴν ἔλασιν, ὧδε παραι- 
νέων, πέμψαντα παρὰ τὸν ᾿Ἀραβίων βασιλέα 
δέεσθαι τὴν διέξοδόν οἱ ἀσφαλέα παρασχεῖν. 

ὅ. Μούνῃ δὲ ταύτῃ εἰσὶ φανεραὶ ἐσβολαὶ ἐς 


6 


BOOK III. 3-5 


» 


Cyrus dishonours me and honours this newcomer 
from Egypt." So she spoke in her bitterness against 
Nitetis ; and Cambyses, the eldest of her sons, said, 
“Then, mother, when I am grown a man, I will turn 
all Egypt upside down." When he said this he was 
about ten years old, and the women marvelled at 
him; but he kept it in mind, and it was thus that 
when he grew up and became king, he made the 
expedition against Egypt. 

4. It chanced also that another thing befell tending 
to this expedition. There was among Amasis' foreign 
soldiers one Phanes, a Halicarnassian by birth, a man 
of sufficient judgment and valiant in war. This Phanes 
had some grudge against Amasis, and fled from 
Egypt on shipboard that he might have an audience 
of Cambyses. Seeing that he was a man much 
esteemed among the foreign soldiery and had an 
exact knowledge of all Egyptian matters, Amasis 
was zealous to take him, and sent a trireme with the 
trustiest of his eunuchs to pursue him. This eunuch 
caught him in Lycia but never brought him back to 
Egypt; for Phanes was too clever for him, and made 
his guards drunk and so escaped to Persia. There 
he found Cambyses prepared to set forth against 
Egypt, but in doubt as to his march, how he should 
cross the waterless desert; so Phanes showed him 
what was Amasis’ condition and how he should 
march; as to this, he counselled Cambyses to send 
and ask the king of the Arabians for a safe passage. 

5. Now the only manifest way of entry into Egypt 


7 


HERODOTUS 


LÀ , A . , / » ^ 
Αἴγυπτον. ἀπὸ γὰρ Φοινίκης μέχρι οὔρων τῶν 
Καδύτιος πόλιος ἐστὶ Σύρων τῶν Παλαιστίνων 

/ , . δὲ δύ J > 7 / e 
καλεομένων' ἀπὸ δὲ Καδύτιος ἐούσης πόλιος, ὡς 
ἐμοὶ δοκέει, Σαρδίων οὐ πολλῷ ἐλάσσονος, ἀπὸ 
ταύτης τὰ ἐμπόρια τὰ ἐπὶ θαλάσσης μέχρι Ἰηνύσου 

, > A a? / $ Ν Ν 2 ΄ . 
πόλιος ἐστὶ τοῦ ᾿Αραβίου, ἀπὸ δὲ Ἰηνύσου αὖτις 
Σύρων μέχρι Σερβωνίδος λίμνης, παρ᾽ ἣν δὴ τὸ 
Κάσιον ὄρος τείνει ἐς θάλασσαν' ἀπὸ δὲ Σερβω- 
νίδος λίμνης, ἐν τῇ δὴ λόγος τὸν Τυφῶ κεκρύφθαι, 
, M / y y \ 4 \ 3 ΄ 
ἀπὸ ταύτης ἤδη Αἴγυπτος. τὸ δὴ μεταξὺ Ἰηνύσου 

/ / » ^ , 
πόλιος καὶ Κασίου τε ὄρεος καὶ τῆς Σερβωνίδος 
λίμνης, ἐὸν τοῦτο οὐκ ὀλίγον χωρίον ἀλλὰ ὅσον τε 

^ / ^ 
ἐπὶ τρεῖς ἡμέρας ὁδόν, ἄνυδρον ἐστὶ δεινῶς. 

6. Τὸ δὲ ὀλίγοι τῶν ἐς Αἴγυπτον ναυτιλλομένων 
ἐννενώκασι, τοῦτο ἔρχομαι φράσων. ἐς Αἴγυπτον 

- ε 
ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος πάσης καὶ πρὸς ἐκ Φοινίκης 
κέραμος ἐσάγεται πλήρης οἴνου δὶς τοῦ ἔτεος 
ἑκάστου, καὶ ἓν κεράμιον οἰνηρὸν ἀριθμῷ κεινὸν 

, » e / , ^ ο ^ ^ vy 
οὐκ ἔστι ὡς λόγῳ εἰπεῖν ἰδέσθαι. κοῦ δῆτα, εἴποι 
τις ἄν, ταῦτα ἀναισιμοῦται; ἐγὼ καὶ τοῦτο φράσω' 
δεῖ τὸν μὲν δήμαρχον ἕκαστον ἐκ τῆς ἑωυτοῦ 

/ / / \ 4 » , 
πόλιος συλλέξαντα πάντα τὸν κέραμον ἄγειν ἐς 
Μέμφιν, τοὺς δὲ ἐκ Μέμφιος ἐς ταῦτα δὴ τὰ 
» ^ / / 4 e 
ἄνυδρα τῆς Συρίης κομίζειν πλήσαντας ὕδατος. 
οὕτω ὁ ἐπιφοιτέων κέραμος καὶ ἐξαιρεόμενος ἐν 
Αἰγύπτῳ ἐπὶ τὸν παλαιὸν κομίξεται ἐς Συρίην. 

/ 

7. Οὕτω μέν νυν Πέρσαι εἰσὶ οἱ τὴν ἐσβολὴν 

ταύτην παρασκευάσαντες ἐς Αἴγυπτον, κατὰ δὴ 


8 


BOOK III. s-7 


is this. The road runs from Phoenice as far as the 
city of Cadytis, which belongs to the Syrians of 
Palestine, as it is called. From Cadytis (which, as I 
judge, is a city not much smaller than Sardis) to the 
city of Ienysus the seaports belong to the Arabians ; 
then they are Syrian again from Ienysus as far as the 
Serbonian marsh, beside which the Casian promontory 
stretches seawards; from this Serbonian marsh, 
where Typho,? it is said, was hidden, the country 
is Egypt. Now between Ienysus and the Casian 
mountain and the Serbonian marsh there lies a wide 
territory for as much as three days' journey, wondrous 
waterless. 

6. I will now tell of a thing that but few of 
those who sail to Egypt have perceived. Earthen 
jars full of wine are brought into Egypt twice 
a year from all Greece and Phoenice besides: yet 
there is riot to be seen, so to say, one single wine 
jar lying anywhere in the country. What then (one 
may ask) becomes of them? This too I will tell. 
Each governor of ‘a district must gather in all the 
earthen pots from his own township and take them 
to Memphis, and the people of Memphis must fill 
them with water and carry them to those waterless 
lands of Syria; so the earthen pottery that is brought 
to Egypt and sold there is carried to Syria to join 
the stock whence it came. 

7. Now as soon as the Persians took possession of 
Egypt, it was they who thus provided for the entry 


1 Probably Gaza. 

3 Hot winds and volcanic agency were attributed by Greek 
m tholog to Typhon, cast down from heaven by Zeus and 
* buried" in hot or volcanic regions.  Typhon came to 
be identified with the Egyptian god Set; and the legend 
grew that he was buried in the Serbonian marsb. 


9 


HERODOTUS 


τὰ εἰρημένα σάξαντες ὕδατι, ἐ ἐπείτε "τάχιστα παρέ- 
λαβον Αἴγυπτον. τότε δὲ οὐκ ἐόντος kw ὕδατος 
ἑτοίμου, Καμβύσης πυθόμενος τοῦ “Αλικαρνησσέος 
ξείνου, πέμψας παρὰ τὸν ᾿Αράβιον ἀγγέλους καὶ 
δεηθεὶς τῆς ἀσφαλείης ἔτυχε, πίστις δούς τε καὶ 
δεξάμενος παρ᾽ αὐτοῦ. 

8. Σέβονται δὲ ᾿Αράβιοι πίστις ᾿ἀνθρώπων ő ὅμοια 
τοῖσι μάλιστα, ποιεῦνται δὲ αὐτὰς τρόπῳ τοιῷδε’ 
τῶν βουλομένων τὰ πιστὰ ποιέεσθαι ἄλλος ἀνήρ, 
ἀμφοτέρων αὐτῶν ἐν μέσῳ ἑστεώς, λίθῳ ὀξέν τὸ 
ἔσω τῶν χειρῶν παρὰ τοὺς δακτύλους τοὺς μεγά- 
λους ἐπιτάμνει τῶν ποιευμένων τὰς πίστις, καὶ 
ἔπειτα λαβὼν ἐκ τοῦ ἱματίου ἑκατέρου κροκύδα 
ἀλείφει τῷ αἵματι ἐν μέσῳ κειμένους λίθους ἑ ἑπτά: 
τοῦτο δὲ ποιέων ἐπικαλέει τε τὸν Διόνυσον καὶ 
τὴν Οὐρανίην. ἐπιτελέσαντος δὲ τούτου ταῦτα, ὁ 
τὰς πίστις. ποιησάμενος τοῖσι φίλοισι παρεγγυᾷ 
τὸν ξεῖνον ἡ ἢ καὶ τὸν ἀστόν, ἦν πρὸς ἀστὸν ποιέη- 
Tat οἱ δὲ φίλοι καὶ αὐτοὶ τὰς πίστις δικαιεῦσι 
σέβεσθαι. Διόνυσον δὲ θεῶν μοῦνον καὶ τὴν 
Οὐρανίην ἡγέονται εἶναι, καὶ τῶν .τριχῶν τὴν 
κουρὴν κείρεσθαι φασὶ κατά περ αὐτὸν τὸν Διό- 
νυσον κεκάρθαι" κείρονται δὲ περιτρόχαλα, ὑπο- 
ξυρῶντες τοὺς κροτάφους. ὀνομάξουσι δὲ τὸν μὲν 
Διόνυσον Oporáxr, τὴν δὲ Οὐρανίην ᾽Αλιλάτ. 

9. ᾿Επεὶ àv τὴν πίστιν τοῖσι ἀγγέλοισι τοῖσι 
παρὰ Καμβύσεω ἀπιγμένοισι -ἐποιήσατο ὁ "A pá- 
βιος, ἐμηχανᾶτο ' τοιάδε" ἀσκοὺς καμήλων πλήσας 
ὕδατος ἐπέσαξε ἐ ἐπὶ τὰς ζωὰς τῶν καμήλων πάσας, 
τοῦτο δὲ ποιήσας ἤλασε ἐς τὴν ἄνυδρον καὶ 
ὑπέμενε ἐνθαῦτα τὸν Καμβύσεω στρατόν. οὗτος 
μὲν ὁ πιθανώτερος τῶν λόγων εἴρηται, δεῖ δὲ καὶ 


1ο 


BOOK III. 7-9 


into that country, filling pots with water as I have 
said. But at this time there was as yet no ready 
supply of water; wherefore Cambyses, hearing what 
was said by the stranger from Halicarnassus, sent 
messengers to the Arabian and asked and obtained 
safe conduct, giving and receiving from him pledges. 

8. There are no men who respect pledges more 


. than the Arabians. This is the manner of their 


giving them :—a man stands between the two parties 
that would give security, and cuts with a sharp stone 
the palms of the hands of the parties, by the second 
finger ; then he takes a piece of wool from the cloak 
of each and smears with the blood seven stones that 
lie between them, calling the while on Dionysus and 
the Heavenly Aphrodite; and when he has fully 
done this, he that gives the security commends to 
his friends the stranger (or his countryman if the 
party be such), and his friends hold themselves bound 
to honour the pledge. They deem none other to be 
gods save Dionysus and the Heavenly Aphrodite ; 
and they say that the cropping of their hair is like 
the cropping of the hair of Dionysus, cutting it round 
the head and shaving the temples. They call 
Dionysus, Orotalt; and Aphrodite, Alilat.! 

9. Having then pledged himself to the mes- 
sengers who had come from Cambyses, the Arabian 
planned and did as I shall show: he filled camel-skins 
with water and loaded live camels with these ; which 
done, he drove them into the waterless land and 
there awaited Cambyses army. This is the most 
credible of the stories told ; but I must relate the 


1 According to Movers, Orotalt is ‘‘the fire of God,” 
órath él, and Alilat the feminine of Aélél, ‘‘morning star"; 
but a simpler interpretation is Al Ilat = the goddess. 


II 


HERODOTUS 


TÓV ἧσσον. πιθανόν, ἐπεί ye δὴ λέγεται, ῥηθῆναι. 
ποταμός ἐστι μέγας ἐν τῇ ᾿Αραβίῃ τῷ οὔνομα 
Κόρυς, ἐκδιδοῖ δὲ οὗτος ἐς τὴν ᾿Ερυθρὴν καλεο- 
μένην θάλασσαν" ἀπὸ τούτου δὴ ὧν τοῦ ποταμοῦ 
λέγεται τὸν βασιλέα τῶν ᾿Αραβίων, ῥαψάμενον 
τῶν ὠμοβοέων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων δερμάτων ὀχετὸν 
μήκεϊ ἐξικνεύμενον ἐ ἐς τὴν. ἄνυδρον, ἆ ἀγαγεῖν διὰ δὴ 
τούτων τὸ ὕδωρ, ἐ ἐν δὲ τῇ ἀνύδρῳ. μεγάλας δεξα- 
μενὰς ὀρύξασθαι, i ἶνα δεκόμεναι τὸ ὕδωρ σώξωσι. 
ὁδὸς δ᾽ ἐστὶ δυώδεκα ἡμερέων ἀπὸ τοῦ ποταμοῦ 
ἐς ταύτην τὴν ἄνυδρον. ἄγειν δέ μιν δι᾽ ὀχετῶν 
τριῶν ἐς τριξὰ χωρία. 

10. Ἔν δὲ τῷ Πηλουσίῳ καλεομένῳ στόματι 
τοῦ Νείλου ' ἐστρατοπεδεύετο Ὑαμμήνιτος ὁ ᾿Αμά- 
σιος παῖς ὑπομένων Καμβύσεα. "Apaciw γὰρ οὐ 
κατέλαβε ζῶντα Καμβύσης ἐλάσας ἐπ᾿ Αἴγυπτον, 
ἀλλὰ βασιλεύσας ὁ "Άμασις τέσσερα καὶ τεσ- 
σεράκοντα ἔτεα ἀπέθανε, ἐν τοῖσι οὐδέν οἱ μέγα 
ἀνάρσιον πρῆγμα συνηνείχθη" ἀποθανὼν. δὲ καὶ 
ταριχευθεὶς ἐτάφη ἐν τῇσι ταφῇσι ἐν τῷ ἱρῷ, τὰς 
αὐτὸς οἰκοδομήσατο. ἐπὶ Ψαμμηνίτου δὲ τοῦ 
᾽Αμάσιος βασιλεύοντος Αἰγύπτου φάσμα Αἰγυπ- 
τίοισι μέγιστον δὴ ἐγένετο" ὕσθησαν γὰρ Θῆβαι 
αἱ Αἰγύπτιαι, οὔτε πρότερον οὐδαμὰ ὑσθεῖσαι 
οὔτε ὕστερον τὸ μέχρι ἐμεῦ, ὡς λέγουσι αὐτοὶ 
Θηβαῖοι: οὐ γὰρ δὴ ὕ ὕεται τὰ ἄνω τῆς Αἰγύπτου 
τὸ παράπαν' ἀλλὰ καὶ τότε ὕσθησαν αἱ Θῆβαι 
ψακάδυ. 

Οἱ δὲ Πέρσαι ἐπείτε διεξελάσαντες τὴν 
ἄνυδρον ἴζοντο πέλας τῶν Αἰγυπτίων ὡς συμβα- 
λέοντες, ἐνθαῦτα οἱ ἐπίκουροι οἱ τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου, 
ἐόντες ἄνδρες "Ελληνές τε καὶ Κᾶρες, μεμφόμενοι 


12 


BOOK ΠΠ. 9-11 


less credible tale also, since they tellit. There isa 
great river in Arabia called Corys, issuing into the 
sea called Red. From this river (it is said) the king 
of the Arabians carried water by a duct of sewn ox- 
hides and other hides of a length sufficient to reach 
to the dry country; and he had great tanks dug in 
that country to receive and keep the water. It is a 
twelve days' journey from the river to that desert. 
By three ducts (they say) he led the water to three 
several places. 

10. Psammenitus, son of Amasis, was encamped by 
the mouth of the Nile called Pelusian, awaiting 
Cambyses. For when Cambyses marched against 
Egypt he found Amasis no longer alive; he had died 
after reigning forty-four years, in which no great 
misfortune had befallen him ; and being dead he was 
embalmed and laid in the burial-place built for him- 
self in the temple. While his son Psammenitus was 
king of Egypt, the people saw a most wonderful sight, 
namely, rain at Thebes of Egypt, where, as the 
Thebans themselves say, there had never been rain 
before, nor since to my lifetime; for indeed there is 
no rain at all in the upper parts of Egypt; but at 
that time a drizzle of rain fell at Thebes.! 

11. Now the Persians having crossed the waterless 
country and encamped near the Egyptians with intent 
to give battle, the foreign soldiery of the Egyptian, 
Greeks and Carians, devised a plan to punish Phanes, 


1 In modern times there is sometimes a little rain at 
Thebes (Luxor); very little and very seldom. 


13 


HERODOTUS 


TQ Φάνῃ ὅτι στρατὸν ἤγαγε ἐπ᾽ Αἴγυπτον ἀλλό- 
θροον, μηχανῶνται πρῆγμα ἐς αὐτὸν τοιόνδε, 
ἦσαν τῷ Φάνῃ παῖδες ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ καταλελειμ- 
μένοι" τοὺς ἀγαγόντες ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον καὶ ἐς 
ὄψιν τοῦ πατρὸς κρητῆρα ἐν μέσῳ ἔστησαν ἀμ- 
φοτέρων τῶν στρατοπέδων, μετὰ δὲ ἁγινέοντες 
κατὰ ἕνα ἕκαστον τῶν παίδων ἔσφαζον ἐς τὸν 
κρητῆρα" διὰ πάντων δὲ διεξελθόντες τῶν παίδων 
οἶνόν τε καὶ ὕδωρ ἐσεφόρεον ἐς αὐτόν, ἐμπιόντες 
δὲ τοῦ αἵματος πάντες οἱ ἐπίκουροι οὕτω δὴ 
συνέβαλον. μάχης δὲ γενομένης καρτερῆς καὶ 
πεσόντων ἐξ ἀμφοτέρων τῶν στρατοπέδων πλήθεϊ 
πολλῶν ἐτράποντο οἱ Αἰγύπτιοι. 

12. Θῶμα δὲ μέγα εἶδον πυθόμενος παρὰ τῶν 
ἐπιχωρίων" τῶν γὰρ ὀστέων περικεχυμένων χωρὶς 
ἑκατέρων τῶν ἐν τῇ μάχῃ ταύτῃ πεσόντων χωρὶς 
μὲν γὰρ τῶν Περσέων ἐκέετο τὰ ὀστέα, ὡς ἐχω- 
ρίσθη κατ ἆ ἀρχάς, ἑτέρωθι δὲ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων » αἱ 
μὲν τῶν Περσέων κεφαλαί εἰσι ἀσθενέες οὕτω 
ὥστε, εἰ θέλεις ψήφῳ μούνῃ βαλεῖν, διατετρανέεις, 
αἱ δὲ τῶν Αἰγυπτίων οὕτω δή τι , la xvpat, μόγις 
ἂν λίθῳ παίσας διαρρήξειας. αἴτιον δὲ τούτου 
τόδε ἔλεγον, καὶ ἐμέ Y. εὐπετέως ἔπειθον, ὅτι 
Αἰγύπτιοι μὲν αὐτίκα ἀπὸ παιδίων ἀρξάμενοι 
ξυρῶνται τὰς κεφαλὰς καὶ πρὸς τὸν ἥλιον παχύ- 
νεται τὸ ὀστέον. T@UTO δὲ τοῦτο καὶ τοῦ μὴ 
φαλακροῦσθαι αἴτιον oti Αἰγυπτίων γὰρ ἄν τις 
ἐλαχίστους ἴδοιτο φαλακροὺς πάντων ἀνθρώπων. 
τούτοισι μὲν δὴ τοῦτο ἐστὶ αἴτιον ἰσχυρὰς φορέειν 
τὰς κεφαλάς, τοῖσι δὲ Πέρσῃσι ὅτι ἀσθενέας 
φορέουσι τὰς κεφαλὰς αἴτιον τόδε' σκιητροφέουσι 
ἐξ ἀρχῆς πίλους τιάρας i a ταῦτα μέν 


14 


BOOK III. 11-12 


being wroth with him for leading a stranger army 
into Egypt. Phanes had left sons in Egypt; these 
they brought to the camp, into their father’s sight, 
and set a great bowl between the two armies; then 
they brought the sons one by one and cut their 
throats over the bowl. When all the sons were 
killed, they poured into the bowl wine and water, 
and the foreign soldiery drank of this and thereafter 
gave battle. The fight waxed hard, and many of 
both armies fell; but at length the Egyptians were 
routed. 

12. I saw there a strange thing, of which the 
people of the country had told me. The bones of 
those slain on either side in this fight lying scattered 
separately (for the Persian bones lay in one place 
and the Egyptian in another, where the armies 
had first separately stood), the skulls of the 
Persians are so brittle that if you throw no more 
than a pebble it will pierce them, but the 
Egyptian skulls are so strong that a blow of 
a stone will hardly break them. And this, the 
people said (which for my own part I readily be- 
lieved), is the reason of it: the Egyptians shave their 
heads from childhood, and the bone thickens by ex- | 
posure to the sun. This also is the reason why they 
do not grow bald; for nowhere can one see so few 
bald heads as in Egypt. Their skulls then are strong 
for this reason; and the cause of the Persian skulls 
being weak is that they shelter their heads through 
their lives with the felt hats (called tiaras) which 
they wear. Such is the truth of this matter. Isaw 


r5 


HERODOTUS 


νυν τοιαῦτα: εἶδον δὲ καὶ ἄλλα ὅμοια τούτοισι ἐν 
Παπρήμι τῶν ἅμα ᾿Αχαιμένεϊ τῷ Δαρείου διαφθα- 
ρέντων ὑπὸ Ἰνάρω τοῦ Λίβυος. 

19. Οἱ δὲ Αἰγύπτιοι ἐς τῆς μάχης ὡς ἐτρά- 
ποντο, ἔφευγον οὐδενὶ κόσμῳ" κατειληθέντων δὲ 
ἐς Μέμφιν, € ἔπεμπε ἀνὰ ποταμὸν Καμβύσης νέα 
Μυτιληναίην κήρυκα. ἄγουσαν ἄνδρα Πέρσην, ἐς 
ὁμολογίην προκαλεύµενος Αἰγυπτίους. ob δὲ 
ἐπείτε τὴν νέα εἶδον ἐσελθοῦσαν ἐς τὴν Μέμφιν, 
ἐκχυθέντες ἁλέες ἐκ τοῦ τείχεος τήν τε νέα διέ- 
φθειραν καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας κρεουργηδὸν διασπάσαν- 
τες ἐφόρεον ἐς τὸ τεῖχος. καὶ Αἰγύπτιοι μὲν μετὰ 
τοῦτο πολιορκεύμενοι χρόνφ «παρέστησαν, οἱ δὲ 
προσεχέες Λίβυες δείσαντες τὰ περὶ τὴν Αἴγυπτον 
γεγονότα παρέδοσαν σφέας αὐτοὺς ἀμαχητὶ καὶ 
φόρον τε ἐτάξαντο καὶ δῶρα ἔπεμπον. as δὲ 
Κυρηναῖοι καὶ Βαρκαῖοι, δείσαντες ὁμοίως καὶ οἱ 
Λίβυες, τοιαῦτα ἐποίησαν. Καμβύσης δὲ τὰ μὲν 
παρὰ Λιβύων ἐλθόντα δῶρα φιλοφρόνως ἐδέξατο" 
τὰ δὲ παρὰ Κυρηναίων ἀπικόμενα μεμφθείς, ὡς 
ἐμοὶ δοκέει, ὅ ὅτι ἦν ὀλίγα" ἔπεμψαν γὰρ δὴ πεν- 
τακοσίας μνέας ἀργυρίου οἱ Κυρηναῖοι" ταύτας 
δρασσόμενος αὐτοχειρίῃ διέσπειρε τῇ στρατιῇ. 

14. Ἡμέρῃ δὲ δεκάτῃ ἀπ ἧς παρέλαβε τὸ 
τεῖχος τὸ ἐν Μέμφι Καμβύσης, κατίσας ἐς τὸ 
προάστειον ἐπὶ λύμη τὸν βασιλέα τῶν Αἰγυπτίων 
Ὑαμμήνιτον, βασιλεύσαντα μῆνας ἕξ, τοῦτον 
κατίσας σὺν ἄλλοισι Αἰγυπτίοισι διεπειρᾶτο 
αὐτοῦ τῆς ψυχῆς ποιέων τοιάδε' στείλας. αὐτοῦ 
τὴν θυγατέρα ἐσθῆτι δουληίῃ ἐξέπεμπε ἐ ἐπ ὕδωρ 
ἔχουσαν Spron, συνέπεµπε δὲ καὶ ἄλλας παρ- 
θένους ἀπολέξας ἀνδρῶν τῶν πρώτων, ὁμοίως 


16 


BOOK ΠΠ. 12-14 


too the skulls of those Persians at Papremis who 
were slain with Darius’ son Achaemenes by Inaros 
the Libyan, and they were like the others. 

13. After their rout in the battle the Egyptians 
fled in disorder ; and they being driven into Memphis, 
Cambyses sent a Persian herald up the river in a ship 
of Mytilene to invite them to an agreement. But 
when they saw the ship coming to Memphis, they 
sallied out all together from their walls, destroyed 
the ship, tore the crew asunder (like butchers) and 
carried them within the walls. So the Egyptians 
were besieged, and after a good while yielded ; but 
the neighbouring Libyans, affrighted by what had 
happened in Egypt, surrendered unresisting, laying 
tribute on themselves and sending gifts; and so too, 
affrighted like the Libyans, did the people of Cyrene 
and Barca. Cambyses received in all kindness the 
gifts of the Libyans; but he seized what came from 
Cyrene and scattered it with his own hands among 
. his army. This he did, as I think, to mark his dis- 
pleasure at the littleness of the gift; for the Cyre- 
naeans had sent five hundred silver minae. 

14. On the tenth day after the surrender of the 
walled city of Memphis, Cambyses took Psammenitus 
king of Egypt, who had reigned for six months, and 
set him down in the outer part of the city with other 
Egyptians, to do him despite; having so done he 
made trial of Psammenitus' spirit, as I shall show. 
He dressed the king's daughter in slave's attire and 
sent her with a vessel to fetch water, in company 
with other maidens dressed as she was, chosen from 

17 

VOL. II. c 


΄ 


HERODOTUS 


ἐσταλμένας τῇ τοῦ βασιλέος. ὡς δὲ Boñ TE καὶ 
κλαυθμῷ παρήισαν αἱ παρθένοι παρὰ τοὺς πατέ- 
pas, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι πάντες ἀντεβόων τε καὶ 
ἀντέκλαιον ὁρῶντες τὰ τέκνα κεκακωμένα, 0 δὲ 
Ὑαμμήνιτος προϊδὼν καὶ _ μαθὼν ἔκυψε ἐς τὴν 
γῆν. παρελθουσέων δὲ τῶν ὑδροφόρων, δεύτερά 
οἱ τὸν παῖδα èë ἔπεμπε μετ᾽ ἄλλων Αἰγυπτίων δισ- 
χιλίων τὴν αὐτὴν ἡλικίην ἐχόντων, τούς τε 
αὐχένας κάλῳ δεδεμένους καὶ τὰ στόματα ἐγκε- 
χαλινωμένους" ἤγοντο δὲ ποινὴν τίσοντες Μυτι- 
ληναίων τοῖσι ἐν Μέμφι ἀπολομένοισι σὺν τῇ 
νηΐ. ταῦτα γὰρ ἐδίκασαν οἱ βασιλήιοι. δικασταί, 
ὑπὲρ ἀνδρὸς ἑ ἑκάστου δέκα Αἰγυπτίων τῶν πρώτων 
ἀνταπόλλυσθαι. ὃ δὲ ἰδὼν. παρεξιόντας καὶ µα- 
θὼν τὸν παῖδα ἡγεόμενον ἐπὶ θάνατον, τῶν ἄλλων 
Αἰγυπτίων τῶν περικατημένων. αὐτὸν κλαιόντων 
καὶ δεινὰ ποιεύντων, τὠυτὸ ἐποίησε τὸ καὶ ἐπὶ τῇ 
θυγατρί. παρελθόντων δὲ καὶ τούτων, συνήνεικε 
ὥστε τῶν .συμποτέων οἱ ἄνδρα ἀπηλικέστερον, 
ἐκπεπτωκότα ἐκ τῶν ἐόντων ἔχοντά τε οὐδὲν εἰ 
μὴ ὅσα πτωχὸς καὶ προσαιτέοντα τὴν στρατιήν, 
παριέναι Ψαμμήνιτόν τε τὸν ᾽Αμάσιος καὶ τοὺς 
ἐν τῷ προαστείῳ κατημένους Αἰγυπτίων. ὁ δὲ 
Ψαμμήνιτος ὡς εἶδε, ἀνακλαύσας μέγα καὶ καλέ- 
σᾶς ὀνομαστὶ τὸν ἑταῖρον ἐπλήξατο τὴν κεφαλήν. 
ἦσαν δ᾽ ἄρα αὐτοῦ φύλακοι, οἳ τὸ ποιεύμενον πᾶν 
ἐξ ἐκείνου ἐπ᾿ ἑκάστῃ ἐξόδῳ Καμβύσῃ ἐ ἐσήμαινον. 
θωμάσας δὲ ὁ Καμβύσης τὰ ποιεύμενα, πέμψας 
ἄγγελον εἰρώτα αὐτὸν λέγων τάδε. “ Δεσπότης 
σε Καμβύσης, Ῥαμμήνιτε, εἶρωτῷ δι᾽ ὅ τι δὴ τὴν 
μὲν θυγατέρα ὀρέων κεκακωμένην καὶ τὸν παῖδα 
ἐπὶ θάνατον στείχοντα οὔτε ἀνέβωσας οὔτε ἀπέ- 


18 


BOOK ΠΠ. 14 


the families of the chief men. So when the damsels 
came before their fathers crying and lamenting, all 
the rest answered with like cries and weeping, seeing 
their children's evil case; but Psammenitus, having 
already seen and learnt all, bowed himself to the 
ground. When the water-carriers had passed by, 
Cambyses next made Psammenitus' son to pass him 
with two thousand Egyptians of like age besides, all 
with ropes bound round their necks and bits in their 
mouths; who were led forth to make atonement for - 
those Mytilenaeans who had perished with their ship 
at Memphis; for such was the judgment of the royal 
judges, that every man's death be paid for by the 
slaying of ten noble Egyptians. When Psammenitus 
saw them pass by and perceived that his son was led 
out to die, and all the Egyptians who sat with him 
wept and showed their affliction, he did as he had 
done at the sight of his daughter. When these too 
had gone by, it chanced that there was one of his 
boon companions, a man past his prime, that had lost 
all his possessions, and had but what a poor man 
might have, and begged of the army; this man now 
passed before Psammenitus son of Amasis and the 
Egyptians who sat in the outer part of the city. 
When Psammenitus saw him, he broke into loud 
weeping, smiting his head and calling on his com- 
panion by name. Now there were men set to watch 
Psammenitus, who told Cambyses all that he did 
when any came into his sight. Marvelling at what 
the king did, Cambyses made this inquiry of him by 
a messenger: * Psammenitus, Cambyses my master 
asks of you why, seeing your daughter mishandled 
and your son going to his death, you neither cried 


a 
c 2 


HERODOTUS 


κλαυσας, τὸν δὲ πτωχὸν οὐδὲν σοὶ προσήκοντα, 
ὡς ἄλλων πυνθάνεται, ἐτίμησας.᾽ ὃ μὲν δὴ ταῦτα 
ἐπειρώτα, ὃ δ᾽ ἀμείβετο τοῖσιδε. “"Ὦ παῖ Κύρου, 
τὰ μὲν᾽ οἰκήια ἦν μέζω κακὰ ἢ ὥστε ἀνακλαίειν, 
τὸ δὲ τοῦ ἑταίρου πένθος ἄξιον ἢ ἦν δακρύων, ὃ ὃς ἐκ 
πολλῶν τε καὶ εὐδαιμόνων ἐ ἐκπεσὼν ἐς πτωχηΐην 
ἀπῖκται ἐπὶ γήραος οὐδῷ." καὶ ταῦτα ὡς] áme- 
νειχθέντα i ὑπὸ τούτου εὖ δοκέειν σφι εἰρῆσθαι, ὡς 
[δὲ] λέγεται ὑπ᾽ Αἰγυπτίων, δακρύειν μὲν Κροῖσον 
(ἐτετεύχεε γὰρ καὶ οὗτος ἐπισπόμενος Καμβύσῃ 
ἐπ᾽ Αἴγυπτον), δακρύειν δὲ Περσέων τοὺς παρ- 
eovTas: αὐτῷ τε Καμβύσῃ ἐσελθεῖν οἶκτον τινά, 
καὶ αὐτίκα κελεύειν τόν τέ οἱ παῖδα è ἐκ τῶν ἀπολ- 
λυμένων σώξειν καὶ αὐτὸν ἐκ τοῦ προαστείου 
ἀναστήσαντας ἄγειν παρ ἑωυτόν, 

15, Τὸν μὲν δὴ παῖδα εὗρον αὐτοῦ οἱ μετιόντες 
οὐκέτι περιεόντα ἀλλὰ πρῶτον κατακοπέντα, αὐτὸν 
δὲ Ψαμμήνιτον ἀναστήσαντες ἦγον παρὰ Kap- 
Bucea: ἔνθα τοῦ λοιποῦ διαιτᾶτο ἔχων οὐδὲν 
βίαιον. ei δὲ καὶ ἠπιστήθη μὴ πολυπρηγμονέειν, 
ἀπέλαβε à ἂν Αἴγυπτον ὥστε ἐπιτροπεύειν αὐτῆς, 
ἐπεὶ τιμᾶν ἐώθασι Πέρσαι τῶν βασιλέων τοὺς 
παῖδας: τῶν, εἰ καὶ σφέων ἆ ἀποστέωσι, ὅμως τοῖσί γε 
παισὶ αὐτῶν ἀποδιδοῦσι τὴν ἀρχήν. πολλοῖσι μέν 
νυν καὶ ἄλλοισι ἐστὶ σταθμώσασθαι ὅτι τοῦτο οὕτω 
νενομίκασι, ποιέειν, ἐν δὲ καὶ τῷ τε ᾿Ινάρω. παιδὶ 
Θαννύρᾳ, ὃ ὃς ἀπέλαβε τήν οἱ ὁ πατὴρ εἶχε ἀρχήν, 
καὶ τῷ Αμυρταίου Παυσίρι' καὶ γὰρ οὗτος ἀπέ- 
mg τὴν τοῦ πατρὸς ἀρχήν. καίτοι Ἰνάρω ye 

᾽Αμυρταίου οὐδαμοί κω Πέρσας κακὰ πλέω 


! Probably δέ below should be omitted; otherwise the 
sentence cannot be translated. 


20 


BOOK III. 14-15 


aloud nor wept, yet did this honour to the poor man, 
who (as Cambyses learns from others) is none of your 
kin?" So the messenger inquired. Psammenitus 
answered : “Son of Cyrus, my private grief was too 
great for weeping; but the misfortune of my com- 
panion called for tears—one that has lost great 
wealth and now on the threshold of old age is come 
to beggary." When the messenger so reported, and 
Cambyses and his court, it is said, found the answer 
good, then, as the Egyptianstell, Croesus wept (for it 
chanced that he too had come with Cambyses to 
Egypt) and so did the Persians that were there; 
Cambyses himself felt somewhat of pity, and forth- 
with he bade that Psammenitus' son be saved alive 
out of those that were to be slain, and that Psam- 
menitus himself be taken from the outer part of the 
city and brought before him. 

15. As for the son, those that went for him found 
that he was no longer living, but had been the first 
to be hewn down; but they brought Psammenitus 
away and led him to Cambyses ; and there he lived, 
and no violence was done him for the rest of his 
life. And had he but been wise enough to mind his 
own business, he would have so far won back Egypt 
as to be governor of it; for the Persians are wont to 
honour king's sons; even though kings revolt from 
them, yet they give back to their sons the sovereign 
power. There are many instances showing that it 
is their custom so to do, and notably the giving back 
of his father's sovereign power to Thannyras son of 
Inaros, and also to Pausiris son of Amyrtaeus ; yet 
none ever did the Persians more harm than lnaros 

21 


HERODOTUS 


ἐργασαντο. νῦν δὲ µη ανώμενος κακὰ ὁ Yap- 
μήνιτος ἔλαβε τὸν μισθό ν' ἀπιστὰς γὰρ Αἰγυπ- 
τίους ἥλω" ἐπείτε δὲ ἐπάιστος ἐγένετο ὑπὸ Καμ- 
βύσεω, αἷμα ταύρου πιὼν ἀπέθανε παραχρῆμα. 
οὕτω δὴ οὗτος ἐτελεύτησε. 

16. Καμβύσης δὲ ἐκ Μέμφιος ἀπίκετο ἐς Zaw 
πόλιν, βουλόμενος ποιῆσαι τὰ δὴ καὶ ἐποίησε. 
ἐπείτε γὰρ ἐσῆλθε ἐς τὰ τοῦ. ᾿Αμάσιος οἰκία, 
αὐτίκα ἐκέλευε ἐκ τῆς ταφῆς τὸν ᾿Αμάσιος νέκυν 
ἐκφέρειν ἔξω" ὡς δὲ ταῦτα ἐπιτελέα ἐγένετο, μα- 
στιγοῦν ἐκέλευε καὶ τὰς τρίχας ἀποτίλλειν καὶ 
κεντοῦν τε καὶ τἆλλα πάντα λυμαίνεσθαι. ἐπείτε 
δὲ καὶ ταῦτα ἔκαμον ποιεῦντες (ὁ γὰρ δὴ νεκρὸς 
ἅτε τεταριχευμένος ἀντεῖχέ τε καὶ οὐδὲν διεχέετο), 
ἐκέλευσέ ptv ὁ Καμβύσης κατακαῦσαι, ἐντελλό- 
μενος οὐκ ὅσια: Πέρσαι γὰρ θεὸν νομίξουσι εἶναι 
πῦρ. τὸ ὧν κατακαίειν γε τοὺς νεκροὺς οὐδαμῶς 
ἐν νόμῳ οὐδετέροισι ἐστί, Πέρσῃσι μὲν δι ὅ περ 
εἴρηται, θεῷ οὐ δίκαιον εἶναι λέγοντες νέμειν 
νεκρὸν ἀνθρώπου" Αἰγυπτίοισι δὲ νενόμισται πῦρ 
θηρίον εἶναι ἔμψυχον, πάντα δὲ αὐτὸ κατεσθίειν 
τά περ ἂν λάβῃ, πλησθὲν δὲ αὐτὸ τῆς βορῆς ovv- 
αποθνήσκειν τῷ κατεσθιομένῳ. οὔκων θηρίοισι 
νόμος οὐδαμῶς σφι ἐστὶ τὸν νέκυν διδόναι, καὶ 
ιὰ ταῦτα ταριχεύουσι, ἵνα μὴ κείμενος ὑπὸ 
εὐλέων καταβρωθῇ. οὕτω οὐδετέροισι νομιξόμενα 
ἐνετέλλετο ποιέειν ὁ Καμβύσης. ὡς μέντοι AL- 
γύπτιοι λέγουσι, οὐκ “Apacs ἦν ὁ ταῦτα παθών, 
ἀλλὰ ἄλλος τις τῶν Αἰγυπτίων ἔχων τὴν αὐτὴν 
ἡλικίην ᾿Αμάσι, τῷ λυμαινόμενοι Πέρσαι ἐδόκεον 
᾿Αμάσι λυμαίνεσθαι. λέγουσι γὰρ ὡς πυθόμενος 
ἐκ μαντηίου ὁ Άμασις τὰ περὶ ἑωυτὸν ἀποθανόντα 


22 


BOOK ΠΠ. 15-16 


and Amyrtaeus.! But as it was, Psammenitus plotted 
evil and got his reward ; for he was caught raising a 
revolt among the Egyptians; and when this came to 
Cambyses' ears, Psammenitus drank bulls' blood? and 
forthwith died. Such was his end. 

16. From Memphis Cambyses went to the city 
Sais, desiring to do that which indeed he did. 
Entering the house of Amasis, straightway he bade 
carry Amasis’ body out from its place of burial; and 
when this was accomplished, he gave command to 
scourge it and pull out the hair and do it despite in 
all other ways. When they were weary of doing this 
(for the body, being embalmed, remained whole and 
was not dissolved), Cambyses commanded to burn it, 
a sacrilegious command ; for the Persians hold fire to 
be a god ; therefore neither nation deems it right to 
burn the dead, the Persians for the reason assigned, 
as they say it is wrong to give the dead corpse of a 
man to a god; while the Egyptians believe fire to be 
a living beast that devours all that it catches, and 
when sated with its meal dies with the end of that 
whereon it feeds. Now it is by no means their 
custom to give the dead to beasts; and this is why 
they embalm the corpse, that it may not lie and be 
eaten of worms. Thus Cambyses commanded the 
doing of a thing contrary to the custom of both 
peoples. Howbeit, as the Egyptians say, it was not 
Amasis to whom this was done, but another Egyptian 
of a like age, whom the Persians despitefully used 
thinking that they so treated Amasis. For their story 
is that Amasis learnt from an oracle what was to be 

1 The revolt of the Egyptians Inaros and Amyrtaeus 
against the Persian governor lasted from 460 to 155 B.c. 


3 The blood was supposed to coagulate and choke the 
drinker. (How and Wells, ad loc.) 


23 


HERODOTUS 


μέλλοντα γίνεσθαι, οὕτω δὴ ἆ ἀκεόμενος τὰ ἐπιφερό- 
μενα τὸν μὲν ἄνθρωπον | τοῦτον τὸν μαστιγωθέντα 
ἀποθανόντα ἔθαψε ἐπὶ τῆσι θύρῃσι ἐντὸς τῆς 
ἑωυτοῦ θήκης, ἑ ἑωυτὸν δὲ ἐνετείλατο τῷ παιδὶ ἐν 
μυχῷ τῆς θήκης ὡς μάλιστα θεῖναι. αἱ μέν νυν 
ἐκ τοῦ ᾿Αμάσιος ἐντολαὶ αὗται αἱ ἐς τὴν ταφήν 
τε καὶ τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἔχουσαι οὔ μοι δοκέουσι 
ἀρχὴν γενέσθαι, ἄλλως δ᾽ αὐτὰ Αἰγύπτιοι σεμνοῦν. 

17. Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ὁ Καμβύσης ἐβουλεύσατο 
τριφασίας στρατηίας, ἐπί τε Καρχηδονίους καὶ 
ἐπὶ ᾽Αμμωνίους καὶ ἐπὶ τοὺς μακροβίους Αἰθιο- 
πας, οἰκημένους δὲ Λιβύης ἐ ἐπὶ τῇ votin θαλάσσῃ' 
βουλευομένῳ δέ οἱ ἔδοξε ἐπὶ μὲν Καρχηδονίους 
τὸν ναυτικὸν στρατὸν ἀποστέλλειν, ἐπὶ δὲ ᾿Αμ- 
μωνίους τοῦ πεξοῦ ἀποκρίναντα, ἐπὶ δὲ τοὺς 
Αἰθίοπας κατόπτας πρῶτον, ὀψομένους τε τὴν, ἐν 
τούτοισι τοῖσι Αἰθίοψι λεγομένην εἶναι ἡλίου 
τράπεξαν εἰ ἔστι ἀληθέως, καὶ πρὸς ταύτῃ τὰ 
ἄλλα κατοψομένους, δῶρα δὲ τῷ λόγῳ φέροντας 
τῷ udin αὐτῶν. 

Ἡ δὲ τράπεζα τοῦ ἡλίου τοιήδε τις λέγεται 
εἶναι, λειμὼν ἐστὶ ἐν τῷ προαστείῳ ἐπίπλεος 
κρεῶν ἐφθῶν πάντων τῶν τετραπόδων, ἐ és τὸν τὰς 
μὲν νύκτας ἐπιτηδεύοντας τιθέναι τὰ κρέα τοὺς ἐν 
τέλεϊ ἑκάστοτε ἐόντας τῶν ἀστῶν, τὰς δὲ ἡμέρας 
δαίνυσθαι προσιόντα τὸν βουλόμενον. φάναι δὲ 
τοὺς ἐπιχωρίους ταῦτα τὴν γῆν αὐτὴν ἀναδιδόναι 
ἑκάστοτε. 

19. Ἡ μὲν δὴ τράπεζα τοῦ ἡλίου καλεομένη 
λέγεται εἶναι τοιήδε. Καμβύσῃ δὲ ὡς ἔδοξε πέμ- 
πειν τοὺς κατασκόπους, αὐτίκα μετεπέμπετο ἐξ 
᾿Ελεφαντίνης πόλιος τῶν Ἰχθυοφάγων ἀνδρῶν 


24 


9 


BOOK III. 16-19 


done to him after his death, and so to avert this 
doom buried this man, him that was scourged, at his 
death by the door within his own vault, and com- 
manded his son that he himself should be laid im 
the farthest corner of the vault. Ithink that these 
commands of Amasis, respecting the burial-place and 
the man, were never given at all, and that the 
Egyptians but please themselves with a lying tale. 

17. After this Cambyses planned three expeditions, 
against the Carchedonians,! and against the Am- 
monians, and against the * long-lived "? Ethiopians, 
who dwelt on the Libyan coast of the southern sea. 
Taking counsel, he resolved to send his fleet against 
the Carchedonians and a part of his land army against 
the Ammonians; to Ethiopia he would send first 
spies, to see what truth there were in the story of a 
Table of the Sun in that country, and to spy out all 
else besides, under the pretext of bearing gifts for 
the Ethiopian king. 

18. Now this is said to be the fashion of the Table 
of the Sun.’ There is a meadow outside the city, 
filled with the roast flesh of all four-footed things; 
here during the night the men of authority among 
the townsmen are careful to set out the meat, and 
all day he that wishes comes and feasts thereon. 
These meats, say the people of the country, are ever 
produced by the earth of itself. 

19. Such is the story of the Sun's Table. 
When Cambyses was resolved to send the 
spies, he sent straightway to fetch from the city 
Elephantine those of the Fish-eaters who understood 

1 Carthaginians. 3 cp. beginning of ch. 23. 

3 'This story may be an indication of offerings made to the 


dead, or of a region of great fertility. In Homer the gods 
are fabled to feast with the Ethiopians. 


25 


HERODOTUS 


TOUS ἐπισταμένους τὴν Αἰθιοπίδα γλῶσσαν. ἐν 
ᾧ δὲ τούτους μετήισαν, ἐν τούτῳ ἐκέλευε ἐπὶ τὴν 
Καρχηδόνα πλέειν τὸν ναυτικὸν στρατόν. Φοί- 
νίκες δὲ οὐκ ἔφασαν ποιήσειν ταῦτα: ὁρκίοισι 
γὰρ μεγάλοισι ἐνδεδέσθαι, καὶ οὐκ ἂν ποιέειν 
ὅσια ἐπὶ τοὺς παῖδας τοὺς ἑωυτῶν στρατευόμενοι. 
Φοινίκων, δὲ ov βουλομένων οὗ λοιποὶ οὐκ ἀξιό- 
μαχοι ἐγίνοντο. Καρχηδόνιοι μέν νυν οὕτω δου- 
λοσύνην διέφυγον πρὸς Περσέων" Καμβύσης γὰρ 
βίην. οὐκ ἐδικαίου προσφέρειν Φοίνιξι, ὅτι σφέας 
τε αὐτοὺς ἐδεδώκεσαν Πέρσῃσι. καὶ πᾶς ἐκ Φοινί- 
κων ἤρτητο ὁ ναυτικὸς στρατός. δόντες δὲ καὶ 
Κύπριοι σφέας αὐτοὺς Πέρσῃσι ἐστρατεύοντο ἐπ᾿ 
Αἴγυπτον. 

90. Ἐπείτε δὲ τῷ Ἰαμβύση ἐκ τῆς Ἔλεφαν- 
τίνης ἀπίκοντο οἱ Ἰχθυοφάγοι, č ἔπεμπε αὐτοὺς ἐς 
τοὺς Αἰθίοπας ἐντειλάμενος τὰ λέγειν Χρῆν καὶ 
δῶρα φέροντας πορφύρεόν τε elua καὶ χρύσεον 
στρεπτὸν περιαυχένιον καὶ γέλια καὶ μύρου 
ἀλάβαστρον καὶ -φοινικηΐου. οἴνου κάδον. οἱ δὲ 
Αἰθίοπες οὗτοι, ἐς τοὺς ἀπέπεμπε ὁ Καμβύσης, 
λέγονται εἶναι μέγιστοι καὶ κάλλιστοι ἀνθρώπων 
πάντων. νόμοισι δὲ καὶ ἄλλοισι χρᾶσθαι αὐτοὺς 
κεχωρισμένοισι τῶν ἄλλων ἀνθρώπων καὶ δὴ καὶ 
κατὰ τὴν Βασιληίην τοιῶδε' τὸν ἂν τῶν ἀστῶν 
κρίνωσι μέγιστόν τε εἶναι καὶ κατὰ τὸ μέγαθος 
ἔχειν τὴν i ἰσχύν, τοῦτον ἀξιοῦσι βασιλεύειν. 

Ἔς τούτους δὴ ὧν τοὺς ἄνδρας ὡς ἀπίκοντο 

i Ἰχθυοφάγοι διδόντες τὰ δῶρα τῷ βασιλέι 
αὐτῶν ἔλεγον τάδε. “' Βασιλεὺς ὁ Περσέων Kap- 
βύσης, βουλόμενος φίλος καὶ ξεῖνός τοι γενέσθαι, 
ἡμέας τε ἀπέπεμψε ἐς λόγους τοι ἐλθεῖν κελεύων, 


26 


BOOK III. 19-21 


the Ethiopian language. While they were seeking 
these men, he bade his fleet sail against Carchedon. 
But the Phoenicians would not consent; for they 
were bound, they said, by a strict treaty, and could 
not righteously attack their own sons; and the 
Phoenicians being unwilling, the rest were of no 
account as fighters. Thus the Carchedonians escaped 
being enslaved by the Persians; for Cambyses would 
not use force with the Phoenicians, seeing that they 
had willingly given their help to the Persians, and 
the whole fleet drew its strength from them. The 
Cyprians too had come of their own accord to aid the 
Persians against Egypt. 

20. When the Fish-eaters came from Elephantine 
at Cambyses’ message, he sent them to Ethiopia, 
charged with what they should say, and bearing gifts, 
to wit, a purple cloak and a twisted gold necklace 
and armlets and an alabaster box of incense and a 
cask of palm wine. These Ethiopians, to whom 
Cambyses sent them, are said to be the tallest and 
fairest of all men. Their way of choosing kings is 
different from that of all others, as (it is said) are all 
their laws; they deem worthy to be their king that 
townsman whom they judge to be tallest and to have 
strength proportioned to his stature. 

21. These were the men to whom the Fish-eaters 
came, offering gifts and delivering this message to 
their king: “Cambyses king of Persia, desiring to 
be your friend and guest, sends us with command 
to address ourselves to you; and he offers you such 


27 


HERODOTUS 


καὶ δῶρα ταῦτά τοι διδοῖ τοῖσι καὶ αὐτὸς μάλιστα 
ἥδεται χρεώμενος. ὁ δὲ Αἰθίοψ μαθὼν ὅτι κα- 
τόπται ἥκοιεν, λέγει πρὸς αὐτοὺς τοιάδε. “Οὔτε 
ὁ Περσέων βασιλεὺ us δῶρα i ὑμέας ἔπεμψε φέροντας 
προτιμῶν πολλοῦ ἐμοὶ ξεῖνος γενέσθαι, οὔτε ὑμεῖς 
ο, ἀληθέα (ἥκετε γὰρ. κατόπται τῆς ἐμῆς 
ῆς), οὔτε ἐκεῖνος ἀνήρ ἐστι δίκαιος. eL yap 
ὃν lena, οὔ οὔτ᾽ ἂν ἐπεθύμησε χώρης ἄλλης ἢ τῆς 
ἑωυτοῦ, οὔτ᾽ ἂν ἐς δουλοσύνην ἀνθρώπους ἢ ἦγε vm 
ὧν μηδὲν ἠδίκηται. νῦν δὲ αὐτῷ τόξον τόδε δι- 
δόντες τάδε ἔπεα λέγετε. “Βασιλεὺς ὁ Αἰθιόπων 
συμβουλεύει τῷ Περσέων βασιλέι, ἐπεὰν οὕτω 
εὐπετέως ἕλκωσι τὰ τόξα Πέρσαι ἐ ἐόντα μεγάθεϊ 
τοσαῦτα, τότε ἐπ᾽ Αἰθίοπας τοὺς μακροβίους 
πλήθεϊ ὑπερβαλλόμενον στρατεύεσθαι" μέχρι δὲ 
τούτου θεοῖσι εἰδέναι χάριν, οἳ οὐκ ἐπὶ νόον τρά- 
πουσι Αἰθιόπων παισὶ γῆν ἄλλην προσκτᾶσθαι 
τῇ ἑωυτῶν. " 

22, Ταῦτα δὲ εἴπας καὶ ἀνεὶς τὸ τόξον παρέ- 
δωκε τοῖσι ἥκουσι. λαβὼν δὲ τὸ elpa τὸ πορ- 
φύρεον εἰρώτα ὅ τι εἴη καὶ ὅκως πεποιημένον: 
εἰπόντων δὲ τῶν Ἰχθυοφάγων τὴν ἀληθείην περὶ 
τῆς πορφύρης καὶ τῆς βαφῆς, δολεροὺς μὲν τοὺς 
ἀνθρώπους ἔφη εἶναι, δολερὰ δὲ αὐτῶν τὰ εἵματα. 
δεύτερα δὲ τὸν ρυσὸν εἰρώτα τὸν στρεπτὸν τὸν 
περιαυχένιον καὶ τὰ γέλια" ἐξηγεομένων δὲ τῶν 
Ἰχθυοφάγων τὸν κόσμον αὐτοῦ, γελάσας ὁ βα- 

σιλεὺς καὶ νομίσας εἶναι σφέα πέδας εἶπε ὡς παρ᾽ 
ἑωυτοῖσι eio} ῥωμαλεώτεραι τουτέων πέδαι. Tpi- 
τον δὲ εἰρώτα͵ τὸ μύρον" εἰπόντων δὲ τῆς ποιήσιος 
πέρι καὶ ἀλείψιος, τὸν αὐτὸν. λόγον τὸν καὶ περὶ 
τοῦ εἵματος εἶπε. ὡς δὲ ἐς τὸν οἶνον ἀπίκετο καὶ 


28 


BOOK III. 21-22 


gifts as he himself chiefly delights to use." But the 
Ethiopian, perceiving that they had come as spies, 
spoke thus to them: “ It is not because he sets great 
store by my friendship that the Persian King sends 
you with gifts, nor do you speak the truth (for you 
have come to spy out my dominions), nor is your 
king a righteous man; for were he such, he would 
not have coveted any country other than his own, 
nor would he now try to enslave men who have done 
him no wrong. Now, give him this bow, and this 
message: *The King of the Ethiopians counsels the 
King of the Persians, when the Persians can draw a 
bow of this greatness as easily as I do, then to bring 
overwhelming odds to attack the long-lived Ethio- 
pians; but till then, to thank the gods who put it 
not in the minds of the sons of the Ethiopians to win 
more territory than they have.'" | 
22. So speaking he unstrung the bow and gave it 
to the men who had come. Then, taking the purple 
cloak, he asked what it was and how it was made; 
and when the Fish-eaters told him the truth about 
the purple and the way of dyeing, he said that both 
the men and their garments were full of guile. Next 
he inquired about the twisted gold necklace and the 
bracelets; and when the Fish-eaters told him how 
they were made, the king smiled, and, thinking 
them to be fetters, said: “We have stronger chains 
than these." Thirdly he inquired about the incense ; 
and when they told him of the making and the apply- 
ing of it, he made the same reply as about the cloak. 
But when he came to the wine and asked about the 


29 


HERODOTUS 


ἐπύθετο αὐτοῦ τὴν ποίησιν, ὑπερησθεὶς τῷ πόματι 
ἐπείρετο ὅ τι τε σιτέεται ὁ βασιλεὺς καὶ χρόνον 
ὁκόσον μακρότατον ἀνὴρ Πέρσης Swe. où δὲ 
σιτέεσθαι μὲν τὸν ἄρτον εἶπον, ἐξηγησάμενοι τῶν 
πυρῶν τὴν φύσιν, ὀγδώκοντα δὲ ἔτεα ξόης πλή- 
popa ἀνδρὶ μακρότατον προκέεσθαι.. πρὸς ταῦτα 
ὁ Αἰθίοψ ἔφη, οὐδὲν θωμάξειν | εἰ σιτεόµενοι κόπρον 
ἔτεα ὀλίγα ζώουσι: οὐδὲ γὰρ ἂν τοσαῦτα δύνασθαι 
ζώειν σφέας, εἰ μὴ τῷ πόματι ἀνέφερον, φράζων 
τοῖσι Ἰχθυοφάγοισι τὸν οἶνον' τούτῳ γὰρ ἑωυτοὺς 
ὑπὸ Περσέων ἑσσοῦσθαι. 
. 98, ᾿Αντειρομένων δὲ τὸν βασιλέα τῶν Tx6vo- 
φάγων τῆς fons καὶ διαίτης πέρι, ἔτεα μὲν ἐς 
εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατὸν τοὺς πολλοὺς αὐτῶν ἀπικνέε- 
σθαι, ὑπερβάλλειν. δὲ τινὰς καὶ ταῦτα, σίτησιν δὲ 
εἶναι κρέα τε ἐφθὰ. καὶ πόμα γάλα. θῶμα δὲ. 
ποιευμένων τῶν κατασκόπων. περὶ τῶν ἐτέων, ἐπὶ 
κρήνην σφι ἡγήσασθαι, à ἀπ᾽ ἧς λονόμενοι λιπαρώ- 
τεροι ἐγίνοντο, κατά περ εἰ ἐλαίου ety ὄξειν δὲ 
ἀπ᾿ αὐτῆς ὡς eb ἴων. ἀσθενὲς δὲ τὸ ὕδωρ τῆς 
κρήνης ταύτης οὕτω δή τι ἔλεγον εἶναι οἱ κατά- 
σκοποι ὥστε μηδὲν οἷόν T εἶναι ἐπ᾽ αὐτοῦ èri- 
πλέειν, μήτε ξύλον μήτε τῶν ὅσα ξύλου ἐστὶ 
ἐ λαφρότερα, ἀλλὰ πάντα σφέα χωρέειν ἐς βυσσὀν. 
τὸ δὲ ὕδωρ τοῦτο εἴ σφι ἐστὶ ἀληθέως οἷόν τι 
λέγεται, διὰ τοῦτο ἂν εἶεν, τούτῳ τὰ πάντα χρεώ- 
μενοι, μακρόβιοι. ἀπὸ τῆς κρήνης δὲ ἀπαλ- 
λασσομένων, ἀγαγεῖν σφεας ἐς δεσμωτήριον 
ἀνδρῶν, ἔν α τοὺς πάντας ἐν πέ noe χρυσέῃσι 
δεδέσθαι. ἔστι δὲ ἐν τούτοισι τοῖσι Αἰθίοψι 
πάντων ὁ χαλκὸς σπανιώτατον καὶ τιμιώτατον. 
θεησάμενοι. δὲ καὶ τὸ δεσμωτήριον, ἐθεήσαντο καὶ 
τὴν τοῦ ἡλίου λεγομένην τράπεζαν. 
Ὃ 


BOOK III. 22-23 


making of it, he was vastly pleased with the draught, 
and asked further what food their king ate, and what 
was the greatest age to which a Persian lived. They 
told him their king ate bread, showing him how 
wheat grew; and said that the full age to which a 
man might hope to live was eighty years. Then said 
the Ethiopian, it was no wonder that their lives were 
so short, if they ate dung!; they would never attain 
even to that age were it not for the strengthening 
power of the draught, —whereby he signified to the 
Fish-eaters the wine,— for in this, he said, the Persians 
excelled the Ethiopians. 

23. The Fish-eaters then in turn asking of the 
Ethiopian length of life and diet, he said that most 
of them attained to an hundred and twenty years, 
and some even to more; their food was roast meat 
and their drink milk. The spies showed wonder at 
the tale of years; whereon he led them, it is said, to 
a spring, by washing wherein they grew sleeker, as 
though it were of oil; and it smelt as it were of 
violets. So frail, the spies said, was this water, that 
nothing would float on it, neither wood nor anything 
lighter than wood, but all sank to the bottom. If 
this water be truly such as they say, it is likely that 
their constant use of it makes the people long-lived. 
When they left the spring, the king led them to a 
prison where all the men were bound with fetters of 
gold. Among these Ethiopians there is nothing so 
scarce and so precious as bronze. Then, having 
seen the prison, they saw what is called the Table 
of the Sun. l 


! 4.6. grain produced by the manured soil. 


3I 


` 


HERODOTUS 


24. Μετὰ δὲ ταύτην τελευταίας ἐθεήσαντο τὰς 
θήκας αὐτῶν, ai λέγονται σκευάξεσθαι ἐξ ὑέλου 
τρόπῳ Toupee ἐπεὰν τὸν νεκρὸν ἰσχνήνωσι, εἴτε 
δὴ κατά περ Αἰγύπτιοι εἴτε ἄλλως κως, γυψώ- 
σαντες ἅπαντα αὐτὸν γραφῇ κοσμέουσι, ἐξο- 
μοιεῦντες τὸ εἶδος ἐς τὸ δυνατόν, ἔπειτα δέ οἱ 
περιιστᾶσι στήλην ἐξ ὑέλου πεποιημένην κοίλην" 
ἣ δέ σφι πολλὴ καὶ εὐεργὸς ὀρύσσεται. ἐν μέσῃ 
δὲ τῇ στήλῃ ἐνεὼν διαφαίνεται ὁ νέκυς, οὔτε 
ὀδμὴν οὐδεμίαν ἄχαριν παρεχόμενος οὔτε ἆλλο 
ἀεικὲς οὐδέν, καὶ ἔχει πάντα φανερὰ ὁμοίως αὐτῷ 
τῷ νέκυϊ. ἐνιαυτὸν μὲν δὴ ἔ ἔχουσι τὴν στήλην ἐν 
τοῖσι οἰκίοισι οἱ μάλιστα προσήκοντες, πάντων 
ἀπαρχόμενοι καὶ θυσίας οἱ προσάγοντες: μετὰ 

ὲ ταῦτα ἐκκομίσαντες ἱστᾶσι περὶ τὴν πόλιν. 

95. Θεησάμενοι δὲ τὰ πάντα οἱ κατάσκοποι 
ἀπαλλάσσοντο ὀπίσω. ἀπαγγειλάντων δὲ ταῦτα 
τούτων, αὐτίκα ὁ Καμβύσης ὀργὴν ποιησάμενος 
ἐστρατεύετο ἐπὶ τοὺς Αἰθίοπας, οὔτε παρασκευὴν 
σίτου .οὐδεμίαν παραγγείλας, οὔτε λόγον ἑωυτῷ 
δοὺς ὅτι ἐς τὰ ἔσχατα γῆς ἔμελλε στρατεύεσθαι" 
οἷα δὲ ἐμμανής τε ἐὼν καὶ οὐ φρενήρης, ὡς ἤκουε 
τῶν 1 θυοφάγων, ἐστρατεύετο, Ἑλλήνων μὲν τοὺς 
παρεόντας αὐτοῦ τάξας ὑπομένειν, τὸν δὲ πεξὸν 
πάντα ἅμα ἀγόμενος. ἐπείτε δὲ στρατευόμενος 
ἐγένετο ἐν Θήβῃσι, à ἀπέκρινε τοῦ στρατοῦ ὡς πέντε 
μυριάδας, καὶ τούτοισι μὲν ἐνετέλλετο ᾿Αμμωνίους 
ἐξανδραποδισαμένους τὸ χρηστήριον τὸ τοῦ Διὸς 
ἐμπρῆσαι, αὐτὸς δὲ τὸν. λοιπὸν ἄγων στρατὸν ἤιε 
ἐπὶ τοὺς Αἰθίοπας. πρὶν δὲ τῆς ὁδοῦ τὸ πέμπτον 
μέρος διεληλυθέναι τὴν στρατιήν, αὐτίκα πάντα 
αὐτοὺς τὰ εἶχον σιτίων ἐχόμενα ἐπελελοίπεε, μετὰ 


32 


BOOK ΤΠ. 24-25 


24. Last after this they viewed the Ethiopian 
coffins; these are said to be made of porcelain, as I 
shall describe: they make the dead body to shrink, 
either as the Egyptians do or in some other way, 
then cover it with gypsum and paint it all as far 
as they may in the likeness of the living man; then 
they set it within a hollow pillar of porcelain, which 
they dig in abundance from the ground, and it is 
easily wrought; the body can be seen in the pillar 
through the porcelain, no evil stench nor aught 
unseemly proceeding from it, and showing clearly 
all its parts, as if it were the dead man himself. 
The nearest of kin keep the pillar in their house 
for a year, giving it of the firstfruits and offering it 
sacrifices; after which they bring the pillars out and 
set them round about the city. 

25. Having viewed all, the spies departed back 
again. When they reported all this, Cambyses was 
angry, and marched forthwith against the Ethiopians, 
neither giving command for any provision of food nor 
considering that he was about to lead his army to the 
ends of the earth; and being not in his right mind 
but mad, he marched at once on hearing from the 
Fish-eaters, setting the Greeks who were with him 
to await him where they were, and taking with him 
all his land army. When he came in his march to 
Thebes, he parted about fifty thousand men from his 
army, and charged them to enslave the Ammonians 
and burn the oracle of Zeus; and he himself went on 
towards Ethiopia with the rest of his host. But 
before his army had accomplished the fifth part of 
their journey they had come to an end of all there 
was in the way of provision, and after the food was . 


33 
VOL. II. D 


HERODOTUS 


δὲ τὰ σιτία καὶ τὰ ὑποζύγια ἐπέλιπε κατεσθιό- 
μενα. εὖ μέν νυν μαθὼν ταῦτα ὁ Καμβύσης 
ἐγνωσιμάχεε καὶ ἀπῆγε ὀπίσω τὸν στρατόν, ἐπὶ 
τῇ ἀρχῆθεν γενομένῃ ἁμαρτάδι ἡ ἦν ἂν ἀνὴρ σοφός" 
νῦν δὲ οὐδένα λόγον ποιεύμενος ἤιε αἰεὶ ἐς τὸ 
πρόσω. οἱ δὲ στρατιῶται ἕως μέν τι εἶχον ἐκ τῆς 
γῆς λαμβάνειν, ποιηφαγέοντες διέξωον, ἐ ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐς 
τὴν ψάμμον ἀπίκοντο, δεινὸν ἔ ἔργον αὐτῶν τίνες 
ἐργάσαντο" ἐκ δεκάδος γὰρ ἕνα σφέων αὐτῶν 
ἀποκληρώσαντες κατέ ayov. πυθόμενος δὲ ταῦτα 
ὁ Καμβύσης, δείσας την ἀλληλοφαγίην, ἀπεὶς τὸν 
ἐπ᾽ Αἰθίοπας στόλον ὀπίσω ἐπορεύετο καὶ ἀπικνέε- 
ταί ἐς Θήβας πολλοὺς ἀπολέσας τοῦ στρατοῦ" 
ἐκ Θηβέων δὲ καταβὰς ἐς Μέμφιν τοὺς Ελληνας 
ἀπῆκε ἀποπλέειν. 

26. Ὁ μὲν ἐπ᾽ Αἰθίοπας στόλος οὕτω ἔπρηξε' 
οἱ Ò αὐτῶν ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αμμωνίους ἀποσταλέντες στρα- 
τεύεσθαι, ἐπείτε ὁρμηθέντες ἐκ τῶν Θηβέων ἐπο- 
ρεύοντο᾽ ἔχοντες ἀγωγούς, ἀπικόμενοι μὲν φανεροί 
εἰσι ἐς Ὄασιν πόλι; τὴν ἔχουσι μὲν Σάμιοι τῆς 
Αἰσ μωνίης φυλῆς λεγόμενοι εἶναι, ἀπέχουσι δὲ 
ἑπτὰ ἡμερέων ὁδὸν ἆ ἀπὸ Θηβέων διὰ ψ-άμμου' ὀνο- 
μάξεται δὲ ὁ χῶρος οὗτος κατὰ Ἑλλήνων γλῶσσαν 
Μακάρων νῆσος. ` és. μὲν δὴ τοῦτον τὸν χῶρον 
λέγεται ἀπικέσθαι τὸν στρατόν, τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν δέ, 
ὅτι μὴ αὐτοὶ ᾿Αμμώνιοι καὶ οἱ τούτων ἀκούσαντες, 
ἄλλοι οὐδένες οὐδὲν ἔχουσι εἰπεῖν περὶ αὐτῶν" 
οὔτε γὰρ ἐς τοὺς ᾽Αμμωνίους ἀπίκοντο οὔτε ὀπίσω 
ἐνόστησαν. λέγεται δὲ κατὰ τάδε ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν 
᾿Αμμωνίων' ἐπειδὴ ἐκ τῆς ᾿Οάσιος ταύτης ἑέναι 
διὰ τῆς ψάμμου ἐπὶ σφέας, γενέσθαι τε αὐτοὺς 
μεταξύ κου μάλιστα αὐτῶν τε καὶ τῆς Ὀάσιος, 


34 


BOOK ΠΠ. 25-26 


gone they ate the beasts of burden till there was 
none of these left also. Now had Cambyses, when 
he perceived this, changed his mind and led his 
army back again, he had been a wise man at last 
after his first fault; but as it was, he went ever 
forward, nothing recking. While his soldiers could 
get anything from the earth, they kept themselves 
alive by eating grass; but when they came to the 
sandy desert, certain of them did a terrible deed, 
taking by lot one man out of ten and eating him. 
Hearing this, Cambyses feared their becoming can- 
nibals, and so gave up his expedition against the 
Ethiopians and marched back to Thebes, with the 
los of many of his army; from Thebes he came 
down to Memphis, and sent the Greeks to sail away. 

26. So fared the expedition against Ethiopia. As 
for those of the host who were sent to march against 
the Ammonians, they set forth and journeyed from 
Thebes with guides; and it is known that they came 
to the city Oasis,! where dwell Samians said to be of 
the Aeschrionian tribe, seven days’ march from 
Thebes across sandy desert; this place is called, in 
the Greek language, the Island of the Blest. Thus 
far, it is said, the army came; after that, save 
the Ammonians themselves and those who heard 
from them, no man can say aught of them; for they 
neither reached the Ammonians nor returned back. 
But this is what the Ammonians themselves say: 
When the Persians were crossing the sand from the 
Oasis to attack them, and were about midway be- 
tween their country and the Oasis, while they were 

1 Oasis means simply a planted place; Herodotus makes 
it 8 proper name. What he means here is the ‘‘ Great 


oasis" of Khargeh, about seven days’ journey from Thebes, 
as he says. 


35 
D 2 


HERODOTUS 


ἄριστον αἱρεομένοισι αὐτοῖσι ἐπιπνεῦσαι νότον 
μέγαν τε καὶ ἐξαίσιον, Φορέοντα δὲ θῖνας τῆς 
ψάμμου καταχῶσαι σφέας, καὶ τρόπῳ τοιούτῳ 
ἀφανισθῆναι. ᾿Αμμώνιοι μὲν οὕτω λέγουσι γενέ- 
σθαι περὶ τῆς στρατιῆς ταύτης. 

27. ᾿Απιγμένου δὲ Καμβύσεω ἐ ἐς Μέμφιν ἐφάνη 
Αἰγυπτίοισι ὁ ὁ "Ams, τὸν "Ελληνες Ἔπαφον, καλέ- 
oval’ ἐπιφανέος δὲ τούτου γενομένου αὐτίκα οἱ 
Αἰγύπτιοι εἵματα ἐφόρεον τὰ κάλλιστα καὶ ἦσαν 
ἐν θαλίῃσι. ἰδὼν δὲ ταῦτα τοὺς Αἰγυπτίους ποι- 
εὔντας ὁ Καμβύσης, πάγχυ σφέας καταδόξας 
ἑωυτοῦ κακῶς πρήξαντος χαρμόσυνα ταῦτα. ποιέ-. 
ειν, ἐκάλεε TOUS ἐπιτρόπους τῆς Μέμφιος, ἀπικο- 
μένους δὲ ἐς ὄψιν εἴρετο ὅ τι πρότερον μὲν ἐόντος 
αὐτοῦ ἐν Μέμφι ἐ ἐποίευν τοιοῦτον οὐδὲν Αἰγύπτιοι, 
τότε δὲ ἐπεὶ αὐτὸς παρείη τῆς στρατιῆς πλῆθός 
τι ἀποβαλών. οἳ δὲ ἔφραζον ὥς σφι θεὸς εἴη 
φανεὶς διὰ «χρόνου πολλοῦ ἐἑωθὼς ἐπιφαίνεσθαι, 
καὶ ὡς ἐπεὰν φανῆ τότε πάντες Αἰγύπτιοι κεχαρη- 
KÓTES ὁρτάξοιεν. ταῦτα ἀκούσας o Καμβύσης ἔφη 
ψεύδεσθαι σφέας καὶ ὡς ψευδομένους E 
SENE 

᾿Αποκτείνας δὲ τούτους δεύτερα τοὺς ἱρέας 
cede ἐς ὄψων λεγόντων δὲ κατὰ ταὐτὰ τῶν 
ἱρέων, ou λήσειν ἔφη αὐτὸν εἰ θεός τις χειροήθης 
ἀπιγμένος εἴη Αἰγυπτίοισι. τοσαῦτα δὲ εἴπας 
ἀπάγειν ἐκέλευε τὸν "Art TOUS ἱρέας. οἳ μὲν δὴ 
μετήισαν ,ἔξοντες. ὁ δὲ "Arts οὗτος. ὁ ὌἜπαφος 
γίνεται μόσχος ἐκ βοός, ἥτις οὐκέτι οἵη τε γίνεται 
ἐς γαστέρα ἄλλον βάλλεσθαι γόνον. Αἰγύπτιοι 
δὲ λέγουσι σέλας ἐπὶ τὴν βοῦν ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ. 
κατίσχειν, καί μιν ἐκ τούτου τίκτειν τὸν ᾿Απιν. 


36 


BOOK III. 26-28 


breakfasting a great arid violent south wind arose, 
which buried them in the masses of sand which it 
bore; and so they disappeared from sight. Such is 
the Ammonian tale about this army. 

27. After Cambyses was come to Memphis there 
appeared in Egypt that Apis! whom the Greeks 
call Epaphus; at which revelation straightway the 
Egyptians donned their fairest garments and kept 
high festival. Seeing the Egyptians so doing, Cam- 
byses was fully persuaded that these signs of joy 
were for his misfortunes, and summoned the rulers 
of Memphis; when they came before him he asked 
them why the Egyptians acted so at the moment of 
his coming with so many of his army lost, though 
they had done nothing like it when he was before at 
Memphis. The rulers told him that a god, who had 
been wont to reveal himself at long intervals of time, 
had now appeared to them; and that all Egypt 
rejoiced and made holiday whenever he so appeared. 
At this Cambyses said that they lied, and he punished 
them with death for their lie. 

28. Having put them to death, he next summoned 
the priests before him. When they gave him the 
same account, he said that “if a tame god had come 
to the Egyptians he would know it”; and with no 
more words he bade the priests bring Apis. So they 
went to seek and bring him. This Apis, or Epaphus, 
is a calf born of a cow that can never conceive again. 
By what the Egyptians say, the cow is made pregnant 
by a light from heaven, and thereafter gives birth to 


1 cp. ii. 38. 
37 


HERODOTUS 


ἔχει δὲ 0 0 poo ος οὗτος ὁ “Ams καλεόμενος σημήια 
τοιάδε ἐὼν μέλας, ἐπὶ μὲν τῷ μετώπῳ λευκόν τι 
τρίγωνον, ἐπὶ δὲ τοῦ νώτου αἰετὸν εἰκασμένον, ἐν 
δὲ τῇ οὐρῇ τὰς τρίχας διπλᾶς, ὑπὸ δὲ τῇ γλώσσῃ 
κάνθαρον. 

29. Ὡς δὲ ἢ Ἴγαγον τὸν "Amv οἱ ἱρέες, ὁ Καμβύ- 
σης, οἷα ἐὼν ὑπομαργότερος, σπασάμενος τὸ ἐγχει- 
ρίδιον, θέλων τύψαι τὴν γαστέρα τοῦ "Απιος παίει 
τὸν μηρόν' γελάσας δὲ εἶπε πρὸς τοὺς ἱρέας aU 
κακαὶ κεφαλαί, τοιοῦτοι θεοὶ γίνονται, ἔναιμοί τε 
καὶ σαρκώδεες καὶ ἐπαΐοντες σιδηρίων; ἄξιος μέν 
ye Αἰγυπτίων οὗτός γε ὁ θεός, à ἀτάρ τοι ὑμεῖς γε 
οὐ χαίροντες γέλωτα ἐμὲ θήσεσθε.᾽ | ταῦτα εἴπας 
ἐνετείλατο τοῖσι ταῦτα πρήσσουσι τοὺς μὲν ἱρέας 
ἀπομαστιγῶσαι, Αἰγυπτίων δὲ τῶν ἄλλων τὸν 
ἂν λάβωσι ὁρτάξοντα κτείνειν. ὁρτὴ μὲν δὴ διελέ- 
AUTO Αἰγυπτίοισι, οἱ δὲ ἱρέες ἐδικαιεῦντο, ὁ δὲ 

"Amis πεπληγμένος τὸν μηρὸν ἔφθινε ἐν τῷ ἱρῷ 
κατακείμενος. καὶ τὸν μὲν τελευτήσαντα ἐκ τοῦ 
τρώματος ἔθαψαν οὗ ἱρέες λάθρῃ Καμβύσεω. 

90. Καμβύσης δέ, ὡς λέγουσι Αἰγύπτιοι, 
αὐτίκα διὰ τοῦτο τὸ ἀδίκημα ἐμάνη, ἐὼν οὐδὲ 
πρότερον φρενήρης. καὶ πρῶτα uev τῶν κακῶν 
ἐξεργάσατο τὸν ἀδελφεὸν. Σμέρδιν. ἐόντα πατρὸς 
καὶ μητρὸς τῆς αὐτῆς, τὸν ἀπέπεμψε ἐς Πέρσας 
φθόνῳ ἐξ Αἰγύπτου, ὅτι τὸ τόξον. μοῦνος 
Περσέων ὅσον τε ἐπὶ δύο δακτύλους εἴρυσε, τὸ 
παρὰ τοῦ Αἰθίοπος ἤνεικαν οἱ Ἰχθυοφάγοι, τῶν 
δὲ ἄλλων {Περσέων οὐδεὶς οἷός τε ἐγένετο. ἀποι- 
χομένου ὧν ἐς Πέρσας τοῦ Σμέρδιος ὄψιν εἶδε ὁ 
Καμβύσης ἐν τῷ ὕπνῳ τοιήνδε" ἔδοξέ οἱ ἄγγελον 
ἐλθόντα ἐκ Περσέων ἀγγέλλειν ὡς ἐν τῷ θρόνῳ 


38 


[14 - | ΜΝ E WU. LO CAE dod date TAA - ΝΤ Τα... ον ο την L. να πα πμακ 


BOOK III. 28-30 


Apis. The marks of this calf called Apis are these : 
he is black, and has on his forehead a three-cornered 
white spot, and the likeness of an eagle on his 
back; the hairs of the tail are double, and there is 
a knot under the tongue. 

29. When the priests led Apis in, Cambyses—for 
he was well-nigh mad—drew his dagger and made 
to stab the calf in the belly, but smote the thigh; 
then laughing he said to the priests: “ Wretched 
wights, are these your gods, creatures of flesh and 
blood that can feel weapons of iron? that is a god 
worthy of the Egyptians. But for you, you shall 
suffer for making me your laughing-stock.” So 
saying he bade those, whose business it was, to 
scourge the priests well, and to kill any other 
Egyptian whom they found holiday-making. -So the 
Egyptian festival was ended, and the priests were 
punished, and Apis lay in the temple and died of the 
blow on the thigh. When he was dead of the wound, 
the priests buried him without Cambyses' knowledge. 

30. By reason of this wrongful deed, as the 
Egyptians say, Cambyses’ former want of sense 
turned straightway to madness. His first evil act 
was to make away with his full brother Smerdis, 
whom he had sent away from Egypt to Persia 
out of jealousy, because Smerdis alone could 
draw the bow brought from the Ethiopian by the 
Fish-eaters as far as two fingerbreadths; but no 
other Persian could draw it. Smerdis having gone 
to Persia, Cambyses saw in a dream a vision, whereby 
it seemed to him that a messenger came from Persia 


39 


HERODOTUS 


TÓ βασιληίφ ἱξόμενος Σμέρδις τῇ κεφαλῇ τοῦ 
οὐρανοῦ αύσειε. πρὸς ὧν ταῦτα δείσας περὶ 
ἑωυτοῦ μή μεν ἀποκτείνας ὁ ) ἀδελφεὸς d ἄρχῃ, πέμπει 

Πρηξάσπεα ἐς Πέρσας, ὃς ἦν οἱ ἀνὴρ Περσέων 
πιστότατος, ἀποκτενέοντά μων. ὃ δὲ ἀναβὰς ἐς 
Σοῦσα ἆ ἀπέκτεινε Σμέρδιν, ot μὲν λέγουσι ἐπ᾽ ἄγρην 
ἐξαγαγόντα, οἳ δὲ ἐς τὴν ᾿Ερυθρὴν θάλασσαν προ- 
αγαγόντα καταποντῶσαι. 

31. Πρῶτον μὲν δὴ λέγουσι Καμβύσῃ τῶν κακῶν 
ἄρξαι τοῦτο' δεύτερα δὲ ἐξεργάσατο τὴν ἀδελφεὴν 
ἑσπομένην οἱ ἐς Αἴγυπτον, τῇ καὶ συνοίκεε καὶ ἦν 
οἱ ἀπ᾽ ἀμφοτέρων ἀδελφεή. ἔγημε. δὲ αὐτὴν ὧδε: 
οὐδαμῶς γὰρ ἐώθεσαν πρότερον τῇσι ἀδελφεῇσι 
συνοικέειν Πέρσαι. ἠράσθη μιῆς τῶν ἀδελφεῶν 
Καμβύσης, καὶ ἔπειτα Βουλόμενος αὐτὴν γῆμαι, 
ὅτι οὐκ ἐωθότα ἐπενόεε ποιήσειν, εἴρετο καλέσας 
τοὺς βασιληίους δικαστὰς εἴ τις ἐστὶ κελεύων 
νόμος τὸν βουλόμενον ἀδελφεῇ συνοικέειν. οἱ δὲ 
βασιλήιοι δικασταὶ κεκριμένοι ἄνδρες «γίνονται 
Περσέων, ἐς οὗ ἀποθάνωσι ἤ σφι παρευρεθῇ τι 
ἄδικον, µέχρι τούτου" οὗτοι δὲ τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι 
δίκας δικάξουσι, καὶ ἐξηγηταὶ τῶν "πατρίων θεσμῶν 
γίνονται, καὶ πάντα ἐς τούτους ἀνακέεται. εἰρο- 
μένου ὧν τοῦ Καμβύσεω, i ὑπεκρίνοντο. αὐτῷ οὗτοι 
καὶ δίκαια καὶ ἀσφαλέα, φάμενοι νόμον οὐδένα 
ἐξευρίσκειν ὃς κελεύει ἀδελφεῇ συνοικέειν ἀδελ- 
φεόν, ἄλλον μέντοι ἐξευρηκέναι νόμον, τῷ βασιλεύ- 
οντι Περσέων ἐξεῖναι ποιέειν τὸ ἂν βούληται. 
οὕτω οὔτε τὸν νόμον ἔλυσαν δείσαντες Καμβύσεα, 
ἵνα τε μὴ αὐτοὶ ἀπόλωνται τὸν νόμον περιστέλ- 
λοντες, παρεξεῦρον ἄλλον νόμον σύμμαχον τῷ 


49 


BOOK ΠΙ. 30-31 


and told him that Smerdis had sat on the royal throne 
with his head reaching to heaven. Fearing therefore 
for himself, lest his brother might slay him and so 

_be king, he sent to Persia Prexaspes, the trustiest of 
his Persians, to kill Smerdis. Prexaspes went up to 
Susa and so did; some say that he took Smerdis out 
a-hunting, others that he brought him to the Red! 
Sea and there drowned him. 

31. This, they say, was the first of Cambyses’ evil 
acts; next, he made away with his full sister, who 
had come with him to Egypt, and whom he had 
taken to wife. He married her on this wise (for before 
this, it had by no means been customary for Persians 
to marry their sisters): Cambyses was enamoured of 
one of his sisters and presently desired to take her 
to wife; but his intention being contrary to usage, 
he summoned the royal judges ? and inquired whether 
there were any law suffering one, that so desired, to 
marry his sister. These royal judges are men chosen 
out from the Persians to be so till they die or are 
detected in some injustice; it is they who decide 
suits in Persia and interpret the laws of the land; 
all matters are referred tothem. These then replied 
to Cambyses with an answer which was both just and 
safe, namely, that they could find no law giving a 
brother power to marry his sister ; but that they had 
also found a law whereby the King of Persia might 
do whatsoever he wished. Thus they broke not 
the law for fear of Cambyses, and, to save them- 
selves from death for maintaining it, they found 


1 Not our Red Sea ('ApáBios κόλπος) but the Persian Gulf, 
probably; but it is to be noted that Herodotus has no 
definite knowledge of a gulf between Persia and Arabia. 

3 A standing body of seven ; cp. Book of Esther, i. 14. 


- 4I 


HERODOTUS 


θέλοντι γαμέειν ἀδελφεάς. τότε μὲν δὴ ὁ Kap- 
Βύσης ἔγημε τὴν ἐρωμένην, μετὰ μέντοι οὐ πολλὸν 
χρόνον ἔσχε ἄλλην ἀδελφεήν. τουτέων δῆτα τὴν 
νεωτέρην ἐπισπομένην οἱ ἐπ᾽ Αἴγυπτον κτείνει. 

32. ᾿Αμϕὶ δὲ τῷ θανάτῳ αὐτῆς διξὸς ὥσπερ 
περὶ Σμέρδιος λέγεται λόγος. "E λληνες μὲν 
λέγουσι Καμβύσεα συμβαλεῖν σκύμνον λέοντος 
σκύλακι κυνός, θεωρέειν δὲ καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα ταύ- 
την, νικωμένου δὲ τοῦ σκύλακος ἀδελφεὸν αὐτοῦ 
ἄλλον σκύλακα ἀπορρήξαντα τὸν δεσμὸν tapa- 
γενέσθαι οἱ, δύο δὲ γενομένους οὕτω δη τοὺς 
σκύλακας ἐπικρατῆσαι τοῦ σκύμνου. καὶ τὸν 
μὲν Καμβύσεα ἥδεσθαι θεώμενον, τὴν δὲ παρη- 
μένην δακρύειν. Καμβύσεα δὲ μαθόντα τοῦτο 
ἐπειρέσθαι δι ὅ τι δακρύει, τὴν δὲ εἰπεῖν ὡς ἐδοῦσα 
τὸν σκύλακα τῷ ἀδελφεῷ τιμωρήσαντα δακρύσειε, 
μνησθεῖσά τε Σμέρδιος καὶ μαθοῦσα d ὡς ἐκείνῳ οὐκ 
εἴη ὁ τιμωρήσων. "Ελληνες μὲν δὴ διὰ τοῦτο τὸ 
ἔπος φασὶ αὐτὴν ἀπολέσθαι ὑπὸ Καμβύσεω, 
Αἰγύπτιοι δὲ ὦ ὡς τραπέζῃ παρακατημένων λαβοῦ- 
σαν θρίδακα τὴν γυναῖκα περιτῖλαι καὶ ἐπανειρέ- 
σθαι τὸν ἄνδρα κότερον περιτετιλµένη 7 θρίδαξ 

ἢ δασέα εἴη καλλίων, καὶ τὸν φάναι δασέαν, τὴν 
δ εὐπεῖν " Ταύτην μέντοι κοτὲ σὺ τὴν θρίδακα 
ἐμιμήσαο τὸν Κύρου οἶκον ἀποψιλώσας. τὸν δὲ 
θυμωθέντα ἐμπηδῆσαι αὐτῇ ἐχούσῃ ἐν γαστρί, καί 
μιν ἐκτρώσασαν ἀποθανεῖν. 

33. Ταῦτα μὲν ἐς τοὺς οἰκηίους ὁ Καμβύσης 
ἐξεμάνη, εἴτε δὴ διὰ τὸν Amu εἴτε καὶ ANNOS, οἷα 
πολλὰ ἔωθε ἀνθρώπους κακὰ καταλαμβάνειν" καὶ 
γὰρ τινὰ ἐκ γενεῆς νοῦσον μεγάλην λέγεται € ἔχειν 
ὁ Καμβύσης, τὴν ἱρὴν ὀνομάζουσι τινές. οὔ νύν 


42 


BOOK III. 31-33 


another law to justify one that desired wedlock with 
sisters. So for the nonce Cambyses married her of 
whom he was enamoured; yet presently he took 
another sister to wife. It was the younger of these 
who had come with him to Egypt, and whom he 
now killed. 

32. There are two tales of her death, as of the 
death of Smerdis. The Greeks say that Cambyses 
had set a puppy to fight a lion's cub, with this woman 
too looking on ; and the puppy being worsted, another 
puppy, its brother, broke its leash and came to help, 
whereby the two dogs together got the better of the 
cub. Cambyses, they say, was pleased with the sight, 
but the woman wept as she sat by. Cambyses per- 
ceived it and asking why she wept, she said she had 
wept when she saw the puppy help its brother, for 
thinking of Smerdis and how there was none to 
avenge him. For saying this, according to the Greek 
story, Cambyses put her to death. But the Egyptian 
tale is that as the two sat at table the woman took a 
lettuce and plucked off the leaves, then asked her 
husband whether he liked the look of it, with or 
without leaves; *« With the leaves," said he; where- 
upon she answered: “ Yet you have stripped Cyrus’ 
house as bare as this lettuce." Angered at this, 
they say, he leaped upon her, she being great with 
child ; and she died of the hurt he gave her. 

33. Such were Cambyses’ mad acts to his own 
household, whether they were done because of Apis 
or grew from some of the many troubles that are 
wont to beset men; for indeed he is said to have been 
afflicted from his birth with that grievous disease 
which some call *sacred."! It is no unlikely thing 


1 Epilepsy. 
43 


HERODOTUS 


TOL ἀεικὲς οὐδὲν ἦν τοῦ σώματος νοῦσον μεγάλην 
νοσέοντος μηδὲ τὰς φρένας ὑγιαίνειν. 

34. Τάδε ὃ ἐς τοὺς ἄλλους Πέρσας ἐξεμάνη. 
λέγεται γὰρ εἰπεῖν αὐτὸν πρὸς Πρηξάσπεα, τὸν 
ἐτίμα TE μάλιστα καί οἱ τὰς ἀγγελίας ἐφόρεε 
οὗτος, τούτου τε ὁ παῖς οἰνοχόος ἦν τῷ Καμβύσῃ, 
τιμὴ δὲ καὶ αὕτη οὐ σμικρή' εἰπεῖν δὲ λέγεται 
τάδε. “ Πρήξασπες, κοῖόν µε τινὰ νομίξουσι 
Πέρσαι εἶναι ἄνδρα τίνας τε λόγους περὶ ἐμέο 
ποιεῦνται; ” cov δὲ εἰπεῖν “ο δέσποτα, τὰ μὲν 
ἄλλα πάντα μεγάλως ἐπαινέαι, τῇ δὲ φιλοινίῃ σε 
φασὶ πλεύνως προσκέεσθαι." τὸν μὲν δὴ λέγειν 
ταῦτα περὶ Περσέων, τὸν δὲ θυμωθέντα τοιάδε 
ἀμείβεσθαι. * Nov ἄρα με φασὶ Πέρσαι. οἴνῳ 
προσκείμενον παραφρονέειν καὶ οὐκ εἶναι γοήμονα: 
οὐδ᾽ ἄρα σφέων οἱ πρότεροι λόγοι ἦσαν ἀληθέες." 
πρότερον γὰρ δὴ ἄρα, Περσέων οἱ συνέδρων ἐ ἐόντων 
καὶ Κροίσου, εἴρετο Καμβύσης κοῖός τις δοκέοι 
ἀνὴρ εἶναι πρὸς τὸν πατέρα τελέσαι Κῦρον, οἳ δὲ 
ἀμείβοντο ὡς ein ἀμείνων τοῦ πατρός" τά τε γὰρ 
ἐκείνου πάντα ἔχειν αὐτὸν καὶ προσεκτῆσθαι 
Αἴγυπτόν τε καὶ τὴν θάλασσαν. Πέρσαι μὲν 
ταῦτα ἔλεγον, Κροῖσος δὲ παρεών τε καὶ οὐκ 
ἀρεσκόμενος τῇ κρίσι εἶπε πρὸς τὸν Καμβύσεα 

τάδε. “ . Εμοὶ μέν νυν, ὦ παῖ Κύρου, οὐ δοκέεις 

ὅμοιος εἶναι τῷ πατρί" οὐ γάρ κὠ τοι ἐστὶ υἱὸς 
οἷον σὲ ἐκεῖνος κατελίπετο." ἥσθη. τε ταῦτα 
ἀκούσας ὁ Καμβύσης καὶ ἐπαίνεε τὴν Κροίσου 
κρίσιν. 

35. Τούτων δὴ ὧν ἐπιμνησθέντα ὀργῇ. λέγειν 
πρὸς τὸν Ἡρηξάσπεα et Σύ νυν μάθε εἰ λέγουσι 
Πέρσαι ἀληθέα εἴτε αὐτοὶ λέγοντες ταῦτα παρα- 


44 


BOOK III. 11-15 


then that when his body was grievously afflicted his 
mind too should be diseased. 

34. I will now tell of his mad dealings with the 
rest of Persia. He said, as they report, to Prexaspes 
—whom he held in especial honour, who brought 
him all his messages, whose son held the very honour- 
able office of Cambyses' cup-bearer—thus, I say, he 
spoke to Prexaspes: “What manner of man, 
Prexaspes, do the Persians think me to be, and how 
speak they of me?” “Sire,” said Prexaspes, “ for all 
else they greatly praise you; but they say that you 
love wine too well." So he reported of the Persians ; 
the king angrily replied: “ΙΕ the Persians now say 
that 'tis my fondness for wine that drives me to frenzy 
and madness, then it would seem that their former 
saying also was alie." For it is said that ere this, 
certain Persians and Croesus sitting with him, Cam- 
byses asked what manner of man they thought him 
to be in comparison with Cyrus his father; and they 
answered, “that Camibyses was the better man; for 
he had all of Cyrus’ possessions and had won besides 
Egypt and the sea." So said the Persians; but 
Croesus, who was present, and was ill-satisfied with 
their judgment, thus spoke to Cambyses: “To my 
thinking, son of Cyrus, you are not like your father ; 
for you have as yet no son such as he left after him 
in you.” This pleased Cambyses, and he praised 
Croesus’ judgment. | 

35. Remembering this, then, he said to Prexaspes 
in his anger : * Judge you then if the Persians speak 
truth, or rather are themselves out of their minds 


45 


HERODOTUS 


φρονέουσι; εἰ μὲν γὰρ τοῦ παιδὸς τοῦ σοῦ τοῦδε 
ἑστεῶτος ἐν τοῖσι προθύροισι βαλὼν τύχοιμι μέσης 
τῆς καρδίης, Πέρσαι φανέονται λέγοντες οὐδέν: ἣν 
δὲ ἁμάρτω, φάναι. Πέρσας τε λέγειν ἀληθέα καί 
µε μὴ σωφρονέειν." ταῦτα δὲ εἰπόντα. καὶ διατεί- 
ναντα τὸ τόξον βαλεῖν τὸν παῖδα, πεσόντος δὲ τοῦ 
παιδὸς ἀνασχίζειν αὐτὸν κελεύειν καὶ σκέψασθαι 
τὸ βλῆμα' ὡς δὲ ἐν τῇ καρδίῃ εὑρεθῆναι. ἐνεόντα 
τὸν ὀϊστόν, εἰπεῖν πρὸς τὸν πατέρα τοῦ παιδὸς 
γελάσαντα καὶ περιχαρέα γενόμενον “Πρήξασπες, 
ὡς μὲν ἐγώ τε οὐ μαίνομαι Πέρσαι τε παραφρο- 
νέουσι, δῆλά τοι γέγονε. νῦν δέ μοι εἰπέ, τίνα 
εἶδες ἤδη πάντων ἀνθρώπων οὕτω ἐπίσκοπα τοξεύ- 
οντα;᾽ Πρηξάσπεα δὲ ὁρῶντα ἄνδρα οὐ φρενήρεα 
καὶ περὶ ἑωυτῷ δειμαίνοντα εἰπεῖν “Δέσποτα, οὐδ᾽ 
ἂν αὐτὸν ἔγωγε δοκέω τὸν θεὸν οὕτω ἂν καλῶς 
βαλεῖν.᾽ τότε μὲν ταῦτα ἐξεργάσατο, ἑτέρωθι 
δὲ Περσέων. ὁμοίους τοῖσι πρώτοισι δυώδεκα ἐπ᾿ 
οὐδεμιῇ αἰτίῃ ἀξιοχρέῳ ἑλὼν ζώοντας ἐπὶ κεφαλὴν 
κατώρυξε. 

36. Ταῦτα δέ μιν ποιεῦντα ἐδικαίωσε Κροῖσος 
ὁ Λυδὸς νουθετῆσαι τοῖσιδε τοῖσι ἔπεσι, «Ὦ 
βασιλεῦ, μὴ πάντα ἡλικίῃ καὶ θυμῷ ἐπίτραπε, 
ἀλλ) ἴσχε καὶ καταλάμβανε σεωυτόν: ἀγαθόν τι 
πρόνοον εἶναι, σοφὸν δὲ ἡ προμηθίη. σὺ δὲ κτείνεις 
μὲν ἄνδρας σεωυτοῦ πολιήτας ἐπ᾽ οὐδεμιῇ αἰτίη 
ἀξιοχρέφ ἑλών, κτείνεις δὲ παῖδας. ἣν δὲ πολλὰ 
τοιαῦτα ποιέῃς, ὅρα ὅκως μή σευ ἀποστήσονται 
Πέρσαι. ἐμοὶ δὲ πατὴρ σὸς Κῦρος ἐνετέλλετο 
πολλὰ κελεύων σε νουθετέειν καὶ ὑποτίθεσθαι ὅ ὅ 
τι ἂν εὑρίσκω ἀγαθόν." ὃ μὲν δὴ εὐνοίην φαίνων 
συνεβούλευέ οἱ ταῦτα" ὃ ὃ ἀμείβετο τοῖσιδε. “Σὺ 


46 


BOOK III. 35-36 


when they so speak of me. Yonder stands your son 
in the porch; now if I shoot and pierce his heart, 
that will prove the Persians to be wrong; if I miss, 
then say that they are right and I out of my senses." 
So saying he drew his bow and hit the boy, and bade 
open the fallen body and examine the wound : and 
the arrow being found in the heart, Cambyses 
laughed in great glee and said to the boy's father: 
* [t is plain, Prexaspes, that I am in my right mind 
and the Persians mad; now tell me: what man in the 
world saw you ever that shot so true to the mark?" 
Prexaspes, it is said, replied (for he saw that Cam- 
byses was mad, and he feared for his own life), 
* Master, I think that not even the god himself 
could shoot so true." Thus did Cambyses then; 
at another time he took twelve Persians, equal to 
the noblest in the land, proved them guilty of some 
petty offence, and buried them head downwards 
and alive. 

36. Forthese acts Croesus the Lydian thought fit to 
take him to task, and thus addressed him: “Sire, 
do not ever let youth and passion have their way; 
put some curb and check on yourself; prudence is a 
good thing, forethought is wisdom. But what of you? 
you put to death men of your own country proved 
guilty of but a petty offence ; ay, and you kill boys. 
If you do often so, look to it lest the Persians revolt 
from you. As for me, your father Cyrus earnestly 
bade me counsel you and give you such advice as I 
think to be good." Croesus gave him this counsel 
out of goodwill; but Cambyses answered : “It is very 


47 


HERODOTUS 


καὶ ἐμοὶ τολμᾷς συμβουλεύειν, ὃς χρηστῶς μὲν 
τὴν σεωυτοῦ πατρίδα ἐπετρόπευσας, εὖ δὲ τῷ 
πατρὶ τῷ ἐμῷ συνεβούλευσας, κελεύων αὐτὸν 
᾿Αράξεα ποταμὸν διαβάντα ἰέναι ἐπὶ Μασσαγέτας, 
βουλομένων ἐκείνων διαβαίνειν. ἐς τὴν ἡμετέρην, 
καὶ ἀπὸ ) μὲν σεωυτὸν. ὤλεσας τῆς σεωυτοῦ πατρί- 
δος κακῶς προστάς, ἀπὸ δὲ ὤλεσας Κῦρον πειθό- 
μενον σοί, ἀλλ᾽ οὔτι χαίρων, ἐπεί τοι καὶ πάλαι 
ἐς σὲ ᾿προφάσιός τευ ἐδεόμην ἐπιλαβέσθαι.᾽ ταῦτα 
δὲ εἴπας ἐλάμβανε τὸ τόξον ὡς κατατοξεύσων 
αὐτόν, Κροῖσος δὲ ἀναδραμὼν͵ ἔθεε ἔξω. ὃ δὲ 
ἐπείτε τοξεῦσαι οὐκ εἶχε, ἐνετείλατο τοῖσι θερά- 
πουσι λαβόντας μιν ἀποκτεῖναι. οἱ δὲ θεράποντες 
ἐπιστάμενοι τὸν τρόπον αὐτοῦ κατακρύπτουσι τὸν 
Κροῖσον ἐπὶ τῷδε τῷ λόγῳ ὥστε, εἰ μὲν μεταμε- 
λήσῃ τῷ Καμβύσῃ. καὶ ἐπιξητέῃ τὸν Κροῖσον, οἳ 
δὲ ἐκφήναντες αὐτὸν δῶρα λάμψονται ἑωάγρια 
Κροίσου, ἢ ἦν δὲ μὴ μεταμέληται μηδὲ ποθέῃ μιν, 
τότε καταχρᾶσθαι. ἐπόθησέ τε δὴ ὁ ὁ Καμβύσης 
τὸν Κροῖσον οὐ πολλῷ μετέπειτα χρόνῳ ὕστερον, 
καὶ οἱ θεράποντες μαθόντες τοῦτο ἐπηγγέλλοντο 
αὐτῷ ὡς περιείη. Καμβύσης, δὲ Κροίσῳ μὲν 
συνήδεσθαι ἔφη περιεόντι, ἐκείνους μέντοι τοὺς 
περιποιήσαντας οὐ καταπροΐξεσθαι ἀλλ᾽ ἀποκτε- 
νέειν' καὶ ἐποίησε ταῦτα. 

37. “O μὲν δὴ τοιαῦτα πολλὰ ἐς Πέρσας τε καὶ 
τοὺς συμμάχους ἐξεμαίνετο, μένων ἐν Μέμφι καὶ 
ήκας τε παλαιὰς ἀνοίγων καὶ σκεπτόμενος τοὺς 
νεκρούς. ἃς δὲ δὴ καὶ ἐς τοῦ Ἡφαίστου τὸ ἱρὸν 
mr ε καὶ πολλὰ τῷ ἀγάλματι κατεγέλασε. ἔστι 
γὰρ τοῦ Ἡφαίστου τῶγαλμα τοῖσι Φοινικηΐοισι 
Παταΐκοισι ἐμφερέστατον, τοὺς οἱ Φοίνικες ἐν 


48 


BOOK III. 36-37 


well that you should dare to counsel me too; you, who 
governed your own country right usefully, and gave 
fine advice to my father—bidding him, when the 
Massagetae were willing to cross over into our lands, 
to pass the Araxes and attack them; thus you 
wrought your own ruin by misgoverning your country, 
and Cyrus's by overpersuading him. Nay, but you 
shall rue it; long have I waited for a pretext to deal 
with you.” With that Cambyses took his bow to 
shoot him dead ; but Croesus leapt up and ran out; 
and Cambyses, being unable to shoot him, charged 
his attendants to take and kill him. They, knowing 
Cambyses’ mood, hid Croesus; being minded, if Cam- 
byses should repent and seek for Croesus, to reveal 
him and receive gifts for saving his life; but if he 
should not repent nor wish Croesus back, then to 
kill the Lydian. Not long after this Cambyses did 
wish Croesus back, perceiving which the attendants 
told him that Croesus was alive. Cambyses said that 
he too was glad of it; but that they, who had saved 
Croesus alive, should not go scot free, but be killed ; 
and this was done. 

37. Many such mad deeds did Cambyses to the 
Persians and his allies; he abode at Memphis, and 
there opened ancient coffins and examined the dead 
bodies. Thus too he entered the temple of He- 
phaestus and made much mockery of the image there. 
This image of Hephaestus is most like to the Phoe- 
nician Pataici! which the Phoenicians carry on the 


1 The Phoenician Mardixos (as the Greeks called him) was 
the Ptah or Patah of Egypt whom the Greeks identified 
with Hephaestus; always in the form of a dwarf. 

49 

VOL. 11. E 


HERODOTUS 


τῇσι πρώρῃσι τῶν τριηρέων περιάγουσι. ὃς δὲ 
τούτους μὴ ὄπωπε, ὧδε σημανέω" πυγμαίου ἀνδρὸς 
μίμησις ἐστί. ἐσῆλθε δὲ καὶ ἐς τῶν Καβείρων τὸ 
ἱρόν, ἐς τὸ οὐ θεμιτόν ἐ ἐστι ἐσιέναι ἄλλον γε ἢ τὸν 
ἱρέα' ταῦτα δὲ τὰ ἀγάλματα καὶ ἐνέπρησε πολλὰ 
κατασκώψας. ἔστι δὲ καὶ ταῦτα ὅμοια τοῖσι. τοῦ 
Ἡφαίστου: τούτου δὲ σφέας παῖδας λέγουσι εἶναι. 
|. 38. Πανταχῇ ὧν μοι δῆλα ἐστὶ ὅτι ἐμάνη 
| μεγάλως ὁ Καμβύσης" οὐ γὰρ ἂν potat . τε καὶ 
νομαίοισι ἐπεχείρησε καταγελᾶν. εἰ γάρ τις προ- 
θείη πᾶσι ἀνθρώποισι ἐκλέξασθαι κελεύων νόμους 
τοὺς καλλίστους ἐκ τῶν πάντων νόμων, διασκε- 
ψάµενοι ἂν ἑλοίατο ἕκαστοι τοὺς ἑωυτῶν: οὕτω 
νομίξουσι πολλόν τι καλλίστους τοὺς ἑωυτῶν 


νόμους ἕκαστοι εἶναι. οὔκων οἰκός ἐστι ἄλλον γε) 


À / y / \ ^ / 
ἢ μαινόμενον ἄνδρα γέλωτα τὰ τοιαῦτα τίθεσθαι. 


e \ e / M \ / / 
ὡς δὲ οὕτω Vevopika gt τὰ περὶ τοὺς νόμους πάντες. 


ἄνθρωποι, πολλοῖσί τε καὶ ἄλλοισι τεκμηρίοισι 
πάρεστι σταθμώσασθαι, ἐν δὲ δὴ καὶ τῷδε. Δαρεῖος 
ἐπὶ τῆς ἑωυτοῦ ἀρχῆς καλέσας Ἑλλήνων τοὺς 
παρεόντας εἴρετο ἐπὶ κόσῳ ἂν χρήματι βουλοίατο 
τοὺς πατέρας ἀποθνήσκοντας κατασιτέεσθαι' oÙ 
δὲ ἐπ᾽ οὐδενὶ ἔφασαν ἔρδειν ἃ ἂν τοῦτο. Δαρεῖος 
δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα καλέσας Ἰνδῶν τοὺς καλεομένους 
Καλλατίας, οἳ τοὺς γονέας κατεσθίουσι, εἴρετο, 
παρεόντων τῶν Ἑλλήνων καὶ δι ἑρμηνέος μανθα- 
νόντων τὰ λεγόμενα, ἐπὶ τίνι χρήματι δεξαίατ᾽ ἂν 
τελευτῶντας τοὺς πατέρας κατακαίειν πυρί" οἳ δὲ 
ἀμβώσαντες μέγα εὐφημέειν μιν ἐκέλευον. οὕτω 
μέν νυν ταῦτα νενόμισται, καὶ ὀρθῶς µοι δοκέει 
Πίνδαρος ποιῆσαι νόμον πάντων βασιλέα φήσας 
εἶναι. 


5Ο 


BOOK III. 37-38 


prows of their triremes. I will describe it for him 
who has not seen these figures: it is in the likeness 
of a dwarf. Also he entered the temple of the 
Cabeiri, into which none may enter save the priest ; 
the images here he even burnt, with bitter mockery. 
These also are like the images of Hephaestus, and are 
said to be his sons. 

38. I hold it then in every way proved that Cam- 
byses was very mad; else he would never have set 
himself to deride religion and custom. For if it were 
proposed to all nations to choose which seemed best 
of all customs, each, after examination made, would 
place its own first; so well is each persuaded that its 
own are by far the best. It is not therefore to be. 
supposed that any, save a madman, would turn such 
things to ridicule. I will give this one proof among 
many from which it may be inferred that all men hold 
this belief about their customs :—When Darius was 
king,he summoned theGreeks who were with him and 
asked them what price would persuade them to eat 
their fathers' dead bodies. They answered that there 
was no price for which they would do it. Then he 
summoned those Indians who are called Callatiae,! 
who eat their parents, and asked them (the Greeks 
being present and understanding by interpretation 
what was said) what would make them willing to 
burn their fathers at death. The Indians cried aloud, 
that he should not speak of so horrid an aet. So 
firmly rooted are these beliefs; and it is, I think, 
rightly said in Pindar’s poem that use and wont 
is lord of all.? 


1 Apparently from Sanskrit Kdla= black. 
2 vóuos ὁ πάντων βασιλεὺς θνατῶν τε καὶ ἀθανάτων ; quoted in 
Plato's Gorgias from an otherwise unknown poem of Pindar. 


σι 
E 2 


HERODOTUS 


39. Καμβύσεω δὲ ἐπ Αἴγυπτον στρατευομένου 
ἐποιήσαντο καὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι στρατηΐην ἐπὶ 
Σάμον τε καὶ Πολυκράτεα τὸν Αἰάκεος" ὃς ἔσχε. 
Σάμον é ἐπαναστάς, καὶ τὰ μὲν πρῶτα τριχῆ δασά-᾽ 
μενος τὴν πόλιν . | τοῖσι ἀδελφεοῖσι, Πανταγνώτῳ 
καὶ Συλοσῶντι ἔνειμε, μετὰ δὲ τὸν μὲν αὐτῶν 
ἀποκτείνας τὸν δὲ νεώτερον Συλοσῶντα ἐξελάσας 
ἔσχε πᾶσαν Σάμον, σχὼν δὲ ξεινίην ᾿Αμάσι τῷ 
Αἰγύπτου βασιλέι συνεθήκατο, πέμπων τε δῶρα 
καὶ δεκόμενος ἄλλα παρ᾽ ἐκείνου. ἐν χρόνῳ δὲ 
ὀλίγῳ αὐτίκα τοῦ Πολυκράτεος τὰ πρήγματα 
ηὔξετο καὶ ἦν βεβωμένα ἀνά τε τὴν ᾿Ιωνίην καὶ 
τὴν ἄλλην Ἑλλάδα: ὅκου γὰρ ἰθύσειε στρατεύ- 
εσθαι, πάντα οἱ ἐχώρεε εὐτυχέως. ἔκτητο δὲ 
πεντηκοντέρους τε ἑκατὸν καὶ χιλίους τοξότας, 
ἔφερε δὲ καὶ ἦγε πάντας διακρίνων οὐδένα: τῷ 
γὰρ φίλῳ ἔφη χαριεῖσθαι μᾶλλον ἀποδιδοὺς τὰ 
ἔλαβε ἡ ῆ ἀρχὴν μηδὲ λαβών. συχνὰς μὲν δὴ τῶν 
νήσων ἀραιρήκεε, πολλὰ δὲ καὶ τῆς ἠπείρου ἄστεα' 
ἐν δὲ δὴ καὶ Λεσβίους πανστρατιῇ βοηθέοντας 
Μιλησίοισι ναυμαχίῃ κρατήσας εἷλε, οἳ τὴν τά- 
φρον περὶ τὸ τεῖχος τὸ ἐν Σάμῳ πᾶσαν δεδεμένοι 
ὤρυξαν. = 

40. Kat κως τὸν μασιν εὐτυχέων. μεγάλως 
ὁ Πολυκράτης οὐκ ἐλάνθανε, ἀλλά οἱ τοῦτ᾽ ἦν 
ἐπιμελές. πολλῷ δὲ ἔτι πλεῦνός οἱ εὐτυχίης γινο- 
μένης γράψας ἐς βυβλίον τάδε ἐπέστειλε é ἐς Σάμον. 
“A pastis Πολυκράτεϊ ὧδε λέγει. ἡδὺ μὲν πυνθά- 
νεσθαι ἄνδρα φίλον καὶ ' ξεῖνον εὖ πρήσσοντα" ἐμοὶ 
δὲ αἱ σαὶ μεγάλαι εὐτυχίαι οὐκ ἀρέσκουσι, τὸ 
θεῖον ἐπισταμένῳ ὡς ἔστι φθονερόν' καί κως βού- 


1 σύν or ἅμα is probably omitted. 


52 


BOOK III. 39-40 


39. While Cambyses was attacking Egypt, the 
Lacedaemonians too made war upon Samos and 
Aeaces’ son Polycrates. He had revolted and won 
Samos,! and first, dividing the city into three parts, 
gave a share in the government to his brothers Pan- 
tagnotus and Syloson; but presently he put one of 
them to death, banished the younger, Syloson, and so 
made himself lord of all Samos; which done, he made 
a treaty with Amasis king of Egypt, sending and re- 
ceiving from him gifts. Very soon after this Polycrates 
grew to such power that he was famous in Jonia and 
all other Greek lands; for all his warlike enterprises 
prospered. An hundred fifty-oared ships he had, and 
a thousand archers, and he harried all mer alike, 
making no difference; for, he said, he would get 
more thanks if he gave a friend back what he had 
taken than if he neVer took it at all. He had taken 
many of the islands,and many of the mainland cities. 
Among others, he' conquered the Lesbians; they 
had brought all their force to aid the Milesians, and 
Polycrates worsted them in a sea-fight; it was they 
who, being his captives, dug all the fosse round the 
citadel of Samos. 

40. Now Amasis was in some wise aware and took 
good heed of Polycrates’ great good fortune; and 
this continuing to increase greatly, he wrote this 
letter and sent it to Samos: “ From Amasis to Poly- 
crates, these. It is pleasant to learn of the well- 
being of a friend and guest. But I like not these 
great successes of yours; for I know how jealous are 


1 Probably in 532 B.c. 
53 


HERODOTUS 


ο 
λομαι καὶ αὐτὸς καὶ τῶν ἂν κήδωμαι τὸ μέν τι 
εὐτυχέειν τῶν πρηγμάτων τὸ δὲ προσπταίειν, καὶ 
οὕτω διαφέρειν τὸν αἰῶνα ἐναλλὰξ πρήσσων ἢ 
εὐτυχέειν τὰ πάντα. οὐδένα γάρ κω λόγῳ οἶδα 
ἀκούσας ὅστις ἐς τέλος οὐ κακῶς ἐτελεύτησε 
πρόρριξος, εὐτυχέων τὰ πάντα. σύ νυν ἐμοὶ πει- 
θόμενος ποίησον πρὸς τὰς εὐτυχίας τοιάδε' φρον- 
Tisas τὸ ἂν εὕρῃς ἐόν τοι πλείστου ἄξιον καὶ ἐπ᾿ 
ᾧ σὺ ἀπολομένῳ μάλιστα τὴν ψυχὴν ἀλγήσεις, 
τοῦτο ἀπόβαλε οὕτω ὅκως μηκέτι ἥξει ἐς ἀνθρώ- 
πους: ἤν τε μὴ ἐναλλὰξ ἤδη τὠπὸ τούτου αἱ 
εὐτυχίαι τοι τῇσι πάθῃσι προσπύπτωσι, τρόπῳ 
τῷ ἐξ ἐμεῦ ὑποκειμένῳ ἀκέο.᾽ 

41. Taira ἐπιλεξάμενος ὁ Πολυκράτης καὶ νόῳ 


[3 
φ 


λαβὼν ὥς οἱ εὖ ὑπετίθετο “Apacs, ἐδίξητο ἐπ᾿ à 
ἂν μάλιστα τὴν ψυχὴν ἀσηθείη ἀπολομένῳ τῶν 
κειμηλίων, διζήμενος δὲ εὕρισκε τόδε. ἣν οἱ σφρη- 
yis τὴν ἐφόρεε χρυσόδετος, σμαράψδου μὲν λίθου 
ἐοῦσα, ἔργον δὲ ἦν Θεοδώρου τοῦ Τηλεκλέος Σαμίου. 
ἐπεὶ ὧν ταύτην οἱ ἐδόκεε ἀποβαλεῖν, ἐποίεε τοιάδε" 
πεντηκόντερον πληρώσας ἀνδρῶν ἐσέβη ἐς αὐτήν, 
μετὰ δὲ ἀναγαγεῖν ἐκέλευε ἐς τὸ πέλαγος" ὡς δὲ 
ἀπὸ τῆς νήσου ἑκὰς ἐγένετο, περιελόμενος τὴν 
σφρηγῖδα πάντων ὁρώντων τῶν συμπλόων ῥίπτει 
ἐς τὸ πέλαγος. τοῦτο δὲ ποιήσας ἀπέπλεε, ATL- 
κόμενος δὲ ἐς τὰ οἰκία συμφορῇ ἐχρᾶτο. 

49. Πέμπτῃ δὲ ἢ ἕκτῃ ἡμέρῃ ἀπὸ τούτων τάδε 
οἱ συνήνεικε γενέσθαι. ἀνὴρ ἁλιεὺς λαβὼν ἰχθὺν 
μέγαν τε καὶ καλὸν ἠξίου μιν Πολυκράτεῖ δῶρον 
δοθῆναι: φέρων δὴ ἐπὶ τὰς θύρας Πολυκράτεϊ 
ἔφη ἐθέλειν ἐλθεῖν ἐς ὄψιν, χωρήσαντος δέ οἱ 
τούτου ἔλεγε διδοὺς τὸν ἰχθύν “N. βασιλεῦ, ἐγὼ 


54 


BOOK III. 40-42 


the gods; and I do in some sort desire for myself 
and my friends a mingling of prosperity and mishap, 
and a life of weal and woe thus chequered, rather 
than unbroken good fortune. For from all I have 
heard I know of no man whom continual good fortune 
did not bring in the end to evil, and utter destruc- 
tion. Therefore if you will be ruled by me do this 
to mend your successes: consider what you deem 
most precious and what you will most grieve to lose, 
and cast it away so that it shall never again be seen 
among men; then, if after this the successes that 
come .to you be not chequered by mishaps, strive to 
mend the matter as I have counselled you.” 

41, Reading this, and perceiving that Amasis’ 
advice was good, Polycrates considered which of his 
treasures it would most afflict his soul to lose, and to 
this conclusion he came: he wore a seal set in gold, 
an emerald, wrought by Theodorus son of Telecles 
of Samos; being resolved to cast this away, he 
embarked in a fifty-oared ship with its crew, and 
bade them put out to sea; and when he was far from 
the island, he took off the seal-ring in sight of all 
that were in the ship and cast it into the sea. This 
done, he sailed back and went to his house, where he 
grieved for the loss. 

42. But on the fifth or sixth day from this it so 
befell that a fisherman, who had taken a fine and 
great fish, and desired to make it a gift to Polycrates, 
brought it to the door and said that he wished to be 
seen by Polycrates. This being granted to him, he gave 
the fish, saying: “QO King, I am a man that lives by 


55 


HERODOTUS 


τόνδε ἑλὼν οὐκ ἐδικαίωσα φέρειν ἐς ἀγορήν, καύπερ 
ἐὼν ἀποχειροβίοτος, ἀλλά μοι ἐδόκεε σεῦ τε εἶναι 
ἄξιος καὶ τῆς σῆς ἀρχῆς’ σοὶ δή μιν φέρων δίδωμι." 
ὃ δὲ ἡσθεὶς τοῖσι ἔπεσι ἀμείβεται τοῖσιδε. ** Kdpra 
τε εὖ ἐποίησας καὶ χάρις διπλῆ τῶν τε λόγων καὶ 
τοῦ δώρου, καί σε ἐπὶ δεῖπνον καλέομεν. ὃ μὲν 
δὴ ἁλιεὺς μέγα ποιεύμενος ταῦτα ἤιε ἐς τὰ οἰκία, 
τὸν δὲ ἰχθὺν τάμνοντες οἱ θεράποντες εὑρίσκουσι 
ἐν τῇ νηδύι αὐτοῦ ἐνεοῦσαν τὴν Πολυκράτεος 
σφρηγῖδα. ὡς δὲ εἶδόν τε καὶ ἔλαβον τάχιστα, 
ἔφερον κεχαρηκότες παρὰ τὸμ Πολυκράτεα, διδόν- 
τες δέ οἱ τὴν σφρηγῖδα ἔλεγον ὅτεῳ τρόπῳ εὑρέθη. 
τὸν δὲ ὡς ἐσῆλθε θεῖον εἶναι τὸ πρῆγμα, γράφει 
ἐς βυβλίον πάντα τὰ ποιήσαντά μιν οἷα καταλε- 
λάβηκε, γράψας δὲ ἐς Αἴγυπτον ἐπέθηκε. 

43. ᾿Επιλεξάμενος δὲ ὁ Αµασις τὸ βυβλίον τὸ 
παρὰ τοῦ Πολυκράτεος ἧκον, ἔμαθε ὅτι ἐκκομίσαι 
τε ἀδύνατον εἴη ἀνθρώπῳ ἄνθρωπον ἐκ τοῦ µέλ- 
λοντος γίνεσθαι πρήγματος, καὶ ὅτι οὐκ εὖ τελευ- 
τήσειν μέλλοι Πολυκράτης εὐτυχέων τὰ πάντα, 
ὃς καὶ τὰ ἀποβάλλει εὑρίσκει. πέμψας δέ οἱ 
κήρυκα ἐς Σάμον διαλύεσθαι ἔφη τὴν ξεινίην. 
τοῦδε δὲ εἵνεκεν ταῦτα ἐποίεε, ἵνα μὴ συντυχίης 
δεινῆς τε καὶ μεγάλης Πολυκράτεα καταλαβούσης 
αὐτὸς ἀλγήσειε τὴν ψυχὴν ὡς περὶ ξείνου ἀνδρός. 

44. "Emi τοῦτον δὴ ὧν τὸν Πολυκράτεα εὗτυ- 
χέοντα τὰ πάντα ἐστρατεύοντο Λακεδαιμόνιοι, 
ἐπικαλεσαμένων τῶν μετὰ ταῦτα Κυδωνίην τὴν ἐν 
Κρήτῃ κτισάντων Σαμίων. πέμψας δὲ κήρυκα 
λάθρῃ Σαμίων Πολυκράτης παρὰ Καμβύσεα τὸν 
Κύρου συλλέγοντα στρατὸν ἐπ᾽ Αἴγυπτον, ἐδεήθη 
ὅκως ἂν καὶ παρ᾽ ἑωυτὸν πέμψας ἐς Σάμον δέοιτο 


56 


BOOK ΠΠ. 42-44 


his calling; but when I caught this fish I thought 
best not to take it to market; it seemed to me 
worthy of you and your greatness ; wherefore I bring 
and offer it to you."  Polycrates was pleased with 
what the fisherman said; * You have done right 
well," he answered, “and I give you double thanks, 
for your words and for the gift; and I bid you to 
dinner with me." Proud of this honour, the fisher- 
man went home ; but the servants, cutting up the fish, 
found Polycrates' seal-ring in its belly; which having 
seen and taken they brought with joy to Polycrates, 
gave him the ring, and told him how it was found. 
Polycrates saw the hand of heaven in this matter; 
he wrote a letter and sent it to Egypt, telling all 
that he had done, and what had befallen him. 

43. When Amasis had read Polycrates' letter, he 
perceived that no man could save another from his 
destiny, and that Polycrates, being so continually 
fortunate that he even found what he cast away, 
must come to an evil end. So he sent a herald to 
Samos to renounce his friendship, with this intent, 
that when some great and terrible mishap overtook 
Polycrates, he himself might not have to grieve his 
heart for a friend. 

44. It was against this ever-victorious Polycrates 
that the Lacedaemonians now made war, being in- 
vited thereto by the Samians who afterwards founded 
Cydonia in Crete. Polycrates had without the know- 
ledge of his subjects sent a herald to Cambyses son 
of Cyrus, then raising an army against Egypt, to ask 
that Cambyses should send to Samos too and require 


57 


HERODOTUS 


στρατοῦ. Καμβύσης δὲ ἀκούσας τούτων προ- 
θύμως ἔπεμψε | ἐς Σάμον δεόµενος Πολυκράτεος 
στρατὸν ναυτικὸν ἅμα πέμψαι € ἑωυτῷ ἐπ ᾿Αἴγυπτον. 

ὃ δὲ ἐπιλέξας τῶν ἀστῶν τοὺς ὑπώπτευε μάλιστα 
ἐς ἑπανάστασιν ἀπέπεμπε τεσσεράκοντα τριήρεσι, 
ἐντειλάμενος Καμβύσῃ ὀπίσω τούτους μὴ ἀπο- 
πέμπειν. 

45. Οἳ μὲν δὴ λέγουσι τοὺς ἀποπεμφθέντας 
Σαμίων i ὑπὸ Πολυκράτεος οὐκ ἀπικέσθαι ἐς Αἴγυ- 
πτον, ἀλλ, ἐπείτε ἐγένοντο ἐν Καρπάθῳ πλέοντες, 
δοῦναι σφίσι λόγον, καί σφι ἁδεῖν τὸ προσωτέρω 
μηκέτι πλέειν" οἳ δὲ λέγουσι ἀπικομένους τε ἐς 
Αἴγυπτον καὶ φυλασσομένους ἐνθεῦτεν αὐτοὺς 
ἀποδρῆναι. καταπλέουσι δὲ ἐς τὴν Σάμον Πολυ- 
κράτης νηυσὶ ἀντιάσας ἐς μάχην κατέστη" νική- 
σαντες δὲ οἱ κατιόντες ἀπέβησαν ἐς τὴν νῆσον, 
πεξομαχήσαντες δὲ ἐν αὐτῇ ἑσσώθησαν, καὶ οὕτω 
δὴ ἔπλεον ἐς Λακεδαίμονα. εἰσὶ δὲ of λέγουσι 
τοὺς ἀπ Αἰγύπτου νικῆσαι Πολυκράτεα, λέγοντες 
ἐμοὶ δοκέειν οὐκ ὀρθῶς' οὐδὲν. γὰρ ἔδει σφέας 
Λακεδαίμονίους ἐπικαλέεσθαι, εἴ περ αὐτοὶ ἦσαν 
ἱκανοὶ Πολυκράτεα παραστήσασθαι. , πρὸς δὲ τού- 
τοισι οὐδὲ λόγος αἱρέει, τῷ ἐπίκουροί τε μισθωτοὶ 
καὶ τοξόται οὐκήιοι ἦσαν πλήθεϊ πολλοί, τοῦτον 
ὑπὸ τῶν κατιόντων Σαμίων ἐόντων ὀλίγων. έσσω- 
θῆναι. τῶν δ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ἑωυτῷ. ἐόντων πολιητέων τὰ 
τέκνα καὶ τὰς γυναῖκας ὁ Πολυκράτης ἐς τοὺς 
νεωσοίκους συνειλήσας εἶχε ἑτοίμους, ἦν ἄρα προ- 
διδῶσι οὗτοι πρὸς | τοὺς κατιόντας, ὑποπρῆσαι 
αὐτοῖσι τοῖσι νεωσοίκοισι. 

46. Ἐπείτε δὲ οἱ ἐξελασθέντες Σαμίων ὑπὸ 
Πολυκράτεος ἀπίκοντο ἐς τὴν Σπάρτην, κατα- 


58 


BOOK III. 44-46 


men from him. On this message Cambyses very 
readily sent to Samos, asking Polycrates to send a 
fleet to aid him against Egypt.  Polycrates chose 
out those townsmen whom he most suspected of 
planning a rebellion against him, and sent them in 
forty triremes, charging Cambyses not to send the 
men back. 

45. Some say that these Samians who were sent 
by Polycrates never came to Egypt, but having got 
as far over the sea as Carpathus there took counsel 
together and resolved to sail no further; others say 
that they did come to Egypt and escaped thence 
from the guard that was set over them. But asthey 
sailed back to Samos, Polycrates' ships met them and 
joined battle; and the returning Samians gained the | 
day and landed on the island, but were there worsted 
in a land battle, and so sailed to Lacedaemon. 
There is another story, that the Samians from Egypt 
defeated Polycrates; but to my thinking this is 
untrue; for if they were able to master Polycrates 
by themselves, they had no need of inviting the 
Lacedaemonians. Nay, moreover, it is not even rea- 
sonable to suppose that he, who had a great army of 
hired soldiers and bowmen of his own, was worsted 
by a few men like the returning Samians. Polycrates 
took the children and wives of the townsmen who 
were subject to him and shut them up in the arsenal, 
with intent to burn them and the arsenal too if their 
men should desert to the returned Samians. 

46. When the Samians who were expelled by 
Polycrates came to Sparta, they came before the 


59 


HERODOTUS 


/ } N \ y »- A 
στάντες ἐπὶ τοὺς ἄρχοντας ἔλεγον πολλὰ ola 
κάρτα δεόμενοι: ot δέ σφι τῇ πρώτη καταστάσι 
ὑπεκρίναντο τὰ μὲν πρῶτα λεχθέντα ἐπιλελῆσθαι, 
τὰ δὲ ὕστατα οὐ συνιέναι. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα δεύτερα 

/ y N , > 207 4 . 
καταστάντες ἄλλο μὲν εἶπον οὐδέν, θύλακον δὲ 

/ y A / 3 / / 
φέροντες ἔφασαν τὸν θύλακον ἀλφίτων δέεσθαι. 
D , ^ 
ot δέ σφι ὑπεκρίναντο τῷ θυλάκῳ περιεργάσθαι’ 

, ^ 
βΒοηθέειν δ᾽ àv ἔδοξε αὐτοῖσι. 

47. Καὶ ἔπειτα παρασκευασάμενοι ἐστρατεύ- 
οντο Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἐπὶ Σάμον, ὡς μὲν Σάμιοι 
λέγουσι, εὐεργεσίας ἐκτίνοντες, ὅτι σφι πρό- 
τεροι αὐτοὶ νηυσὶ ἐβοήθησαν ἐπὶ Μεσσηνίους" 
ὡς δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι λέγουσι, οὐκ οὕτω τιµω- 
ρῆσαι δεομένοισι Σαμίοισι ἐστρατεύοντο ὡς 

/ ^ ^ ^ ^ 
τίσασθαι βουλόμενοι τοῦ κρητῆρος τῆς ἁρπαγῆς, 
/ ^ "^ 
τὸν ἦγον Κροίσῳ, καὶ τοῦ θώρηκος, τὸν αὐτοῖσι 
”Αμασις ὁ Αἰγύπτου βασιλεὺς ἔπεμψε δῶρον. καὶ 
γὰρ θώρηκα ἐληίσαντο τῷ προτέρῳ ἔτεϊ ἢ τὸν 
- [4 
κρητῆρα οἱ Σάμιοι, ἐόντα μὲν λίνεον καὶ ζῴων 
ἐνυφασμένων συχνῶν, κεκοσμημένον δὲ χρυσῷ καὶ 
^ 5 
εἰρίοισι ἀπὸ ξύλου: τῶν δὲ εἵνεκα θωμάσαι ἄξιον, 
ἁρπεδόνη ἑκάστη τοῦ θώρηκος ποιέει" ἐοῦσα γὰρ 
λεπτὴ ἔχει ἁρπεδόνας ἐν ἑωυτῇ τριηκοσίας καὶ 
ἑξήκοντα, πάσας φανεράς. τοιοῦτος ἕτερος ἐστὶ 

δὶ b > / > / ^9 / v 
καὶ τὸν ἐν Λίνδῳ ἀνέθηκε τῇ Αθηναίῃ "A pacis. 

48. Συνεπελάβοντο δὲ τοῦ στρατεύματος τοῦ 
3 , ” / N 4 
ἐπὶ Σάμον ὥστε γενέσθαι καὶ Κορίνθιοι προθύμως" 

΄ ^ 

ὕβρισμα γὰρ καὶ ἐς τούτους εἶχε ἐκ τῶν Σαμίων 
γενόμενον γενεῇ πρότερον τοῦ στρατεύμάτος τούτου, 

/ ^ ^ ^ ^ 
κατὰ δὲ τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον τοῦ κρητῆρος τῇ ἁρπαγῇ 

[4 ^ 

γεγονός. «Κερκυραίων γὰρ παῖδας τριηκοσίους 
, ^ ^ ’ / M [4 3 
ἀνδρῶν τῶν πρώτων Περίανδρος ὁ Κυψέλου ἐς 
6ο 


BOOK III. 46-48 


ruling men and made a long speech to, show the 
greatness of their need. But the Spartans at their 
first sitting answered that they had forgotten the 
beginning of the speech and could not understand 
its end. After this the Samians came a second time 
with a sack, and said nothing but this: “The sack 
wants meal" To this the Spartans replied: * Your 
‘sack’ was needless"!; but they did resolve to help 
them. 

47. The Lacedaemonians then equipped and sent 
an army to Samos; the Samians say that this was 
the requital of services done, they having first sent a 
fleet to help the Lacedaemonians against Messenia ; 
but the Lacedaemonians say that they sent this army 
less to aid the Samians in their need than to avenge 
the robbery of the bowl which they had been carrying 
to Croesus and the breastplate which Amasis King 
of Egypt had sent them as a gift. This breastplate 
had been stolen away by the Samians in the year 
before they took the bowl; it was of linen, decked 
with gold and cotton embroidery, and inwoven with 
many figures; but what makes the wonder of it is 
each several thread; it is delicate work, containing 
three hundred and sixty threads, each plainly seen. 
It is the exact counterpart of that one which Amasis 
dedicated to Athene in Lindus. 

48. The Corinthians also helped zealously to further 
the expedition against Samos. They too had been 
treated in a high-handed fashion by the Samians a 
generation before this expedition, about the time of 
the robbery of the bowl. Periander son of Cypselus 
sent to Alyattes at Sardis three hundred boys, sons 


1 It would have been enough (the Lacedaemonians meant) 
to say ἀλφίτων δέεται, without using the word θύλακος. 


61 


HERODOTUS 


Σάρδις ἀπέπεμψε παρὰ ᾿Αλυάττεα ἐπ᾽ ἐκτομῇ' 
προσσχόντων δὲ ἐς τὴν Σάμον τῶν ἀγόντων τοὺς 
παῖδας Κορινθίων, πυθόμενοι οἱ Σάμιοι τὸν λόγον, 
ἐπ᾽ οἷσι a ἀγοίατο ἐς Σάρδις, πρῶτα μὲν τοὺς παῖδας 
ἐδίδαξαν í ἱροῦ ἄψασθαι ᾿Αρτέμιδος" μετὰ δὲ οὐ 
᾿περιορῶντες ἀπέλκειν τοὺς ἱκέτας ἐκ τοῦ ἱροῦ, 
σιτίων δὲ τοὺς παῖδας é ἐργόντων Κορινθίων, ἐ ἐποιή- 
σαντο οἱ Zápor ὁρτήν, τῇ καὶ νῦν ἔτι χρέωνται 
κατὰ ταὐτά. νυκτὸς γὰρ, ἐπιγενομένης, ὅσον 
χρόνον ἱκέτευον οἱ παῖδες, i ἵστασαν χοροὺς παρ- 
θένων τε καὶ ἠιθέων, ἱστάντες δὲ τοὺς χοροὺς 
τρωκτὰ σησάµου τε καὶ μέλιτος ἐποιήσαντο νόμον 
φέρεσθαι, ἶνα ἁρπάξοντες οἱ τῶν Κερκυραίων 
παῖδες ἔχοιεν τροφήν. ἐς τοῦτο δὲ τόδε ἐγίνετο, 
ἐς ὃ οἱ Κορίνθιοι τῶν παίδων οἱ φύλακοι οἴχοντο 
ἀπολιπόντες: τοὺς δὲ παῖδας ἀπήγαγον ἐς Κέρκυ- 
ραν οἱ Σάμιοι. 

49. Ei μέν νυν Περιάνδρου τελευτήσαντος τοῖσι 
Κορινθίοισι φίλα ἡ Ἵν πρὸς τοὺς Κερκυραίους, οἳ δὲ 
οὐκ ἂν συνελάβοντο τοῦ στρατεύματος τοῦ ἐπὶ 
Σάμον ταύτης εἵνεκεν τῆς αἰτίης. νῦν δὲ αἰεὶ 
ἐπείτε ἔκτισαν τὴν νῆσον εἰσὶ ἀλλήλοισι διάφοροι, 
ἐόντες ἑωυτοῖσι. . «} τούτων ὧν εἵνεκεν ἀπεμνη- 
σικάκεον τοῖσι Σαμίοισι οἱ Κορίνθιοι. 

50. ᾿Απέπεμπε δὲ ἐς Σάρδις ἐπ᾽ ἐκτομῇ Περί- 
ανδρος τῶν πρώτων Κερκυραίων ἐπιλέξας τοὺς 
παῖδας τιμωρεύμενος" πρότεροι γὰρ οἱ Κερκυραῖοι 
ἦρξαν ἐς αὐτὸν πρῆγμα ἀτάσθαλον ποιήσαντες. 
ἐπείτε γὰρ, τὴν ἑωυτοῦ γυναῖκα Μέλισσαν Περί- 
ανδρος ἀπέκτεινε, συμφορὴν τοιήνδε οἱ ἄλλην 


1 I assume in translation that some word, συγγενέες or 
ὁμαίμονες, has dropped out. 


62 


BOOK III. 48-50 


of notable men in Corcyra, to be made eunuchs. The 
Corinthians who brought the boys put in at Samos; 
and when the Samians heard why the boys were 
brought, first they bade them take sanctuary in the 
temple of Artemis, then they would not suffer the 
suppliants to be dragged from the temple; and when - 
the Corinthians tried to starve the boys out, the 
Samians made a festival which they still celebrate 
in the same fashion; as long as the boys took 
refuge, nightly dances of youths and maidens were 
ordained to which it was made a custom to bring 
cakes of sesame and honey, that the Corcyraean boys 
might snatch these and so be fed. This continued 
to be done till the Corinthian guards left their 
charge and departed, and the Samians took the boys 
back to Corcyra. 

49. Now had the Corinthians after Periander's 
death been well disposed towards the Corcyraeans, 
they would not have aided in the expedition against 
Samos only for the reason given. But as it was, ever 
since the island was colonised they have been at feud 
with each other, for all their kinship. For these 
reasons the Corinthians bore a grudge against the 
Samians. 

50. It was in vengeance that. Periander chose the 
sons of the notable Corcyraeans and sent them to 
Sardis to be made eunuchs; for the Corcyraeans had 
first begun the quarrel by committing aterrible crime 
against him. For after killing his own wife Melissa, 
Periander suffered yet another calamity besides what 

63 


HERODOTUS 


συνέβη πρὸς τῇ γεγονυίῃ γενέσθαι. ἡσάν οἱ ἐκ 
Μελίσσης δύο παῖδες, ἡλικίην ὃ μὲν ἑπτακαίδεκα 
ὃ δὲ ὀκτωκαίδεκα ἔ ἔτεα γεγονώς. τούτους ὁ µητρο- 
πάτωρ Προκλέης ἐὼν Επιδαύρου τύραννος µετα- 
πεμψάμενος παρ᾽ ἑωυτὸν ἐφιλοφρονέετο, ὡς οἰκὸς 
ἦν θυγατρὸς ἐόντας τῆς ἑωυτοῦ παῖδας. ἐπείτε 
δὲ σφέας ἀπεπέμπετο, εἶπε προπέμπων αὐτούς 
τ Άρα. ἴστε, à παῖδες, ὃ ὃς ὑμέων τὴν μητέρα ἀπέ- 
κτεινε;” τοῦτο τὸ ἔπος ὁ μὲν πρεσβύτερος αὐτῶν 
ἐν οὐδενὶ λόγῳ ἐποιήσατο' ὁ δὲ νεώτερος, τῷ 
οὔνομα ἦν Λυκόφρων, ἤλγησε ἀκούσας οὕτω ὥστε 
ἀπικόμενος ἐς τὴν Κόρινθον ἅτε φονέα, τῆς μητρὸς 
τὸν πατέρα οὔτε προσεῖπε, διαλεγομένῳ τε οὔτε 
προσδιελέγετο ἱ ἱστορέοντί, τε λόγον οὐδένα ἐδίδου. 
τέλος δέ μιν περιθύμως € ἔχων ὁ Περίανδρος ἐξε- 
ae ἐκ τῶν οἰκίων. 

. Ἐξελάσας δὲ τοῦτον ἱστόρεε τὸν πρεσβυύ- 
on τά σφι ὁ μητροπάτωρ διελέχθη. ὃ δέ οἱ 
ἀπηγέετο ὡς σφέας φιλοφρόνως ἐδέξατο: ἐκείνου 
δὲ τοῦ ἔπεος τό σφι ὁ Ἡροκλέης ἀποστέλλων εἶπε, 
ἅτε οὐ νόῳ λαβών, οὐκ ἐμέμνητο. Περίανδρος δὲ 
οὐδεμίαν μηχανὴν ἔφη εἶναι μὴ οὔ σφι ἐκεῖνον 
ὑποθέσθαι TL, ἐλιπάρεέ τε ἱστορέων" ὃ δὲ ἆ ἀναμνη- 
σθεὶς εἶπε καὶ τοῦτο. Περίανδρος δὲ νόῳ λαβὼν 
[καὶ τοῦτο]! καὶ μαλακὸν ἐνδιδόναι βουλόμενος 
οὐδέν, τῇ ὁ ἐξελασθεὶς ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ παῖς δίαιταν 
ἐποιέετο, ἐς τούτους πέμπων ἄγγελον ἀπηγόρευε 
μή μιν δέκεσθαι οἰκίοισι. ὃ δὲ ὅκως ἀπελαυνό- 
μενος ἔλθοι ἐς ἄλλην οἰκίην, ἀπηλαύνετ᾽ ἂν καὶ 
ἀπὸ ταύτης, ἀπειλέοντός τε τοῦ Περίανδρου τοῖσι 
δεξαμένοισι καὶ ἐξέργειν κελεύοντος: ἀπελαυνό- 

1 Stein brackets καὶ τοῦτο, as a repetition from the last line. 


64 


BOOK ΠΠ. 5o-5t 


had already befallen him. He had two sons by 
Melissa, one seventeen and one sixteen years old. 
Their mother's father, Procles, the despot of Epi- 
daurus,sent for the boys and kindly entreated them, as 
was natural, seeing that they were his own daughter's. 
sons. When they left him, he said as he bade them 
farewell: “Know you, boys, him who slew your 
mother?" The elder of them paid no heed. to 
these words; but the younger, whose name was 
Lycophron, was struck with such horror when he 
heard them that when he came to Corinth he 
would speak no word to his father, as being his 
mother's murderer, nor would he answer him when 
addressed nor make any reply to his questions. At 
last Periander was so angry that he drove the boy 
from his house. 

51. Having so done he questioned the elder son, 
what their grandfather had said in converse to them. 
The boy told him that Procles had treated them 
kindly; but he made no mention of what he had 
said at parting; for he had taken no heed to it. 
Periander said it could not be but that Procles had 
given them some admonition; and he questioned 
his son earnestly ; till the boy remembered, and told 
of that also. Being thus informed, Periander was 
resolved to show no weakness ; he sent a message to 
those with whom his banished son was living and 
- bade them not entertain him in their house. So the 
boy being driven forth and going to another house 
was ever rejected there too, Periander threatening 
all who received him and bidding them keep him 


65 
VOL. II. F 


HERODOTUS 


µενος ὃ ἂν ἤιε ἐπ᾽ ἑτέρην τῶν ἑταίρων ob δὲ ἅτε 
Περιάνδρου ἐόντα παῖδα καίπερ δειμαίνοντες ὅμως 
ἐδέκοντο. 

52. Τέλος δὲ ὁ Περίανδρος. κήρυγμα ἐποιήσατο, 
os ἂν ἢ οἰκίοισι ὑποδέξηταί μιν ἢ προσδιαλεχθῇ, 
ἱρὴν ζημίην τοῦτον τῷ ᾿Απόλλωνι -ὀφείλειν, 6 ὅσην 
δὴ εἴπας. πρὸς: ὧν δὴ τοῦτο τὸ κήρυγμα οὔτε τίς 
οἱ διαλέγεσθαι οὔτε οἰκίοισι δέκεσθαι ἤθελε' πρὸς 
δὲ οὐδὲ αὐτὸς ἐκεῖνος ἐδικαίου πειρᾶσθαι ἀπειρη- 
μένου, ἀλλὰ διακαρτερέων ἐν τῇσι στοῇσι éka- 
λινδέετο. τετάρτῃ δὲ ἡ ἡμέρῃ ἰδών μιν ὁ Περίανδρος 
ἀλουσίῃσί τε καὶ à ἀσιτίῃσι συμπεπτωκότα οἴκτειρε' 
ὑπεὶς δὲ τῆς ὀργῆς ἤιε ἆσσον καὶ ἔλεγε i Ὢ παῖ, 
κότερα τούτων αἱρετώτερα ἐστί, ταῦτα τὸ νῦν 
ἔχων πρήσσεις, 7 τὴν τυραννίδα καὶ τὰ ἀγαθὰ 
τὰ νῦν ἐγὼ ἔχω, ταῦτα ἐόντα τῷ πατρὶ ἐπιτήδεον 
παραλαμβάνει», ὃ ὃς ἐὼν ἐμός τε παῖς καὶ Κορίνθου 
τῆς εὐδαίμονος βασιλεὺς ἀλήτην βίον εἶλευ, à ἀντι- 
στατέων τε καὶ ὁ ὀργῇ χρεώμενος ἐς τόν σε ἥκιστα 
ἐχρῆν. εἰ γάρ τις συμφορὴ ἐν αὐτοῖσι γέγονε, ἐξ 
ἧς ὑποψίην ἐς ἐμὲ ἔχεις, ἐ ἐμοί τε αὕτη γέγονε καὶ 
ἐγὼ αὐτῆς τὸ πλεῦν μέτοχος εἰμί, ὅσῳ αὐτός 
σφεα ἐξεργασάμην. σὺ δὲ μαθὼν ὅ ὅσῳ φθονέεσθαι 
κρέσσον ἐστὶ ἢ οἰκτείρεσθαι, ἅ ἅμα τε ὁκοῖόν τι ἐς 
τοὺς τοκέας καὶ ἐς τοὺς κρέσσονας τεθυμῶσθαι, 
ἄπιθι ἐς τὰ οἰκία.᾽ Περίανδρος μὲν τούτοισι αὐτὸν 
κατελάμβανε ὃ δὲ ἆλλο μὲν οὐδὲν ἀμείβεται τὸν 
πατέρα, ἔφη δέ ptv ἱρὴν ζημίην ὀφείλειν τῷ θεῷ 
ἑωυτῷ ἐς λόγους ἀπικόμενον. μαθὼν δὲ ὁ Περί ἐς 
ανδρος ὡς ἄπορόν TL TO κακὸν εἴη τοῦ παιδὸς καὶ 
ἀνίκητον, ἐξ ὀφθαλμῶν μιν ἀποπέμπεται στείλας 
πλοῖον ἐς Κέρκυραν: ἐπεκράτεε γὰρ καὶ ταύτης" 


66 


BOOK ΤΠ. 51-52 


out; so he would go, when driven forth, to some 
other house of his friends, who, though they were 
- afraid, did yet receive him as being Periander's son. 
52. At the last Periander made a proclamation, 
that whosoever should receive him into their houses 
or address him should be held liable to a fine con- 
secrated to Apollo, and he named the sum. In face of 
this proclamation none would address or receive the 
boy into his house; nor did the boy himself think 
well to try to defy the warning, but hardened his 
heart and lay untended in porches. After three 
days Periander saw him all starved and unwashed, 
and took pity on him: his anger being somewhat 
abated, he came near and said: * My son, which is 
the better way to choose—to follow your present 
way of life, or to obey your father and inherit my 
sovereignty and the good things which I now pos- 
sess? You are my son, and a prince of wealthy 
Corinth ; yet you have chosen the life of a vagrant, 
by withstanding and angrily entreating him who 
should least be so used by you. For if there has 
been any evil chance in the matter, which makes 
you to suspect me, ‘tis on me that it has come and 
"tis I that bear the greater share of it, inasmuch as 
the act was mine. Nay, bethink you how much 
better a thing it is to be envied than to be pitied, 
and likewise what comes of anger against parents and 
those that are stronger than you, and come away 
‘to my house." Thus Periander tried to win his son. 
But the boy only answered: “ You have made your- 
self liable to the fine consecrated to the god by 
speaking to me." Then Periander saw that his son's 
trouble was past cure or constraint, and sent him away 
im a ship to Corcyra out of his sight ; for Corcyra too 


63 
F 2 


HERODOTUS 


ἀποστείλας δὲ τοῦτον ὁ Περίανδρος ἐστρατεύετο 
ἐπὶ τὸν πενθερὸ ov Ἡροκλέα ὡς τῶν παρεόντων οἱ 
πρηγμάτων ἐόντα αἰτιώτατον, καὶ εἷλε μὲν τὴν 
᾿Επίδαυρον, εἷλε δὲ αὐτὸν Προκλέα καὶ ἐξώγρησε. 

53. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ τοῦ χρόνου προβαίνοντος ὅ τε 
ILepíavó ος παρηβήκεε καὶ συνεγινώσκετο ἑωυτῷ 
οὐκέτι Da δυνατὸς τὰ πρήγματα ἐπορᾶν τε καὶ 
διέπειν, πέμψας ἐς τὴν Κέρκυραν ἀπεκάλεε τὸν 
Λυκόφρονα ἐπὶ τὴν τυραννίδα" ἐν γὰρ δὴ τῷ 
πρεσβυτέρῳ τῶν παίδων οὔκων ἐνώρα, ἀλλά οἱ 
κατεφαίνετο εἶναι νωθέστερος. ὁ δὲ Λυκόφρων 
οὐδὲ ἀνακρίσιος ἠξίωσε τὸν φέροντα τὴν ἀγγελίην. 
Περίανδρος δὲ περιεχόμενος τοῦ νεηνίεω δεύτερα 
ἀπέστειλε ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν τὴν ἀδελφεήν, ἑωυτοῦ δὲ 
θυγατέρα, δοκέων μιν μάλιστα ταύτῃ ἂν πείθε- 
σθαι. ἀπικομένης δὲ ταύτης καὶ λεγούσης “ο 
mat, βούλεαι τήν. τε τυραννίδα ἐς ἄλλους πεσεῖν 
καὶ τὸν οἶκον τοῦ πατρὸς διαφορηθέντα μᾶλλον 7) 
αὐτός σφεα ἀπελθὼν ἔχειν; ἄπιθι ἐς τὰ οἰκία, 
παῦσαι σεωυτὸν ξημιῶν. Φιλοτιμίη κτῆμα σκαιόν. 
μὴ τῷ κακῷ τὸ κακὸν ἰῷ. πολλοὶ τῶν δικαίων 
τὰ ἐπιεικέστερα προτιθεῖσι, πολλοὶ δὲ ἤδη τὰ 
μητρώια διζήμενοι τὰ πατρώια ἀπέβαλον. τυ- 
ραννὶς͵ χρῆμα σφαλερὸν, πολλοὶ δὲ αὐτῆς ἐρασταί 
εἰσι, ὃ δὲ γέρων τε ἤδη καὶ παρηβηκώς- μὴ 
δῷς τὰ σεωυτοῦ ἀγαθὰ ἄλλοισι." ἣ μὲν δὴ τὰ 
ἐπαγωγότατα διδαχθεῖσα ὑπὸ τοῦ πατρὸς ἔλεγ 
πρὸς αὐτόν: ὃ δὲ ὑποκρινάμενος ἔφη οὖδαμ 
ἥξειν ἐς Κόρινθον, č ἔστ᾽ ἂν πυνθάνηται περιεόντ 
τὸν πατέρα. ἀπαγγειλάσης δὲ ταύτης ταῦτα, τ 
τρύτον Περίανδρος κήρυκα πέμπει Βουλόμενο 
αὐτὸς μὲν ἐς Κέρκυραν ἥκειν; ἐκεῖνον δὲ ἐκέλευ 


68 MEN 


BOOK III. 52-53 


was subject to him; which done, he sent an army 
against Procles his father-in-law (deeming him to be 
the chief cause of his present troubles), and took 
Procles himself. alive, besides taking Epidaurus. 

53. As time went on, Periander, now grown past 
his prime and aware that he could no longer oversee 
and direct all his business, sent to Corcyra inviting 
Lycophron to be despot; for he saw no hope in 
his eldest son, who seemed to him to be slow-witted. 
Lycophron refused even to answer the messenger. 
Then Periander, greatly desiring that the young man 
should come, sent to him (as the next best way) 
his own daughter, the youth’s sister, thinking 
that he would be likeliest to obey her. She came 
and said, “ Brother, would you see the sovereignty 

‘pass to others, and our father’s house plundered, 
rather than come hence and have it for your own? 
Nay, come away home and cease from punishing 
yourself. Pride is the possession of fools. Seek not 
to cure one ill by another. There be many that 
set reason before righteousness; and many that 
by zeal for their mother's cause have lost their 
father's possessions. Despotism is a thing hard to 
hold ; many covet it, and our father is now old and 
past his prime; give not what is your estate to 
others." So, by her father's teaching, she used such 
arguments as were most likely to win Lycophron; but 
he answered, that he would never come to Corinth as 
long as he knew his father to be alive. When she 
brought this answer back, Periander sent a third 
messenger, offering to go to Corcyra himself, and 


29 


HERODOTUS 


ἐς Κόρινθον ἀπικόμενον διάδοχον γίνεσθαι τῆς 
τυραννίδος. καταινέσαντος δὲ ἐπὶ τούτοισι τοῦ 
παιδός, ὁ ὁ μὲν Περίανδρος ἐστέλλετο ἐς τὴν Κέρκυ- 
ραν, ὁ δὲ παῖς οἱ ἐς τὴν Κόρινθον. μαθόντες δὲ 
οἱ Κερκυραῖοι τούτων ἕκαστα, ἵνα μή σφι Περί- 
ανδρος ἐς τὴν χώρην ἀπίκηται, κτείνουσι τὸν 
νεηνίσκον. ἀντὶ τούτων μὲν Περίανδρος Κερκυ- 
ραίους ἐτιμωρέετο. 

δ4. Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ στόλῳ μεγάλῳ ὡς ἀπί- 
κοντο, ἐπολιόρκεον Σάμον' προσβαλόντες δὲ πρὸς 
τὸ τείχος τοῦ μὲν a pos θαλάσσῃ ἑ ἑστεῶτος πύργου 
κατὰ τὸ προάστειον τῆς πόλιος ἐπέβησαν, μετὰ 
δὲ αὐτοῦ βοηθήσαντος Πολυκράτεος χειρὶ πολλῇ 
ἀπηλάσθησαν. κατὰ δὲ τὸν ἐπάνω πύργον τὸν 
ἐπὶ τῆς ῥάχιος τοῦ ὄρεος ἐπεόντα ἐπεξῆλθον οὗ τε 
ἐπίκουροι καὶ αὐτῶν Σαμίων συχνοί, δεξάμενοι δὲ, 
τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἐπ᾽ ὀλίγον χρόνον ἔφευγον 
ὀπίσω, οἳ δὲ ἐ ἐπισπόμενοι ἔκτεινον. 

55. Ei N νυν οἱ παρεόντες Λακεδαιμονίων 
ὅμοιοι ἐγένοντο ταύτην τὴν ἡμέρην ᾿Αρχίῃ. τε καὶ 
Λυκώπη, αἱρέθη ἂν Σάμος" ᾿Αρχίης γὰρ. καὶ 
Λυκώπης μοῦνοι συνεσπεσόντες φεύγουσι ἐς τὸ 
τεῖχος τοῖσι Σαμίοισι καὶ ἀποκληισθέντες τῆς 
ὀπίσω. ὁδοῦ ἀπέθανον ἐ ἐν τῇ πόλι τῇ ἢ Σαμίων. τρίτῳ 
δὲ ἀπ᾽ ᾿Αρχίεω τούτου γεγονότι ἄλλῳ ᾿Αρχίῃ τῷ 
Σαμίου τοῦ ᾿Αρχίεω αὐτὸς ἐν Πιτάνῃ συνεγενόμην 
(δήμου γὰρ τούτου ἦν), ὃς ξείνων Mi μάλιστα 
ἐτίμα τε αμίους καί οἱ τῷ πατρὶ ἔφη. Σάμιον 
τοὔνομα τεθῆναι, ὅ ὅτι οἱ ὁ πατὴρ ᾿Αρχίης ἐν Σάμῳ 
ἀριστεύσας ἐτελεύτησε’ τιμᾶν δὲ Kos ἔφη, 
διότι ταφῆναί οἱ τὸν πάππον δημοσίῃ ὑπὸ 
Σαμίων. 


7ο 


BOOK III. 53-55 


to make Lycophron, when he came, despot in 
his place. The son consented to this; Periander 
made ready to go to Corcyra and Lycophron to go to 
Corinth ; but when the Corcyraeans learnt of all 
these matters they put the young man to death, 
lest Periander should come to their country. It was 
for this that Periander desired vengeance upon them. 

54. The Lacedaemonians then came with a great 
host, and laid siege to Samos. They assailed the 
fortress and made their way into the tower by the 
seaside in the outer part of the city ; but presently 
Polycrates himself attacked them with a great force 
and drove them out. The foreign soldiery and 
many of the Samians themselves sallied out near 
the upper tower on the ridge of the hill, and with- 
stood the Lacedaemonian onset for a little while ; 
then they fled back, the Lacedaemonians pursuing 
and slaying them. 

55. Now had all the Lacedaemonians there fought 
as valiantly that day as Archias and Lycopas, Samos 
had been taken. These two alone entered the 
fortress along with the fleeing crowd of Samians, 
and their way back being barred were then slain in 
the city of Samos. I myself have met in his native 
township of Pitana ! another Archias (son of Samius, 
and grandson of the Archias afore-named), who 
honoured the Samians more than any other of his 
guest-friends, and told me that his father had 
borne the name Samius because he was the son of 
that Archias who was slain fighting gallantly at 
Samos. The reason of his honouring the Samians, 
he said, was that they hàd given his grandfather a 
public funeral. 

! A part of the town of Sparta ; Herodotus calls it by the ' 
Attic name of δῆμος; the Peloponnesian word would be κώμα. 


7! 


HERODOTUS 


56. Λακεδαιμόνιοι δέ, ὥς σφι τεσσεράκοντα 
ἐγεγόνεσαν ἡμέραι πολιορκέουσι - Σάμον ἐς τὸ 
πρόσω τε οὐδὲν προεκόπτετο τῶν πρηγμάτων, 
ἀπαλλάσσοντο ἐς Πελοπόννησον. ὡς δὲ ὁ pa- 
ταιότερος λόγος ὅρμηται, λέγεται Πολυκράτεα 
ἐπιχώριον νόμισμα κόψαντα πολλὸν μολύβδου 
καταχρυσώσαντα δοῦναί σφι, τοὺς 9ὲ δεξαμένους 
οὕτω δὴ ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι. ταύτην πρώτην στρα- 
τηίην ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίην Λακεδαιμόνιοι Δωριέες ἐποιή- 
σαντο. 

57. Οἱ δ ἐπὶ τὸν Πολυκράτεα στρατευσάμενοι 
Σαμίων, ἐπεὶ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι αὐτοὺς ἀπολιπεῖν 
ἔμελλον, καὶ αὐτοὶ ἀπέπλεον ἐς Σίφνον, χρημάτων 
γὰρ ἐδέοντο. τὰ δὲ τῶν Σιφνίων πρήγματα ἥκμαζε 
τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον, καὶ νησιωτέων μάλιστα ἐπλού- 
τεον, ἅτε ἐόντων αὐτοῖσι ἐν τῇ νήσῳ χρυσέων καὶ 
ἀργυρέων μετάλλων, οὕτω ὥστε ἀπὸ τῆς δεκάτης 
τῶν γινομένων αὐτόθεν χρημάτων θησαυρὸς ἐν 
Δελφοῖσι ἀνάκειται ὅμοια τοῖσι πλουσιωτάτοισι; 
αὐτοὶ δὲ τὰ γινόμενα τῷ ἐνιαυτῷ ἑκάστῳ χρήματα 
διενέμοντο. ὅτε ὧν ἐποιεῦντο τὸν θησαυρόν, ἐχρέ- 
ωντο τῷ χρηστηρίῳ εἰ αὐτοῖσι τὰ παρεόντα ἀγαθὰ 
old τε ἐστὶ πολλὸν χρόνον παραμένειν" ἡ δὲ 
Πυθίη ἔχρησέ σφι τάδε. 


AAN ὅταν ἐν Σίφνῳ πρυτανήια λευκὰ γένηται 

λεύκοφρύς T ἀγορή, τότε δὴ δεῖ φράδμονος 
ἀνδρός 

φράσσασθαι ξύλινόν τε λόχον κήρυκά T 


ἐρυθρόν." 


«τοῖσι δὲ Σιφνίοισι ἦν τότε ἡ ἀγορὴ καὶ τὸ πρυτα- 
νήιον Παρίῳ λίθῳ ἠσκημένα. 


72 


BOOK III. 56-5; 


56. So when the Lacedaemonians had besieged 
Samos for forty days with no success, they went 
away to Peloponnesus. There is a foolish tale 
abroad that Polycrates bribed them to depart by 
making and giving them a great number of gilt 
leaden coins, as a native currency. This was the 
first expedition to Asia made by  Dorians of 
Lacedaemon.! 

57. When the Lacedaemonians were about to 
abandon them, the Samians who had brought an 
army against Polycrates sailed away too, and went 
to Siphnus; for they were in want of money ; and 
the Siphnians were at this time very prosperous and 
the richest of the islanders, by reason of the gold 
and silver mines of the island. So wealthy were 
they that the treasury dedicated by them at Delphi, 
which is as rich as any there, was made from the 
tenth part of their revenues; and they made a dis- 
tribution for themselves of each year's revenue. 
Now when they were making the treasury they 
enquired of the oracle if their present well-being 
was like to abide long; whereto the priestess gave 
them this answer: 


* Siphnus, beware of the day when white is thy 
high prytaneum, 
White-browed thy mart likewise; right prudent 
then be thy counsel ; 
Cometh an ambush of wood and a herald red to 
assail thee.” 
At this time the market-place and town-hall of 
Siphnus were adorned with Parian marble. 


1 Not the first expedition, that is, made by any inhabitants 
of Laconia, Achaeans from that country having taken part 
in the Trojan war. 


13 


HERODOTUS 


58. Τοῦτον τὸν χρησμὸν οὐκ οἷοί τε ἦσαν 
γνῶναι οὔτε τότε εὐθὺς οὔτε τῶν Σαμίων ἀπιγ- 
μένων. ἐπείτε γὰρ τάχιστα πρὸς τὴν Σίφνον 
προσῖσχον οἱ Σάμιοι, ἔπεμπον τῶν νεῶν μίαν 
πρέσβεας ἄγουσαν ἐς τὴν πόλιν. τὸ δὲ παλαιὸν 
ἅπασαι αἱ νέες ἦσαν μιλτηλιφέες, καὶ ἦν τοῦτο 
τὸ ἡ Πυθίη προηγόρευε τοῖσι Σιφνίοισι, φυλάξα- 
σθαι τὸν ξύλινον λόχον κελεύουσα καὶ κήρυκα 
ἐρυθρόν. ἀπικόμενοι ὧν οἱ ἄγγελοι ἐδέοντο τῶν 
Σιφνίων δέκα τάλαντά σφι χρῆσαι" οὐ φασκόντων 
δὲ χρήσειν τῶν Σιφνίων αὐτοῖσι, οἱ Σάμιοι τοὺς 

ώρους αὐτῶν ἐπόρθεον. πυθόμενοι δὲ εὐθὺς ἧκον 
οἱ Σίφνιοι βοηθέοντες καὶ συμβαλόντες αὐτοῖσι 
ἑσσώθησαν, καὶ αὐτῶν πολλοὶ ἀπεκληίσθησαν 
τοῦ ἄστεος ὑπὸ τῶν Σαμίων, καὶ αὐτοὺς μετὰ 
ταῦτα ἑκατὸν τάλαντα ἔπρηξαν. 

59. Παρὰ δὲ "Ἑρμιονέων νῆσον ἀντὶ χρημάτων 
παρέλαβον “Ὑδρέην τὴν ἐπὶ Πελοποννήσῳ καὶ 
αὐτὴν Ὑροιξηνίοισι παρακατέθεντο' αὐτοὶ δὲ 
Κυδωνίην τὴν ἐν Κρήτη ἔκτισαν, οὐκ ἐπὶ τοῦτο 
πλέοντες ἀλλὰ Ζακυνθίους ἐξελῶντες ἐκ τῆς νήσου. 
ἔμειναν δ᾽ ἐν ταύτῃ καὶ εὐδαιμόνησαν ἐπ ἔτεα 
πέντε, ὥστε τὰ ἱρὰ τὰ ἐν Κυδωνίῃ ἐόντα νῦν οὗτοι 
εἰσὶ οἱ ποιήσαντες [καὶ τὸν τῆς Δικτύνης νηόν]. 
ἕκτῳ δὲ ἔτεϊ Αἰγινῆται αὐτοὺς ναυμαχίῃ νική- 
σαντες ἠνδραποδίσαντο μετὰ Κρητῶν, καὶ τῶν 
νεῶν καπρίους ἐχουσέων τὰς πρώρας ἠκρωτηρίασαν 
καὶ ἀνέθεσαν ἐς τὸ ἱρὸν τῆς ᾿Αθηναίης ἐν Αἰγίνῃ. 
ταῦτα δὲ ἐποίησαν ἔγκοτον ἔχοντες Σαμίοισι 


1 Stein thinks xal... νηόν an interpolation; the temple of 
Dictyna was at some distance from Cydonia, and the cult 
was not a Greek one. ! 


74 


BOOK III. 58-59 


58. They could not understand this oracle either 
when it was spoken or at the time of the Samians' 
coming. As soon as the Samians put in at Siphnus, 
they sent ambassadors to the town in one of their 
ships; now in ancient times all ships were painted 
with vermilion!; and this was what was meant by 
the warning given by the priestess to the Siphnians, 
to beware of a wooden ambush and a red herald. 
The messengers, then, demanded from the Siphnians 
a loan of ten talents; which being refused, the 
Samians set about ravaging their lands. Hearing 
this the Siphnians came out forthwith to drive 
them off, but they were worsted in battle, and 
many of them were cut off from their town by 
the Samians; who presently exacted from them a 
‘hundred talents. 

59. Then the Samians took from the men of 
Hermione, instead of money, the island Hydrea 
which is near to Peloponnesus, and gave it in 
charge to men of Troezen; they themselves 
settled at Cydonia in Crete, though their voyage 
had been made with no such intent, but rather to 
drive Zacynthians out of the island. Here they 
stayed and prospered for five years; indeed, the 
temples now at Cydonia and the shrine of Dictyna 
are the Samians’ work; but in the sixth year 
came Aeginetans and Cretans and overcame 
them in a sea-fight and made slaves of them; 
moreover they cut off the ships’ prows, that were 
shaped like boars’ heads, and dedicated them 
in the temple of Athene in Aegina. This the 
Aeginetans did out of a grudge against the 
Samians, who had begun the quarrel; for when 


1 μιλτοπάρῃοι is one of the Homeric epithets of ships. 


HERODOTUS 


Αὐγινῆται' πρότεροι γὰρ Lapor ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αμϕικράτεος 
βασιλεύοντος ἐν Σάμῳ στρατευσάμενοι ἐπ᾽ Αἴγιναν 
, 93 / , , \ mM” e 9 
μεγάλα κακὰ ἐποίησαν Αἰγινήτας καὶ ἔπαθον ὑπ 
ἐκείνων. ἡ μὲν αἰτίη αὕτη. 
60. Ἐμήκυνα δὲ περὶ Σαμίων μᾶλλον, ὅτι σφι 
/ , / e / e / 3 
τρία ἐστὶ μέγιστα ἁπάντων Ἑλλήνων ἐξερ- 
γασμένα, ὄρεός τε ὑψηλοῦ ἐς πεντήκοντα καὶ 
ἑκατὸν ὀργυιάς, τούτου ὄρυγμα κάτωθεν ἀρξά- 
/ ^ ^ 
μενον, ἀμφίστομον. τὸ μὲν μῆκος τοῦ ὀρύγ- 
€ . {ὃ > 7 . δὲ e M . 
ματος ἑπτὰ στάδιοι εἰσί, τὸ δὲ ὕψος καὶ εὖρος 
, κ.ε 7 , N λ Ν. > aA X 
ὀκτὼ ἑκάτερον πόδες. διὰ παντὸς δὲ αὐτοῦ ἄλλο 
ὄρυγμα εἰκοσίπηχυ βάθος ὀρώρυκται, τρίπουν δὲ 
τὸ εὖρος, δι οὗ τὸ ὕδωρ ὀχετευόμενον διὰ τῶν 
σωλήνων παραγίνεται ἐς τὴν πόλιν ἀγόμενον ἀπὸ 
μεγάλης πηγῆς. ἀρχιτέκτων δὲ τοῦ ὀρύγματος 
τούτου ἐγένετο Μεγαρεὺς Εὐπαλῖνος Ναυστρόφου. 
τοῦτο μὲν δὴ ἓν τῶν τριῶν ἐστι, δεύτερον δὲ 
περὶ λιμένα χῶμα ἐν θαλάσση, βάθος καὶ εἴκοσι 
^ ^ / 
ὀργυιέων' μῆκος δὲ τοῦ χώματος μέξον δύο σταδίων. 
τρίτον δέ σφι ἐξέργασται νηὸς μέγιστος πάντων 
νηῶν τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν' τοῦ ἀρχιτέκτων πρῶτος 
ἐγένετο Ῥοΐκος Φιλέω ἐπιχώριος. τούτων εἵνεκεν 
μᾶλλόν τι περὶ Σαμίων ἐμήκυνα. 
7 M ^ , [4 4 
6]. Καμβύσῃ δὲ τῷ Κύρου χρονίξοντι περὶ 
Αἴγυπτον καὶ παραφρονήσαντι ἐπανιστέαται 
ἄνδρες Μάγοι δύο ἀδελφεοί, τῶν τὸν ἕτερον κατα- 
λελοίπεε τῶν οἰκίων μελεδωνὸν ὁ Καμβύσης. οὗτος 
δὴ ὧν οἱ ἐπανέστη μαθών τε τὸν Σμέρδιος θάνατον 
/ 
ὡς κρύπτοιτο γενόμενος, καὶ ὡς ὀλίγοι εἴησαν οἱ 


46 


BOOK III. 59-61 


. Amphicrates was king of Samos they had sent an 
army against Aegina, whereby now the Samians 
and now the Aeginetans had suffered great harm. 
Such was the cause of the feud. 

60. I have written thus at length of the Samians, 
because they are the makers of the three greatest 
works to be seen in any Greek land. First of these 
is the double-mouthed channel pierced for an 
hundred and fifty fathoms through the base of a 
high hill; the whole channel is seven furlongs long,! 
eight feet high and eight feet wide; and through- 
out the whole of its length there runs another 
channel twenty cubits deep and three feet wide, 
wherethrough the water coming from an abundant 
spring is carried by its pipes to the city of Samos. 
The designer of this work was Eupalinus son of 
Naustrophus, a Megarian. This is one of the 
three works; the second is a mole in the sea 
enclosing the harbour, sunk full twenty fathoms, 
and more than two furlongs in length. The third 
Samian work is the temple, which is the greatest 
that I have seen; its first builder was Rhoecus 
son of Philes, a Samian. It is for this cause that 
I have written: at length more than ordinary of 
Samos. 

61. Now after Cambyses son of Cyrus had lost his 
wits, while he still lingered in Egypt, two Magians, 
who were brothers, rebelled against him.?* One of 
them had been left by Cambyses to be steward of 
his house; this man now revolted from him, per- 
ceiving that the death of Smerdis was kept secret, 


! Remains of this work show that the tunnel was only 
1100 feet long. 
3 The story dropped at ch. 38 is now taken up again. 


is 17 


HERODOTUS 


ἐπιστάμενοι αὐτὸν Περσέων, οἱ δὲ πολλοὶ περιε- 
όντα μιν εὐδείησαν. πρὸς ταῦτα βουλεύσας τάδε 
ἐπεχείρησε .τοῖσι βασιληίοισι. «ἣν οἱ ἀδελφέος, 
τὸν εἶπά οἱ συνεπαναστῆναι, οἰκὼς μάλιστα τὸ 
εἶδος Σμέρδι τῷ Κύρου, τὸν. ὁ Καμβύσης ἐόντα 
ἑωυτοῦ ἀδελφεὸν ὁ ἀπέκτεινε ἦν τε δὴ ὅ ὅμοιος εἶδος 
τῷ Σμέρδι καὶ δὴ καὶ οὔνομα τὠυτὸ εἶχε Σμέρδιν. 
τοῦτον τὸν ἄνδρα ἀναγνώσας ὁ Μάγος Πατιξείθης 
ὥς οἱ αὐτὸς πάντα διαπρήξει, εἶσε ἄγων ἐς τὸν 
βασιλήιον θρόνον. ποιήσας δὲ τοῦτο κήρυκας τῇ 
τε ἄλλῃ διέπεμπε καὶ δὴ καὶ ἐς Αἴγυπτον προερέ- 
οντα τῷ στρατῷ ὡς Σμέρδιος τοῦ Κύρου ἀκουστέα 
εἴη τοῦ λοιποῦ ἀλλ᾽ οὐ Καμβύσεω. 

62. Οἵ τε δὴ ὧν ἄλλοι κήρυκες προηγόρευον 
ταῦτα καὶ δὴ καὶ ὁ ἐπ᾽ Αἴγυπτον ταχθείς, εὕρισκε 
γὰρ Καμβύσεα καὶ τὸν στρατὸν ἐόντα τῆς Συρίης 
ἐν ᾿Αγβατάνοισι, προηγόρευε στὰς ἐς μέσον τὰ 
ἐντεταλμένα ἐκ τοῦ Μάγου. Καμβύσης δὲ ἀκού- 
σας ταῦτα ἐκ τοῦ κήρυκος καὶ ἐλπίσας μιν λέγειν 
ἀληθέα αὐτός τε προδεδόσθαι ἐκ Πρηξάσπεος 
(πεμφθέντα γὰρ αὐτὸν ὡς ἀποκτενέοντα Σμέρδιν 
οὗ ποιῆσαι ταῦτα), βλέψας ἐς τὸν Πρηξάσπεα 
εἶπε “ Πρήξασπες, οὕτω μοι διεπρήξαο τό τοι 
προσέθηκα πρῆγμα; ὃ δὲ εἶπε t Ὢ δέσποτα, οὐκ 
ἔστι ταῦτα ἀληθέα, ὅ ὅκως κοτὲ σοὶ Σμέρδις ἆδελ.- 
φεὸς σὸς ἐπανέστηκε, οὐδὲ ὅ ὅκως τι ἐξ ἐκείνου τοῦ 
ἀνδρὸς νεῖκός τοι ἔσται ἢ μέγα 7 Maid ἐγὼ 
γὰρ αὐτός, ποιήσας τὰ σύ με ἐκέλευες, ἔθαψά µιν 
χερσὶ τῇσι ἐμεωυτοῦ. εἰ μέν νυν οἱ τεθνεῶτες 
ἀνεστᾶσι, προσδέκεό τοι καὶ ᾿Αστυάγεα τὸν Μῆδον 
ἐπαναστήσεσθαι" εἰ δ᾽ ἔστι ὥσπερ πρὸ τοῦ, οὐ μή 
τί τοι ἔκ γε ἐκείνου νεώτερον ἀναβλάστῃ. νῦν ὧν 


78 


BOOK III. 61-62 


and that few persons knew of it, most of them 
believing him to be still alive. Therefore he thus 
plotted to gain the royal power: he had a brother, 
his partner, as I said, in rebellion ; this brother was 
very like in appearance to Cyrus' son, Smerdis, 
brother of Cambyses and by him put to death ; nor 
was he like him in appearance only, but he bore 
the same name also, Smerdis.  Patizeithes the 
Magian persuaded this man that he, Patizeithes, 
would manage the whole business for him; he 
brought his brother and set him on the royal 
throne; which done, he sent heralds to all parts, 
one of whom was to go to Egypt and proclaim to 
the army that henceforth they must obey not 
Cambyses but Smerdis the son of Cyrus. 

62. So this proclamation was everywhere made; 
the herald appointed to go to Egypt, finding 
Cambyses and his army at Agbatana in Syria, came 
out before them all and proclaimed the message 
given him by the Magian. When Cambyses heard 
what the herald said, he,supposed that it was truth, 
and that Prexaspes, when sent to kill Smerdis, had 
‘not so done but played Cambyses false; and he 
said, fixing his eyes on Prexaspes, *Is it thus, 
Prexaspes, that you did my behest?"  * Nay," said 
Prexaspes, “ this is no truth, sire, that your brother 
Smerdis has rebelled against you ; nor can it be that 
he will have any quarrel with you, small or great ; 
I myself did your bidding, and mine own hands 
buried him. If then the dead can rise, you may 
look to see Astyages the Mede rise up against you ; 
but if nature's order be not changed, assuredly 
no harm to you will arise from Smerdis. Now 


79 


HERODOTUS 


μοι δοκέει μεταδιώξαντας τὸν κήρυκα ἐξετάξειν 
εἰρωτεῦντας πα ὅτευ. ἥκων προαγορεύει ἡμῖν 
Σμέρδιος βασιλέος ἀκούειν. 

65. Ταῦτα. εἴπαντος Πρηξάσπεος, ἤ ἤρεσε γὰρ 
Καμβύσῃ, αὐτίκα μεταδίωκτος γενόμενος ὁ κῆρυξ 
ἧκε" ἀπιγμένον δέ μιν εἴρετο 0 Ἡρηξάσπης τάδε. 
““Ὥνθρωπε, φῇς γὰρ ἥκειν παρὰ Σμέρδιος τοῦ 
Κύρου ἄγγελος" νῦν ὧν εἴπας τὴν ἀληθείην ἄπιθι 
χαίρων, κότερα αὐτός τοι Σμέρδις φαινόμενος ἐς 
ὄψιν ἐνετέλλετο ταῦτα 7 τῶν τις ἐκείνου ὑπηρε- 
τέων." ὃ δὲ εἶπε “᾿Εγὼ Σμέρδιν μὲν τὸν Κύρου, 
ἐξ ὅτευ βασιλεὺς Καμβύσης ἤλασε ἐς Αἴγυπτον, 
οὔκω ὄπωπα' ὁ δέ μοι Μάγος τὸν Καμβύσης ἐπί- 
τροπον τῶν οἰκίων ἀπέδεξε, οὗτος ταῦτα ἐνετεί- 
λατο, φὰς Σμέρδιν τὸν Κύρου εἶναι τὸν ταῦτα 
ἐπιθέμενον εἶπαι πρὸς ὑμέας." ὃ μὲν δή σφι 
ἔλεγε οὐδὲν ἐπικατεψευσμένος, Καμβύσης δὲ εἶπε 
s Πρήξασπες, σὺ μὲν οἷα ἀνὴρ ἀγαθὸς ποιήσας 
τὸ κελευόμενον αἰτίην ἐκπέφευγας" ἐμοὶ δὲ τίς 
ἂν εἴη Περσέων ὁ ἐπανεδτεὼς ἐπιβατεύων τοῦ 
Σμέρδιος οὐνόματος; ” ὃ δὲ εἶπε “᾿Εγώ μοι δοκέω 
συνιέναι τὸ γεγονὸς τοῦτο, ὦ βασιλεῦ" οἱ Μάγοι 
εἰσί τοι οἱ ἐπανεστεῶτες, τόν τε ἔλιπες μελεδωνὸν 
τῶν οἰκίων, Πατιζείθης, καὶ ὁ τούτου ἀδελφεὸς 
Σμέρδις." 

64. ᾿Ενθαῦτα ἀκούσαντα Καμβύσεα τὸ ὁ Σμέρδιος 
οὔνομα ἔτυψε ἡ ἀληθείη τῶν τε λόγων καὶ τοῦ 
ἐνυπνίου" ὃς ἐδόκεε ἐν τῷ ὕπνῳ ἀπαγγεῖλαι τινά 
οἱ ὡς Σμέρδις ἱζόμενος ἐς τὸν βασιλήιον θρόνον 
γγαύσειε τῇ κεφαλῇ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ. μαθὼν δὲ ὡς 
μάτην ἀπολωλεκὼς εἴη τὸν -ἀδελφέον, ἀπέκλαιε 
Σμέρδιν: ἀποκλαύσας δὲ καὶ περιημεκτήσας τῇ 


δο 


BOOK III. 62-64 


therefore this is my counsel, that we pursue after 
this herald and examine him, to know from whom 
he comes with his proclamation that we must 
obey Smerdis as our king.” 

63. Cambyses thought well of Prexaspes’ counsel ; 
the herald was pursued and brought; and when he 
came, Prexaspes put this question to him: “Sirrah, 
you say that your message is from Cyrus’ son 
Smerdis; tell me this now, and you may go hence 
unpunished ; was it Smerdis who himself appeared to 
you and gave you this charge, or was it one of his 
servants?"  * Since King Cambyses marched to 
Egypt," answered the herald, “I have never myself 
seen Smerdis the son of Cyrus; the Magian whom 
Cambyses made overseer of his house gave me the 
charge, saying that it was the will of Smerdis, son 
of Cyrus, that I should make it known to you." So 
spoke the herald, telling the whole truth ; and Cam- 
byses said, ‘‘ Prexaspes, I hold you innocent; you 
have done my bidding right loyally; but who can 
this Persian be who rebels against me and usurps 
the name of Smerdis?" Prexaspes replied, “I 
think, Sire, that I understand what has been done 
here; the rebels are the Magians, Patizeithes whom 
you left steward of your house, and his brother 
Smerdis.” 

64. At the name of Smerdis, Cambyses was 
smitten to the heart by the truth of the word and 
the fulfilment of his dream; for he had dreamt that 
a message had come to him that Smerdis had sat on 
the royal throne with his head reaching to heaven ; 
and perceiving that he had killed his brother 
without cause, he wept bitterly for Smerdis. 
Having wept his fill, in great grief for all his mishap, 


81 
VOL. Il. G 


HERODOTUS 


ἁπάσῃ συμφορῇ ἀναθρώσκει ἐπὶ τὸν ἵππον, ἐν 
νόῳ ἔχων τὴν ταχίστην ἐς Σοῦσα στρατεύεσθαι 
ἐπὶ τὸν Μάγον. καί οἱ ἀναθρώσκοντι ἐπὶ τὸν 
ἵππον τοῦ κολεοῦ τοῦ ξίφεος ὁ μύκης ἀποπίπτει, 
γυμνωθὲν δὲ τὸ ξίφος παίει τὸν μηρόν" τρωματι- 
σθεὶς δὲ κατὰ τοῦτο τῇ αὐτὸς πρότερον τὸν τῶν 
Αἰγυπτίων θεὸν "Amu ἔπληξε, ὥς οἱ καιρίῃ ἔδοξε 
τετύφθαι, εἴ ρετο ὁ ) Καμβύσης ὅ 6 τι Th πόλι οὔνομα 
εἴη" οἳ δὲ εἶπαν ὅτι ᾿Αγβάτανα. τῷ δὲ ἔτι πρό- 
τερον ἐκέχρηστο ἐκ Βουτοῦς πόλιος ἐν ᾿Αγθατά-. 
νοισι τελευτήσειν τὸν βίον. ὃ μὲν δὴ ἐν τοῖσι 
Μηδικοῖσι ᾿Αγβατάνοισι ἐδόκεε τελευτήσειν Ύηραι- 
ós, ἐν τοῖσί οἱ ἦν τὰ πάντα πρήγματα: τὸ δὲ 
χρηστήριον ἐν τοῖσι ἐν Lupin | ᾿Αγβατάνοισι' ἔλεγε 
ἄρα. καὶ δὴ ὡς τότε ἐπειρόμενος ἐπύθετο τῆς 
πόλιος τὸ οὔνομα, ὑπὸ τῆς συμφορῆς τῆς τε ἐκ 
τοῦ Μάγου ἐκπεπληγμένος καὶ τοῦ τρώματος 
ἐσωφρόνησε, συλλαβὼν δὲ τὸ θεοπρόπιον εἶπε 
H ᾿Ενθαῦτα Καμβύσεα τὸν Κύρου ἐστὶ πεπρωμένον 
τελευτᾶν.᾽ 

65. Τότε μὲν τοσαῦτα. ἡμέρησι δὲ v ὕστερον ὡς 
εἴκοσι μεταπεμψάμενος Περσέων τῶν «παρεόντων 
τοὺς λογιμωτάτους ἔλεγέ σφι τάδε. “O ' Πέρσαι, 
καταλελάβηκέ με, τὸ πάντων μάλιστα ἔκρυπτον 
πρηγμάτων, τοῦτο ἐς ὑμέας ἐκφῆναι. ἐγὼ γὰρ 
ἐὼν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ εἶδον ὄψιν ἐν τῷ ὕπνῳ, τὴν 
μηδαμὰ ὄφελον ἰδεῖν" ἐδόκεον δέ μοι ἄγγελον 
ἐλθόντα ἐξ οἴκου ἀγγέλλειν ὡς Σμέρδις ἱζόμενος 
ἐς τὸν βασιλήιον θρόνον ψαύσειε τῇ κεφαλῇ τοῦ 
οὐρανοῦ. δείσας δὲ μὴ ἀπαιρεθέω τὴν ἀρχὴν πρὸς 
τοῦ ἀδελφεοῦ, ἐ ἐποίησα ταχύτερα 5 σοφώτερα" ἐν 
τῇ γὰρ ἀνθρωπηίῃ φύσι οὐκ ἐνῆν ἄρα τὸ μέλλον 


82 


BOOK III. 64-65 


he leapt upon his horse, with intent to march forth- 
with to Susa against the Magian. As he mounted, 
the scabbard end of his sword slipped off, and the 
naked blade struck his thigh, wounding him in the 
same part where he himself had once smitten the 
Egyptian god Apis; and believing the blow to be 
mortal, Cambyses asked what was the name of the 
town where he was. They told him it was Agbatana. . 
Now a prophecy had ere this come to him from 
Buto, that he would end his life at Agbatana; 
Cambyses supposed this to signify that he would 
die in old age at the Median Agbatana, his 
capital city; but as the event proved, the oracle 
prophesied his death at Agbatana of Syria. So when 
he now enquired and learnt the name of the town, 
the shock of his wound, and of the misfortune that 
came to him from the Magian, brought him to hi 
senses; he understood the prophecy and said 
* Here Cambyses son of Cyrus is doomed to die." 
65. At this time he said no more. But about 
twenty days after, he sent for the most honourable 
of the Persians that were about him, and thus 
addressed them: ‘Needs must, Persians! that I 
declare to you a matter which I kept most strictly 
concealed. When I was in Egypt, I saw in my 
sleep a vision that I would I had never seen; 
methought a messenger came from home to tell me 
that Smerdis had sat on the royal throne, his head 
reaching to heaven. Then I feared that my brother 
would take away from me my sovereignty, and I 
acted with more haste than wisdom; for (as I now 
| 83 
ο 2 


HERODOTUS 


γίνεσθαι ἀποτράπειν. ἐγὼ. δὲ ὁ μάταιος Πρηξά- 
σπεα ἀποπέμπω ἐς Σοῦσα ἀποκτενέοντα Σμέρδιν. 
ἐξεργασθέντος δὲ κακοῦ τοσούτου ἀδεῶς διαιτώμην, 
οὐδαμὰ ἐπιλεξάμενος μή. κοτέ τίς μοι Σμέρδιος 
ὑπαραιρημένου ἄλλος ἐπανασταίη ἀνθρώπων. 
παντὸς δὲ τοῦ μέλλοντος ἔσεσθαι . ἁμαρτὼν ἆδελ.- 
φεοκτόνος τε οὐδὲν δέον γέγονα καὶ τῆς βασιληίης 
_ οὐδὲν ἧσσον ἐστέρημαι: Σμέρδις yàp. δὴ ἦν ὁ 
Μάγος Tóv µοι 0 δαίµων T οέφαινε ἐν τῇ ὄψι 
ἐπαναστήσεσθαι. τὸ μὲν δὴ ἔργον ἐξέργασταί 
μοι, καὶ Σμέρδιν τὸν Κύρου μηκέτι ὑμῖν ἐόντα 
λογίξεσθε' οἱ δὲ ὑμῖν Μάγοι κρατέουσι τῶν βασι- 
ληίων, τόν τε ἔλιπον ἐπίτροπον τῶν οἰκίων καὶ ὁ 
ἐκείνου ἀδελφεὸς Σμέρδις. τὸν μέν νυν μάλιστα 
χρῆν ἐμεῦ αἰσχρὰ πρὸς τῶν Μάγων πεπονθότος 
| τιμωρέειν ἐμοί, οὗτος μὲν ἀνοσίῳ μόρῳ τετελεύτηκε | 
ὑπὸ τῶν ἑωυτοῦ οἰκηιοτάτων' τούτου δὲ μηκέτι 
ἐόντος, δεύτερα τῶν λοιπῶν ὑμῖν ὦ Πέρσαι γίνεταί 
μοι ἀναγκαιότατον ἐντέλλεσθαι τὰ θέλω μοι γενέ- 
σθαι τελευτῶν τὸν βίον: καὶ δὴ ὑμῖν τάδε ἐπισκή- 
πτω θεοὺς τοὺς βασιληίους ἐπικαλέων καὶ πᾶσι 
ὑμῖν καὶ μάλιστα ᾿Αχαιμενιδέων τοῖσι. παρεοῦσι, 
μὴ περιιδεῖν τὴν ἡγεμονίην αὖτις ἐς Μήδους 
περιελθοῦσαν, ἀλλ᾽ εἴτε δόλῳ ἔ ἔχουσι αὐτὴν κτη- 
σάμενοι, δόλῳ ἀπαιρεθῆναι ὑπὸ ὑμέων, eire καὶ 
σθένεϊ τεῷ κατεργασάμενοι, σθένεϊ. κατὰ τὸ καρ- 
τερὸν ἀνασώσασθαι. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ποιεῦσι ὑμῖν 
γῆ τε καρπὸν ἐκφέροι καὶ γυναῖκές τε καὶ ποῖμναι 
τίκτοιεν, ἐοῦσι ἐς τὸν ἅπαντα χρόνον ἐλευθέροισι" 
μὴ δὲ ἀνασωσαμένοισι τὴν ἀρχὴν μηδ ἐπιχειρή- 
cac, ἀνασώζειν τὰ ἐναντία τούτοισι ἀρῶμαι 
ὑμῖν γενέσθαι, καὶ πρὸς ἔτι τούτοισι τὸ τέλος 


94 


BOOK III. ός 


see) no human power can turn fate aside ; fool that 
I was! I sent Prexaspes to Susa to slay Smerdis. 
When that great wrong was done I lived without 
fear, for never did I think that when Smerdis was 
taken out of my way another man might rise against 
me. So did I wholly mistake what was to be; I 
have slain my brother for no cause, and lost my 
kingship none the less; for the rebel foretold by 
heaven in the vision was Smerdis the Magian. Now 
I have done the deed, and | would have you believe 
that Smerdis Cyrus’ son no longer lives; you see 
the Magians masters of my royal estate, even him 
that I left steward of my house, and his brother 
Smerdis. So then he that especially should have 
avenged the dishonour done me by the Magian lies 
foully slain by his nearest kinsman ; and he being 
no longer in life, necessity constrains me, in his 
default, to charge you, men of Persia, with the 
last desire of my life. In the name of the gods of 
my royal house I charge all of you, but chiefly those 
Achaemenids that are here, not to suffer the 
sovereignty to fall again into Median hands ; if they 
have won it by trickery, trick them of it again; if 
they have wrested it away by force, then do you by 
force and strength of hand recover it. And if you 
so do, may your land bring forth her fruits, and your 
women and your flocks and herds be blessed with 
offspring; but if you win not back the kingdom 
nor essay so to do, then I pray that all may go 


85 


HERODOTUS 


Περσέων ἑ ἑκάστῳ: ἐπιγενέσθαι olov ἐμοὶ é ἐπιγέγονε. E 
ἅμα τε εἴπας ταῦτα ὁ Καμβύσης ἀπέκλαιε πᾶσαν 
τὴν ἑωυτοῦ πρῆξιν. 

66. Πέρσαι δὲ ὡς τὸν βασιλέα εἶδον ἀνακλαύ- 
σαντα πάντες τά τε ἐσθῆτος ἐ ἐχόμενα εἶχον, ταῦτα 
κατηρείκοντο καὶ οἰμωγῇ ἀφθόνῳ , διεχρέωντο. 
μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ὡς ἐσφακέλισέ τε τὸ ὀστέον καὶ 
ὁ μηρὸς τάχιστα ἐσάπη, ἀπήνεικε Καμβύσεα τὸν 
Κύρου, βασιλεύσαντα μὲν τὰ πάντα ἑπτὰ ἔτεα 
καὶ πέντε μῆνας, ἄπαιδα δὲ τὸ παράπαν ἐόντα 
ἔρσενος καὶ θήλεος γόνου. Περσέων δὲ τοῖσι 
παρεοῦσι ἀπιστίη πολλὴ ὑπεκέχυτο τοὺς Μάγους 
ἔχειν τὰ πρήγματα, ἀλλ᾽ ἠπιστέατο ἐπὶ διαβολῇ 
εἰπεῖν. Καμβύσεα τὰ εἶπε περὶ τοῦ Σμέρδιος 
θανάτου, ἵνα οἱ ἐκπολεμωθῇ πᾶν τὸ Περσικόν. 
οὗτοι μέν νυν ἠπιστέατο Σμέρδιν. τὸν Κύρου 
βασιλέα ἐνεστεῶτα" δεινῶς γὰρ καὶ ὁ Πρηξάσπης 
ἔξαρνος ἡ ἣν μὴ μὲν ἀποκτεῖναι Σμέρδιν" οὐ γὰρ ἣν 
οἱ ἀσφαλὲς Καμβύσεω τετελευτηκότος φάναι τὸν 
Κύρου υἱὸν ἀπολωλεκέναι αὐτοχειρίῃ. 

67. Ὁ δὲ δὴ Μάγος τελευτήσαντος Καμβύσεω 
ἀδεῶς ἐβασίλευσε, ἐπιβατεύων τοῦ ὁμωνύμου 
Σμέρδιος τοῦ Κύρου, μῆνας ἑπτὰ τοὺς ἐπιλοίπους 
Καμβύσῃ ἐς τὰ ὀκτὼ ἔτεα τῆς πληρώσιος" ἐν 
τοῖσι ἀπεδέξατο ἐ ἐς τοὺς ὑπηκόους πάντας εὐεργε- 
σίας μεγάλας, ὥστε ἀποθανόντος αὐτοῦ πόθον 
ἔχειν πάντας τοὺς ἐν τῇ ᾿Ασίῃ͵ πάρεξ αὐτῶν 
Περσέων. διαπέμψας γὰρ ὁ Μάγος ἐς πᾶν ἔθνος 
τῶν ἦρχε προεῖπε ἀτελείην εἶναι στρατηίης καὶ 
φόρου ἐπ᾿ ἔτεα τρία. 

$8. Προεῖπε μὲν δὴ ταῦτα αὐτίκα ἐνιστάμενος 
ἐς τὴν ἀρχήν, ὀγδόῳ δὲ μηνὶ ἐγένετο κατάδηλος 


86 


BOOK III. 65-68 


contrariwise for you, yea, that every Persian may 
meet an end such as mine." With that Cambyses 
wept bitterly for all that had befallen him. 

66. When the Persians saw their king weep, they 
all rent the garments which they wore and lamented 
loud and long. But after this the bone became gan- 
grened and the thigh rotted; which took off 
Cambyses son of Cyrus, who had reigned in all seven 
years and five months, and left no issue at all, male 
or female. The Persians present fully disbelieved 
in their hearts that the Magians were masters of the 
kingdom ; they supposed that Cambyses' intent was 
to deceive them with his tale of Smerdis’ death, 
that so all Persia might be plunged into war. So 
they believed that it was Cyrus’ son Smerdis who 
had been made king. For Prexaspes stoutly denied 
that he had killed Smerdis, since now that. Cambyses 
was dead, it was not safe for him to say that he had 
slain the son of Cyrus with his own hands. 

67. Cambyses being dead, the Magian, pretending 
to be the Smerdis of like name, Cyrus' son, reigned 
without fear for the seven months lacking to Cam- 
byses' full eight years of kingship. In this time he 
greatly benefited all his subjects, in so much that after 
his death all the Asiatics except the Persians wished 
him back; for he sent hither and thither to every 
nation of his dominions and proclaimed them for three 
years freed from service in arms and from tribute. 

68. Such was his proclamation at the beginning of 
his reign; but jn the eighth month it was revealed who 

87 


HERODOTUS 


τρόπῳ τοιῷδε. Ὀτάνης ἡ ἦν Φαρνάσπεω μὲν ταῖς, 
γένεϊ δὲ καὶ χρήμασι. ὅμοιος τῷ πρώτῳ Περσέων. 
οὗτος ὁ Ὀτάνης πρῶτος ὑπώπτευσε τὸν Mayor 
ὡς οὐκ εἴη ὁ Κύρου Σμέρδις ἀλλ᾽ bs περ ἣν, τῇδε 
συμβαλόμενος, ὃ ὅτι τε οὐκ ἐξεφοίτα ἐκ τῆς aK po- 
πόλιος καὶ ὅτι οὐκ ἐκάλεε ἐς ὄψιν ἑωυτῷ οὐδένα 
τῶν λογίμων Περσέων: ὑποπτεύσας δέ μιν ἐποίεε 
τάδε. ἔσχε αὐτοῦ Καμβύσης θυγατέρα, τῇ οὔνομα 
ἦν Φαιδύμη' τὴν αὐτὴν δὴ ταύτην εἶχε τότε ὁ 
Μάγος καὶ ταύτῃ τε συνοίκεε καὶ τῇσι. ἄλλησι 
πάσῃσι τῇσι τοῦ Καμβύσεω γυναιξί. πέμπων δὴ 
ὧν ὁ Ὀτάνης, παρὰ ταύτην τὴν θυγατέρα ἐπυν- 
θάνετο παρ ὅτε ἀνθρώπων κοιμῷτο, εἴτε μετὰ 
Σμέρδιος τοῦ Κύρου εἶτε μετὰ ἄλλου τευ. ἢ δέ 
οἱ ἀντέπεμπε φαμένη ov γινώσκειν' οὔτε yàp. τὸν 
Κύρου Σμέρδιν ἰδέσθαι οὐδαμὰ οὔτε ὅστις εἴη ὁ 
συνοικέων αὐτῇ εἰδέναι. ἔπεμπε δεύτερα ὁ 0 Ὀτάνης 
λέγων “E μὴ αὐτὴ Σμέρδιν τὸν Κύρου γινώσκεις, 
σὺ δὲ παρὰ ᾿Ατόσσης, πύθευ ὅ ὅτεῳ τούτῳ συνοικέει 
aÙTh τε ἐκείνη καὶ σύ" πάντως γὰρ δή κου τὸν γε 
ἑωυτῆς ἀδελφεὸν γινώσκει.” 

69. ᾿Αντιπέμπει πρὸς ταῦτα ἡ θυγάτηρ “Οὔτε 
᾿Ατόσσῃ δύναμαι ἐς λόγους ἐλθεῖν οὔτε ἄλλην 
οὐδεμίαν ἰδέσθαι τῶν συγκατηµενέων γυναικῶν. 
ἐπείτε γὰρ τάχιστα οὗτος ὥνθρωπος, ὅ ὅστις κοτὲ 
ἐστί, παρέλαβε τὴν βασιληίην, διέσπειρε ἡμέας 
ἄλλην ἄλλη τάξας.” ἀκούοντι δὲ ταῦτα τῷ 
Ὀτάνῃ μᾶλλον κατεφαίνετο τὸ πρῆγμα. τρίτην 
δὲ ἀγγελίην ἐ ἐσπέμπει παρ᾽ αὐτὴν λέγουσαν ταῦτα. 
eQ θύγατερ, δεῖ σε γεγονυῖαν εὖ κίνδυνον ἀναλα- 
βέσθαι τὸν ἂν ὁ ὁ πατὴρ ὑποδύνειν κελεύῃ. εἰ γὰρ 
δὴ μή ἐστι ὁ Κύρου Σμέρδις ἀλλὰ τὸν καταδοκέω 


88 


BOOK III. 68-69 


he was, and this is how it was done :—There was one 
Otanes, son of Pharnaspes, as well-born and rich a 
man as any Persian. This Otanes was the first to 
suspect that the Magian was not Cyrus' son Smerdis 
but his true self; the reason was, that he never left 
the citadel nor summoned any notable Persian into 
his presence ; and in his suspicion—Cambyses having 
married Otanes’ daughter Phaedyme, whom the 
Magian had now wedded, with all the rest of Cam- 
byses' wives—Otanes sent to this daughter, asking 
with whom she lay, Smerdis, Cyrus' son, or another. 
She sent back a message that she did not know ; for 
(said she) she had never seen Cyrus' son Smerdis, nor 
knew who was her bedfellow. Then Otanes sent a 
second message, to this effect: **If you do not your- 
self know Cyrus’ son Smerdis, then ask Atossa who 
is this that is her lord and yours ; for surely she knows 
her own brother." - 

69. To this his daughter replied: “I cannot 
get speech with Atossa, nor can I see any other 
of the women of the household ; for no sooner had 
this man, whoever he is, made himself king, than 
he sent us to live apart, each in her appointed 
place." When Otanes heard that, he saw more clearly 
how the matter stood; and he sent her this third 
message: “ Daughter, it is due to your noble birth 
that you should run any risk that your father bids you 
face. If this man be not Smerdis son of Cyrus, but 


89 


HERODOTUS 


ἐγώ, οὔτοι μιν σοί τε συγκοιμώμενον καὶ τὸ 
Περσέων κράτος ἔχοντα δεῖ χαίροντα ἀπαλλάσ- 
σειν, ἀλλὰ δοῦναι δίκην. viv ὧν ποίησον τάδε" 
ἐπεὰν σοὶ συνεύδῃ καὶ μάθῃς | αὐτὸν κατυπνωμένον, 
ἄφασον αὐτοῦ τὰ ὦτα" καὶ ἡ qv μὲν φαίνηται € έχων 
ὦτα, νόμιξε σεωυτὴν Σμέρδι τῷ Κύρου συνοικέειν, 
ἣν δὲ μὴ ἔχων, σὺ δὲ τῷ Μάγῳ uibs" ἀντι- 
πέμπει πρὸς ταῦτα ἡ Φαιδύμη φαμένη κινδυνεύσειν 
μεγάλως, ἦν ποιέῃ ταῦτα" εἰ γὰρ δὴ μὴ τυγχάνει 
τὰ ὦτα ἔχων, ἐπίλαμπτος δὲ ἀφάσσουσα ἔσται, 
εὖ εἰδέναι ὡς ἀιστώσει pav: ὅμως μέντοι ποιήσειν 
ταῦτα. ἣ μὲν δὴ ὑπεδέξατο ταῦτα τῷ πατρὶ 
κατεργάσεσθαι. τοῦ δὲ Μάγου τούτου τοῦ Σμέρ- 
διος Κῦρος ὁ Καμβύσεω ἄρχων τὰ ὦτα ἀπέταμε 
em αἰτίῃ δή τινι οὐ σμικρῆ. 5 ὧν δὴ Φαιδύμη 
αὕτη, ἡ τοῦ Ὀτάνεω θυγάτηρ, πάντα ἐπιτελέουσα 
τὰ ueni aro τῷ πατρί, ἐπείτε αὐτῆς µέρος ἐγίνετο 
τῆς ἀπίξιος παρὰ τὸν Μάγον (ἐν περιτροπῇ γὰρ 
δὴ αἱ γυναῖκες φοιτέουσι τοῖσι Πέρσησι), ἐλθοῦσα 
Tap αὐτὸν ηὖδε, «ὑπνωμένου δὲ καρτερῶς τοῦ 
Μάγου ἤφασε τὰ ὦ ὦτα. μαθοῦσα δὲ οὐ χαλεπῶς 
ἀλλ᾽ εὐπετέως οὐκ ἔχοντα τὸν ἄνδρα ὦτα, ὡς 
ἡμέρη τάχιστα ἐγεγόνεε, πέμψασα ἐσήμηνε τῷ 
πατρὶ τὰ γενόμενα. 

10. Ὁ δὲ Ὀτάνης παραλαβὼν ᾿Ασπαθίνην καὶ 
Γοβρύην, Περσέων τε πρώτους ἐόντας καὶ ἑ ἑωυτῷ 
ἐπιτηδεοτάτους ἐς πίστιν, .ἀπηγήσατο πᾶν τὸ 
πρῆγμα: οἳ δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ ἄρα ὑπώπτευον οὕτω 
τοῦτο ἔχειν, ἀνενείκαντος δὲ τοῦ Ὀτάνεω τοὺς 
λόγους ἐδέξαντο, καὶ ἔδοξέ σφι ἕκαστον ἄνδρα 
Περσέων προσεταιρίσασθαι τοῦτον ὅτεῳ πιστεύει 
μάλιστα. Ὀτάνης μέν νυν ἐσάγεται ᾿Ινταφρένεα, 


9o 


BOOK III. 69-70 


another whom I think him to be, then he must not go 
unscathed, but be punished for sharing your bed and 
sitting on the throne of Persia. Now, therefore, when 
he lies with you and you see that he is asleep, do as 
I bid you and uncover his ears; if you see that he 
has ears, then you may think that it is Smerdis son 
of Cyrus who is your lord; but if he has none, it is 
Smerdis the Magian." Phaedyme answered by mes- 
senger that she would run very great risk by so doing ; 
for if it should turn out that he had no ears, and she 
were caught uncovering him, he would surely make 
an end of her; nevertheless she would doit. So she 
promised to achieve her father's bidding. It is known 
that Cyrus son of Cambyses had in his reign cut off 
the ears of this Magian, Smerdis, for some grave 
reason—I know not what. So Phaedyme, daughter 
of Otanes, performed her promise to her father. 
When it was her turn to visit the Magian (as a 
Persian's wives come in regular order to their lord), 
she came to his bed, and uncovered the Magian's ears 
while he slumbered deeply; and having with much 
ease assured herself that he had no ears, she sent and 
told this to her father as soon as it was morning. 

70. Otanes then took to himself two Persians of 
the highest rank whom he thought worthiest of trust, 
Aspathines and Gobryas, and told them the whole 
story. These, it would seem, had themselves sus- 
pected that it wasso; and now they readily believed 
what Otanes revealed to them. They resolved that 
each should take into their fellowship that Persian 
whom he most trusted ; Otanes brought in Inta- 


OI 


HERODOTUS 


Γοβρύης δὲ Μεγάβυζον, ᾿Ασπαθίνης δὲ Ὑδάρνεα. 
γεγονότων δὲ τούτων ἓξ παραγίνεται ἐς τὰ Σοῦσα 
Δαρεῖος ὁ Ὑστάσπεος ἐκ Περσέων ἥκων" τούτων 
γὰρ δὴ ἦν οἱ ὁ πατὴρ ὕπαρχος. ἐπεὶ ὧν οὗτος 
ἀπίκετο, τοῖσι ἓξ τῶν Περσέων ἔδοξε καὶ Δαρεῖον 
προσεταιρίσασθαι. 

71. Συνελθόντες δὲ οὗτοι ἐόντες ἑπτὰ ἐδίδοσαν 
σφίσι πίστις καὶ λόγους. ἐπείτε δὲ ἐς Δαρεῖον 
- ἀπίκετο γνώμην ἀποφαίνεσθαι, ἔλεγέ σφι τάδε. 
«᾿Εγὼ ταῦτα ἐδόκεον μὲν αὐτὸς μοῦνος ἐπίστασθαι, 
ὅτι τε ὁ Μάγος εἴη ὁ βασιλεύων καὶ Σμέρδις ὁ 
Κύρου τετελεύτηκε" καὶ αὐτοῦ τούτου εἵνεκεν ἥκω 
σπουδῇ ὡς συστήσων ἐπὶ τῷ Μάγῳ θάνατον. 
ἐπείτε δὲ συνήνεικε ὥστε καὶ ὑμέας εἰδέναι καὶ 
μὴ μοῦνον ἐμέ, ποιέειν αὐτίκα μοι δοκέει καὶ μὴ 
ὑπερβάλλεσθαι: οὐ γὰρ ἄμεινον." εἶπε πρὸς ταῦτα 
ὁ Ὀτάνης “Ὦ παῖ Ὑστάσπεος, εἷς τε πατρὸς 
ἀγαθοῦ καὶ ἐκφαίνειν ἔοικας σεωυτὸν ἐόντα τοῦ 
πατρὸς οὐδὲν ἥσσω: τὴν μέντοι ἐπιχείρησιν ταύ- 
την μὴ οὕτω συντάχυνε ἀβούλως, ἀλλ, ἐπὶ το 
σωφρονέστερον αὐτὴν λάμβανε δεῖ γὰρ πλεῦνας 
γενομένους οὕτω ἐπιχειρέειν." λέγει πρὸς ταῦτα 
Δαρεῖος “"Ανδρες οἱ παρεόντες, τρόπῳ τῷ εἰρημένῳ 
ἐξ Ὀτάνεω εἰ χρήσεσθε, ἐπίστασθε ὅτι ἀπολέεσθε 
κάκιστα' ἐξοίσει γάρ τις πρὸς τὸν Μάγον, ἰδίῃ 
περιβαλλόμενος ἑωυτῷ κέρδεα. μάλιστα μέν νυν 
ὠφείλετε ἐπ᾽ ὑμέων αὐτῶν βαλλόμενοι ποιέειν 
ταῦτα’ ἐπείτε δὲ ὑμῖν ἀναφέρειν ἐς πλεῦνας ἐδόκεε 
καὶ ἐμοὶ ὑπερέθεσθε, ἢ ποιέωμεν σήμερον ἢ ἴστε 
ὑμῖν ὅτι ἣν ὑπερπέσῃ ἡ νῦν ἡμέρη, ὡς οὐκ ἄλλος 
φθὰς ἐμεῦ κατήγορος ἔσται, ἀλλά σφεα αὐτὸς ἐγὼ Ἢ 
κατερέω πρὸς τὸν Μάγον.” 


02 


BOOK III. 70-71 


phrenes, Gobryas brought Megabyzus and Aspathines 
Hydarnes!; so they were six. Now came to Susa 
Darius son of Hystaspes, from Persia, of which his 
father was vice-gerent ; and on his coming the six 
Persians resolved to make Darius too their comrade. 

71. The seven then met and gave each other 
pledges and spoke together ; and when it was Darius' 
turn to declare his mind, he spoke as follows: “1 
supposed that I alone knew that it was the Magian 
who is king and that Smerdis son of Cyrus is dead ; 
and it is for this cause that I have made haste to 
come, that 1 might compass the Magian's death; but 
since it has so fallen out that you too and not I alone 
know the truth, my counsel is for action forthwith, no 
delay ; for evil will come of delay." ‘Son of Hystas- 
pes," Otanes answered, * your father is a valiant man, 
and methinks you declare yourself as valiant as he ; 
yet hasten not this enterprise thus inconsiderately ; 
take the matter more prudently; we must wait to 
set about it till there are more of us." Το this Darius 
answered: “Sirs, if you do as Otanes counsels, I tell 
you that you will perish miserably ; for someone will 
carry all to the Magian, desiring private reward for 
himself. Now, it had been best for you to achieve 
your end yourselves unaided ; but seeing that it was 
your pleasure to impart your plot to others and that 
so you have trusted me with it, let us, I say, do the 
deed this day ; if we let to-day pass, be assured that 
none will accuse you ere I do, for I will myself lay 
the whole matter before the Magian." 


1 The names in the Behistun inscription (the trilingual 
inscription set up by Darius at Behistun, after he had 
crushed the revolts in his empire) are: Vindapana, Utana, 
Gaubaruwa, Vidarna, Bagabukhsa, Ardumanis; all but the 
last corresponding with Herodotus' list. 


93 


HERODOTUS 


72. Λέγει πρὸς ταῦτα Ὀτάνης, ἐπειδὴ apa 
σπερχόμενον Δαρεῖον, “ Ἐπείτε ἡ ἡμέας ᾿συνταχύνειν 
ἀναγκάξεις καὶ ὑπερβάλλεσθαι οὐκ ἐᾷς, ἴθι, ἐξηγέο 
αὐτὸς ὅτεῳ τρόπῳ πάριμεν ἐς τὰ βασιλήια καὶ 
ἐπιχειρήσομεν αὐτοῖσι. φυλακὰς γὰρ δὴ διεστε- 
ώσας οἶδάς κου καὶ αὐτός, εἰ μὴ ἰδών, ἀλλ᾽ 
ἀκούσας" τὰς τέῳ τρόπῳ περήσομεν; á ἀμείβεται 
Δαρεῖος τοῖσιδε. “ Ὀτάνη, ἢ ἡ πολλά ἐστι τὰ λόγῳ 
μὲν οὐκ οἷά τε δηλῶσαι, ἔργῳ δέ’ ἄλλα δ᾽ ἐστὶ 
τὰ λόγῳ μὲν οἷά τε, ἔργον δὲ οὐδὲν ἀπ᾽ αὐτῶν 
λαμπρὸν. γίνεται. ὑμεῖς δὲ ἴστε φυλακὰς τὰς 
κατεστεώσας ἐούσας οὐδὲν χαλεπὰς παρελθεῖν. 
τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ ἡμέων ἐόντων τοιῶνδε οὐδεὶς ő ὅστις 
οὐ παρήσει, τὰ μέν κου -καταιδεόμενος ἡμέας, τὰ 
δέ κου καὶ δειμαίνων' τοῦτο δὲ é ἔχω αὐτὸς σκῆψιν 
εὐπρεπεστάτην τῇ πάριμεν, φὰς ἄρτι τε ἥκειν ἐκ 
Περσέων καὶ βούλεσθαί τι ἔπος παρὰ τοῦ πατρὸς 
σημῆναι τῷ βασιλέι. ἔνθα γάρ τι δεῖ ψεῦδος 
λέγεσθαι, λεγέσθω. τοῦ γὰρ αὐτοῦ γλιχόμεθα οὗ 
τε ψευδόμενοι καὶ οἱ τῇ ἀληθείῃ διαχρεώμενοι. 
οἳ μέν γε ψεύδονται τότε ἐπεάν τι μέλλωσι τοῖσι 

εύδεσι πείσαντες κερδήσεσθαι, οἳ δ᾽ ἀληθίξονται 
ἵνα τῇ ἀληθείῃ. ἐπισπάσωνται κέρδος καί τι μᾶλ- 
λόν σφι ἐπιτράπηται. οὕτω οὐ ταὐτὰ ἀσκέοντες 
τὠυτοῦ περιεχόμεθα. εἰ δὲ μηδὲν κερδήσεσθαι 
μέλλοιεν, ὁμοίως ἂν ὅ τε ἀληθιζόμενος ψευδὴς εἴη 
καὶ ὁ γευδόμενος ἀληθής. ὃς ἂν μέν νυν τῶν 
πυλουρῶν ἑκὼν παριῇ, αὐτῷ οἱ ἄμεινον ἐς χρόνον' 
ἔσται" ὃς δ᾽ ἂν ἀντιβαίνειν πειρᾶται, δεικνύσθω 
ἐνθαῦτα ἐὼν πολέμιος, καὶ ἔπειτα ὠσάμενοι ἔσω 
ἔργου ἐχώμεθα." 

73. Λέγει Γοβρύης μετὰ ταῦτα '' Άνδρες φίλοι, 


94 


BOOK III. 72-73 


72. To this Otanes replied, seeing Darius' vehe 
mence, “Since you compel us to hasten and will brook 
no delay, tell us now yourself how we shall pass into 
the palace and assail the Magians. The place is 
beset all round by guards; this you know, for you 
have seen or heard of them ; how shall we win past 
the guards?"  *Otanes," answered Darius, “very 
many things can be done whereof the doing cannot 
be described in words; and sometimes a plan easy to 
make clear is yet followed by no deed of note. 
Right well you know that the guards who are set are 
easy to pass. For we being such as we are, there is 
none who will not grant us admittance, partly from 
reverence and partly too from fear; and further, I 
have myself the fairest pretext for entering, for I will 
say that I am lately come from Persia and have a 
message for the king from my father. Let lies be 
told where they are needful. All of us aim at the 
like end, whether we lie or speak truth; he that lies 
does it to win credence and so advantage by his 
deceit, and he that speaks truth hopes that truth 
will get him profit and greater trust; so we do but 
take different ways to the same goal, Were 
the hope of advantage taken away, the truth- 
teller were as ready to lie as the liar to speak truth. 
Now ifany warder of the gate willingly suffer us to 
pass, it will be the better for him thereafter. But if 
any strives to withstand us let us mark him for an 
enemy, and so thrust ourselves in and begin our 
work. 

73. Then said Gobryas, “ Friends, when shall we 


95 


HERODOTUS 


ἡμῖν κότε͵ κάλλιον παρέξει ἀνασώσασθαι τὴν 
ἀρχήν, ἢ εἴ γε μὴ οἷοί τε ἐσόμεθα αὐτὴν άναλα- 
Beiv, ἀποθανεῖν; ὅτε γε ἀρχόμεθα μὲν ἐόντες 
Πέρσαι. ὑπὸ Μήδου ἀνδρὸς Μάγου, καὶ τούτου 
ὦτα. οὐκ ἔχοντος. ὅσοι τε ὑμέων Καμβύσῃ 
νοσέοντι παρεγένοντο, πάντως κου μέμνησθε τὰ 
ἐπέσκηψε Πέρσῃσι τελευτῶν τὸν Biov μὴ πειρω- 
μένοισι ἀνακτᾶσθαι τὴν ἀρχήν' τὰ τότε οὐκ 
ἐνεδεκόμεθα, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ διαβολῇ ἐδοκέομεν εἰπεῖν 
Καμβύσεα. νῦν ὧν τίθεμαι ψῆφον πείθεσθαι 
Δαρείῳ καὶ μὴ διαλύεσθαι ἐκ τοῦ συλλόγου τοῦδε 
ἀλλ᾽ ἢ ἐπὶ τὸν Μάγον ἰθέως." ταῦτα εἶπε Γο- 
βρύης, καὶ πάντες ταύτῃ. aiveov. 

74, Ἐν ᾧ δὲ οὗτοι ταῦτα ἐβουλεύοντο, ἐγίνετο 
κατὰ συντυχίην τάδε. τοῖσι Μάγοισι ἔδοξε Bov- 
λευομένοισι Πρηξάσπεα, φίλον. προσθέσθαι, ὃ ὅτι τε 
ἐπεπόνθεε πρὸς Καμβύσεω ἀνάρσια, ὅς οἱ τὸν 
παῖδα τοξεύσας ἀπολωλέκεε, καὶ διότι μοῦνος 
ἠπίστατο τὸν Σμέρδιος τοῦ Κύρου θάνατον aŭto- 
χειρίῃ μιν ἀπολέσας, πρὸς Ò ἔτι ἐόντα ἐν αἴνῃ 
μεγίστῃ τὸν Πρηξάσπεα ἐν Πέρσῃσι. τούτων δή 
μιν εἵνεκεν καλέσαντες φίλον προσεκτῶντο πίστι 
τε λαβόντες καὶ ὁρκίοισι, ἡ μὲν ἕξειν παρ᾽ ἑωυτῷ 
μηδ᾽ ἐξοίσειν μηδενὶ ἀνθρώπων͵ τὴν ἀπὸ σφέων 
ἀπάτην ἐς Πέρσας γεγονυῖαν, ὑπισχνεύμενοι τὰ 
πάντα οἱ μυρία δώσειν. ὑποσχομένου δὲ τοῦ 
Πρηξάσπεος ποιήσειν ταῦτα, ὡς ἀνέπεισάν μιν 
οἱ Μάγοι, δεύτερα προσέφερον, αὐτοὶ μὲν φάμενοι 
Πέρσας πάντας συγκαλέειν ὑπὸ τὸ 'Βασιλήιον 
τεῖχος, κεῖνον δ᾽ ἐκέλευον ἀναβάντα ἐπὶ πύργον 
ἀγορεῦσαι ὡς ὑπὸ τοῦ Κύρου Σμέρδιος ἄρχονται 
καὶ ὑπ᾽ οὐδενὸς ἄλλου. ταῦτα δὲ οὕτω ἐνετέλ- 


96 


| 


BOOK Ill. 73-74 


have a better occasion to win back the kingship, or, 
if we cannot so do, to die? seeing that we who are 
Persians are ruled by a Mede, a Magian, a man that 
has no ears. Those of you that were with Cambyses 
in his sickness cannot, but remember the curse 
which with his last breath he laid on the Persians. 
if they should not essay to win back the kingship; 
albeit we did not then believe Cambyses, but 
thought that he spoke to deceive us. Now there- 
fore my vote is that we follow Darius' plan, and not 
quit this council to do aught else but attack the 
Magian forthwith.” So spoke Gobryas; and they 
all consented to what he said. 

74, While they were thus planning, matters befell 
as I will show. The Magians had taken counsel and 
resolved to make a friend of Prexaspes, because he 
had been wronged by Cambyses (who had shot his 
son to death) and because he alone knew of the 
death of Cyrus' son Smerdis, having himself been 
the slayer; and further, because Prexaspes was very 
greatly esteemed by the Persians. Therefore they 
summoned him and, to gain his friendship, made 
him to pledge himself and swear that he would 
never reveal to any man their treacherous dealing 
with the Persians, but keep it to himself; and they 
promised to give him all things in great abundance. 
Prexaspes was persuaded and promised to do their 
will. Then the Magians made this second proposal 
to him, that they should summon a meeting of all 
Persians before the palace wall, and he should go up 
on to a tower and declare that it was Smerdis son of 
Cyrus and no other who was king of Persia. They 
gave him this charge, because they thought him to 


97 
VOL. IL. 


HERODOTUS 


λοντο ὡς πιστοτάτου δῆθεν ἐόντος αὐτοῦ ἐν Πέρ- 
oou, καὶ πολλάκις ἀποδεξαμένου γνώμην ὡς 
περιείη ὁ Κύρου Σμέρδις, καὶ ἐξαρνησαμένου τὸν 
φόνον αὐτοῦ. 

75. Φαμένου δὲ καὶ ταῦτα ἑτοίμου εἶναι ποιέειν 
τοῦ Ἡρηξάσπεος, συγκαλέσαντες Πέρσας οἱ Μάγοι 
ἀνεβίβασαν αὐτὸν ἐπὶ πύργον καὶ ἀγορεύειν ἐκέ- 
λευον. ὃ δὲ τῶν μὲν ἐκεῖνοι προσεδέοντο αὐτοῦ, 
τούτων μὲν ἑκὼν ἐπελήθετο, ἀρξάμενος δὲ ἀπ᾿ 
᾿Αχαιμένεος ἐγενεηλόγησε τὴν πατριὴν τὴν Κύρου, 
μετὰ δὲ ὡς ἐς τοῦτον κατέβη τελευτῶν ἔλεγε ὅσα 
ἀγαθὰ Κῦρος Πέρσας πεποιήκοι, διεξελθὼν δὲ 
ταῦτα ἐξέφαινε τὴν ἀληθείην, φάμενος πρότερον 
μὲν κρύπτειν (οὐ γάρ οἱ εἶναι ἀσφαλὲς λέγειν τὰ 
γενόμενα), ἐν δὲ τῷ παρεόντι ἀναγκαίην μιν κατα- 
λαμβάνειν φαίνειν.. καὶ δὴ ἔλεγε τὸν μὲν Κύρου 
Σμέρδιν ὡς αὐτὸς ὑπὸ Καμβύσεω ἀναγκαζόμενος 
ἀποκτείνειε, τοὺς Μάγους δὲ Βασιλεύειν. Πέρσησι 
δὲ πολλὰ ἐ ἐπαρησάμενος εἰ μὴ ἀνακτησαίατο ὀπίσω 
τὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ τοὺς Μάγους τισαίατο, ἀπῆκε 
ἑωυτὸν ἐπὶ κεφαλὴν φέρεσθαι ἀπὸ τοῦ πύργου 
κάτω. Πρηξάσπης μέν νυν ἐὼν τὸν πάντα χρόνον 
ἀνὴρ δόκιμος οὕτω ἐτελεύτησε. 

76. Οἱ δὲ δὴ ἑπτὰ τῶν Περσέων ὡς ἐβουλεύ- 
σαντο αὐτίκα ἐπιχειρέειν τοῖσι Μάγοισι καὶ μὴ 
ὑπερβάλλεσθαι, ἤισαν εὐξάμενοι τοῖσι θεοῖσι, 
τῶν περὶ Πρηξάσπεα πρηχθέντων εἰδότες οὐδέν. 
ἔν τε δὴ τῇ ὁδῷ μέσῃ στείχοντες ἐγίνοντο καὶ τὰ 
περὶ Πρηξάσπεα γεγονότα ἐπυνθάνοντο, ἐνθαῦτα 
ἐκστάντες τῆς ὁδοῦ ἐδίδοσαν αὖτις σφίσι λόγους, 
οἳ μὲν ἀμφὶ τὸν Ὀτάνην πάγχυ κελεύοντες ὑπερ- 
βαλέσθαι μηδὲ οἰδεόντων τῶν πρηγμάτων ἐπιτί- 
ο8 


BOOK III. 74-76 | 


be the man most trusted by the Persians, and 
because he had oftentimes asserted that Cyrus’ son 
Smerdis was alive, and had denied the murder. 

75. Prexaspes consented to dq this also; the 
Magians summoned the Persians together, and 
brought him up on to a tower and bade him speak. 
Then, putting away from his mind all the Magians' 
demands, he traced the lineage of Cyrus from 
Achaemenes downwards ; when he came at last to 
the name of Cyrus, he recounted all the good which 
that king had done to Persia, after which recital 
he declared the truth ; which, he said, he had till 
now concealed because he could not safely tell it, 
but was now constrained by necessity to reveal: 
“1,” said he, “was compelled by Cambyses to kill 
Smerdis son of Cyrus; it is the Magians who now 
rule you." Then, invoking a terrible curse on the 
Persians if they failed to win back the throne and 
take vengeance on the Magians, he threw himself 
headlong down from the tower; thus honourably 
ended Prexaspes' honourable life. 

76. The seven Persians, after counsel purposing 
to attack the Magians forthwith and delay no 
longer, prayed to the gods and set forth, know- 
ing nothing of Prexaspes' part in the business. But 
when they had gone half way they heard the story 
of him; whereat they went aside from the way and 
consulted together, Otanes' friends being wholly for 
waiting and not attacking in the present ferment, 


99 
H 2 


Jh A $8. ARR 9 m.m numm Dru P" 


HERODOTUS 


θεσθαι, of δὲ ἀμφὶ τὸν Δαρεῖον αὐτίκα τε ἰέναι 
καὶ τὰ δεδογμένα ποιέειν μηδὲ ὑπερβάλλεσθαι. 
ὠθιζομένων © αὐτῶν ἐφάνη ἰρήκων ἑπτὰ ζεύγεα 
δύο αἰγυπιῶν ζεύγεα διώκοντα καὶ τίλλοντά τε 
καὶ ἀμύσσοντα. ἰδόντες δὲ ταῦτα οἱ ἑπτὰ τήν τε 
Δαρείου πάντες αἴνεον γνώμην καὶ ἔπειτα ἤισαν 
ἐπὶ τὰ Baoa τεθαρσηκότες τοῖσι ὄρνισι. 

77. Ἐπιστᾶσι δὲ ἐπὶ τὰς πύλας ἐγίνετο οἷόν 
τι Δαρείῳ ἡ γνώμη & epe: καταιδεόμενοι γὰρ 
οὗ φύλακοι ἄνδρας τοὺς Περσέων πρώτους καὶ 
οὐδὲν τοιοῦτο ὑποπτεύοντες ἐξ αὐτῶν ἔσεσθαι, 
παρίεσαν. θείῃ πομπῇ χρεωµένους, οὐδ᾽ «ἐπειρώτα 
οὐδείς. ἐπείτε δὲ καὶ παρῆλθον ἐς τὴν αὐλήν, 
ἐνέκυρσαν τοῖσι τὰς ἀγγελίας ἐσφέρουσι εὐνού- 
χοισι' ot σφεας ἑστόρεον ő τι θέλοντες ἥκοιεν, 
καὶ ἅμα ἱστορέοντες τούτους τοῖσι πυλου- 
ροῖσι ἀπείλεον ὅτι σφέας παρῆκαν, ἰσχόν τε 
ο... τοὺς ἑπτὰ ἐς τὸ πρόσω παριέναι. 

| δὲ διακελευσάµενοι καὶ σπασάμενοι τὰ ἐγ- 
πα τούτους μὲν τοὺς ἴσχοντας αὐτοῦ ταύτῃ 
συγκεντέουσι, αὐτοὶ δὲ ἤισαν δρόμῳ ἐς τὸν 
ἰνδρεῶνα. 

78. Οἱ δὲ Μάγοι ἐ ἔτυχον ἀμφότεροι τηνικαῦτα 
ἐόντες τε ἔσω καὶ τὰ ἀπὸ Πρηξάσπεος γενόμενα 
ἐν βουλῇ ἔχοντες. ἐπεὶ ὧν εἶδον τοὺς εὐνούχους 
τεθορυβημένους τε καὶ βοῶντας, ἀνά τε ἔδραμον 
πάλιν ἀμφότεροι καὶ ὡς ἔμαθον τὸ ποιεύμενον 

πρὸς ἀλκὴν ἐτράποντο. ὃ μὲν δὴ αὐτῶν φθάνει 
τὰ τόξα κατελόμενος, ὃ δὲ .πρὸς τὴν αἰχμὴν 
ἐτράπετο. ἐνθαῦτα δὴ συνέμισγον ἀλλήλοισι. 
τῷ μὲν δὴ τὰ τόξα ἀναλαβόντι αὐτῶν, ἐόντων 
τε ἀγχοῦ τῶν πολεμίων καὶ προσκειμένων, ἦν 


10Ο 


BOOK III. 76-78 


but Darius’ party bidding to gc forthwith and do 
their agreed purpose without delay: - While’ they 
disputed, they saw seven pairs of hawks that chased 
and rent and tore two pairs of vultures ; seeing 
which all the seven consented to Darius" ópinion, 
and went on to the palace, heartened by the sight 
of the birds. 

77. When they came to the gate, that happened 
which Darius had expected; the guards, out’ of 


regard for the chief men in Persia, and because they __ 


never suspected their design, suffered them without 
question to pass in under heaven's guidance. Coming 
into the court, they met there the eunuchs who 
carry messages to the king; who asked the seven 
with what intent they had come, at the same time 
threatening the gate-wards for letting them pass, 
and barring the further passage of the seven. These 
gave each other the word, drew their daggers, and 
stabbing the eunuchs who barred their way, ran 
into the men's apartment. 

78. It chanced that both the Magians were within, 
consulting together on the outcome of Prexaspes' 
act. Seeing the eunuchs in confusion and hearing 
their cries they both sprang back: and when they 
saw what was afoot they set about defending them- 
selves; one made haste to take down his bow, the 
other seized his spear; so the seven and the two met 
in fight. He that had caught up the bow found it 
availed him nothing, his enemies being so close and 


IOI 


a » 


- 


HERODOTUS 


χρηστὰ οὐδέν»-ὃ δ ax ἕτερος τῇ αἰχμῇ ἠμύνετο καὶ 
τοῦτό μὲν ᾿Ασπάθίνην παίει ἐς τὸν μηρόν, τοῦτο 
δὲ ᾿Ινταφρένεα ἐς τὸν ὀφθαλμόν" καὶ ἐστερήθη 
μὲν τοῦ ὀφθάλμοῦ è ἐκ τοῦ ) τρώµατος ὁ Ἰνταφρένης, 
οὐ μέντοι.. ἀπέθανέ γε. τῶν μὲν δὴ Μάγων οὕτερος 
τρῳματΐξει τούτους" ὁ δὲ ἕ ἕτερος, ἐπείτε οἱ τὰ τόξα 
οὔὐδεν. χρηστὰ ἐγίνετο, ἦν γὰρ δὴ θάλαμος ἐσέχων 
ἐς; τὸν ἀνδρεῶνα, ἐς τοῦτον καταφεύγει, θέλων 
αὐτοῦ προσθεῖναι τὰς θύρας, καί οἱ συνεσπί- 
πτουσι τῶν ἑπτὰ δύο, Δαρεῖός τε καὶ Γοβρύης. 
δυμπλακέντος δὲ Γοβρύεω. τῷ Μάγῳ ὁ Δαρεῖος 
ἐπεστεὼς ἠπόρεε οἷα ἐν σκότεϊ, προμηθεόµενος μὴ 
πλήξῃ τὸν Γοβρύην. .ópéov δέ μιν ἀργὸν eme- 
στεῶτα ὁ Γοβρύης εἴρετο ὅ τι οὗ ρᾶται τῇ 
χειρί' ὃ δὲ εἶπε “Προμηθεόµενος σέο, μὴ πλήξω.᾽ 
Γοβρύης δὲ ἀμείβετο '"Ὥθεε τὸ ξίφος καὶ δι᾽ 
ἀμφοτέρων." Δαρεῖος δὲ πειθόμενος ὦσέ τε τὸ 
ἐγχειρίδιον καὶ ἔτυχέ κως τοῦ Μάγου. 

79. ᾿Αποκτείναντες δὲ τοὺς Μάγους καὶ ἀπο- 
ταμόντες αὐτῶν τὰς κεφαλάς, τοὺς μὲν τρωματίας 
ἑωυτῶν αὐτοῦ λείπουσι καὶ ἀδυνασίης εἵνεκεν καὶ 
φυλακῆς τῆς ἀκροπόλιος, οἱ δὲ πέντε αὐτῶν 
ἔχοντες τῶν Μάγων τὰς κεφαλὰς ἔθεον βοῇ τε 
καὶ πατάγῳ χρεώμενοι, καὶ Πέρσας τοὺς ἄλλους 
ἐπεκαλέοντο ἐξηγεόμενοί τε τὸ πρῆγμα καὶ δει- 
κνύοντες τὰς κεφαλάς, καὶ ἅμα ἔκτεινον πάντα 
τινὰ τῶν Μάγων τὸν ἐν ποσὶ γινόμενον. οἱ δὲ 
Πέρσαι μαθόντες τὸ γεγονὸς ἐκ τῶν ἑπτὰ καὶ τῶν 
Μάγων τὴν ἀπάτην, ἐδικαίευν καὶ αὐτοὶ ἕτερα 
τοιαῦτα ποιέειν, σπασάμενοι δὲ τὰ ἐγχειρίδια 
ἔκτεινον ὅκου τινὰ Μάγον εὕρισκον" εἰ δὲ μὴ νὺξ 
ἐπελθοῦσα ἔσχε, ἔλιπον ἂν οὐδένα Μάγον. ταύ- 


102 


[ 


BOOK III. 78-79 


pressing him hard; but the other defended himself 
with his spear, smiting Aspathines in the thigh and 
Intaphrenes in the eye; Intaphrenes was not slain 
by the wound, but lost his eye. So these were 
wounded by one of the Magians; the other, his bow 
availing him nothing, fled into a chamber adjoining 
the men's apartment and would have shut its door. 
Two of the seven, Darius and Gobryas, hurled them- 
selves into the chamber with him. Gobryas and the 
Magian grappling together, Darius stood perplexed 
by the darkness, fearing to strike Gobryas; whereat 
Gobryas, seeing Darius stand idle, cried to know why 
he did not strike; “ For fear of stabbing you," quoth 
Darius. ‘ Nay," said Gobryas, “thrust with your 
sword, though it be through both of us.” So Darius 
thrust with his dagger, and by good luck it was the 
Magian that he stabbed. 

79. Having killed the Magians and cut off their 
heads, they left their wounded where they were, by 
reason of their infirmity and to guard the citadel; 
the other five took the Magians’ heads and ran with 
much shouting and noise, calling all Persians to aid, 
telling what they had done and showing the heads ; 
at the same time they killed every Magian that came 
in their way. The Persians, when they heard from the 
seven what had been done and how the Magians had 
tricked them, resolved to follow the example set, and 
drew their daggers and slew all the Magians they 
could find ; and if nightfall had notstayed them they 
would not have left one Magian alive. This day is 

103 


HERODOTUS 


την τὴν ἡμέρην θεραπεύουσι Ἠέρσαι. κοινῇ pá- 
λιστα τῶν ἡμερέων, καὶ ἐν αὐτῇ ὁρτὴν μεγάλην 
ἀνάγουσι, ἣ κέκληται ὑπὸ Περσέων μαγοφόνια" 
ἐν τῇ Μάγον οὐδένα ἔξεστι φανῆναι ἐς τὸ φῶς, 
ἀλλὰ κατ᾽ οἴκους ἑωυτοὺς οἱ Μάγοι ἔχουσι τὴν 
ἡμέρην ταύτην. 

80. Ἐπείτε δὲ κατέστη ὁ θόρυβος καὶ ἐκτὸς 
πέντε ἡμερέων ἐγένετο, ἐβουλεύοντο οἱ ἐπανα- 
στάντες τοῖσι Μάγοισι περὶ τῶν πάντων πρηγ- 
μάτων καὶ ἐλέχθησαν λόγοι ἄπιστοι μὲν ἐνίοισι 
Ἑλλήνων, ἐλέχθησαν δ᾽ ὦν. Ὀτάνης μὲν ἐκέλευε 
ἐς μέσον Πέρσῃσι. καταθεῖναι τὰ πρήγματα, 
λέγων τάδε. “'᾿Εμοὶ δοκέει ἕνα μὲν ἡμέων μού- 
ναρχον μηκέτι γενέσθαι. οὔτε γὰρ ἡδὺ οὔτε 
ἀγαθόν. εἴδετε μὲν γὰρ τὴν Καμβύσεω ὕβριν ἐ ἐπ᾽ 
ὅσον ἐπεξῆλθε, µετεσχήκατε, δὲ καὶ τῆς τοῦ 
Μάγου ὕβριος. κῶς ὃ ἂν εἴη χρῆμα κατηρτη- 
μένον μουναρχίη, τῇ ἔξεστι ἀνευθύνῳ ποιέειν τὰ 
βούλεται; καὶ γὰρ ἂν τὸν ἄριστον ἀνδρῶν πάντων 
στάντα ἐς ταύτην ἐκτὸς τῶν ἑωθότων νοημάτων 
στήσειε. ἐγγίνεται μὲν γάρ οἱ ὕβρις ὑπὸ τῶν 
παρεόντων ἀγαθῶν, φθόνος δὲ ἀρχῆθεν ἐμφύεται 
ἀνθρώπῳ. δύο δ᾽ ἔχων ταῦτα ἔχει πᾶσαν κακό- 
TNTA’ τὰ μὲν γὰρ ὕβρι κεκορημένος ἔρδει πολλὰ 
καὶ ἀτάσθαλα, τὰ δὲ ϕ ὀνῳ. καίτοι ἄνδρα ye 
τύραννον ἄφθονον ἔδει. εἶναι, ἔχοντά γε πάντα τὰ 
ἀγαθά. τὸ δὲ Ù ὑπεναντίον τούτου ἐς τοὺς πολιήτας 
πέφυκε' φθονέει γὰρ τοῖσι ἀρίστοισι περιεοῦσί ' τε 
καὶ ζώουσι, χαίρει δὲ τοῖσι κακίστοισι τῶν ἀστῶν, 
διαβολὰς δὲ ἄριστος ἐνδέκεσθαι. ἀναρμοστότα- 
τον δὲ πάντων: ἦν. τε γὰρ αὐτὸν μετρίως θωμάξης, 
ἄχθεται ὅτι οὐ κάρτα θεραπεύεται, ἤν τε θερα- 


104 


.BOOK ΤΠ. 79-80 


` the greatest holy day that all Persians alike keep; they 


t 


celebrate a great festival on it, which they call the 
Massacre of the Magians; while the festival lasts no 
Magian may come abroad, but during this day they 
remain in their houses. 

80. When the tumult was abated, and five days 
had passed, the rebels against the Magians held a 
council on the whole state of affairs, at which words 
were uttered which to some Greeks seem incredible ; 
but there is no doubt that they were spoken. Otanes 
was for giving the government to the whole body of 
the Persian people. “I hold,’ he said, “that we 
must make an end of monarchy ; there is no pleasure 
or advantage in it. You have seen to what lengths 
went the insolence of Cambyses, and you have borne 
your share of the insolence of the Magian. What 
right order is there to be found in monarchy, when 
the ruler can do what he will, nor be held to 
account for it? Give this power to the best man on 
earth, and his wonted mind must leave him. The 
advantage which he holds breeds insolence, and 
nature makes all men jealous. This double cause is 
the root of all evil in him; he will do many wicked 
deeds, some from the insolence which is born of 
satiety, some from jealousy. For whereas an absolute 
ruler, as having all that heart can desire, should 
rightly be jealous of no man, yet it is contrariwise 
with him in his dealing with his countrymen ; he is 
jealous of the safety of the good, and glad of the 
safety of the evil; and no man is so ready to believe 
calumny. Nor is any so hard to please ; accord him 
but just honour, and he is displeased that you make 
him not your first care; make him such, and he damns 


105 


HERODOTUS 


πεύῃ τις κάρτα, ἄχθεται ἅτε θωπί. τὰ δὲ δὴ 
μέγιστα ἔρχομαι ἐρέων: νόμαιά τε, κινέει πάτρια 
καὶ βιᾶται γυναῖκας κτείνει τε ἀκρίτους. πλῆθος 
δὲ ἄρχον πρῶτα μὲν οὔνομα πάντων κάλλιστον 
ἔχει, ἰσονομίην, δεύτερα δὲ τούτων τῶν o .μού- 
ναρχος ποιέει οὐδέν: πάλῳ μὲν ἀρχὰς ἄρχει, 
ὑπεύθυνον δὲ ἀρχὴν ἔχει, βουλεύματα δὲ πάντα 
ἐς τὸ κοινὸν ἀναφέρει. τίθεμαι ὦ ὧν γνώμην μετ- 
έντας ἡμέας μουναρχίην τὸ πλῆθος ἀέξειν' ἐν 
s τῷ πολλῴ ἔνι τὰ πάντα.” 

Ὀτάνης μὲν δὴ ταύτην γνώμην ἐσέφερε" 
Μεγάβυξος δὲ ὀλιγαρχίῃ ἐκέλευε ἐπιτράπειν, 
λέγων τάδε. “Ta μὲν Ὀτάνης εἶπε τυραννίδα 
παύων, λελέχθω κἀμοὶ ταῦτα, τὰ δ᾽ ἐς τὸ πλῆθος 
ἄνωγε φέρειν τὸ κράτος, γνώμης τῆς ἀρίστης 
ἡμάρτηκε" ὁμίλου γὰρ ἀχρηίου οὐδέν ἐστι A£v- 
νετώτερον οὐδὲ ὑβριστότερον. καίτοι τυράννου 
ὕβριν φεύγοντας ἄνδρας ἐς δήμου ἀκολάστου 
ὕβριν πεσεῖν ἐστὶ οὐδαμῶς ἀνασχετὸν. ὃ μὲν 
γὰρ εἴ τι ποιέει, γινώσκων ποιέει, τῷ δὲ οὐδὲ 

/ 

γινώσκειν ἔνι" κῶς γὰρ ἂν γινώσκοι ὃς οὔτ᾽ 
ἐδιδάχθη οὔτε εἶδε καλὸν οὐδὲν οἰκήιον,᾽ 
ὠθέει τε ἐμπεσὼν τὰ πρήγματα ἄνευ νόου, χει- 
μάρρῳ ποταμῷ εἴκελος; δήμῳ μέν. νυν, ot Πέρσῃσι 
κακὸν νοέουσι, οὗτοι χράσθων, ἡ ἡμεῖς δὲ ἀνδρῶν 
τῶν ἀρίστων ἐπιλέξαντες ὁμιλίην τούτοισι περι- 
θέωμεν τὸ κράτος" ἐν γὰρ δὴ τούτοισι καὶ αὐτοὶ 
ἐνεσόμεθα- ἀρίστων δὲ ἀνδρών οἰκὸς ἄριστα βου- 
λεύματα γίνεσθαι.᾽ 

89. Μεγάβυξος μὲν δὴ ταύτην γνώμην ἐσέφερε' 

1 MSS οὐδὲν οὐδ᾽ οἰκήιον; Stein brackets οὐδ᾽, as giving a 
sense not here required. I omit it in translation. 


106 


BOOK III. 80-82 


you for a flatterer. But I have yet worse to say 
of him than thatí he turns the laws of the land 
upside down, he rapes women, he puts high and low 
todeath. But the virtue of a multitude's rule lies 
first in its excellent name, which signifies equality 
before the law; and secondly, in that its acts are 
not the acts of the monarch. All offices are assigned 
by lot, and the holders are accountable for what. 
they do therein; and the general assembly arbitrates 
on all counsels. Therefore I declare my opinion, 
that we make an end of monarchy and increase the 
power of the multitude, seeing that all good lies in 
the many." 

δ]. Such was the judgment of Otanes: but Mega- 
byzus counsel was to make a ruling oligarchy. 
* I agree," said he, “ to all that Otanes says against 
the rule of one; but when he bids you give the 
power to the multitude, his judgment falls short 
of the best. Nothing is more foolish and violent 
than a useless mob; to save ourselves from the 
insolence of a despot by changing it for the insolence 
of the unbridled commonalty—that were unbearable 
indeed. Whatever the despot does, he does with 
knowledge; but the people have not even that; 
how can they have knowledge, who have neither 
learnt nor for themselves seen what is best, but 
ever rush headlong and drive blindly onward, like a 
river in spate? Let those stand for democracy 
who wish ill to Persia; but let us choose a company 
of the best men and invest these with the power. 
For we ourselves shall be of that company; and 
where we have the best men, there 'tis like that 
we shall have the best counsels.” 

82. Such was the judgment of Megabyzus. 


107 


HERODOTUS 


τρίτος δὲ Δαρεῖος ἀπεδείκνυτο γνώμην, λέγων 
«Ἐμοὶ δὲ τὰ μὲν εἶπε Μεγάβυζος è ἐς τὸ πλῆθος 
ἔχοντα δοκέει ὀρθῶς λέξαι, τὰ δὲ ἐς ὀλιγαρχίην 
οὐκ ὀρθῶς. τριῶν γὰρ προκειμένων καὶ πάντων 
τῷ λόγῳ ἀρίστων ἐόντων, δήμου τε ἀρίστου καὶ 
ὀλιγαρχίης καὶ μουνάρχου, πολλῷ τοῦτο προέχειν 
λέγω. ἀνδρὸς γὰρ ἑνὸς τοῦ ἀρίστου οὐδὲν ἄμεινον 
ἂν φανείη" γνώμῃ γὰρ τοιαύτῃ χρεώμενος ἐπιτρο- 
πεύοι ἂν ἀμωμήτως τοῦ πλήθεος, σιγῷτό τε ἂν 
βουλεύματα ἐπὶ δυσµενέας ἄνδρας οὕτω μάλιστα. 
, . 9 / ^ 3 . 9 / , 
ἐν δὲ ὀλιγαρχίῃ πολλοῖσι ἀρετὴν ἐπασκέουσι ἐς 
` N L4 ” ? \ / 3 / 
τὸ κοινὸν ἔχθεα ἴδια ἰσχυρὰ φιλέει ἐγγίνεσθαι. 
αὐτὸς γὰρ ἕκαστος βουλόμενος κορυφαῖος εἶναι 
, , ^ 2 y , , 4 
γνώμῃσί τε νικᾶν ἐς ἔχθεα μεγάλα ἀλλήλοισι 
ἀπικνέονται, ἐξ ὧν στάσιες ἐγγίνονται, ἐκ δὲ τῶν 
/ / , s ^ / 2 / 5 

στασίων φόνος: ἐκ δὲ τοῦ φόνου ἀπέβη ἐς pov- 
ναρχίην, καὶ ἐν τούτῳ διέδεξε ὅσῳ ἐστὶ τοῦτο 
ἄριστον. δήμου τε αὖ ἄρχοντος ἀδύνατα μὴ οὐ 
κακότητα ἐγγίνεσθαι: κακότητος τοίνυν ἐγγινο- 
μένης ἐς τὰ κοινὰ ἔχθεα μὲν οὐκ ἐγγίνεται τοῖσι 
κακοῖσι, φιλίαι δὲ ἰσχυραΐί' οἱ γὰρ κακοῦντες τὰ 
κοινὰ συγκύψαντες ποιεῦσι. τοῦτο δὲ τοιοῦτο 
γίνεται ἐς ὃ ἂν προστάς τις τοῦ δήμου τοὺς τοιού- 
τους παύσῃ. ἐκ δὲ αὐτῶν θωμάξζεται οὗτος δὴ 
e . ^ ὃ ΄ 0 [4 δὲ , 5 ^ , 4 

ὑπὸ τοῦ ὀήμου, 6ωμαζομενος ἂν wv ἐφάνη 
μούναρχος ἐών, καὶ ἐν τούτῳ δηλοῖ καὶ οὗτος ὡς 
ἡ μουναρχίη κράτιστον. ἑνὶ δὲ ἔπεϊ πάντα συλ- 

^ ^ / 

λαβόντα εἰπεῖν, κὀθεν ἡμῖν ἡ ἐλευθερίη ἐγένετο 
καὶ τεῦ δόντος; κότερα παρὰ τοῦ δήμου ἢ ὀλι- 


108 


BOOK III. 82 


Darius was the third to declare his opinion. 
* Methinks," said he, * Megabyzus speaks rightly 
concerning democracy, but not so concerning 
oligarchy. For the choice lying between these 
three, and each of them, democracy, oligarchy and 
monarchy being supposed to be the best of its kind, 
I hold that monarchy is by far the most excellent. 
Nothing can be found better than the rule of the 
one best man; his judgment being like to himself, 
he will govern the multitude with perfect wisdom, 
and best conceal plans made for the defeat of 
enemies. But in an oligarchy, the desire of many 
to do the state good service ofttimes engenders 
bitter enmity among them ; for each one wishing to 
be chief of all and to make his counsels prevail, 
violent enmity is the outcome, enmity brings 
faction and faction bloodshed; and the end of 
bloodshed is monarchy; whereby it is shown that 
this fashion of government is the best. Again, 
the rule of the commonalty must of necessity 
engender evil-mindedness; and when evil-minded- 
ness in public matters is engendered, bad men 
are not divided by enmity but united by close 
friendship; for they that would do evil to the 
commonwealth conspire together to do it. This 
continues till someone rises to champion the people's 
cause and makes an end of such evil-doing. He 
therefore becomes the people's idol, and being their 
idol is made their monarch ; so his case also proves 
that monarchy is the best government. But (to 
conclude the whole matter in one word) tell me, 
whence and by whose gift came our freedom— 
from the commonalty or an oligarchy or a single 


199 


HERODOTUS 


γαρχίης ἢ ἢ μουνάρχου; ἔχω τοίνυν γνώμην ἡμέας 
ἐλευθερωθέντας διὰ ἕνα ἄνδρα τὸ τοιοῦτο περι- 
στέλλειν, χωρίς T€ τούτου πατρίους νόμους μὴ 
λύειν ἔχοντας εὖ" οὐ γὰρ ἄμεινον. 

83. Γνῶμαι μὲν δὴ τρεῖς αὗται προεκέατο, οἱ 
δὲ τέσσερες τῶν ἑπτὰ ἀνδρῶν προσέθεντο ταύτῃ. 
ὧς δὲ .ἑσσώθη τῇ γνώμῃ ὁ ᾿Οτάνης Πέρσῃσι 
ἐσονομίην σπεύδων ποιῆσαι, ἔλεξε ἐς μέσον αὖ- 
τοῖσι, τάδε. “ "Άνδρες στασιῶται, δῆλα γὰρ δὴ 6 ὅτι 
δεῖ ἕνα γε τινὰ ἡμέων βασιλέα γενέσθαι, ἤτοι 
κλήρῳ γε λαχόντα, Ù ἐπιτρεψάντων τῷ Ἡερσέων 
πλήθεϊ, τὸν ἂν ἐκεῖνο ἕληται, 7 ἄλλῃ τινὶ μηχανῇ. | 
ἐγὼ μέν νυν ὑμῖν οὐκ ἐναγωνιεῦμαι: οὔτε γὰρ 
ἄρχειν οὔτε ἄρχεσθαι ἐθέλω" ἐπὶ τούτῳ δὲ ὑπεξ- 
ἵσταμαι τῆς ἀρχῆς, ἐπ’ ᾧ τε ὑπ᾽ οὐδενὸς ὑμέων 
ἄρξομαι, οὔτε αὐτὸς ἐγὼ οὔτε οἱ ἀπ’ ἐμεῦ αἰεὶ 
γινόμενοι. τούτου. εἴπαντος ταῦτα ὡς συνεχώ- 
ρεον οἱ ἓξ ἐπὶ τούτοισι, οὗτος μὲν δή σφι οὐκ 
ἐνηγωνίξετο ἀλλ ἐκ μέσου κατῆστο, καὶ νῦν αὕτη 
7) οἰκίη διατελέει μούνη ἐλευθέρη ἐ ἐοῦσα Περσέων 
καὶ ἄρχεται τοσαῦτα ὅσα αὐτὴ θέλει, νόμους οὐκ 
ὑπερβαίνουσα τοὺς Περσέων. 

84. Οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ τῶν ἑπτὰ ἐβουλεύοντο ὡς 
βἁσιλέα δικαιότατα στήσονται' καί σφι ἔδοξε 
Ὀτάνῃ μὲν καὶ τοῖσι ἀπὸ Ὀτάνεω αἰεὶ γινο- 
μένοισι, ἣν ἐς ἄλλον τινὰ τῶν ἑπτὰ ἔλθῃ ἡ 
βασιληίη, ἐξαίρετα δίδοσθαι ἐσθῆτά τε Μηδικὴν 
ἔτεος ἑκάστου καὶ τὴν πᾶσαν δωρεὴν À ἣ γίνεται ἐν 
Πέρσησι τιμιωτάτη. | τοῦδε δὲ εἵνεκεν ἐβούλευσάν 
οἱ δίδοσθαι ταῦτα, ὅτι ἐβούλευσέ τε πρῶτος τὸ 
πρῆγμα καὶ συνέστησε αὐτούς. ταῦτα μὲν δὴ 
Ὀτάνῃ ἐξαίρετα, τάδε δὲ ἐς τὸ κοινὸν ἐβούλευσαν, 


IIO 


BOOK III. 82-84 


: ruler? I hold therefore, that as the rule of one 
man gave us freedom, so that rule we should 
preserve ; and, moreover, that we should not repeal 
the good laws of our fathers; that were ill done." 

..-—83. Having to judge between these three opinions, 
four of the seven declared for the last. Then Otanes, 
his proposal to give the Persians equality being de- 
feated, thus spoke among them all: “Friends and 
partisans! seeing that it is plain that one of us must 
be made king (whether by lot, or by our suffering the 
people of Persia to choose whom they will, or in some 
other way), know that I will not enter the lists with 
you ; I desire neither to rule nor to be ruled ; but if 
I waive my claim to be king, I make this condition, 
that neither [ nor any of my posterity shall be sub- 
ject to any one of you." To these terms the six others 
agreed ; Otanes took no part in the contest but stood 
aside; and to this day his house (and none other in 
Persia) remains free, nor is compelled to render any 
unwiling obedience, so long as it transgresses no 
Persian law. 

84. The rest of the seven then consulted what was 
the justest way of making a king ; and they resolved, 
if another of the seven than Otanes should gain the 
royal power, that Otanes and his posterity should 
receive for themselves specially a yearly gift of Median 
raiment and all such presents as the Persians hold 
most precious. The reason of this resolve was that 
it was he who had first contrived the matter and 
assembled the conspirators. To Otanes, then, they 
gave this peculiar honour; but with regard to all of 


III 


HERODOTUS 


παριέναι. ἐς τὰ βασιλήια πάντα τὸν βουλόμενον 
τῶν ἑπτὰ ἄνευ ἐσαγγελέος, ἦν μὴ τυγχάνῃ εὕδων 
μετὰ γυναικὸς βασιλεύς, γαμέειν δὲ μὴ ἐξεῖναι 
ἄλλοθεν τῷ βασιλέι ἢ ἐκ τῶν συνεπαναστάντων. 
περὶ δὲ τῆς βασιληίης ἐβούλευσαν τοιὀνδε' ὅτευ 
ἂν ὁ ἵππος ἡλίου ἐπανατέλλοντος πρῶτος φθέγ- 
ξηται, ἐν τῷ προαστείῳ αὐτῶν ἐπιβεβηκότων, 
τοῦτον ἔχειν τὴν βασιληίην. 

85. Δαρείῳ δὲ ἦν ἱπποκόμος ἀνὴρ σοφός, τῷ 
οὔνομα ἦν Οἰβάρης. πρὸς τοῦτον τὸν ἄνδρα, 
ἐπείτε διελύθησαν, ἔλεξε Δαρεῖος τάδε. “ Ot- 
Bapes, ἡ ἡμῖν δέδοκται περὶ τῆς βασιληίης ποιέειν 
κατὰ τάδε" ὅ ὅτευ ἂν ὁ ἵππος πρῶτος φθέγξηται ἃ ἅμα 
τῷ ἡλίῳ ἀνιόντι αὐτῶν ἐπαναβεβηκότων, τοῦτον 
ἔχειν τὴν βασιληίην. νῦν ὧν εἴ τινα ἔχεις σοφίην, 
μηχανῶ ὡς ἂν ἡμεῖς σχῶμεν τοῦτο τὸ γέρας καὶ 
μὴ ἄλλος τις." ἀμείβεται Οἰβάρης τοῖσιδε. “E: 
μὲν ν δὴ ὦ ὧ δέσποτα ἐν τούτῳ τοι ἐστὶ ἡ βασιλέα 
εἶναι 3j μή, θάρσεε τούτου εἵνεκεν καὶ θυμὸν ἔ ἔχε 
ἀγαθόν, ὡς βασιλεὺς οὐδεὶς ἄλλος πρὸ σεῦ ἔσται" 
τοιαῦτα ἔχω φάρμακα. "λέγει Δαρεῖος “ Εἰ τοίνυν 
τι τοιοῦτον ἔχεις σόφισμα, ὥρη μηχανᾶσθαι καὶ 
μὴ ἀναβάλλεσθαι, ὡς τῆς ἐπιούσης ἡμέρης ὁ 
ἀγὼν ἡμῖν ἐστί. ἀκούσας ταῦτα ὁ Οἰβάρης 
ποιέει τοιόνδε' ὡς ἐγίνετο ἡ .νύξ, τῶν. θηλέων 
ἵππων μίαν, τὴν ὁ Δαρείου ἵππος ἔστεργε μά- 
λιστα, ταύτην ἀγαγὼν ἐς τὸ προάστειον κατέδησε 
καὶ ἐπήγαγε τὸν Δαρείου. ἵππον, καὶ τὰ μὲν 
πολλὰ περιῆγε ἀγχοῦ τῇ. ἵππῳ ἐγχρίμπτων τῇ 
θηλέῃ, τέλος δὲ ἐ ᾿ἐπῆκε ὀχεῦσαι τὸν ἵππον. 

86. “Ap ἡμέρῃ. δὲ διαφωσκούσῃ οἱ ἓξ κατὰ 
συνεθήκαντο παρῆσαν ἐπὶ τῶν ἵππων' διεξελαυ- 


112 


BOOK III. 84-86 


them alike they decreed that any one of the seven 
should, if he so wished, enter the king's palace unan- 
nounced, save if the king were sleeping with a woman ; 
and that it should be forbidden to the king to take 
a wife saving from the households of the conspirators. 
As concerning the making of a king, they resolved 
that he should be elected whose horse, when they 
were all mounted in the suburb of the city, should 
first be heard to neigh at sunrise. 

85. Now Darius had a clever groom, whose name 
was Oebares. When the council broke up, Darius 
said to him: * Oebares, in the matter of the kingship, 
we are resolved that he shall be king whose horse, 
when we are all mounted, shall first neigh at sun- 
rise. Now do you devise by whatever cunning you 
can that we and none other may win this prize.” 
* Master," Oebares answered, “ if this is to determine 
whether you be king or not, you have no cause to 
fear; be of good courage ; no man but you shall be 
king; trust my arts for that." “Then,” said Darius, 
* if you have any trick such as you say, set about it 
without delay, for to-morrow is the day of decision." 
When Oebares heard that he did as I will show. At 
nightfal he brought a mare that was especially 
favoured by Darius' horse, and tethered her in the 
suburb of the city ; then bringing in Darius' horse, he 
led him round her near, so as ever and anon to touch 
her, and at last let the stallion have his way with the 
mare. 

86. At dawn of day came the six on horseback as 
they had agreed. As they rode out through the 

113 

VOL. II. i 1 


HERODOTUS 


νόντων δὲ κατὰ τὸ προάστειον, ὡς κατὰ τοῦτο τὸ 
χωρίον ἐγίνοντο ἵνα τῆς παροιχοµένης νυκτὸς 
κατεδέδετο ἡ θήλεα ἵππος, ἐνθαῦτα ὁ Δαρείου 
ἵππος προσδραμὼν ἐχρεμέτισε' ἅμα δὲ τῷ ἵππῳ 
τοῦτο ποιήσαντι ἀστραπὴ ἐξ αἰθρίης καὶ βροντὴ 
ἐγένετο. ἐπιγενόμενα δὲ ταῦτα τῷ Δαρείῳ ἐτε- 
λέωσέ μιν ὥσπερ ἐκ συνθέτου τευ γενόμενα' οἳ 
δὲ καταθορόντες ἀπὸ πῶν ἵππων προσεκύνεον τὸν 
Δαρεῖον. 

87. Oi μὲν δή φασι τὸν Oiflápea ταῦτα µη- 
χανήσασθαι, ot δὲ τοιάδε (καὶ γὰρ ἐπ᾽ ἀμφότερα 
λέγεται ὑπὸ Περσέων), ὡς τῆς ἵππου ταύτης τῶν 
ἄρθρων ἐπιψαύσας τῇ χειρὶ ἔχοι αὐτὴν κρύψας 
ἐν that ἀναξυρίσι' ὡς δὲ ἅμα τῷ ἡλίῳ ἀνιόντι 
ἀπίεσθαι μέλλειν τοὺς ἵππους, τὸν Οἰβάρεα τοῦ- 
τον ἐξείραντα τὴν χεῖρα πρὸς τοῦ Δαρείου ἵππου 
τοὺς μυκτῆρας προσενεῖκαι, τὸν δὲ αἰσθόμενον 
φριμάξασθαί τε καὶ χρεμετίσαι. 

88. Δαρεῖός τε δὴ ὁ Ὑστάσπεος βασιλεὺς are- 
δέδεκτο, καί οἱ ἦσαν ἐν τῇ ᾿Ασίῃ πάντες κατήκοοι 
πλὴν ᾿Αραβίων, Κύρου τε καταστρεψαμένου καὶ 
ὕστερον αὖτις Καμβύσεω. ᾿Αράβιοι δὲ οὐδαμὰ 
κατήκουσαν ἐπὶ δουλοσύνῃ Πέρσησι, ἀλλὰ ξεῖνοι 
ἐγένοντο παρέντες Καμβύσεα ἐπ᾽ Αἴγυπτον' ἀεκόν- 
των γὰρ ᾿Αραβίων οὐκ ἂν ἐσβάλοιεν Πέρσαι ἐς 
Αἴγυπτον. γάμους τε τοὺς πρώτους ἐγάμεε 
Πέρσησι ὁ Δαρεῖος, Κύρου μὲν δύο θυγατέρας 
"Ατοσσάν τε καὶ ᾿Αρτυστώνην, τὴν μὲν "Ατοσσαν 
προσυνοικήσασαν Καμβύσῃ τε τῷ ἀδελφεῷ καὶ 
αὖτις τῷ Μάγῳ, τὴν δὲ ᾿Αρτυστώνην παρθένον: 
ἑτέρην δὲ Σμέρδιος τοῦ Κύρου θυγατέρα ἔγημε, τῇ 
οὔνομα ἦν Ἡάρμυς' ἔσχε δὲ καὶ τὴν τοῦ Ὀτάνεω 


114 


BOOK III. 86-88 


suburb and came to the place where the mare had 
been picketed in the past night, Darius' horse trotted 
up to it and whinnied ; and as he so did there came 
lightning and thunder out of a clear sky. These 
signs given to Darius were thought to be foreordained 
and made his election perfect ; his companions leapt 
from their horses and did obeisance to him. 

87. Some say that this was Oebares' plan; but 
there is another story in Persia besides this: that he 
touched the mare with his hand, and then kept it 
hidden in his breeches till the six were about to 
let go their horses at sunrise; when he took his hand 
out and held it to the nostrils of Darius' horse, which 
forthwith snorted and whinnied. 

88. So Darius son of Hystaspes was made king,! 
and the whole of Asia, which Cyrus first and 
Cambyses after him had subdued, was made subject 
to him, except the Arabians; these did not yield the 
obedience of slaves to the Persians, but were united 
to them by friendship, as having given Cambyses 
passage into Egypt, which the Persians could not 
enter without the consent of the Arabians. Darius 
took wives from the noblest houses of Persia, marry- 
ing Cyrus’ daughters Atossa and Artystone ; Atossa 
had been wife of her brother Cambyses and after- 
wards of the Magian, Artystone was a virgin. He 
married also Parmys, daughter of Cyrus' son Smerdis, 
and that daughter of Otanes who had discovered 


1 59] B.C. 


τις 
I 2 


HERODOTUS 


θυγατέρα, 7 TÓV Máyov κατάδηλον ἐ ἐποίησε" δυνά- 
μίος τε πάντα οἱ ἐπιμπλέατο. πρῶτον μέν νυν 
τύπον ποιησάμενος λίθινον ἔστησε" ζῷον δέ οἱ 
ἐνῆν ἀνὴρ ἱππεύς, ἐπέγραψε δὲ γράμματα λέγοντα 
τάδε" = Δαρεῖος | ὁ Ὑστάσπεος σύν τε τοῦ ἵππου 
τῇ ἀρετῇ᾽ τὸ οὔνομα λέγων “ καὶ Οὐβάρεος τοῦ 
ἱπποκόμου ἐκτήσατο τὴν Περσέων βασιληίην.” 

89. Ποιήσας δὲ ταῦτα ἐν Πέρσῃσι ἀρχὰς κατε- 
στήσατο εἴκοσι, τὰς αὐτοὶ καλέουσι σατραπήίΐας" 
καταστήσας δὲ τὰς ἀρχὰς καὶ ἄρχοντας ἐπιστήσας 
ἐτάξατο φόρους οἱ προσιέναι κατὰ ἔθνεά τε καὶ 
πρὸς τοῖσι ἔθνεσι τοὺς πλησιοχώρους π οστάσσων, 
καὶ ὑπερβαίνων τοὺς προσεχέας ge ἑκαστέρω 
ἄλλοισι ἄλλα ἔθνεα νέμων. ἀρ ὰς δὲ καὶ φόρων 
πρόσοδον τὴν ἐπέτειον κατὰ τά ε διεῖλε. τοῖσι 
μὲν αὐτῶν ἀργύριον πο ο εἴρητο Βαβυ- 
λώνιον σταθμὸν τάλαντον ἀπαγινέειν, τοῖσι δὲ 
χρυσίον ἀπαγινέουσι Εὐβοϊκόν. τὸ δὲ Βαβυλώ- 
νιον τάλαντον δύναται Εὐβοΐδας ὀκτὼ καὶ ἑθδο- 
μήκοντα μνέας.: ἐπὶ γὰρ Κύρου ἄρχοντος καὶ 
αὖτις Καμβύσεω ἢ ἦν κατεστηκὸς οὐδὲν όρου. πέρι, 
ἀλλὰ δῶρα ἀγίνεον. διὰ δὲ ταύτην. την ἐπίταξιν 
τοῦ φόρου καὶ παραπλήσια ταύτη ἄλλα λέγουσι 
Πέρσαι ὡς Δαρεῖος μὲν ἦν κάπηλος, Καμβύσης 
δὲ δεσπότης, Kópos δὲ πατήρ, ὃ μὲν ὅτι ἐκαπήλευε 
πάντα τὰ πρήγματα, ὃ δὲ ὅτι χαλεπός τε ἦν καὶ 
ὀλίγωρος, ὃ 0 δὲ ὅτι ἥπιός τε καὶ ἀγαθά σφι πάντα 


ἐμηχανήσατο. 


1 The MSS. have Εὐβοΐδας ἑβδομήκοντα μνέας; but the 
reading given is now generally adopted. As the weight- 
relation of the Persiah silver stater to tho Persian gold stater 
—the unit, of which 3000 composed the talent— was 3: 4, the 


116 


BOOK III. 88-89 


the truth about the Magian; and the whole land 
was full of his power. First he made and set up a 
carved stone, whereon was graven the figure of a 
horseman, with this inscription: ‘ Darius son of 
Hystaspes, aided by the excellence of his horse ” 
(here followed the horse's name) *and of Oebares 
his groom, won the kingdom of Persia." 

89. Having so done in Persia, he divided his 
dominions into twenty governments, called by the 
Persians satrapies!; and doing so and appointing 
governors, he ordained that each several nation 
should pay him tribute; to this end he united each 
nation with its closest neighbours, and, beyond these 
nearest lands, assigned those that were farther off 
some to one and some to another nation. I will 
now show how he divided his governments and the 
tributes which were paid him yearly. Those that 
paid in silver were appointed to render the weight 
of a Babylonian talent; those that paid in gold, an 
Euboic talent; the Babylonian talent being equal 
to seventy-eight Euboic minae. In the reigns of 
Cyrus and Cambyses after him there was no fixed 
tribute, but payment was made in gifts. It is by 
reason of this fixing of tribute, and other like ordin- 
ances, that the Persians called Darius the huckster, 
Cambyses the master, and Cyrus the father; for 
Darius made petty profit out of everything, Cambyses 
was harsh and arrogant, Cyrus was merciful and ever 
wrought for their well-being. 


1 On the following list see the introduction to this book. 


total silver or Babylonian talent equalled 13 of the gold (or 
Euboic) talent. Moreover the RENS 78 is confirmed by the 
calculation in ch. 95. 


I17 


HERODOTUS 


. Απὸ μὲν δὴ Ἰώνων καὶ Μαγνήτων. τῶν ἐν 
τῇ Dus καὶ Αἰολέων καὶ Καρῶν καὶ Λυκίων καὶ 
Μιλυέων καὶ Παμφύλων. (εἷς γὰρ ἡ ἣν οἱ τεταγ- 
μένος οὗτος φόρος) προσήιε τετρακόσια τάλαντα 
ἀργυρίου. ὁ μὲν δὴ πρῶτος οὗτός οἱ νομὸς κατε- 
στήκεε, ἀπὸ δὲ Μυσῶν καὶ Λυδῶν καὶ Λασονίων 
καὶ Καβαλέων καὶ Ὑτεννέων πεντακόσια τάλαντα" 
δεύτερος νομὸς οὗτος. ἀπὸ δὲ Ἑλλησποντίων τῶν 
ἐπὶ δεξιὰ ἐσπλέοντι καὶ Φρυγῶν καὶ Θρηίκων τῶν 
ἐν τῇ ᾿Ασίῃ καὶ Παφλαγόνων καὶ Μαριανδυνῶν 
καὶ Συρίων ἑξήκοντα καὶ τριηκόσια τάλαντα ἦν 
φόρος" νομὸς τρίτος οὗτος. ἀπὸ δὲ Κιλίκων V ἵπποι 
τε λευκοὶ ἑξήκοντα καὶ τριηκόσιοι, ἑκάστης ἡμέρης 
εἷς -γινόμενος, καὶ τάλαντα ἀργυρίου πεντακόσια" 
τούτων δὲ τεσσεράκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν ἐς τὴν φρου- 
ρέουσαν ἵππον τὴν Κιλικίην χώρην ἀναισιμοῦτο, 
τὰ δὲ τριηκόσια καὶ ἑξήκοντα Δαρείῳ ἐφοίτα" 
iio τέταρτος οὗτος. 

"Amro δὲ Ποσιδηίου πόλιος, τὴν ᾿Αμϕίλοχος 
ὁ wh οἴκισε ἐπ᾽ οὔροισι τοῖσι Κιλίκων τε 
καὶ | Σύρων, ἀρξάμενος ἀπὸ ταύτης μέχρι Αἰγύπτου, 
πλὴν μοίρης τῆς ᾿Αραβίων (ταῦτα γὰρ ἦν ἀτελέα), 
πεντήκοντα καὶ τριηκόσια τάλαντα φόρος ἦν. ἔστι 
δὲ ἐν τῷ νομῷ τούτῳ Φοινίκη τε πᾶσα καὶ Lupin 
1) Παλαιστίνη καλεομένη καὶ Κύπρος" νομὸς 
πέµπτος οὗτος. ἀπ᾽ Αἰγύπτου δὲ καὶ Λιβύων 
τῶν προσεχέων Αἰγύπτῳ καὶ Κυρήνης τε καὶ 
Βάρκης (és yap τὸν Αἰγύπτιον νομὸν αὗται ἐκεκο- 
σμέατο) ἑπτακόσια προσήιε τάλαντα, πάρεξ τοῦ 
ἐκ τῆς Μοίριος λίμνης γινομένου ἀργυρίου, τὸ 
ἐγίνετο ἐκ τῶν ἰχθύων" τούτου τε δὴ χωρὶς τοῦ 
ἀργυρίου καὶ uu σίτου προσήιε 


118 


BOOK III. 90-91 


90. The lonians, Magnesians of Asia, Aeolians, 
Carians, Lycians, Milyans, and Pamphylians, on 
whom Darius laid one joint tribute, paid a revenue 
of three hundred talents of silver. This was estab- 
lished as his first province. The Mysians, Lydians, 
Lasonians, Cabalians, and Hytennians paid five 
hundred talents; this was the second province. 
The third comprised the MHellespontians on the 
right of the entrance of the straits, the Phrygians, 
Thracians of Asia, Paphlagonians, Mariandynians, 
and Syrians; these paid three hundred and sixty 
talents of tribute. The fourth province was Cilicia. 
This rendered three hundred and sixty white horses, 
one for each day in the year, and five hundred 
talents of silver. An hundred and forty of these 
were expended on the horsemen who were the 
guard of Cilicia; the three hundred and sixty that 
remained were paid to Darius. 

91. The fifth province was the country (except 
the part belonging to the Arabians, which paid no 
tribute) between Posideion, a city founded on the 
Cilician and Syrian border by Amphilochus son of 
Amphiaraus, and Egypt; this paid three hundred 
and fifty talents; in this province was all Phoenice, 
and the part of Syria called Palestine, and Cyprus. 
The sixth province was Egypt and the neighbouring 
parts of Libya, and Cyrene and Barca, all which 
were included in the province of Egypt. Hence 
came seven hundred talents, besides the revenue 
of silver from the fish of the lake Moeris; besides 
that silver and the measure of grain that was 
given also, seven hundred talents were paid ; for an 


119 


HERODOTUS 


ἑπτακόσια τάλαντα" σίτου γὰρ. δύο καὶ δέκα 
μυριάδας Περσέων τε τοῖσι ἐν τῷ Λευκῷ τείχεϊ 
τῷ ἐν Μέμφι κατοικηµένοισι καταμετρέουσι. καὶ 
τοῖσι τούτων ἐπικούροισι. νομὸς ἕκτος οὗτος. 
Σατταγύδαι δὲ καὶ Γανδάριοι καὶ Δαδίκαι τε καὶ 
᾽Απαρύται, ἐς τὠυτὸ τεταγμένοι ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ 
ἑκατὸν τάλαντα προσέφερον' νομὸς δὲ οὗτος 
ἕβδομος. ἀπὸ Σούσων δὲ καὶ τῆς ἄλλης Κισσίων 
χώρης τριηκόσια’ νομὸς ὄγδοος οὗτος. 

99, ᾿Απὸ Βαβυλῶνος δὲ καὶ τῆς λοιπῆς ᾿Ασσυ- 
ρίης χίλιά οἱ προσήιε τάλαντα ἀργυρίου, καὶ παῖδες 
ἐκτομίαι πεντακόσιοι" νομὸς εἴνατος οὗτος. ἀπὸ 
δὲ ᾿Αγβατάνων καὶ τῆς λοιπῆς Μηδικῆς καὶ Hapı- 
κανίων καὶ Ὀρθοκορυβαντίων πεντήκοντά τε καὶ 
τετρακόσια τάλαντα νομὸς. δέκατος οὗτος. Κάσ- 
πιοι δὲ καὶ Παυσίκαι καὶ Παντίμαθοί τε καὶ 
Δαρεῖται ἐς τὠυτὸ συμφέροντες διηκόσια τάλαντα 
ἀπαγίνεον" νομὸς ἑνδέκατος οὗτος. 

93. ᾿Απὸ Βακτριανῶν δὲ μέχρι, ᾿Αἰγλῶν ἑξήκοντα 
καὶ τριηκόσια “ τάλαντα φόρος jv: νομὸς δυωδέ- 
κατος οὗτος. ἀπὸ Πακτυϊκῆς δὲ καὶ ᾽ἁρμενίων 
καὶ τῶν 'προσεχέων μέχρι τοῦ πόντου τοῦ Εὐξείνου 
τετρακόσια τάλαντα! νομὸς τρίτος καὶ δέκατος 
οὗτος. ἀπὸ δὲ Σαγαρτίων καὶ Σαραγγέων καὶ 
Θαμαναίων καὶ Οὐτίων καὶ Μύκων καὶ τῶν ἐν τῇσι 
νήσοισι οἰκεύντων τῶν ἐν τῇ ᾿Ερυθρῇ θαλάσση, ἐν 
τῆσι τοὺς ἀνασπάστους «καλεομένους κατοικίζει 
βασιλεύς, ἀπὸ τούτων πάντων ἑξακόσια τάλαντα 
ἐγίνετο φόρος" νομὸς τέταρτος καὶ δέκατος οὗτος. 
Σάκαι δὲ καὶ Κάσπιοι πεντήκοντα καὶ -διηκόσια 
ἀπαγίνεον τάλαντα' νομὸς πέμπτος καὶ δέκατος 
οὗτος. Πάρθοι δὲ καὶ Χοράσμιοι καὶ Σόγδοι τε 
120 


BOOK ΠΠ. 91-93 


hundred and twenty thousand bushels of grain 
were also assigned to the Persians quartered at 
the White Citadel of Memphis and their allies. 
The Sattagydae, Gandarii, Dadicae, and Aparytae 
paid together an hundred and seventy talents; this 
was the seventh province ; the eighth was Susa and 
the rest of the Cissian country, paying three hundred 
talents. 

92. Babylon and the rest of Assyria rendered to 
Darius a thousand talents of silver and five hundred 
boys to be eunuchs; this was the ninth province; 
Agbatana and the rest of Media, with the Pari- 
canians and Orthocorybantians, paid four hundred 
and fifty talents, and was the tenth province. The 
eleventh comprised the Caspii, Pausicae, Pantimathi, 
and Daritae, paying jointly two hundred ; 

93. The twelfth, the Bactrians as far as the land 
of the Aegli; these paid three hundred and 
sixty. The thirteenth, the Pactyic country and 
Armenia and the lands adjoining thereto as far as 
the Euxine sea; these paid four hundred. The 
fourteenth province was made up of the Sagartii, 
Sarangeis, Thamanaei, Utii, Myci, and the dwellers 
on those islands of the southern sea wherein the 
king plants the people said to be “removed” 1; these 
together paid a tribute of six hundred talents. The 
Sacae and Caspii were the fifteenth, paying two 
hundred and fifty. The Parthians, Chorasmians, 


1 The regular term for the peoples or individuals who 
were transplanted from the western into the eastern parts of 
the Persian empire ; the ἆνα- implying removal from the sea 
to the highlands. 


121 


HERODOTUS 


καὶ ᾿Αρειοι τριηκόσια τάλαντα" νομὸς ἕκτος καὶ 
δέκατος οὗτος. 

94. Παρικάνιοι δὲ καὶ Αἰθίοπες οἱ ἐκ τῆς Ασίης 
τετρακόσια τάλαντα ἀπαγύνεον' νομὸς ἕβδομος 
καὶ δέκατος οὗτος. Ματιηνοῖσι δὲ καὶ Σάσπειρσι 
καὶ ᾿Αλαροδίοισι διηκόσια ἐπετέτακτο τάλαντα: 
νομὸς ὄγδοος καὶ δέκατος οὗτος. Μόσχοισι δὲ 
καὶ Τιβαρηνοῖσι καὶ } Μάκρωσι καὶ } Μοσσυνοίκοισι 
καὶ Μαρσὶ τριηκόσια τάλαντα προείρητο" νομὸς 
εἴνατος καὶ δέκατος οὗτος. Ἰνδῶν δὲ πλῆθός τε 
πολλῷ πλεῖστον ἐστὶ πάντων τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν 
ἀνθρώπων, καὶ φόρον ἀπαγίνεον πρὸς πάντας τοὺς 
ἄλλόνς ἑξήκοντα καὶ τριηκόσια τάλαντα ψήγματος: 
νομὸς εἰκοστὸς οὗτος. 

95, Τὸ μὲν δὴ ἀργύριον τὸ Βαβυλώνιον πρὸς τὸ 
Εὐβοϊκὸν συμβαλλόμενον τάλαντον γίνεται ὀγδώ- 
κοντα καὶ ὀκτακόσια καὶ εἰνακισχίλια TàXavra:! 
τὸ δὲ -Χρυσίον τρισκαιδεκαστάσιον λογιζόμενον, 
τὸ ψῆγμα εὑρίσκεται ἐὸν Εὐβοϊκῶν ταλάντων 
ὀγδώκοντα καὶ ἑξακοσίων καὶ τετρακισχιλίων. 
τούτων ὧν πάντων συντιθεμένων τὸ πλῆθος 
Εὐβοϊκὰ τάλαντα συνελέγετο ἐς τὸν ἐπέτειον 
φόρον Δαρείῳ μύρια καὶ τετρακισχίλια καὶ πεντα- 
` κόσια καὶ ἑξήκοντα: τὸ Ò ἔτι τούτων ἔλασσον 
ἀπιεὶς οὐ λέγω. 

96. Οὗτος Δαρείῳ προσήιε φόρος ἀπὸ τῆς τε 
᾿Ασίης καὶ τῆς Λιθύης ὀλιγαχόθεν. προϊόντος 
μέντοι τοῦ χρόνου καὶ ἀπὸ νήσων προσήιε ἄλλος 
φόρος καὶ τῶν ἐν τῇ Εὐρώπη μέχρι Θεσσαλίης 


1 The MSS. have τεσσαράκοντα καὶ πεντακόσια καὶ εἰν. τ.; 
but the alteration given here is generally accepted and is 
necessary in view of the total given below. "The 19 tributes 


122 


BOOK III. 93-96 


Sogdi, and Arii were the sixteenth, paying three 
hundred. 

94. The Paricanii and Ethiopians of Asia, being 
the seventeenth, paid four hundred ; the Matieni, 
Saspiri, and Alarodii were the eighteenth, and two 
hundred talents were the appointed tribute. The 
Moschi, Tibareni, Macrones, Mossynoeci, and Mares, 
the nineteenth province, were ordered to pay three 
hundred. The Indians made up the twentieth 
province. These are more in number than any 
nation known to me, and they paid a greater tribute 
than any other province, namely three hundred and 
sixty talents-of gold dust. 

95. Now if these Babylonian talents be reckoned 
in Euboic money, the sum is seen to be nine 
thousand eight hundred and eighty Euboic talents : 
and the gold coin being counted as thirteen times 
the value of the silver, the gold-dust is found to be 
of the worth of four thousand six hundred and 
eighty Euboic talents. Therefore it is seen by adding 
all together that Darius collected a yearly tribute of 
fourteen thousand five hundred and sixty talents; 
I take no account of figures less than ten. 

96. This was Darius' revenue from Asia and a few 
parts of Libya. But as time went on he drew 
tribute also from the islands and the dwellers in 
Europe, as far as Thessaly. The tribute is stored by 


make up 7,600 Babylonian talents, that is, on the 3:4 
relation (see ch. 89), 9,880 Euboic talents ; add the Indian 
tribute (4,680 talents) and the total is 14,560. 


124 


HERODOTUS 


οἰκημένων. τοῦτον τὸν φόρον θησαυρίξει Θασιλεὺς 
τρόπῳ τοιῴδε' ἐς πίθους κεραμίνους τήξας. κατα- 
χέει, πλήσας δὲ τὸ ἄγγος περιαιρέει τὸν κέραμον' 
ἐπεὰν δὲ δεηθῇ χρημάτων, κατακόπτει τοσοῦτο 
ὅσου ἂν ἑκάστοτε δέηται. 

97. Αὗται μὲν ἀρχαί τε ἦσαν καὶ φόρων ἐπιτά- 
Eves. ἡ Περσὶς δὲ χώρη μούνη μοι οὐκ εἴρηται 
δασμοφόρος' ἀτελέα γὰρ Πέρσαι νέμονται χώρην. 

οἶδε δὲ φόρον μὲν οὐδένα ἐτάχθησαν φέρειν, δῶρα 
δὲ ἆ ἀγίνεον" Αἰθίοπες οἱ πρόσουροι Αἰγύπτῳ, τοὺς 
Καμβύσης ἐλαύνων ἐ ἐπὶ τοὺς μακροβίους Αἰθίοπας 
κατεστρέψατο, ot τε] περί τε Νύσην τὴν ἱρὴν 
κατοίκηνται καὶ τῷ Διονύσῳ ἀνάγουσι τὰς ὁ ὁρτάς' 
[οὗτοι οἱ Αἰθίοπες καὶ οἱ πλησιόχωροι τούτοισι 
σπέρματι μὲν χρέωνται τῷ αὐτῷ τῷ καὶ οἱ Καλ- 
λαντίαι Ἴνδοί, οἰκήματα δὲ é ἔκτηνται κατάγαια. |? 
οὗτοι συναμφότεροι διὰ τρίτου ἔτεος ἀγίνεον, 
ἀγινέουσι δὲ καὶ τὸ μέχρι, ἐμεῦ, δύο χοίνικας 
ἀπύρου χρυσίου καὶ διηκοσίας Φάλαγγας ἐβένου 
καὶ πέντε παῖδας Αἰθίοπας καὶ ἐλέφαντος ὀδόντας 
μεγάλους εἴκοσι. Κόλχοι δὲ τὰ ἐτάξαντο ἐς τὴν 
δωρεὴν καὶ οἱ προσεχέες μέχρι Καυκάσιος ὄρεος 
(és : TOÜTO yàp ` τὸ ὄρος ὑπὸ Πέρσῃσι ἄρχεται, τὰ δὲ 
πρὸς βορέην å ἄνεμον τοῦ Καυκάσιος Περσέων οὐδὲν 
ἔτι φροντίζει), οὗτοι ὧν δῶρα τὰ ἐτάξαντο ἔ ἔτι καὶ 
ἐς ἐμὲ διὰ πεντετηρίδος ἀγίνεον, ἑκατὸν παῖδας 


1 of re; MSS. οἵ; Stein places a lacuna before of, because 
the Ethiopians bordering on Egypt did not, he says, live 
near Nysa; at the saine time he suggests the easy correction 
of τε, which I adopt. 

2 The words in brackets are probably a commentator’s 
note drawn from ch. 101. The Καλλαντίαι are obviously 
the Καλλατίαι of ch. 38. 


124 


BOOK III. 96-97 


the king in this fashion: he melts it down and pours 
it into earthen vessels; when the vessel is full he 
breaks the earthenware away, and when he needs 
money cuts off as much as will serve his purpose. 

97. These were the several governments and 
appointments of tribute. The Persian country is 
the only one which I have not recorded as tributary ; 
for the Persians dwell free from all taxes. As for 
those on whom no tribute was laid, but who rendered 
gifts instead, they were, firstly, the Ethiopians near- 
est to Egypt, whom Cambyses subdued in his march 
towards the long-lived Ethiopians; and also those 
who dwell about the holy Nysa,! where Dionysus 
is the god of their festivals. [The seed of these 
Ethiopians and their neighbours is like the seed of the 
Indian Callantiae; they live underground.] These 
together brought every third year and still bring 
a gift of two choenixes? of pure gold, two hundred 
blocks of ebony, five Ethiopian boys, and twenty 
great elephants’ tusks. Gifts were also required 
of the Colchians and their neighbours as far as the 
Caucasian mountains (which is as far as the Persian 
rule reaches, the country north of the Caucasus 
paying no regard to the Persians); these were 
rendered every five years and are still so rendered, 
namely, an hundred boys and as many maidens. 


1 Probably the mountain called Barkal in Upper Nubia ; 
this is called **sacred" in hieroglyphic inscriptions. 

2 The choenix was a measure of about the capacity of a 
quart, 


I25 


HERODOTUS 


καὶ ἑκατὸν παρθένους. ᾿Αράβιοι δὲ χίλια τάλαντα 
ἀγίνεον λιβανωτοῦ ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος. ταῦτα μὲν 
οὗτοι δῶρα πάρεξ τοῦ φόρου βασιλέι ἐκόμιζον. 

98. Τὸν δὲ χρυσὸν τοῦτον τὸν πολλὸν οἱ Ἰνδοί, 
ἀπ᾽ οὗ τὸ ψῆγμα τῷ βασιλέι τὸ εἰρημένον ropi- 
ὅουσι, τρόπῳ τοιῷδε κτῶνται. ἔστι τῆς ᾿Ινδικῆς 
χώρης τὸ πρὸς ἥλιον ἀνίσχοντα ψάμμος" τῶν γὰρ 
ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν, τῶν καὶ πέρι ἀτρεκές τι λέγεται, 
πρῶτοι πρὸς ἠῶ καὶ ἡλίου ἀνατολὰς οἰκέουσι 
ἀνθρώπων τῶν ἐν τῇ Acin ᾿Ινδοί' ᾿Ινδῶν γὰρ τὸ 
πρὸς τὴν ἠῶ ἐρημίη ἐστὶ διὰ τὴν ψάμμον. ἔστι δὲ 
πολλὰ ἔθνεα ᾿Ινδῶν καὶ οὐκ ὁμόφωνα σφίσι, καὶ 
οἳ μὲν αὐτῶν νομάδες εἰσὶ οἳ δὲ οὔ, οἳ δὲ ἐν τοῖσι 
ἕλεσι οἰκέουσι τοῦ ποταμοῦ καὶ ἰχθύας σιτέονται 
ὠμούς, τοὺς αἱρέουσι ἐκ πλοίων καλαμίνων ὁρμώ- 
µενοι καλάμου δὲ ἓν γόνυ πλοῖον ἕκαστον ποιέ- 
εται. οὗτοι μὲν δὴ τῶν ᾿Ινδῶν φορέουσι ἐσθῆτα 
φλοΐνην' ἐπεὰν ἐκ τοῦ ποταμοῦ φλοῦν ἀμήσωσι 
καὶ κὀψωσι, τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν φορμοῦ τρόπον καταπλέ- 
ξαντες ὡς θώρηκα ἐνδύνουσι. 

99. "Αλλοι δὲ τῶν ᾿Ινδῶν πρὸς ἠῶ οἰκέοντες τού- 
των νομάδες εἰσὶ κρεῶν ἐδεσταὶ ὠμῶν, καλέονται δὲ 
Παδαῖοι, νομαίοισι δὲ τοιοῖσιδε λέγονται χρᾶσθαι" 
ὃς ἂν κάμῃ τῶν ἀστῶν, ἤν τε γυνὴ ἤν τε ἀνήρ, τὸν 
- μὲν ἄνδρα ἄνδρες οἱ μάλιστά οἱ ὁμιλέοντες κτεί- 
νουσι, φάμενοι αὐτὸν τηκόμενον τῇ νούσῳ τὰ κρέα 
σφίσι διαφθείρεσθαι: ὁ δὲ ἄπαρνος ἐστὶ μὴ μὲν 
νοσέειν, of δὲ οὐ συγγινωσκόμενοι ἀποκτείναντες 
κατευωχέονται. ἣ δὲ ἂν γυνὴ κάμῃ, ὡσαύτως 
αἱ ἐπιχρεώμεναι μάλιστα γυναῖκες ταϑτὰ τοῖσι 
ἀνδράσι ποιεῦσι. τὸν γὰρ δὴ ἐς γῆρας ἀπικόμενον 
θύσαντες κατευωχέονται' ἐς δὲ τούτου λόγον οὐ 
126 


BOOK III. 97-99 


The Arabians rendered a thousand talents’ weight 
of frankincense yearly. Such were the gifts of these 
peoples to the king, besides the tribute. 

98. All this abundance of gold, whence the 
Indians send the aforesaid gold-dust to the king, they 
win in such manner as I will show. All to the east 
of the Indian country is sand; among all men of 
whom hearsay gives us any clear knowledge the 
Indians dwell farthest to the east and the sunrise 
of all the nations of Asia; for on the eastern side 
of India all is desert by reason of the sand. There 
are many Indian nations, none speaking the same 
language; some of them are nomads, some not; 
some dwell in the river marshes and live on raw fish, 
which they catch from reed boats. Each boat is 
made of one single length between the joints of 
a reed.! These Indians wear clothes of rushes; 
they mow and cut these from the river, then 
plait them crosswise like a mat, and put it on 
like a breastplate. 

99. Other Indians, to the east of these, are 
nomads and eat raw flesh ; they are called Padaei. 
It is said to be their custom that when any of their 
countryfolk male or female are sick, a man's closest 
friends kill him, saying that they lose his flesh 
by the wasting of the disease; though he denies 
that he is sick, yet they will not believe him, but 
kill and eat him. "When a woman is sick she is 
put to death like the men by the women who most 
consort with her. As for one that has come to 
old age, they sacrifice him and feast on his flesh; 


1 Not the bamboo, apparently, but the ‘‘ kana,” which 
sometimes grows to a height of 50 feet. 


127 


HERODOTUS 


πολλοί τινες αὐτῶν ἀπικνέονται" πρὸ γὰρ τοῦ τὸν 
ἐς νοῦσον πίπτοντα πάντα κτείνουσι. 

100. Ἑτέρων δὲ ἐστὶ ᾿Ινδῶν ὅδε ἄλλος τρόπος" 
οὔτε κτείνουσι οὐδὲν ἔμψυχον οὔτε τι σπείρουσι 
οὔτε οἰκίας νομίζουσι ἐκτῆσθαι ποιηφαγέουσί τε" 
καὶ αὐτοῖσι ἐστὶ ὅσον κέγχρος τὸ μέγαθος ἐν 
κάλυκι, αὐτόματον ἐκ τῆς γῆς γινόμενον, τὸ συλλέ- 
Ύοντες αὐτῇ Tf κάλυκι ἕψουσί τε καὶ σιτέονται. 
ὃς ὃ ἂν ἐς νοῦσον αὐτῶν πέσῃ, ἐλθὼν ἐς τὴν 
ἔρημον κέεται φροντίξει δὲ οὐδεὶς οὔτε ἀποθα- 
νόντος οὔτε κάμνοντος. 

101. Μίξις δὲ τούτων τῶν ᾿Ινδῶν τῶν κατέλεξα 
πάντων ἐμφανής ἐστι κατά περ τῶν προβάτων, 
καὶ τὸ χρῶμα φορέουσι ὅμοιον πάντες καὶ παρα- 
πλήσιον Αἰθίοψι. ἡ γονὴ δὲ αὐτῶν, τὴν ἀπίενται 
ἐς τὰς γυναῖκας, οὐ κατά περ τῶν ἄλλων ἀνθρώπων 
ἐστὶ -λευκή, ἀλλὰ μέλαινα κατά περ τὸ χρῶμα. 
τοιαύτην δὲ καὶ Αἰθίοπες ἀπίενται θορήν. οὗτοι 
μὲν τῶν ᾿Ινδῶν ἑκαστέρω τῶν Περσέων οἰκέουσι 
καὶ πρὸς ν νότου ἀνέμου, καὶ Δαρείου βασιλέος 
οὐδαμὰ ὑπήκουσαν. 

102. "Αλλοι δὲ τῶν ᾿Ινδῶν 'Κασπατύρῳ τε πόλι 
καὶ τῇ Πακτυϊκῇ ώρῃ εἰσὶ πρόσουροι, πρὸς 
ἄρκτου τε καὶ βορέω ἀνέμου κατοικημένοι τῶν 
ἄλλων ᾿Ινδῶν, οἳ Βακτρίοισι παραπλησίην ἔχουσι 
δίαιταν. οὗτοι καὶ μαχιμώτατοι εἰσὶ Ἰνδῶν καὶ 
οἱ ἐπὶ τὸν χρυσὸν στελλόμενοι εἰσὶ οὗτοι" κατὰ 
γὰρ τοῦτο ἐστὶ ἐρημίη διὰ τὴν γάμμον. ἐν δὴ 
ὧν τῇ ἐρημίῃ ταύτῃ καὶ τῇ ψάμμῳ γίνονται 
μύρμηκες μεγάθεα ἔχοντες κυνῶν μὲν ἐλάσσονα 
ἀλωπέκων δὲ μέξονα' εἰσὶ γὰρ αὐτῶν καὶ παρὰ 
βασιλέι τῷ Περσέων ἐνθεῦτεν θηρευθέντες. οὗτοι 


128 


BOOK III. 99-102 


but there are not many who come thereto, for 
all who fall sick are killed ere that. 

100. There are other Indians, again, who kill 
no living creature, nor sow, nor are wont to have 
houses; they eat grass, and they have a grain 
growing naturally from the earth in its calyx, about 
the size of a millet-seed, which they gather with 
the calyx and roast and eat. When any one of them 
falls sick he goes into the desert and lies there, 
none regarding whether he be sick or die. 

101. These Indians of whom I speak have inter- 
course openly like cattle ; they are all black-skinned, 
like the Ethiopians. Their genital seed too is not 
white like other men’s, but like the Ethiopians’ 
black. These Indians dwell far away from the 
Persians southwards, and were no subjects of King 
Darius. 

102. Other Indians dwell near the town of Cas- 
patyrus and the Pactyic country,! northward of the 
rest of India; these live like the Bactrians ; they 
are of all Indians the most warlike, and it is they 
who are charged with the getting of the gold; for 
in these parts all is desert by reason of the sand. 
There are found in this sandy desert ants? not so 
big as dogs but bigger than foxes; the Persian 
king has some of these, which have been caught 


1 N.E. Afghanistan. Caspatyrus (or Caspapyrus) is said 
to be probably Cabul. 

2 It is suggested that the ‘‘ants” may have been really 
marmots. But even this does not seem to make the story 
much more probable. 


129 
VOL. II. K 


HERODOTUS 


ὧν οἱ μύρμηκες ποιεύμενοι οἴκησιν ὑπὸ γῆν àva- 
φορέουσι τὴν ψάμμον κατά περ οἱ ἐν τοῖσι 
“Ελλησι μύρμηκες κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν τρόπον, εἰσὶ 
δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ τὸ εἶδος ὁμοιότατοι' ἡ δὲ ψ-άμμος ἡ 
ἀναφερομένη ἐστὶ χρυσῖτις. ἐπὶ δὴ ταύτην τὴν 
ψάμμον στέλλονται ἐς τὴν ἔρημον οἱ Ἰνδοί, ζευ- 
ξάμενος ἕκαστος καμήλους τρεῖς, σειρηφόρον μὲν 
ἑκατέρωθεν ἔρσενα παρέλκειν, θήλεαν δὲ ἐς μέσον' 
ἐπὶ ταύτην δὴ αὐτὸς ἀναβαίνει, ἐπιτηδεύσας ὅκως 
ἀπὸ τέκνων ὡς νεωτάτων ἀποσπάσας ξεύξει. αἱ 
γάρ σφι κάμηλοι ἵππων οὐκ ἥσσονες ἐς ταχυτῆτα 
εἰσί, χωρὶς δὲ ἄχθεα δυνατώτεραι πολλὸν φέρειν. 

103. Τὸ μὲν δὴ εἶδος ὁκοῖόν τι ἔχει ἡ κάμηλος, 
ἐπισταμένοισι τοῖσι "Ελλησι οὐ συγγράφω" τὸ 
δὲ μὴ ἐπιστέαται αὐτῆς, τοῦτο φράσω" κάμηλος 
ἐν τοῖσι ὀπισθίοισι σκέλεσι ἔχει τέσσερας μηροὺς 
καὶ γούνατα τέσσερα, τά τε αἰδοῖα διὰ τῶν ὀπισ- 
θίων σκελέων πρὸς τὴν οὐρὴν τετραμμένα. 

104, Οἱ δὲ δὴ ᾿Ινδοὶ τρόπῳ τοιούτῳ καὶ ξεύξι 
τοιαύτῃ χρεώμενοι ἐλαύνουσι ἐπὶ τὸν χρυσὸν λελο- 
γισµένως ὅκως καυμάτων τῶν θερμοτώτων ἐόντων 
ἔσονται ἐν τῇ ἁρπαγῇ" ὑπὸ γὰρ τοῦ καύματος οἱ 
μύρμηκες ἀφανέες γίνονται ὑπὸ γῆν. θερμότατος 
δὲ ἐστὶ ὁ ἥλιος τούτοισι τοῖσι ἀνθρώποισι τὸ 
ἑωθινόν, οὐ κατά περ τοῖσι ἄλλοισι μεσαμβρίης, 
ἀλλ. ὑπερτείλας μέχρι οὗ ἀγορῆς διαλύσιος. τοῦ- 
τον δὲ τὸν χρόνον καίει πολλῷ μᾶλλον ἡ τῇ 
μεσαμβρίῃ τὴν Ἑλλάδα, οὕτω ὥστ᾽ ἐν ὕδατι 
λόγος αὐτούς ἐστι βρέχεσθαι τηνικαῦτα. μεσοῦσα 
δὲ ἡ ἡμέρη σχεδὸν παραπλησίως καίει τούς τε 
ἄλλους ἀνθρώπους καὶ τοὺς Ινδούς. ἀποκλινο- 
μένης δὲ τῆς μεσαμβρίης γίνεταί σφι ὁ ἥλιος 
130 


BOOK III. 102—104 


there. These ants make their dwellings under- 
ground, digging out the sand in the same manner 
as do the ants in Greece, to which they are very 
like in shape, and the sand which they carry forth 
from the holes is full of gold. It is for this sand 
that the Indians set forth into the desert. They 
harness three camels apiece, a male led camel on 
either side to help in draught, and a female in the 
middle: the man himself rides on the female, care- 
ful that when harnessed she has been taken away 
from as young an offspring as may be. Their 
camels are as swift as horses, and much better able 
to bear burdens besides. 

103. I do not describe the camel's appearance to 
Greeks, for they know it; but I will show them a 
thing which they do not know concerning it: the 
hindlegs of the camel have four thighbones and 
four knee-joints; its privy parts are turned towards 
the tail between the hindlegs. 

104. Thus and with teams so harnessed the 
. Indians ride after the gold, using all diligence that 
they shall be about the business of taking it when 
the heat is greatest; for the ants are then out of 
sight underground. Now in these parts the sun is 
hottest in the morning, not at midday as elsewhere, 
but from sunrise to the hour of market-closing. 
Through these hours it is hotter by much than in 
Hellas at noon, so that men are said to sprinkle 
themselves with water at this time. At midday the 
sun’s heat is well nigh the same in India and 
elsewhere. As it grows to afternoon, the sun of 

131 
K 2 


HERODOTUS 


κατά περ τοῖσι ἄλλοισι ὁ ἑωθινός, καὶ τὸ ἀπὸ 
τούτου ἀπιὼν ἐπὶ μᾶλλον ψύχει, és ὃ ἐπὶ δυσμῇσι 
ἐὼν καὶ τὸ κάρτα ψύχει. 

106. ᾿Επεὰν δὲ ἔλθωσι ἐς τὸν χῶρον οἱ Ἰνδοὶ 
ἔχοντες θυλάκια, ἐμπλήσαντες ταῦτα τῆς άμμου 
τὴν ταχίστην ἐλαύνουσι ὀπίσω' αὐτίκα γὰρ οἱ 
μύρημκες ὀδμῇ, ὡς δὴ. λέγεται ὑπὸ Περσέων, 
μαθόντες διώκουσι. εἶναι δὲ ταχυτῆτα οὐδενὶ 
ἑτέρῳ ὅμοιον, οὕτω ὥστε, εἰ μὴ προλαμβάνειν τοὺς 
i sh τῆς ὁδοῦ ἐν ᾧ τοὺς μύρμηκας συλλέγεσθαι, 
οὐδένα ἂν σφέων ἀποσώζεσθαι. τοὺς μέν νυν 
ἔρσενας τῶν καμήλων, εἶναι γὰρ ἥσσονας θέειν 
τῶν θηλέων, παραλύεσθαι ἐπελκομένους, οὐκ 
ὁμοῦ ἀμφοτέρους" τὰς δὲ θηλέας ἀναμιμνησκο- 
μένας τῶν ἔλιπον τέκνων ἐνδιδόναι μαλακὸν οὐδέν. 
τὸν μὲν δὴ πλέω τοῦ ρυσοῦ οὕτω οἱ Ἰνδοὶ 
κτῶνται, ὡς Πέρσαι dace: ἄλλος δὲ σπανιώτερος 
ἐστι ἐν τῇ χώρῃ ὀρυσσόμενος. 

106. Αἱ ὃ ἐσχατιαί᾽ κως τῆς οἰκεομένης͵ τὰ 
κάλλιστα ἔλαχον, κατά περ ἡ Ἑλλὰς τὰς ὥρας 
πολλόν τι κάλλιστα κεκρημένας ἔλαχε. τοῦτο 
μὲν γὰρ πρὸς τὴν ἠῶ ἐσχάτη τῶν οἰκεομενέων ἡ 
Ἰνδική ἐστι, ὥσπερ ὀλίγῳ πρότερον εἴρηκα" ἐν 
ταύτῃ τοῦτο μὲν τὰ ἔμψυχα, τετράποδά τε καὶ τὰ 
πετεινά, πολλῷ pelo ἡ ἢ ἐν τοῖσι ἄλλοισι ' χωρίοισι 
ἐστί, πάρεξ τῶν ἵππων (οὗτοι δὲ ἑσσοῦνται ὑπὸ 
τῶν Μηδικῶν, Νησαίων δὲ καλευμένων (TOV), 
τοῦτο δὲ χρυσὸς ἄπλετος αὐτόθι ἐστί, ὃ μὲν 
ὀρυσσόμενος, ὃ δὲ καταφορεύμενος ὑπὸ ποταμῶν, 
ὃ δὲ ὦ ὥσπερ ἐσήμηνα ἁρπαξόμενος. τὰ δὲ δένδρεα 
τὰ ἄγρια, αὐτόθι φέρει καρπὸν εἴρια καλλονῇ 
τε προφέροντα καὶ ἀρετῇ τῶν ἀπὸ τῶν ὀίων: 
132 


BOOK III. 104-106 


India has the power of the morning sun in other : 
lands; with its sinking the day becomes ever cooler, 
till at sunset it is exceeding cold. 

105. So when the Indians come to the place with 
their sacks, they fill these with the sand and 
ride away back with all speed ; for, as the Persians 
say, the ants forthwith scent them out and give 
chase, being, it would seem, so much swifter than 
all other creatures that if the Indians made not 
haste on their way while the ants are mustering, not 
one of them would escape. So they loose the male 
trace-camels that they lead, one at a time (these 
being slower than the females); the mares never 
tire, for they remember the young that they have 
left. Such is the tale. Most of the gold (say the 
Persians) is got in this way by the Indians ; there is 
some besides that they dig from mines in their 
country, but it is less abundant. 

106. It would seem that the fairest blessings have 
been granted to the most distant nations of the 
world, whereas in Hellas the seasons have by much 
the kindliest temperature. As I have lately said, 
India lies at the world's most distant eastern limit ; 
and in India all living creatures four-footed and 
flying are by much bigger than those of other lands, 
except the horses, which are smaller than the 
Median horses called Nesaean; moreover the gold 
there, whether dug from the earth or brought 
down by rivers or got as I have shown, is very 
abundant. There too there grows on wild trees 
wool more beautiful and excellent than the wool 


133 


HERODOTUS 


καὶ ἐσθῆτι ᾿Ινδοὶ ἀπὸ τούτων τῶν δενδρέων 
χρέωνται. 

107. Πρὸς, δ᾽ αὖ μεσαμβρίης ἐσχάτη ᾿Αραβίη 
τῶν οἰκεομενέων χωρέων ἐστί, ἐν δὲ ταύτῃ λιβανω- 
TOS τε ἐστὶ .μούνῃ χωρέων πασέων φυόμενος καὶ 
σμύρνη καὶ κασίη καὶ κινάμωμον καὶ λήδανον. 
ταῦτα πάντα πλὴν τῆς σμύρνης δυσπετέως 
κτῶνται οἱ ᾿Αράβιοι. τὸν μέν γε λιβανωτὸν 
συλλέγουσι τὴν στύρακα θυμιῶντες, τὴν ἐς "EA- 
ληνας Φοίνικες ἐξάγουσι' ταύτην θυμιῶντες λαμ- 
βάνουσι' τὰ γὰρ δένδρεα ταῦτα τὰ λιβανωτοφόρα 
ὄφιες ὑπόπτεροι, μικροὶ τὰ μεγάθεα, ποικίλοι τὰ 
εἴδεα, φυλάσσουσι πλήθεϊ πολλοὶ περὶ δένδρον 
ἕκαστον, οὗτοι οὗ περ én Αἴγυπτον ἐπιστρα- 
τεύονται, οὐδενὶ δὲ ἄλλῳ ἀπελαύνονται ἀπὸ τῶν 
δενδρέων ἢ 7 τῆς στύρακος τῷ καπνφ. 

108. Λέγουσι δὲ καὶ τόδε ᾿Αράβιοι, ὡς πᾶσα 
ἂν γῆ ἐπίμπλατο τῶν ὀφίων τούτων, εἰ μὴ γί- 
νεσθαι κατ αὐτοὺς οἷόν. τι κατὰ τὰς ἐχίδνας 
ἠπιστάμην γίνεσθαι. καί κως τοῦ θείου ἡ προ- 
νοίη, ὥσπερ καὶ οἰκὸς ἐστι, ἐοῦσα σοφή, ὅσα 
μὲν ! ψυχήν τε δειλὰ καὶ ἐδώδιμα, ταῦτα 
μὲν πάντα πολύγονα πεποίηκε, ἵνα μὴ ἐπιλίπῃ 
κατεσθιόµενα, ὅσα δὲ σχέτλια καὶ ἀνιηρά, ὀλι- 
: γόγονα. τοῦτο μέν, ὅτι ὁ λαγὸς ὑπὸ παντὸς 
θηρεύεται θηρίου καὶ ὄρνιθος καὶ ἀνθρώπου, οὕτω 
δή τι πολύγονον ἐστί" ἐπικυΐσκεται μοῦνον πάν- 
των θίηρων, καὶ τὸ μὲν δασὺ τῶν τέκνων ἐν τῇ 
γαστρὶ τὸ δὲ ψιλόν, τὸ δὲ ἄ .ἄρτι ἐν τῇσι μήτρῃσι 
, τὸ δὲ ἀναιρέεται. τοῦτο μὲν δὴ 


ὅσα μὲν γὰρ MSS.; Stein brackets γάρ, which obviously 
Ae no place here. 


134 


BOOK III. 106-108 


of sheep; these trees supply the Indians with 
clothing. 

107. Again, Arabia is the most distant to the 
south of all inhabited countries : and this is the only 
country which yields frankincense and myrrh and 
casia and cinnamon and gum-mastich. All these 
but myrrh are difficult for the Arabians to get. They 
gather frankincense by burning that storax! which 
Phoenicians carry to Hellas; this they burn and so 
get the frankincense ; for the spice-bearing trees are 
guarded by small winged snakes of varied colour, 
many round each tree; these are the snakes that 
attack Egypt. Nothing save the smoke of storax 
will drive them away from the trees. 

108. The Arabians also say that the whole 
country would be full of these snakes were it not 
with them as I have heard that it is with vipers. It 
would seem that the wisdom of divine Providence 
(as is but reasonable) has made all creatures prolific 
that are cowardly and fit to eat, that they be not 
minished from off the earth by devouring, whereas 
but few young are born to creatures cruel and 
baneful. The hare is so prolific, for that it is the 
prey of every beast and bird and man ; alone of all 
creatures it conceives in pregnancy; some of the 
unborn young are hairy, some still naked ; while 
some are still forming in the womb others are already 
being chased and killed. But whereas this is so with 


1 A kind of gum, producing an acrid smoke when burnt, 
and therefore used as a disinfectant. 


135 


HERODOTUS 


τοιοῦτο ἐστί: ἡ δὲ δὴ λέαινα ἐὸν ἰσχυρότατον καὶ 
θρασύτατον ἅπαξ ἐν τῷ Bio τίκτει ἕν' τίκτουσα 
γὰρ συνεκβάλλει τῷ τέκνῳ τὰς μήτρας. τὸ δὲ 
αἴτιον τούτου τόδε ἐστί" ἐπεὰν ὁ σκύμνος ἐν τῇ 
μητρὶ ἐὼν ἄρχηται διακινεόµενος, ὃ ὃ δὲ ἔ ἔχων ὄνυχας 
θηρίων πολλὸν πάντων ὀξυτάτους ἀμύσσει τὰς 
μήτρας, αὐξόμενός τε δὴ πολλῷ μᾶλλον ἐ ἐσικνέεται 
καταγράφων' πέλας τε δὴ ὁ τόκος ἐστί, καὶ τὸ 
παράπαν λείπεται αὐτέων ὑγιὲς οὐδέν. 

109, Ὢς δὲ καὶ οἱ ἔχιδναί τε καὶ οἱ ἐν Apa- 
βίοισι ὑπόπτεροι ὄφιες εἰ ἐγίνοντο ὡς ἡ φύσις 
αὐτοῖσι ὑπάρχει, οὐκ ἂν ἦν βιώσιμα ἀνθρώποισι" 
νῦν δ᾽ ἐπεὰν θορνύωνται κατὰ ξεύγεα καὶ ἐν αὐτῇ 
j 0 ἔρσην τῇ ἐκποιήσι, ἀπιεμένου αὐτοῦ τὴν γονὴν 
ἡ θήλεα ἅπτεται τῆς δειρῆς, καὶ ἐμφῦσα οὐκ 
ἀνιεῖ πρὶν ἂν διαφάγῃ. ὁ μὲν δὴ ἔρσην ἀπο- 
θνήσκει τρόπῳ τῷ εἰρημένῳ, ἡ δὲ .θήλεα τίσιν 
τοιήνδε ἀποτίνει τῷ .ἔρσενι" τῷ γονέι τιμωρέοντα 
ἔτι ἐν τῇ γαστρὶ ἐόντα, τὰ τέκνα διεσθίει τὴν 
μητέρα, διαφαγόντα δὲ τὴν νηδὺν αὐτῆς οὕτω τὴν 
ἔκδυσιν ποιέεται. οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι ὄφιες Ἑόντες ἀν- 
θρώπων οὐ δηλήμονες τίκτουσί τε Qà καὶ ἐκλέ- 
πουσι πολλόν τι χρῆμα τῶν τέκνων. αἱ μέν νυν 
ἔχιδναι κατὰ πᾶσαν τὴν γῆν εἰσί, οἱ δὲ ὑπό- 
πτεροι ὄφιες ἀθρόοι εἰσὶ ἐν τῇ ᾿Αραβίῃ καὶ οὐδαμῇ 
ἄλλη" κατὰ τοῦτο δοκέουσι πολλοὶ εἶναι. 

110, Τὸν μὲν δὴ λιβανωτὸν τοῦτον οὕτω 
κτῶνται ᾿Αράβιοι, τὴν δὲ κασίην ὧδε. ἐπεὰν 
καταδήσωνται Βύρσῃσι καὶ δέρμασι ἄλλοισι πᾶν 
τὸ σῶμα καὶ τὸ πρόσωπον πλὴν αὐτῶν τῶν 
ὀφθαλμῶν, ἔρχονται ἐπὶ τὴν karin À, δὲ ἐν 
λίμνῃ φύεται οὐ βαθέῃ, περὶ δὲ αὐτὴν καὶ ἐν αὐτῇ 


136 


BOOK III. 108—110 


the hare, the lioness, a very strong and bold beast, 
bears offspring but once in her life, and then but one 
cub; for the uterus comes out with the cub in the 
act of birth. This is the reason of it:—when the 
cub first begins to stir in the mother, its claws, much 
sharper than those of any other creature, tear the 
uterus, and as it grows, much more does it scratch 
and tear, so that when the hour of birth is near 
seldom is any of the uterus left whole. : 

109. It is so too with vipers and the winged 
serpents of Arabia: were they born in the natural 
manner of serpents no life were possible for men; 
but as it is, when they pair, and the male is in the 
very act of generation, the female seizes him by the 
neck, nor lets go her grip till she have devoured 
him. Thus the male dies; but the female is 
punished for his death; the young avenge their 
father, and eat their mother while they are yet 
within her; nor are they dropped from her till they 
have devoured her womb. Other snakes, that do no 
harm to men, lay eggs and hatch out a vast number 
of young. The Arabian winged serpents do indeed 
seem to be many ; but it is because (whereas there 
are vipers in every land) these are all in Arabia and 
are nowhere else found. 

110. The Arabians get their frankincense as I 
have shown; for the winning of casia, when they 
seek it they bind oxhides and other skins over all 
their bodies and faces, leaving only the eyes. Casia 
grows in a shallow lake; round this and in it are 


137 


HERODOTUS 


αὐλίζεταί κου θηρία πτερωτά, τῆσι νυκτερίσι 
προσείκελα μάλιστα, καὶ τέτριγε δεινόν, καὶ ἐς 
ἀλκὴν ἄλκιμα' τὰ δεῖ ἀπαμυνομένους ἀπὸ τῶν 
ὀφθαλμῶν οὕτω δρέπειν τὴν κασίην. 

111. Τὸ δὲ δὴ κινάμωμον ἔτι τούτων θωμαστό- 
τερον συλλέγουσι. ὅκου μὲν γὰρ γίνεται καὶ 
ἥτις μιν γῆ ἡ τρέφουσα ἐστί, οὐκ ἔχουσι εἰπεῖν, 
πλὴν ὅτι λόγῳ οὐκότι χρεώμενοι ἐν τοῖσιδε 
χωρίοισι φασὶ τινὲς αὐτὸ φύεσθαι ἐν τοῖσι ὁ 
Διόνυσος ἐτράφη: ὄρνιθας δὲ λέγουσι μεγάλας 
φορέειν ταῦτα τὰ κάρφεα τὰ ἡμεῖς ἀπὸ Φοινίκων 
μαθόντες κινάμωμον καλέομεν, φορέειν δὲ. τὰς 
ὄρνιθας ἐς νεοσσιὰς προσπεπλασμένάς ἐκ πηλοῦ 
' πρὸς ἀποκρήμνοισι ὄρεσι, ἔνθα πρόσβασιν àv- 
θρώπῳ οὐδεμίαν εἶναι. πρὸς ὧν δὴ ταῦτα τοὺς 
᾿Αραβίους σοφίξεσθαι τάδε βοῶν τε καὶ ὄνων 
"τῶν ἀπογινομένων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων ὑποζυγίων τὰ. 
μέλεα διαταμόντας ὡς μέγιστα κομίξειν ἐς ταῦτα 
τὰ χωρία, καί σφεα θέντας ἀγχοῦ τῶν νεοσσιέων 
ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι ἑκὰς αὐτέων: τὰς δὲ ὄρνιθας 
καταπετομένας | τὰ μέλεα τῶν ὑποζυγίων ava- 
φορέειν ἐπὶ τὰς νεοσσιάς, τὰς δὲ οὐ δυναμένας 
ἴσχειν καταρρήγνυσθαι ἐπὶ γῆν, τοὺς δὲ ἐπιόντας 
συλλέγειν. οὕτω μὲν τὸ κινάμωμον συλλεγό- 
μενον ἐκ τούτων ἀπικνέεσθαι ἐς τὰς ἄλλας χώρας. 

112. Τὸ δὲ δὴ λήδανον, τὸ καλέουσι ᾿Αράβιοι 
λάδανον, ἔτι τούτου θωμασιώτερον γίνεται: ἐν 
γὰρ δυσοδμοτάτῳ γινόμενον εὐωδέστατον ἐστί" 
τῶν γὰρ αἰγῶν τῶν τράγων ἐν τοῖσι πώγωσι 
εὑρίσκεται ἐγγινόμενον οἷον γλοιὸς ἀπὸ τῆς ὕλης. 
χρήσιμον δ᾽ ἐς πολλὰ τῶν μύρων ἐστί, θυμιῶσί τε 
μάλιστα τοῦτο ᾿Αράβιοι. 

1 καταπετομένας [αὐτῶν] Stein. 


138 


BOOK III. rro-112 


encamped certain winged creatures, very like bats, 
that squeak shrilly and make a stout resistance ; 
these must be kept from the men’s eyes if the casia 
is to be plucked. 

111. As for cinnamon, they gather it in a fashion 
even stranger. Where it grows and what kind of 
land nurtures it they cannot say, save that it is 
reported, reasonably enough, to grow in the places 
where Dionysus was reared. There are great birds, 
it is said, that take these sticks which the 
Phoenicians have taught us to call cinnamon, and 
carry them off to nests built of mud on the 
mountain crags, where no man can approach. The 
Arabian device for defeating the birds is to cut into 
very large pieces dead oxen and asses and other 
beasts of burden, then to set these near the eyries, 
withdrawing themselves far off. The birds then fly 
down (it is said) and carry the morsels of the beasts 
up to their nests; which not being able to bear the 
weight break and fall down the mountain side; and 
then the Arabians come up and gather what they 
seek. Thus is cinnamon said to be gathered, and 
so to come from Arabia to other lands. 

112. But gum-mastich, which Greeks call ledanon 
and Arabians ladanon, is yet more strangely produced. 
Its scent is most sweet, yet nothing smells more 
evilly than that which produces it ; for it is found in 
the beards of he-goats, forming in them like tree- 
gum. Thisis usedin the making of many perfumes ; 
there is nothing that the Arabians so often burn 
for fragrance. 


139 


HERODOTUS 


113. Τοσαῦτα μὲν θυωμάτων πέρι εἰρήσθω, 
ἀπόξει δὲ τῆς χώρης τῆς ᾿Αραβίης θεσπέσιον ὡς 
ἡδύ. δύο δὲ γένεα ὀίων σφι ἐστὶ θώματος ἄξια, τὰ 
οὐδαμόθι ἑτέρωθι ἐστί. τὸ μὲν αὐτῶν ἕτερον ἔχει 
τὰς οὐρὰς μακράς, τριῶν πηχέων οὐκ ἐλάσσονας, 
τὰς εἴ τις ἐπείη σφι 6 ἐπέλκειν, ἕλκεα à ἂν ἔχοιεν « ava- 
τριβομενέων πρὸς τῇ γῇ τῶν οὐρέων: νῦν δ᾽ ἅπας 
τις τῶν ποιμένων ἐπίσταται ξυλουργέειν ἐς το- 
σοῦτο' ἁμαξίδας γὰρ ποιεῦντες ὑποδέουσι αὐτὰς 
τῇσι οὐρῇσι, ἑνὸς ἑκάστου κτήνεος τὴν οὐρὴν ἐπὶ 
ἁμαξίδα. ἑκάστην καταδέοντες. τὸ δὲ ἕτερον 
γένος τῶν ὀίων τὰς οὐρὰς πλατέας φορέουσι καὶ 
ἐπὶ πῆχυν πλάτος. 

114. Αποκλινομένης δὲ μεσαμβρίης παρήκει 
πρὸς δύνοντα ἥλιον 7) Αἰθιοπίη χώρη ἐσχάτη τῶν 
οἰκεομενέων" αὕτη δὲ χρυσόν τε φέρει πολλὸν καὶ 
irr ἀμφιλαφέας καὶ δένδρεα πάντα ἄγρια 
καὶ ἔβενον καὶ ἄνδρας μεγίστους καὶ καλλίστους 
καὶ μακροβιωτάτους. 

115. Αὗται μέν νυν ἔν τε TH Acin ἐσχατιαί 
εἰσι καὶ ἐν τῇ Λιβύῃ. περὶ δὲ τῶν ἐν τῇ Εὐρώπῃ 
τῶν πρὸς ἑσπέρην ἐσχατιέων ἔχω μὲν οὐκ ἀτρε- 
κέως λέγειν" οὔτε γὰρ ἔγωγε ἐνδέκομαι ᾿Ηριδανὸν 
καλέεσθαι πρὸς βαρβάρων ποταμὸν ἐκδιδόντα ἐς 
θάλασσαν τὴν πρὸς βορέην ἄνεμον, ἀπ᾽ ὅτευ τὸ 
ἤλεκτρον φοιτᾶν λόγος ἐστί, οὔτε νήσους οἶδα 
Κασσιτερίδας ἐούσας, ἐκ τῶν ὁ κασσίτερος ἡμῖν 
φοιτᾷ. τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ Ò ᾿Ηριδανὸς αὐτὸ katy- 
γορέει τὸ οὔνομα ὡς ἔστι Ἑλληνικὸν καὶ οὐ βάρ- 
βαρον, ὑπὸ ποιητέω δὲ τινὸς ποιηθέν" τοῦτο δὲ 
οὐδενὸς αὐτόπτεω γενομένου δύναμαι ἀκοῦσαι,. 
τοῦτο μελετῶν, ὅκως θάλασσα ἐστὶ τὰ ἐπέκεινα 


140 


BOOK II. 115-115 


113. I have said enough of the spices of Arabia ; 
airs wondrous sweet blow from that land. They 
have moreover two marvellous kinds of sheep, 
nowhere else found. One of these has tails no less 
than three cubits long. Were the sheep to trail 
these after them, they would suffer hurt by the rub- 
bing of the tails on the ground; but as it is every 
shepherd there knows enough of carpentry to make 
little carts which they fix under the tails, binding 
the tail of each several sheep on its own cart. The 
other kind of sheep has tails a full cubit broad. 

114. Where south inclines westwards, the part 
of the world stretching farthest towards the sunset 
is Ethiopia; here is great plenty of gold, and 
abundance of elephants, and all woodland trees, 
and ebony; and the people are the tallest and 
fairest and longest“lived of all men. 

115. These then are the most distant parts of 
the world in Asia and Libya. But concerning the 
farthest western parts of Europe I cannot speak 
with exactness; for I do not believe that there is a 
river called by foreigners Eridanus issuing into the 
northern sea, whence our amber is said to come, 
nor have I any knowledge of Tin-islands, whence 
our tin is brought. The very name of the Eridanus 
bewrays itself as not a foreign but a Greek name, 
invented by some poet; nor for all my diligence 
have I been able to learn from one who has seen 
it that there is a sea beyond Europe. This only we 


141 


HERODOTUS 


Εὔρωπης. ἐξ ἐσχάτης δ ὧν ὁ κασσίτερος ἡμῖν 
φοιτᾷ καὶ τὸ ἤλεκτρον. 

116. Πρὸς δὲ ἄρκτου τῆς Εὐρώπης πολλῷ τι 
πλεῖστος ρυσὸς φαίνεται ἐών" ὅκως μὲν γινό- 
μενος, οὐκ ἔχω οὐδὲ τοῦτο ἀτρεκέως εἶπαι, λέγεται 
δὲ ὑπὲκ τῶν γρυπῶν ἁρπάξειν ᾿Αριμασποὺς ἄν- 
Spas µουνοφθάλµους. πείθομαι δὲ οὐδὲ τοῦτο 
ὅκως μουνόφθαλμοι ἄνδρες φύονται, φύσιν ἔ ἔχοντες 
τὴν ἄλλην ὁμοίην τοῖσι ἄλλοισι ἀνθρώποισι: αἱ 
δὲ ὧν ἐσχατιαὶ οἴκασι, περικληίουσαι τὴν ἄλλην 
χώρην καὶ ἐντὸς ἀπέργουσαι, τὰ κάλλιστα 
δοκέοντα ἡμῖν εἶναι καὶ σπανιώτατα ἔχειν 
αὗται. 

111. Ἔστι δὲ πεδίον ἐν τῇ Acin περικεκληι- 
μένον ópei πάντοθεν, διασφάγες δὲ τοῦ ὄρεος 
εἰσὶ πέντε. τοῦτο τὸ πεδίον ἦν μὲν κοτὲ 
Xopaa piov, ἐν οὔροισι ἐὸν Χορασμίων τε αὐτῶν 
καὶ Ὑρκανίων καὶ Πάρθων: καὶ Σαραγγέων 
καὶ Θαμαναίων, ἐπείτε δὲ Πέρσαι͵ ἔχουσι τὸ 
κράτος, ἐστὶ τοῦ βασιλέος. ἐκ δὴ ὧν τοῦ περι- 
κληίοντος ὄρεος τούτου ῥέει ποταμὸς μέγας, 
οὔνομα δέ οἱ ἐστὶ "Ακης. οὗτος πρότερον μὲν ἄρ- 
δεσκε διαλελαμμένος πενταχοῦ τούτων τῶν εἰρη- 
μένων τὰς χώρας, διὰ διασφάγος ἆ ἀγόμενος ἑκάστης 
ἑκάστοισι" ἐπείτε δὲ ὑπὸ τῷ Πέρσῃ εἰσί, πεπόν- 
θασι τοιόνδε: τὰς διασφάγας τῶν ὀρέων ἐνδείμας 
ὁ βασιλεὺς πύλας ἐπ᾿ ἑκάστῃ διασφάγι ἔ έστησε" 
ἀποκεκληιμένου δὲ τοῦ ὕδατος τῆς ἐξόδου τὸ 
πεδίον τὸ ἐντὸς τῶν ὀρέων. πέλαγος γίνεται, ἐνδι- 
δόντος μὲν τοῦ ποταμοῦ, ἔχοντος δὲ οὐδαμῇ 
ἐξήλυσιν. οὗτοι ὧν ot περ ἔμπροσθε ἐώθεσαν 


142 


BOOK III. 115-117 


know, that our tin and amber come from the most 
distant parts. 

116. This is also plain, that to the north of 
Europe there is by far more gold than elsewhere. 
In this matter again I cannot with certainty say 
how the gold is got; some will have it that one-eyed 
men called Arimaspians steal it from griffins. But 
this too I hold incredible, that there can be men in 
-all else like other men, yet having but one eye. 
Suffice it that it is but reasonable that the most 
distant parts of the world, as they enclose and wholly 
surround all other lands, should have those things 
which we deem best and rarest. 

117. There is in Asia a plain surrounded by 
mountains, through which mountains there are five 
clefts.! This plain belonged formerly to the Choras- 
mians; it adjoins the land of the Chorasmians 
themselves, the Hyrcanians, Parthians, Sarangeis, 
and Thamanaei; but since the Persians have held 
sway it has been the king's own land. Now from 
the encircling mountains flows a great river called 
Aces. Its stream divides into five channels, and 
watered formerly the lands of the peoples aforesaid 
by passing to them severally through the five clefts ; 
but since the beginning of the Persian rule the king 
has blocked the mountain clefts, and closed each 
passage with a gate; the water thus barred from 
outlet, the plain within the mountains becomes a 
lake, seeing that the river pours into it and finds 
no way out. Those therefore who formerly used 

! All this description appears to be purely imaginative. 
But ‘‘ the idea of the chapter” (say Messrs. How and Wells) 
** ja quite correct ; the control of irrigation is in the East one 


of the prerogatives of government, and great sums are 
charged for the use of water." 


143 


HERODOTUS 


Vadsdu) τῷ ὕδατι, οὐκ ἔχοντες αὐτῷ χρᾶσθαι 
συμφορῇ | μεγάλῃ. διαχρέωνται. τὸν μὲν γὰρ 
χειμῶνα ὕει σφι ὁ θεὸς ὥσπερ καὶ τοῖσι ἄλλοισι 
ἀνθρώποισι, τοῦ δὲ θέρεος σπείροντες μελίνην καὶ 
σήσαμον χρηίσκονται τῷ ὕδατι. ἐπεὰν ὧν μηδέν 
σφι rope r τοῦ ὕδατος, ἐλθόντες ἐς τοὺς 
Πέρσας αὐτοί τε καὶ γυναῖκες, στάντες κατὰ τὰς 
θύρας τοῦ βασιλέος βοῶσι ὠρυόμενοι, ὁ δὲ βα- 
σιλεὺς τοῖσι δεομένοισι αὐτῶν μάλιστα ἐντέλ- 
λεται ἀνοίγειν τὰς πύλας τὰς ἐς τοῦτο φερούσας. 
ἐπεὰν δὲ : διάκορος ἡ ἡ γῆ σφεων γένηται πίνουσα τὸ 
ὕδωρ, αὗται μὲν αἱ πύλαι ἀποκλήίονται, ἄλλας 
δ᾽ ἐντέλλεται ἀνοίγειν ἄλλοισι τοῖσι δεομένοισι 
μάλιστα τῶν λοιπῶν. ὡς Ò ἐγὼ οἶδα ἀκούσας, 
χρήματα μεγάλα πρησσόµενος ἀνοίγει πάρεξ τοῦ 
όρου. 

118. Ταῦτα μὲν δὴ € ἔχει οὕτω. τῶν δὲ τῷ Máyo 
ἐπαναστάντων ἑπτὰ ἀνδρῶν, ἕνα αὐτῶν Ἰνταφρέ- 
νεα κατέλαβε ὑβρίσαντα τάδε ἀποθανεῖν αὐτίκα 
μετὰ τὴν ἐπανάστασιν. ἤθελε ἐς τὰ βασιλήια 
ἐσελθὼν χρηματίσασθαι τῷ 'Βασιλέι καὶ γὰρ δὴ 
καὶ ὁ νόμος οὕτω εἶχε, τ τοῖσι ἐπαναστᾶσι τῷ Μάγῳ 
ἔσοδον εἶναι παρὰ βασιλέα ἄνευ ἀγγέλου, ἦν μὴ 
γυναικὶ τυγχάνῃ μισγόμενος βασιλεύς. οὔκων 
νταφρένης ἐδικαίου οὐδένα οἱ ἐσαγγεῖλαι, ἀλλ᾽ 
ὅτι ἦν τῶν ἑπτά, ἐσιέναι ἤθελε. ὁ δὲ πυλουρὸς 
καὶ ὁ ἀγγελιηφόρος οὐ περιώρων, φάμενοι τὸν 
βασιλέα γυναικὶ μίσγεσθαι. o δὲ Ἰνταφρένης 
δοκέων σφέας ψεύδεα λέγειν ποιέει τοιάδε: σπα- 
σάμενος τὸν ἀκινάκεα ἆ ἀποτάμνει αὐτῶν τά τε ὦτα 
καὶ τὰς ῥῖνας, καὶ ἀνείρας περὶ τὸν χαλινὸν τοῦ 
ἵππου περὶ τοὺς αὐχένας σφέων ἔδησε, καὶ ἀπῆκε. 


144 


BOOK III. 117-118 


the water can use it no longer, and are in very 
evil case; for whereas in winter they have the rain 
from heaven like other men, in summer they are 
in need of the water for their sown millet and 
sesame. So whenever no water is given to them, 
they come into Persia with their women, and cry 
and howl before the door of the king's palace, till 
the king commands that the river-gate which leads 
thither should be opened for those whose need is 
greatest; then, when this land has drunk its fill 
of water, that gate is shut, and the king bids open 
another for those of the rest who most require it. 
I have heard and know that he exacts great sums, 
over and above the tribute, for the opening of the 
gates. 

118. So much forthese matters. But Intaphrenes, 
one of the seven rebels against the Magian, was 
brought to his death by a deed of violence im- 
mediately after the rebellion. He desired to enter 
the palace and speak with the king; for this was 
the law, that the rebels should come into the king's 
presence without announcement given, if the king 
were not with one of his wives. Intaphrenes then 
claimed his right to enter unannounced, as one of 
the seven; but the gate-warden and the messenger 
forbade him, the king being, they said, with one of 
his wives. Intaphrenes thought they spoke falsely ; 
drawing his scimitar he cut off their noses and ears, 
then strung these on his horse's bridle and bound it 
round the men's necks, and so let them go. 


145 
VOL. If. L 


HERODOTUS 


119. Ot δὲ τῷ βασιλέι δεικνύουσι ἑωυτοὺς καὶ 
τὴν αἰτίην εἶπον δι ἣν πεπονθότες εἴησαν. Δαρεῖ- 
ος δὲ ἀρρωδήσας μὴ κοινῷ λόγφ οἱ êE πεποιηκότες 
ἔωσι ταῦτα, μεταπεμπόμενος ἕνα ἕκαστον ἀπεπει- 
ρᾶτο γνώμης, εἰ συνέπαινοι εἰσὶ τῷ πεποιημένῳ. 
ἐπείτε δὲ ἐξέμαθε ὡς οὐ σὺν κείνοισι εἴη ταῦτα 
πεποιηκώς, ἔλαθε αὐτόν τε τὸν Ἰνταφρένεα καὶ 
τοὺς matas αὐτοῦ καὶ τοὺς -οἰκηίους πάντας, 
ἐλπίδας πολλὰς ἔχων μετὰ τῶν συγγενέων μιν 
ἐπιβουλεύειν οἱ ἐπανάστασιν, συλλαβὼν δὲ σφέας 
ἔδησε τὴν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ. ἡ δὲ γυνὴ τοῦ Ἰνταφρέ- 
νεος φοιτῶσα ἐπὶ τὰς θύρας τοῦ βασιλέος κλαίεσκε 
ἂν καὶ ὀδυρέσκετο" ποιεῦσα δὲ αἰεὶ τὠυτὸ τοῦτο 
τὸν Δαρεῖον ἔπεισε οἰκτεῖραΐ μιν. πέμψας δὲ 
ἄγγελον ἔλεγε τάδε: ‘COQ γύναι, βασιλεύς τοι 
Δαρεῖος διδοῖ ἕ ἕνα τῶν δεδεµένων οἰκηίων ῥύσασθαι 
τὸν βούλεαι ἐκ πάντων.” ἣ δὲ βουλευσαμένη 
ὑπεκρίνετο τάδε" "E μὲν δή μοι διδοῖ βασιλεὺς 
ἑνὸς τὴν ψυχήν, αἱρέομαι ἐκ πάντων τὸν ἀδελ- 
$eóv." πυθόμενος δὲ Δαρεῖος ταῦτα καὶ θωμάσας 
τὸν λόγον, πέμψας ἠγόρευε eQ γύναι, εἰρωτᾷ σε 
βασιλεύς, τίνα ἔχουσα γνώμην, τὸν ἄνδρα τε καὶ 
τὰ τέκνα ἐγκαταλιποῦσα, τὸν ἀδελφεὸν εἶλευ 
περιεῖναί τοι, ὃς καὶ ἀλλοτριώτερός τοι τῶν παίδων 
καὶ ἧσσον κεχαρισμένος τοῦ ἀνδρός ἐστι." ἣ δ 
ἀμείβετο τοῖσιδε. Q βασιλεῦ, ἀνὴρ μέν μοι ἂν 
ἄλλος γένοιτο, εἰ δαίμων ἐθέλοι, καὶ τέκνα ἄλλα, 
εἰ ταῦτα ἀποβάλοιμι' πατρὸς, δὲ καὶ μητρὸς οὐκέτι 
μευ ξωόντων ἀδελφεὸς ἂν ἄλλος οὐδενὶ τρόπῳ 
γένοιτο. ταύτῃ τῇ γνώμῃ χρεωμένη. ἔλεξα ταῦτα. 
εὖ τε δὴ ἔδοξε τῷ Δαρείῳ εἰπεῖν 7 γυνή, καί οἱ 

ἀπῆκε τοῦτόν τε τὸν παραιτέετο καὶ τῶν παίδω» 


146 


BOOK ΙΙ. 119 


119. They showed themselves to the king and 
told him the reason why they had been so treated. 
Darius, fearing that this might be a conspiracy of 
the six, sent for each severally and questioned 
him, to know if they approved the deed ; and being 
assured that they had no part in it, he seized 
Intaphrenes with his sons and all his household— 
for he much suspected that the man was plotting 
a rebellion with his kinsfolk—and imprisoned them 
with intent to put them to death. Then Intaphrenes’ 
wife came ever and anon to the palace gates, weeping 
and lamenting; and at last her continual so doing 
moved Darius to compassion; and he sent a 
messenger to tell her that Darius would grant her 
the life of one of her imprisoned kinsfolk, whom- 
soever she chose. She, after counsel taken, 
answered that if this were the king’s boon she chose 
the life of her brother. Darius was astonished 
when he heard her answer, and sent one who said 
to her: * Woman, the king would know for what 
reason you pass over your husband and your children 
and choose rather to save the life of your brother, 
who is less close to you than your children and 
less dear than your husband." “O King," she 
answered, “another husband I may get, if heaven 
so will, and other children, if I lose these; but my 
father and mother are dead, and so I can by no 
means get another brother; that is why I have thus 
spoken." Darius was pleased, and thought the 
reason good; he delivered to the woman him for 


147 
L 2 


HERODOTUS 


τὸν πρεσβύτατον, ἡσθεὶς αὐτῇ, τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους 
ἀπέκτεινε πάντας. τῶν μὲν δὴ ἑπτὰ εἷς αὐτίκα 
τρόπῳ τῷ εἰρημένῳ ἀπολώλεε. 

120. Κατὰ δέ κου μάλιστα τὴν Καμβύσεω 
νοῦσον ἐγίνετο τάδε. ὑπὸ Κύρου κατασταθεὶς ἡ ἦν 
Σαρδίων ὕπαρχος Ὀροίτης ἀνὴρ Πέρσης" οὗτος 
ἐπεθύμησε πρήγματος οὐκ ὁσίου" οὔτε γάρ τι 
παθὼν οὔτε ἀκούσας μάταιον ἔπος πρὸς Πολυ- 
κράτεος τοῦ Σαμίου, οὐδὲ ἰδὼν πρότερον, ἐπεθύμεε 
λαβὼν αὐτὸν ἀπολέσαι, ὡς μὲν c οἱ πλεῦνες λέγουσι, 
διὰ τοιήνδε τινὰ αἰτίην. ἐπὶ τῶν βασιλέος θυρέων 
κατήμενον τόν τε Ὀροίτεα καὶ ἄλλον Πέρσην τῷ 
οὔνομα εἶναι Μιτροβάτεα, νομοῦ ἄρχοντα τοῦ ἐν 
Δασκυλείῳ, τούτους ἐκ λόγων ἐς νείκεα OUUTE- 
σεῖν, κρινομένων ξὲ περὶ ἀρετῆς εἰπεῖν τὸν Μιτρο- 
βάτεα τῷ Ὀροίτῃ προφίροντα “Eù γὰρ ἐν ἀνδρῶν 
λόγῳ, ὃς βασιλέι νῆσον Σάμον πρὸς τῷ σῷ νομῷ 
προσκειμένην οὐ προσεκτήσαο, ὧδε δή τι ἐοῦσαν 
εὐπετέα χειρωθῆναι, τὴν τῶν τις ἐπιχωρίων πεν- 
τεκαίδεκα ὁπλίτῃσι ἐπαναστὰς ἔσχε καὶ νῦν αὐτῆς 
τυραννεύει.᾽ ot μὲν δή μιν φασὶ τοῦτο ἀκούσαντα 
καὶ ἀλγήσαντα τῷ ὀνείδεῖ ἐπιθυμῆσαι οὐκ οὕτω 
τὸν εἴπαντα ταῦτα τίσασθαι ὡς Πολυκράτεα 
πάντως ἀπολέσαι, δι ὄντινα κακῶς ἤκοισε. 

121. Οἱ δὲ ἐλάσσονες λέγουσι πέμψαι Ὀροίτεα 
ἐς Σάμον κήρυκα. ὅτευ δὴ χρήματος δεησόμενον 
(οὐ γὰρ à ὧν δὴ τοῦτό γε λέγεται), καὶ τὸν lloXv- 
κράτεα τυχεῖν κατακείµενον ἐν ἀνδρεῶνι, παρεῖναι 
δε οἱ καὶ ᾿Ανακρέοντα τὸν Tro: καί κως εἴτ᾽ ἐκ 
προνοίης αὐτὸν κατηλογέοντα τὰ Ὀροίτεω mph- 
γµατα, εἴτε καὶ συντυχίη τις τοιαύτη ἐπεγένετο" 
τόν τε γὰρ κήρυκα τὸν ᾿Ὀροίτεω παρελθόντα 


148 


BOOK IIl. 119-121 - 


whose life she had asked, and the eldest of her 
sons besides; all the rest he put to death. Thus 
immediately perished one of the seven. 

120. What I will now relate happened about the 
time of Cambyses' sickness. The viceroy of Sardis 
appointed by Cyrus was Oroetes, a Persian. This 
man purposed to do a great wrong; for though he 
had received no hurt by deed or word from Polycrates 
of Samos, nor had even seen him, he formed the 
desire of seizing and killing him. The reason alleged 
by most was this:—As Oroetes and another Persian, 
Mitrobates by name, governor of the province at 
Dascyleium, sat by the king's door, they fell from 
talk to wrangling and comparing of their several 
achievements: and Mitrobates taunted Oroetes, 
saying, “ You are not to be accounted a man; the 
island of Samos lies close to your province, yet you 
have not added it to the king’s dominion—an island 
so easy to conquer that some native of it rose against 
his rulers with fifteen men at arms, and is now lord 
of it."! Some say that Oroetes, angered by this 
taunt, was less desirous of punishing the utterer of it 
than of by all means destroying the reason of the 
reproach, namely Polycrates. 

121. Others (but fewer) say that when Oroetes 
sent a herald to Samos with some request (it is not 
said what this was), the herald found Polycrates lying 
in the men’s apartments, in the company of Anacreon 
of Teos; and, whether by design to show contempt 
for Oroetes, or by mere chance, when Oroetes’ herald 


1 See ch. 39. 
149 


HERODOTUS 


διαλέγεσθαι, καὶ τὸν Πολυκράτεα (τυχεῖν γὰρ 
ἀπεστραμμένον πρὸς τὸν τοῖχον) οὔτε τι µετα- 
στραφῆναι οὔτε ὑποκρίνασθαι. 

122. Αἰτίαι μὲν δὴ αὗται διφάσιαι λέγονται 
τοῦ θανάτου τοῦ Πολυκράτεος γενέσθαι, πάρεστι 
δὲ πείθεσθαι ὁκοτέρῃ τις βούλεται αὐτέων, ὁ δὲ 
ὧν Ὀροίτης ἱξόμενος ἐν Μαγνησίῃ τῇ ὑπὲρ Μαι- 
άνδρου ποταμοῦ οἰκημένῃ ἔπεμπε Μύρσον τὸν 
Γύγεω ἄνδρα Λυδὸν ἐς Σάμον ἀγγελίην φέροντα, 
μαθὼν τοῦ Πολυκράτεος τὸν νόον. «Πολυκράτης 
γὰρ ἐστὶ πρῶτος τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν Ἑλλήνων ὃς 
/ θαλασσοκρατέειν ἐπενοήθη, πάρεξ Μίνωος τε τοῦ 
Κνωσσίου καὶ εἰ δή τις ἄλλος πρότερος τούτου 
ἦρξε. τῆς θαλάσσης: τῆς δὲ ἀνθρωπηίης λεγομένης 
γενεῆς Πολυκράτης πρῶτος, ἐλπίδας πολλὰς € έχων 
Ἰωνίης τε καὶ νήσων ἄρξειν. μαθὼν ὧν ταῦτά 
μιν διανοεύμενον ὁ Ὀροίτης πέμψας ἀγγελίην 
ἔλεγε τάδε. “ "Ὀροίτης Πολυκράτεϊ ὧδε λέγει. 

πυνθάνομαι ἐπιβουλεύειν σε πρήγμασι μεγάλοισι, 
καὶ χρήματά τοι οὐκ εἶναι κατὰ τὰ φρονήματα. 
σύ νυν ὧδε ποιήσας ὀρθώσεις μὲν σεωυτόν, σώσεις 
δὲ καὶ ἐμέ" ἐμοὶ γὰρ βασιλεὺς Καμβύσης ἐπιβου- 
λεύει θάνατον, καί μοι τοῦτο ἐξαγγέλλεται σαφη- 
νέως. σύ νυν ἐμὲ ἐκκομίσας αὐτὸν Kai” χρήματα, 
τὰ μὲν αὐτῶν αὐτὸς ἔχε, τὰ δὲ ἐμὲ ἔα ἔχειν' 
εἴνεκέν τε Χρημάτων ἄρξεις ἁπάσης τῆς Ἑλλάδος. 
εἰ δέ μοι ἀπιστέεις τὰ περὶ τῶν χρημάτων, πέμψον 
ὅστις τοι πιστότατος τυγχάνει ἐών, τῷ ἐγὼ ἆπο- 
£o." 

123. Ταῦτα ἀκούσας Πολυκράτης ἥσθη τε καὶ 
ἐβούλετο" καί κως i ἱμεύρετο γὰρ χρημάτων μεγάλως, 
ἀποπέμπει πρῶτα κατοψόμενον Μαιάνδριον Μαι- 
150 


BOOK III. 121-123 


entered and addressed him, Polycrates, then lying 
with his face to the wall, never turned nor answered 
him. 

122. These are the two reasons alleged for Poly- 
crates' death ; believe which you will. But the up- 
shot was that Oroetes, being then at Magnesia which 
stands above the river Maeander, sent Myrsus, 
son of Gyges, a Lydian, with a message to Samos, 
having learnt Polycrates' purpose; for Polycrates was 
the first Greek, of whom I have knowledge, to aim 
at the mastery of the sea, leaving out of account 
Minos of Cnossus and any others who before him held 
maritime dominion; of such as may be called men 
Polycrates was the first so to do, and he had great 
hope of making himself master of Ionia and the 
Islands. Learning then that such was his intent, 
Oroetes sent him this message : * These from Oroetes 
to Polycrates :—I learn that you plan great enter- 
prises, and that you have not money sufficient for your 
purpose. Do then as I counsel and you will make 
yourself to prosper and me to be safe. King Cam- 
byses designs my death; of this I have clear intelli- 
gence. Now if you will bring me away with my 
money, you may take part of it for yourself and leave 
the rest with me; thus shall you have wealth enough 
to rule all Hellas. If you mistrust what I tell you of 
the money, send your trustiest minister and I will 
prove it to him." 

193. Hearing this, Polycrates liked the plan and 
consented ; and, as it chanced that he had a great 
desire for money, he first sent one of his townsmen, 


ISI 


HERODOTUS 


ανδρίου ἄνδρα τῶν ἀστῶν, ὃς οἱ ἦν γραμματιστής" 
ὃς χρόνῳ οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον τούτων τὸν κόσμον 
τὸν ἐκ τοῦ ἀνδρεῶνος᾽ τοῦ ᾿Πολυκράτεος ἐόντα 
ἀξιοθέητον ἀνέθηκε πάντα ἐς τὸ "Hpatov. ὁ δὲ 
Ὀροίτης μαθὼν τὸν κατάσκοπον ἐόντα προσδό- 
kipov ἐποίεε τοιάδε" λάρνακας ὀκτὼ πληρώσας 
λίθων πλὴν κάρτα βραχέος τοῦ περὶ αὐτὰ τὰ 
χείλεα, ἐπιπολῆς τῶν λίθων χρυσὸν ἐπέβαλε, 
καταδήσας δὲ τὰς λάρνακας εἶχε ἑτοίμας. ἐλθὼν 
δὲ ὁ Μαιάνδριος καὶ θεησάμενος ἀπήγγελλε τῷ 
Πολυκράτεϊ. 

194. Ὃ δὲ πολλὰ μὲν τῶν μαντίων ἀπαγορεύ- 
όντων πολλὰ δὲ τῶν φίλων ἐστέλλετο αὐτόσε, 
πρὸς δὲ καὶ ἰδούσης τῆς θυγατρὸς ὄψιν ἐνυπνίου 
τοιήνδε" ἐδόκεε ol τὸν πατέρα ἐν τῷ ἠέρι μετέωρον 
ἐόντα λοῦσθαι μὲν ὑπὸ τοῦ Διός, χρίεσθαι δὲ ἱ ὑπὸ 
τοῦ ἡλίου. ταύτην ἰδοῦσα τὴν ὄψιν παντοίη ἐγί- 
νετο μὴ ἀποδημῆσαι τὸν Πολυκράτεα παρὰ τὸν 
Ὀροίτεα, καὶ δὴ καὶ ἰόντος αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ τὴν πεντη- 
κόντερον ἐπεφημίξετο. ὃ δέ οἱ ἠπείλησε, ἣν σῶς 
ἀπονοστήσῃ, πολλόν μιν. χρόνον παρθενεύεσθαι. 
f) δὲ ἠρήσατο ἐπιτελέα ταῦτα γενέσθαι: βούλεσθαι 
γὰρ παρθενεύεσθαι πλέω χρόνον ἡ τοῦ πατρὸς 
ἐστερῆσθαι. 

125. Πολυκράτης δὲ πάσης συμβουλίης año- 
γήσας ἔπλεε παρὰ τὸν Ὀροίτεα, ἅμα ἀγόμενος 
ἄλλους τε πολλοὺς τῶν ἑταίρων, ἐν δὲ δὴ καὶ 
Δημοκήδεα τὸν Καλλιφῶντος Κροτωνιήτην ἄνδρα, 
int pov τε ἐόντα καὶ τὴν τέχνην ἀσκέοντα ἄριστα 
τῶν κατ᾽ ἑωυτόν. ἀπικόμενος δὲ ἐς τὴν Μαγνη- 
σίην ὃ Πολυκράτης διεφθάρη κακῶς, οὔτε ἑωυτοῦ 
ἀξίως οὔτε τῶν ἑωυτοῦ φρονημάτων" ὅτι γὰρ μὴ 


152 


BOOK III. 123-125 


Maeandrius, son of Maeandrius, to look into the 
matter; this man was his scribe; it was he who not 
long afterwards dedicated in the Heraeum all the 
splendid adornment of the men's apartment in Poly- 
crates' house. When Oroetes heard that an inspection 
was to be looked for, he filled eight chests with stones, 
saving only a very shallow layer at the top; then he 
laid gold on the surface of the stones, made the 
chests fast and kept them ready. Maeandrius came 
and saw, and brought word back to his master. 

124. Polycrates then prepared to visit Oroetes, 
despite the strong dissuasion of his diviners and 
friends, and a vision seen by his daughter in a dream ; 
she dreamt that she saw her father aloft in the air, 
washed by Zeus and anointed by the sun; after this 
vision she used all means to persuade him not to go 
on this journey to Oroetes ; even as he went to his 
fifty-oared ship she prophesied evil for him. When 
Polycrates threatened her that if he came back 
safe, she should long remain a virgin, she answered 
with a prayer that his threat might be fulfilled: for 
she would rather, she said, be long left a virgin than 
lose her father. 

125. But Polycrates would listen to no counsel. 
He sailed to meet Oroetes, with a great retinue of 
followers, among whom was Democedes, son of Calli- 
phon, a man of Crotona and the most skilful physician 
of his time. But no sooner had Polycrates come to 
Magnesia than he was foully murdered, making an 
end which ill beseemed himself and his pride; for, 


153 


HERODOTUS 


οἱ Συρηκοσίων γενόμενοι τύραννοι οὐδὲ εἷς τῶν 
ἄλλων Ἑλληνικῶν τυράννων ἄξιος ἐστὶ Iov- 
κράτεϊ μεγαλοπρεπείην συμβληθῆναι. ἀποκτείνας 
δέ μιν οὐκ ἀξίως ἀπηγήσιος Ὀρούτης ἀνεσταύρωσε' 
τῶν δέ οἱ ἑπομένων ὅσοι μὲν ἦσαν Σάμιοι, ἀπῆκε, 
κελεύων σφέας ἑωυτῷ χάριν εἰδέναι ἐόντας éXev- 
θέρους, ὅσοι δὲ ἦσαν ξεῖνοί τε καὶ δοῦλοι τῶν 
ἑπομένων, ἐν ἀνδραπόδων λόγῳ ποιεύμενος εἶχε. 
Πολυκράτης δὲ ἀνακρεμάμενος ἐπετέλεε πᾶσαν 
τὴν ὄψιν τῆς θυγατρός’ ἐλοῦτο μὲν γὰρ ὑπὸ τοῦ 
Διὸς ὅκως ὕοι, ἐχρίετο δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ ἡλίου, ἀνιεὶς 
αὐτὸς ἐκ τοῦ σώματος ἰκμάδα. 

126. Πολυκῤάτεος μὲν δὴ αἱ πολλαὶ εὐτυχίαι 
ἐς τοῦτο ἐτελεύτησαν τῇ οἱ Αμασις ὁ Αἰγύπτου 
βασιλεὺς προεμαντεύσατο.ἲ χρόνῳ δὲ οὐ πολλῷ 
ὕστερον καὶ Ὀροίτεα Πολυκράτεος τίσιες μετῆλ- 
θον. μετὰ γὰρ τὸν Καμβύσεω θάνατον καὶ τῶν 
Μάγων τὴν βασιληίην μένων ἐν τῆσι Σάρδισι 
Ὀροίτης ὠφέλεε μὲν οὐδὲν Πέρσας ὑπὸ Μήδων 
ἀπαραιρημένους τὴν ἀρχήν: ὃ δὲ ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ 
ταραχῇ κατὰ μὲν ἔκτεινε Μιτροβάτεα τὸν ἐκ 
Δασκυλείου ὕπαρχον, ὅς οἱ ὠνείδισε τὰ ἐς Πολυ- 
κράτεα ἔχοντα, κατὰ δὲ τοῦ Μιτροβάτεω τὸν 
παῖδα Κρανάσπην, ἄνδρας ἐν Πέρσῃσι δοκίμους, 
ἄλλα τε ἐξύβρισε παντοῖα καί τινα ἀγγελιηφόρον 
ἐλθόντα Δαρείου παρ᾽ αὐτόν, ὡς οὐ πρὸς ἡδονήν 
οἱ ἦν τὰ ἀγγελλόμενα, κτείνει μιν ὀπίσω κομιξό- 
μενον, ἄνδρας οἱ ὑπείσας κατ ὁδόν, ἀποκτείνας 
δέ μιν ἠφάνισε αὐτῷ ἵππῳ. 

1 Stein brackets τῇ... προεμαντεύσατο, because Amasis did 


not τν prophesy the details; but the words may well 
stand. 


154 


BOOK III. 125-126 


saving only the despots of Syracuse, there is no 
despot of Greek race to be compared with Poly- 
crates for magnificence. Having killed him (in some 
way not worth the telling) Oroetes then crucified 
him ; as for the Samians in his retinue he let them 
go, bidding them thank Oroetes for their freedom; 
those who were not Samians, or were servants of 
Polycrates’ followers, he kept for slaves. So Polycrates 
was hanged aloft, and thereby his daughter’s dream 
came true ; for he was washed by Zeus when it rained, 
and the moisture from his body was his anointment 
by the sun. 

126. This was the end of Polycrates’ many suc- 
cesses, as Amasis, king of Egypt, had forewarned 
him. But not long after, Oroetes was overtaken by 
the powers that avenged Polycrates. After Cambyses 
had died and the Magians won the kingship, Oroetes 
stayed in Sardis, where he in no way helped the 
Persians to regain the power taken from them by the 
Medes, but contrariwise; for in this confusion he 
slew two notable Persians, Mitrobates, the governor 
from Dascyleium, who had taunted him concerning 
Polycrates, and Mitrobates’ son, Cranaspes; and be- 
sides many other violent deeds, when a messenger 
from Darius came with a message which displeased 
him, he set an ambush by the way and killed that 
messenger on his journey homewards, and made away 
with the man’s body and horse, 


155 


HERODOTUS 


127. Δαρεῖος δὲ ὡς ἔσχε τὴν ἀρχήν, ἐπεθύμεε 
τὸν Ὀροίτεα τίσασθαι πάντων τῶν ἆ ικημάτων 
εἵνεκεν καὶ μάλιστα Μιτροβάτεω καὶ τοῦ παιδός. 
ἐκ μὲν δὴ τῆς ἰθέης στρατὸν ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸν οὐκ ἐδόκεε 
πέμπειν ἅτε οἰδεόντων ἔτι τῶν πρηγμάτων, καὶ 
νεωστὶ ἔχων τὴν ἀρχὴν καὶ τὸν Ὀροίτεα, μεγάλην 
τὴν ἰσχὺν πυνθανόμενος ἔχειν" τὸν χίλιοι μὲν 
Περσέων ἐδορυφόρεον, εἶ εἶχε δὲ νομὸν τόν τε Φρύγιον 
καὶ Λύδιον καὶ ᾿Ιωνικόν. πρὸς ταῦτα δὴ ὧν ὁ 
Δαρεῖος τάδε é ἐμηχανήσατο. συγκαλέσας Περσέων 
τοὺς | δοκιµωτάτους ἐλεγέ σφι τάδε. ero, Πέρσαι, 
τίς ἄν HOt τοῦτο ὑμέων ὑποστὰς ἐπιτελέσειε σοφίῃ 
καὶ μὴ Bin τε καὶ ὁμίλφ; ἔνθα γὰρ σοφίης δέει, 
βίης ἔργον οὐδέν' .ὑμέων δὲ ὧν τίς μοι ᾿Οροίτεα 
ἡ ζώοντα ἀγάγοι ἢ ἀποκτείνειε; ὃς ὠφέλησε μέν 
κω Πέρσας οὐδέν, κακὰ δὲ μεγάλα ἔοργε’ τοῦτο 
μὲν δύο ἡμέων ἠίστωσε, Μιτροβάτεά τε καὶ τὸν 
παῖδα αὐτοῦ, τοῦτο δὲ τοὺς ἀνακαλέοντας αὐτὸν 
καὶ πεμπομένους ὑπ ἐμεῦ κτείνει, ὕβριν οὐκ ava- 
σχετὸν φαίνων. πρίν τι ὧν μέξον ἐξεργάσασθαί 
μιν Πέρσας κακόν, καταλαμπτέος ἐστὶ ἡμῖν 
θανάτῳ." 

128. Δαρεῖος μὲν ταῦτα ἐπειρώτα, τῷ δὲ ἄνδρες 
τριήκοντα ὑπέστησαν, αὐτὸς ἕκαστος ἐθέλων ποιέ- 
ειν ταῦτα. ἐρίξοντας δὲ Δαρεῖος κατελάμβανε 
κελεύων πάλλεσθαι: παλλομένων δὲ λαγχάνει ἐκ 
πάντων Βαγαῖος ὁ ᾿Αρτόντεω" λαχὼν δὲ ὁ Βαγαῖος 
ποιέει τάδε" βυβλία γραψάμενος πολλὰ καὶ περὶ 
πολλῶν ἔ ἔχοντα πρηγμάτων σφ ρηγῖδά σφι ἐπέβαλε 
τὴν Δαρείου, μετὰ δὲ ἤιε ἔχων ταῦτα ἐς τὰς Σάρδις. 
ἀπικόμενος δὲ καὶ Ὀροίτεω ἐς ὄψιν ἐλθών, τῶν 
βυβλίων êv ἕκαστον περιαιρεόµενος ἐδίδου τῷ 


156 


BOOK III. 127-128 


127. So when Darius became king he was minded 
to punish Oroetes for all his wrongdoing, and chiefly 
for the killing of Mitrobates and his son. But he 
thought it best not to send an army openly against 
the satrap, seeing that all was still in ferment and 
he himself was still new to the royal power ; moreover 
he heard that Oroetes was very strong, having a guard 
of a thousand Persian spearmen and being governor 
of the Phrygian and Lydian and Ionian province. 
Resorting therefore to a device to help him, he sum- 
moned an assembly of the most notable Persians, 
whom he thus addressed : “ Who is there among you, 
men of Persia, that will undertake and achieve a thing 
for me not with force and numbers, but by cunning? 
Force has no place where cunning is needful. But to 
the matter in hand—which of you will bring me 
Oroetes alive, or kill him? for he has done the 
Persians no good, but much harm ; two of us he has 
slain, Mitrobates and his son ; nay, and he slays my 
messengers who are sent to recall him ; so unbearable 
is the insolence of his acts. Therefore death must 
stay him from doing the Persians some yet worse evil." 

128. At this question thirty men promised that 
they were ready each for himself to do the king's will. 
Darius bade them not contend but draw lots ; they all 
did so, and the lot fell on Bagaeus, son of Artontes. 
He, thus chosen, wrote many letters concerning many 
matters; then sealing them with Darius seal he 
went with them to Sardis. Coming there into 
Oroetes' presence he took out each letter severally 
and gave it to one of the royal scribes who attend all 


I57 


HERODOTUS 


γραμματιστῇ τῷ βασιληίῳ ἐπιλέγεσθαι: γράμμα- 
τιστὰς δὲ βασιληίους οἱ πάντες ὕπαρχοι ἔχουσι: 
ἀποπειρώμενος δὲ τῶν δορυφόρων ἐδίδου τὰ βυβλία 
ὁ Βαγαῖος, εἰ ἐνδεξαίατο ἀπόστασιν ἀπὸ Ὀροίτεω. 
ὀρέων δὲ σφέας τά τε βυβλία σεβομένους μεγάλως 
καὶ τὰ λεγόμενα ἐκ τῶν βυβλίων ἔτι μεζόνως, 
διδοῖ ἄλλο ἐν τῷ ἐνῆν ἔπεα τάδε: SQ Πέρσαι, 
βασιλεὺς Δαρεῖος ἀπαγορεύει ὑμῖν μὴ δορυφορέειν 
Ὀροίτεα." οἳ δὲ ἀκούσαντες τούτων μετῆκάν οἱ 
τὰς αἰχμάς. ἰδὼν δὲ τοῦτο σφέας ὁ Βαγαῖος 
πειθομένους τῷ βυβλίῳ, ἐνθαῦτα δὴ θαρσήσας τὸ 
τελευταῖον τῶν βυβλίων διδοῖ τῷ Ὑραμματιστῇ, 
ἐν τῷ ἐγέγραπτο “Βασιλεὺς Δαρεῖος Πέρσῃσι 
τοῖσι ἐν Σάρδισι. ἐντέλλεται κτείνειν Ὀροίτεα." 
οἱ δὲ δορυφόροι ὡς ἤκουσαν ταῦτα, σπασάμενοι 
τοὺς ἀκινάκας κτείνουσι παραυτίκα μιν, οὕτω 
| δὴ Ὀροίτεα τὸν Πέρσην Πολυκράτεος τοῦ Σαμίου 
τίσιες μετῆλθον. 

129. ᾽Απικομένων δὲ καὶ ἀνακομισθέντων τῶν 
Ὀρούτεω’ χρημάτων È ἐς τὰ Σοῦσα, συνήνεικε χρόνῳ 
οὐ πολλῷ ὕστερον βασιλέα Δαρεῖον ἐν ἄγρῃ 
θηρῶν ἀποθρώσκοντα ἀπ’ ἵππου στραφῆναι τὸν 
πόδα. καί κως ἰσχυροτέρως ἐστράφη" ὁ γάρ οἱ 
ἀστράγαλος ἐξεχώρησε ἐκ τῶν ἄρθρων. νομίζων 
δὲ καὶ πρότερον περὶ ἑωυτὸν ἔχειν Αἰγυπτίων 
τοὺς δοκέοντας εἶναι πρώτους τὴν ἰητρικήν, τού- 
τοισι ἐχρᾶτο. ot δὲ στρεβλοῦντες καὶ βιώμενοι 
τὸν. πόδα κακὸν μέξον ἐργάξοντο. ἐπ᾽ ἑπτὰ μὲν 
δὴ ἡμέρας καὶ ἑπτὰ νύκτας ὑπὸ τοῦ παρεόντος 
κακοῦ ὁ Δαρεῖος ἀγρυπνίῃσι εἴχετο' τῇ δὲ δὴ 
ὀγδόῃ ἡμέρῃ ἔχοντί οἱ φλαύρως, παρακούσας τις 
πρότερον ἔτι ἐν Σάρδισι τοῦ Κροτωνιήτεω Δημο- 
ις8 


BOOK III. 128-129 


governors, for him to read; giving the letters 
with intent to try the spearmen and learn if 
they would consent to revolt against Oroetes. 
Seeing that they paid great regard to the rolls 
and yet more to what was written therein, he gave 
another, wherein were these words: “Persians! 
King Darius forbids you to be Oroetes guard," 
which when the guard heard they threw down 
their spears. When Bagaeus saw that they obeyed 
the letter thus far, he took heart and gave the 
last roll to the scribe, wherein were these words: 
* King Darius charges the Persians in Sardis to kill 
Oroetes.” Hearing this the spearmen drew their 
scimitars and killed Oroetes forthwith. Thus was 
Oroetes the Persian overtaken by the powers that 
avenged Polycrates of Samos. 

129. Oroetes’ slaves and other possessions were 
brought to Susa. Not long after this, it happened 
that Darius, while hunting, twisted his foot in dis- 
mounting from his horse, so violently that the ball of 
the ankle joint was dislocated from its socket. Darius 
called in the first physicians of Egypt, whom he had 
till now kept near his person; who, by their forcible 
wrenching of the foot, did but make the hurt worse ; 
and for seven days and nights the king could get no 
sleep for the pain. On the eighth day he was in 
very evil case; then someone, who had heard in 

. Sardis of the skill of Democedes of Croton, told the 


159 


HERODOTUS 


κήδεος τὴν τέχνην ἀγγέλλει τῷ Δαρείῳ’ ὃ δὲ 
ἄγειν μιν τὴν ταχίστην παρ᾽ ἑωυτὸν ἐκέλευσε" 
τὸν δὲ ὡς ἐξεῦρον é ἐν τοῖσι Ὀροίτεω ἀνδραπόδοισε 
ὅκου δὴ ἀπημελημένον, παρῆγον ἐς μέσον πέδας 
τε ἕλκοντα καὶ ῥάκεσι ἐσθημένον. 

180. Σταθέντα δὲ ἐς μέσον εἰρώτα ὁ Δαρεῖος 
τὴν τέχνην εἰ ἐπίσταιτο' ὃ δὲ οὐκ ὑπεδέκετο, 
ἀρρωδέων μὴ ἑωυτὸν ἐκφήνας τὸ παράπαν τῆς 
Ἑλλάδος 7 ἀπεστερημένος" κατεφάνη τε 
τῷ Δαρείῳ τε vate ἐπιστάμενος, καὶ τοὺς 
ἀγαγόντας αὐτὸν ἐκέλευσε μάστιγάς τε καὶ 
κέντρα παραφέρειν ἐς τὸ μέσον. ὃ δὲ ἐνθαῦτα 
δὴ ὧν ἐκφαίνει, φὰς . ἀτρεκέως μὲν οὐκ ἐπί- 
στασθαι, ὁμιλήσας δὲ i ἰητρῷ φλαύρως ἔχειν τὴν 
τέχνην. μετὰ δέ, ὥς οἱ ἐπέτρεψε, “Ελληνικοῖσι 
ἰήμασι χρεώμενος καὶ jma μετὰ τὰ ἰσχυρὰ 
προσάγων ὕπνου τέ μιν λαγχάνειν ἐποίεε καὶ ἐν 
χρόνῳ ὀλίγφ .ὑγιέα μιν ἀπέδεξε, οὐδαμὰ ἔτι 
ἐλπίζοντα ἀρτίπουν ἔσεσθαι. δωρέεται δή μιν 
μετὰ ταῦτα ὁ Δαρεῖος πεδέων χρυσέων δύο ξεύ- 
yesi ὃ δέ μων ἐπείρετο εἴ οἱ διπλήσιον τὸ κακὸν 
ἐπίτηδες νέμει, ὅτι μιν ὑγιέα ἐποίησε. ἡσθεὶς δὲ 
τῷ ἔπεῖ ὁ Δαρεῖος ἀποπέμπει pw παρὰ τὰς 
ἑωυτοῦ γυναῖκας" παράγοντες δὲ οἱ εὐνοῦχοι ἔλε- 
you πρὸς τὰς γυναῖκας ὡς βασιλέι οὗτος ein ὃς 
τὴν Ψυχὴν ἀπέδωκε. ὑποτύπτουσα δε αὐτέων 
ἑκάστη φιάλῃ τοῦ χρυσοῦ ἐς θήκην ἐδωρέετο 
Δημοκήδεα οὕτω δή τι δαψιλέι δωρεῇ ὡς τοὺς 
ἀποπίπτοντας ἀπὸ τῶν φιαλέων στατῆρας ἐπό- 
μενος 0 οἰκέτης, τῷ, οὔνομα ἦν Σκίτων, ἀνελέγετο 
καί οἱ χρῆμα. πολλόν τι χρυσοῦ συνελέχθη. 


160 


BOOK lll. 129-130 


king of him. Darius bade Democedes be brought to 
him without delay. Finding the physician somewhere 
all unregarded and forgotten among Oroetes' slaves, 
they brought him into view, dragging his chains and 
clad in rags. 

130. When he came before the king, Darius 
asked him if he had knowledge of his art. 
Democedes denied it, for he feared that by 
revealing the truth about himself he would wholly 
be cut off from Hellas. Darius saw clearly that 
he was using craft to hide his knowledge, and 
bade those who led him to bring out ¢courges 
and goads for him. Then Democedes confessed, in 
so far as to say that his knowledge was not exact: 
but he had consorted (he said) with a physician and 
thereby gained some poor acquaintance with the 
art. Darius then entrusting the matter to him, 
Democedes applied Greek remedies and used gentle- 
ness instead of the Egyptians' violence; whereby 
he made the king able to sleep and in a little while 
recovered him of his hurt, though Darius had had no 
hope of regaining the use of his foot. After this, 
Darius rewarded him with a gift of two pairs of 
golden fetters. ‘Is it then your purpose,’ Demo- 
cedes asked, “to double my pains for my making 
you whole? " Darius, pleased by his wit, sent him to 
the king's wives. The eunuchs brought him to the 
women, saying, * This is he who saved the king's 
life" ; whereupon each of them took a vessel and, 
scooping with it from a chest full of gold, so richly 
rewarded the physician that the servant, whose 
name was Sciton, collected a very great sum of gold 
by following and gleaning the staters that fell from 
the vessels. 

1 Or, that he knew how to practise his art ? 


161 
VOL. II M 


HERODOTUS 


131. 'O δὲ Δημοκήδης οὗτος ὧδε ἐς Κρότωνος 
ἀπιγμένος Πολυκράτεϊ ὡμίλησε" πατρὶ συνείχετο 
ἐν τῇ Κρότωνι ὀργὴν χαλεπῷ". τοῦτον ἐπείτε οὐκ 
ἐδύνατο φέρειν, ἀπολιπὼν οἴχετο ἐς Αἴγιναν. 
καταστὰς δὲ ἐς ταύτην πρώτῳ ἔτεϊ ὑπερεβάλετο 
τοὺς ἄλλους ἰητρούς, ἀσκευής περ ἐὼν καὶ ἔ έχων 
οὐδὲν τῶν ὅσα περὶ τὴν τέχνην ἐστὶ ἐργαλήια. 
καί µιν δευτέρῳ ë ἔτεϊ ταλάντου Αἰγινῆται δημοσίῃ 
μισθοῦνται, τρίτῳ δὲ ἔτεϊ ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἑκατὸν μνέων, 
τετάρτῳ δὲ ἔτεϊ Πολυκράτης δυῶν ταλάντων. 
οὕτω μὲν ἀπίκετο ἐς τὴν Σάμον, καὶ ἀπὸ τούτου 
τοῦ ἀνδρὸς οὐκ ἥκιστα Κροτωνιῆται ἰητροὶ εὖδο- 
κίμησαν. ἐγένετο γὰρ ὧν τοῦτο ὅτε πρῶτοι μὲν 
Κροτωνιῆται ἰητροὶ ἐλέγοντο ἀνὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα 
εἶναι, δεύτεροι δὲ Κυρηναῖοι, κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν δὲ 
τοῦτον χρόνον καὶ ᾿Αργεῖοι ἤκουον μουσικὴν εἶναι 
'. πρῶτοι." 

. Τότε δὴ ὁ Δημοκήδης ἐν τοῖσι Σούσοισι 
Ee Δαρεῖον οἶκόν, τε μέγιστον εἶχε καὶ 
ὁμοτράπεξος βασιλέι ἐγεγόνεε, πλήν τε ἑνὸς τοῦ 
ἐς "Ελληνας ἀπιέναι πάντα τἆλλά οἱ παρῆν. 
καὶ τοῦτο μὲν τοὺς Αἰγυπτίους ἰητρούς, ot Ba- 
σιλέα πρότερον ἰῶντο, μέλλοντας ἀνασκολοπι- 
εἶσθαι ὅτι ὑπὸ "[ζ2λληνος ζητροῦ ἑσσώθησαν, τού- 
τους βασιλέα παραιτησάμενος ἐρρύσατο" τοῦτο 
δὲ μάντιν ᾿Ηλεῖον Πολυκράτεϊ ἐπισπόμενον καὶ 
ἀπημελημένον ἐν τοῖσι ἀνδραπόδοισι ἐρρύσατο. 
ἦν δὲ μέγιστον πρῆγμα Δημοκήδης παρὰ βασιλέι. 

133. "Ev χρόνῳ δὲ ὀλίγῳ μετὰ ταῦτα τάδε 


1 Stein suspects from ἐγένετο γὰρ to πρῶτοι, but for no very 
cogent reason ; though the mention of the Argive musicians 
is certainly irrelevant. 


162 


BOOK III. 131-133 


131. Now this is how Democedes had come from 
Croton to live with Polycrates: he was troubled with 
a harsh-tempered father at Croton, whom being unable 
to bear, he left him and went to Aegina. Settled 
there, before a year was out, he excelled all the other 
physicians, although he had no equipment nor any 
of the implements of his calling. In his second 
year the Aeginetans ! paid him a talent to be their 
publie physician; in the next the Athenians hired 
him for an hundred minae, and Polycrates in the next 
again for two talents. Thus he came to Samos; and 
the fame of the Crotoniat physicians was chiefly 
owing to him ; for at this time the best physicians in 
Greek countries were those of Croton, and next 
to them those of Cyrene. About the same time 
the Argives had the name of being the best 
musicians. 

132. So now for having healed Darius at Susa 
Democedes had a very great house and ate at the 
king's table; all was his, except only permission to 
return to his Greek home. When the Egyptian 
chirurgeons who had till now attended on the king 
were about to be impaled for being less skilful than 
a Greek, Democedes begged their lives of the king 
and saved them ; and he saved besides an Elean 
diviner, who had been of Polycrates’ retinue and was 
left neglected among the slaves. Mightily in favour 
with the king was Democedes. 

133. Not long after this, Atossa, Cyrus’ daughter 

! The Aeginetan talent — about 82 Attic minae (60 of 
which composed the Attic talent). 

j 163 
M 2 


HERODOTUS 


ἄλλα συνήνεικε γενέσθαι. ᾿Ατόσσῃ τῇ Κύρου 
μὲν θυγατρὶ Δαρείου δὲ γυναικὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ μαστοῦ 
ἔφυ poua, | μετὰ δὲ ἐ ἐκραγὲν ἐνέμετο πρόσω. ὅσον 
μὲν 7) χρόνον ἦν ἔλασσον, 3 δὲ κ ύπτουσα καὶ 
αἰσχυνομένη ἔφραζε οὐδενί" ἐπείτε Be ἐν κακῷ ἦν, 
μετεπέμψατο τὸν Δημοκήδεα καί οἱ ἐπέδεξε. ὃ 
δὲ φὰς ὑγιέα ποιήσειν ἐξορκοῖ μιν 7 μέν οἱ ἀντυ- 

πουργήσειν ἐκείνην τοῦτο τὸ ἂν αὐτῆς δεηθῇ" 
δεήσεσθαι δὲ οὐδενὸς τῶν ὅσα ἐς αἰσχύνην ἐστὶ 
φέροντα. 

134. Ὡς δὲ ἄρα μιν μετὰ ταῦτα ἰώμενος ὑγιέα 
ἀπέδεξε, ἐνθαῦτα δὴ διδαχθεῖσα ὑπὸ τοῦ Δημο- 
κήδεος ἡ 7 "ATocca προσέφερε ἐν τῇ κοίτῃ Δαρείῳ 
λόγον τοιόνδε. “ Ὢ βασιλεῦ, ἔχων δύναμιν το- 
σαύτην κάτησαι, οὔτε τι ἔθνος προσκτώμενος οὔτε 
δύναμιν Πέρσῃσι. οἰκὸς δὲ ἐστὶ ἄνδρα καὶ νέον 
καὶ χρημάτων μεγάλων δεσπότην φαίνεσθαί τι 
ἀποδεικνύμενον, iva καὶ Πέρσαι ἐκμάθωσι ὅτι ὑπ᾽ 
ἀνδρὸς ἄρχονται. em ἀμφότερα δέ τοι συμφέρει 
ταῦτα ποιέειν, καὶ ἵνα σφέων Πέρσαι ἐ ἐπίστωνται 
ἄνδρα εἶναι τὸν προεστεῶτα, καὶ ἵνα τρίβωνται 
πολέμφ μηδὲ σχολὴν ἄγοντες ἐπιβουλεύωσί τοι. 
νῦν γὰρ ἄν τι καὶ ἀποδέξαιο ἔ ἔργον, ἕως νέος εἷς 
ἡλικίην' αὐξομένῳ γὰρ τῷ σώματι συναύξονται 
καὶ αἱ φρένες, γηράσκοντι δὲ συγγηράσκουσι καὶ 
ἐς τὰ πρήγματα πάντα ἀπαμβλύνονται." ἣ μὲν 
δὴ ταῦτα ἐκ διδαχῆς ἔλεγε, ὃ δ᾽ ἀμείβετο τοῖσιδε. 
“Q γύναι, πάντα ὅσα περ αὐτὸς ἐπινοέω ποιήσειν 
εἴρηκας" ἐγὼ γὰρ, βεβούλευμαι ζεύξας γέφυραν 
ἐκ τῆσδε τῆς ἠπείρου ἐς τὴν ἑτέρην ἤπειρον ἐπὶ 
Σκύθας στρατεύεσθαι: καὶ ταῦτα ὀλίγου χρόνου 
ἔσται τελεύμενα.᾽ λέγει "Ἄτοσσα τάδε. “ "Opa 


164 


BOOK III. 133-134 


and Darius’ wife, found a swelling growing on her 
breast, which broke and spread further. As long as 
it was but a small matter, she said nothing of it but 
hid it for shame; but presently growing worse, 
she sent for Democedes and showed it to him. He 
promised to cure her, but made her to swear that 
she would requite him by granting whatsoever he 
requested of her ; saying, that he would ask nothing 
shameful. l 

134. His remedies having made her whole, Atossa 
at Democedes’ prompting thus addressed Darius in 
their chamber : ** Sire, you are a mighty ruler; why 
sit you idle, winning neither new dominions nor new 
power for your Persians? If you would have them 
know that they have a man for their king, it is right 
and fitting for one of your youth and your wealth to 
let them see you achieving some great enterprise. 
Thereby will you gain a double advantage: the 
Persians will know that their king is truly a man; 
and in the stress of war they will have no leisure 
for conspiring against you. Now is your time for 
achieving great deeds, while you are still young: for 
as a man's mind grows with his body's growth, so as 
the body ages the mind too grows older and duller 
for all uses." Thus she spoke, being so prompted. 
* Lady," said Darius, * what you say I am already 
minded to do. I am resolved to make a bridge from 
this to the other continent and so lead an army 
against the Scythians ; and in a little while we will 
set about accomplishing this." ‘See now," Atossa 
answered, “forbear for the nonce to attack the 


165 


HERODOTUS 


νυν, ἐπὶ Σκύθας μὲν τὴν πρώτην ἰέναι časov: 
οὗτοι γάρ, ἐπεὰν σὺ βούλη, ἔσονταί του σὺ δέ 
3 \ c / 4 3 / 

μοι ἐπὶ τὴν Ελλάδα στρατεύεσθαι. ἐπιθυμέω 
γὰρ λόγῳ πυνθανομένη Λακαίνας TÉ μοι γενέσθαι 
θεραπαίνας καὶ ᾿Αργείας καὶ ᾿Αττικὰς καὶ Κοριν- 
θίας. ἔχεις δὲ ἄνδρα ἐπιτηδεότατον ἀνδρῶν 
πάντων δέξαι τε ἕκαστα τῆς Ἑλλάδος καὶ κατη- 
γήσασθαι, τοῦτον ὅς σευ τὸν πόδα ἐξιήσατο.᾽ 
ἀμείβεται Δαρεῖος “ Ὦ γύναι, ἐπεὶ τοίνυν τοι 
δοκέει τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἡμέας πρῶτα ἀποπειρᾶσθαι, 
κατασκόπους μοι δοκέει Περσέων, πρῶτον ἄμεινον 
εἶναι ὁμοῦ τούτῳ τῷ σὺ λέγεις πέμψαι ἐς αὐτούς, 
οἳ μαθόντες καὶ ἰδόντες ἐξαγγελέουσι ἕκαστα 
αὐτῶν ἡμῖν' καὶ ἔπειτα ἐξεπιστάμενος ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς 
τρέψομαι.᾽ 

185. Tatra εἶπε καὶ ἅμα ἔπος τε καὶ ἔργον 
ἐποίεε. ἐπείτε γὰρ τάχιστα. ἡμέρη ἐπέλαμψε, 
καλέσας Περσέων ἄνδρας οκίµους πεντεκαίδεκα 
ἐνετέλλετό σφι ἑπομένους Δημοκήδεϊ διεξελθεῖν 
τὰ παραθαλάσσια τῆς Ἑλλάδος, ὅκως τε μὴ 
διαδρήσεται σφέας ὁ Δημοκήδης, ἀλλά pw πάν- 
τως ὀπίσω ἀπάξουσι. ἐντειλάμενος δὲ τούτοισι 
ταῦτα, δεύτερα καλέσας αὐτὸν Δημοκήδεα ἐδέετο 
αὐτοῦ ὅκως ἐξηγησάμενος πᾶσαν καὶ ἐπιδέξας 
τὴν Ἑλλάδα τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι ὀπίσω ἥξει" δῶρα δέ 
μιν τῷ πατρὶ καὶ τοῖσι ἀδελφεοῖσι ἐκέλευε πάντα 
τὰ ἐκείνου ἔπιπλα λαβόντα ἄγειν, φὰς ἄλλα οἱ 
πολλαπλήσια ἀντιδώσῳν: πρὸς δὲ ἐς τὰ δῶρα 
ὀλκάδα οἱ ἔφη | συμβαλέεσθαι πλήσας ἀγαθῶν 
παντοίων, τὴν ἅμα οἱ πλεύσεσθαι. Δαρεῖος μὲν 
δή, δοκέειν ἐμοί, ἀπ᾽ οὐδενὸς δολεροῦ νόου ἐπαγ- 
γέλλετό οἱ ταῦτα. Δημοκήδης δὲ δείσας μή εὖ 
166 


BOOK III. 134-135 


Scythians; you will find them whenever you so 
desire; nay, rather, I pray you, march against Hellas. 
I have heard of Laconian and Argive and Attic and 
Corinthian women, and would fain have them for 
handmaidens. There is a man by you who is fitter 
than any other to instruct and guide you in all 
matters concerning Hellas: I mean the physician 
who healed your foot." ** Lady," answered Darius, 
“since it is your desire that we should first try 
conclusions with Hellas, methinks it is best that we 
send Persians with the man of whom you speak to 
spy out the land and bring us news of all that they 
have seen in it; thus shall I have full knowledge 
to help my adventure against Hellas." 

135. So said Darius, and it was no sooner said than 
done. For the next day at dawn he called to him 
fifteen notable Persians, and bade them go with 
Democedes and pass along the seaboard of Hellas; 
charging them, too, by all means to bring the physi- 
cian back and not suffer him to escape. Having thus 
charged them he next sent for Democedes himself, 
and required of him that when he had shown and 
made clear all Hellas to the Persians, he should come 
back ; “ And take," said he, “ all your movable goods 
to give your father and your brethren ; I will give you 
many times as much in return; and | will send to sail 
with you a ship of burden with a cargo of all things 
desirable." Darius, I think, made this promise in all 
honesty. But Democedes feared lest the king should 


167 


HERODOTUS 


ἐκπειρῷτο Δαρεῖος, οὔτι ἐπιδραμὼν πάντα τὰ 
διδόμενα ἐδέκετο, ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν ἑωυτοῦ κατὰ 
ώρην ἔφη καταλείψειν, ἶνα ὀπίσω σφέα ἀπελ.- 
ὼν ἔχοι, τὴν μέντοι ὀλκάδα, τήν οἱ Δαρεῖος 
ἐπαγγέλλετο ἐς τὴν δωρεὴν τοῖσι ἀδελφεοῖσι, 
δέκεσθαι ἔφη. ἐντειλάμενος δὲ καὶ τούτῳ ταὐτὰ 
ὁ Δαρεῖος ἀποστέλλει αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ θάλασσαν. 

196. Καταβάντες δὲ οὗτοι ἐς Φοινίκην καὶ 
Φοινίκης ἐς Σιδῶνα πόλιν αὐτίκα μὲν τριήρεας 
δύο ἐπλήρωσαν, ἅμα δὲ αὐτῇσι καὶ γαῦλον μέγαν 
παντοίων ἀγαθῶν" παρεσκευασμένοι δὲ πάντα 
ἔπλεον ἐς τὴν Ελλάδα, προσίσχοντες δὲ αὐτῆς 
τὰ παραθαλάσσια ἐθηεῦντο καὶ ἀπεγράφοντο, ἐς 
ὃ τὰ πολλὰ αὐτῆς καὶ ὀνομαστὰ θεησάµενοι ari- 
κοντο τῆς Ἰταλίης ἐς Τάραντα. ἐνθαῦτα δὲ ἐκ 
ῥηστώνης τῆς Δημοκήδεος ᾿Αριστοφιλίδης τῶν 
Ταραντίνων ὁ βασιλεὺς τοῦτο μὲν τὰ πηδάλια 
παρέλυσε τῶν Μηδικέων νεῶν, τοῦτο δὲ αὐτοὺς 
τοὺς Πέρσας εἶρξε ὡς κατασκόπους δῆθεν ἐ ἐόντας. 
ἐν ᾧ δὲ οὗτοι. ταῦτα ἔπασχον, | ὁ Δημοκήδης ἐς 
τὴν ᾿Κρότωνα ἀπικνέεται" ἀπιγμένου δὲ ἤδη τού- 
του ἐς τὴν ἑωυτοῦ ὁ ᾿Δριστοφιλίδης ἔλυσε τοὺς 
Πέρσας, καὶ τὰ παρέλαβε τῶν νεῶν ἀπέδωκέ 
ie 

137. Πλέοντες δὲ ἐνθεῦτεν οἱ Πέρσαι καὶ lw- 
κοντες Δημοκήδεα ἀπικνέονται ἐς Tv Kpórova, 
εὑρόντες δέ μιν ἀγοράξοντα ἅπτοντο αὐτοῦ. τῶν 
δὲ Κροτωνιητέων οἳ μὲν καταρρωδέοντες τὰ ITep- 
σικὰ πρήγματα προϊέναι ἕτοιμοι ἦσαν, οἳ δὲ 
ἀντάπτοντο καὶ τοῖσι σκυτάλοισι ἔπαιον τοὺς 
Πέρσας προϊσχομένους ἔπεα τάδε. ''"Άνδρες 
Κροτωνιῆται, ὁρᾶτε τὰ ποιέετε: ἄνδρα βασιλέος 


168 


BOOK III. 135-137 


be but trying him; therefore he made no haste to 
accept all that was offered, but answered that he 
would leave his own possessions where they were, 
that he might have them at his return; as for the 
ship which Darius promised him to carry the gifts 
for his brethren, that he accepted. Having laid 
this same charge on Democedes also, Darius sent 
all the company to the coast. 

136. They came down to the city of Sidon in 
Phoenice, and there chartered two triremes, as well 
as a great galleon laden with all things desirable ; 
and when all was ready they set sail for Hellas, 
where they surveyed and described the coasts 
to which they came; until having viewed the 
greater and most famous parts they reached Taras 
in Italy. There Aristophilides, king of the Taren- 
tines, willing to do Democedes a kindness, took off 
the steering gear from the Median ships, and put 
the Persians under a guard, calling them spies. 
While they were in this plight Democedes made his 
way to Croton ; nor did Aristophilides set the Persians 
free and restore to them what he had taken from 
their ships, till the physician was by now in his own 
country. 

137. The Persians sailed from Taras and pursued 
Democedes to Croton, where they found him buying 
in the town and were for seizing him. Some Cro- 
toniats, who feared the Persian power, would have 
given him up ; but others held him against the king's 
men and beat them with their staves. “ Nay,’ said 
the Persians, “look well, men of Croton, what you 


169 


HERODOTUS 


δρηπέτην γενόμενον ἐξαιρέεσθε. κῶς ταῦτα a- 
σιλέι Δαρείῳ ἐκχρήσει περιυβρίσθαι; κῶς δὲ 
ὑμῖν τὰ ποιεύμενα ἕξει καλῶς, ἦν ἀπέλησθε 
ἡμέας; ἐπὶ τίνα δὲ τῆσδε προτέρην στρατευσό- 
μεθα πόλιν; τίνα δὲ προτέρην ἀνδραποδίξεσθαι 
περιησόμεθα;” ταῦτα λέγοντες τοὺς Κροτωνιήτας 
οὔκων ἔπειθον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐξαιρεθέντες τε τὸν Δημο- 
κήδεα καὶ τὸν γαῦλον τὸν ἅμα ἤγοντο ἀπαιρε- 
θέντες ἀπέπλεον ὀπίσω ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίην, οὐδ᾽ ἔτι 
ἐζήτησαν τὸ προσωτέρω τῆς Ἑλλάδος ἆ ἀπικόμενοι 
ἐκμαθεῖν, ἐ ἐστερήμενοι τοῦ ἡγεμόνος. τοσόνδε μέν- 
TOL ἐνετείλατό σφι Δημοκήδης .ἀναγομένοισι, κε- 
λεύων εἰπεῖν σφεας Δαρείῳ ὅτι ἅρμοσται τὴν 
Μίλωνος θυγατέρα Δημοκήδης γυναῖκα. τοῦ γὰρ 
δὴ παλαιστέω Μίλωνος ἦν οὔνομα πολλὸν παρὰ 
βασιλέι" κατὰ δὲ τοῦτό μοι δοκέει σπεῦσαι τὸν 
γάμον τοῦτον τελέσας χρήματα μεγάλα Δημο- 
κήδης, ἵνα φανῇ πρὸς Δαρείου ἐὼν καὶ ἐν τῇ ἑωυτοῦ 
δόκιμος. 

138. ᾿Αναχθέντες δὲ é ἐκ τῆς Κρότωνος οἱ Πέρσαι 
ἐκπίπτουσι τῆσι νηυσὶ ἐς ᾿Ιηπυγίην, καί σφεας 
δουλεύοντας, ἐνθαῦτα Γύλλος ἀνὴρ Ταραντῖνος 
φυγὰς ῥυσάμενος ἀπήγαγε παρὰ Βασιλέα Δα- 
ρεῖον. ὃ δὲ ἀντὶ τούτων ἕτοιμος ἦν διδόναι τοῦτο 
ὅ τι βούλοιτο αὐτός. Γίλλος δὲ αἱρέεται κάτοδόν 
οἱ ἐς Τάραντα γενέσθαι, προαπηγησάµενος τὴν 
συμφορήν" ἵνα δὲ μὴ συνταράξῃ τὴν Ἑλλάδα, ἡ nv 
δι αὐτὸν στόλος μέγας TED | ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Ιταλίην, 
Κνιδίους μούνους ἀποχρῶν οἱ ἔφη τοὺς κατά- 
γοντας γίνεσθαι, δοκέων ἀπὸ τούτων ἐ ἐόντων τοῖσι 
Ταραντίνοισι φίλων μάλιστα τὴν κάτοδόν οἱ 
ἔσεσθαι. Δαρεῖος δὲ ὑποδεξάμενος ἐπετέλεε' 


170 


BOOK III. 137-138 


do; you are taking from us an escaped slave of the 
great king; think you that King Darius will rest con- 
tent under this insolence? Think you that the deed 
will profit you if you drive us forth? Your city will 
then be the first that we will attack and essay to 
enslave.” But the men of Croton paid no heed to 
them ; so the Persians lost Democedes and the galleon 
that had been their consort, and sailed back for Asia, 
making no endeavour to visit and learn of the further 
parts of Hellas now that their guide was taken from 
them. But Democedes gave them a message as they 
were setting sail; they should tell Darius, he said, 
that Democedes was betrothed to the daughter of 
Milon. For Darius held the name of Milon the 
wrestler in great honour; and, to my thinking, the 
reason of Democedes’ seeking this match and paying 
a great sum for it was to show Darius that he was a 
man of estimation in his own country as well as 
Persia. 

138. The Persians then put out from Croton ; but 
their ships were wrecked on the Iapygian coast, and 
they themselves made slaves in the country, until 
one Gillus, a banished man of Taras, released and 
restored them to Darius. In return for this the king 
offered Gillus any reward that he might desire; 
Gillus told the story of his misfortune, and asked 
above all to be restored to Taras; but, not willing 
that a great armament should for his cause sail to 
Italy and thereby he should help to trouble Hellas, 
it was enough, he said, that the Cnidians alone should 
be his escort ; for he supposed that thus the Taren- 
tines would be the readier to receive him back, the 
Cnidians being their friends. Darius kept his word, 


171 


HERODOTUS 


πέμψας γὰρ ἄγγελον ἐς Κνίδον κατάγειν σφέας 
ἐκέλευε Γίλλον ἐς Τάραντα. πειθόμενοι δὲ Δα- 
ρείῳ Κνίδιοι Ταραντίνους οὔκων ἔπειθον, βίην δὲ 
ἀδύνατοι ἡ ἦσαν προσφέρειν. ταῦτα μέν νυν οὕτω 
ἐπρήχθη" οὗτοι. δὲ πρῶτοι ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ασίης ἐς τὴν 
“Ελλάδα ἀπίκοντο Πέρσαι, καὶ οὗτοι διὰ τοιόνδε 
πρῆγμα κατάσκοποι | ἐγένοντο. 

139, Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα Σάμον βασιλεὺς Δαρεῖος 
αἱρέει, πολίων πασέων πρώτην Ἑλληνίδων καὶ 
βαρβάρων, διὰ τοιήνδε τινὰ -αὐτίην. Καμβύσεω 
τοῦ Κύρου στρατευομένου ἐπ᾽ Αἴγυπτον ἄλλοι τε 
συχνοὶ ἐς τὴν Αἴγυπτον͵ ἀπίκοντο E λλήνων, οἳ 
μέν, ὡς οἰκός, κατ᾽ -ἐμπορίην στρατευόμενοι, οἳ δὲ 
τινὲς καὶ αὐτῆς τῆς χώρης θεηταί" τῶν ἦν καὶ 
Συλοσῶν ὁ Λἰάκεος, Ἡολυκράτεός τε ἑὼν ἀδελφεὸς 
καὶ φεύγων. ἐκ Σάμου. τοῦτον τὸν Συλοσῶντα 
κατέλαβε εὐτυχίη τις τοιήδε. λαβὼν χλανίδα 
καὶ περιβαλόμενος πυρρὴν ἠγόραξε ἐν τῇ Μέμφι 
ἰδὼν δὲ αὐτὸν Δαρεῖος, δορυφόρος τε ἐὼν Kapn- 
βύσεω καὶ λόγου οὐδενός κω μεγάλου, ἐπεθύμησε 
τῆς χλανίδος καὶ αὐτὴν προσελθὼν ὠνέετο. ὁ δὲ 
Συλοσῶν ὀρέων τὸν Δαρεῖον μεγάλως ἐπιθυμέοντα 
τῆς χλανίδος, θείῃ τύχῃ χρεώμενος λέγει “᾿Εγὼ 
ταύτην πωλέω μὲν οὐδενὸς χρήματος, δίδωμι δὲ 
ἄλλως, εἴ περ οὕτω δεῖ γενέσθαι πάντως τοι.” 
αἰνέσας ταῦτα ὁ Δαρεῖος παραλαμβάνει τὸ εἶμα. 

140. Ὁ μὲν δὴ Συλοσῶν ἠπίστατο τοῦτό οἱ 
ἀπολωλέναι δι εὐηθείην. ὡς δὲ τοῦ χρόνου προ- 
βαίνοντος Καμβύσης τε ἀπέθανε καὶ τῷ Μάγῳ 
ἐπανέστησαν οἱ ἑπτὰ καὶ ἐκ τῶν ae Aapeios 
τὴν βασιληίην ἔσχε, πυνθάνεται ὁ Συλοσῶν ὡς 

ἡ βασίληίη περιεληλύθοι ἐς τοῦτον τὸν ἄνδρα τῷ 


172 


BOOK III. 138-140 


and sent a messenger to the men of Cnidos, bidding 
them bring Gillus back to Taras. They obeyed 
Darius ; but they could not persuade the Tarentines 
to their will, and were not able to compel them. 
This is the whole story. These Persians were the 
first who came from Asia into Hellas; and they came 
to view the country for the reason aforesaid. 

139. After this, Darius conquered Samos, the 
greatest of all city states, Greek or other, the reason 
of his conquest being this :—When Cambyses, son of 
Cyrus, invaded Egypt, many Greeks came with the 
army to that country, some to trade, as was natural, 
and some to see the country itself; among whom 
was Syloson, son of Aeaces, Polycrates’ brother, 
and now banished from Samos. This Syloson had 
a stroke of good luck. He was in the market 
at Memphis wearing a red cloak, when Darius, 
at that time one of Cambyses’ guard and 
as yet a man of no great account, saw him, and 
coveting the cloak came and offered to buy it. When 
Syloson saw Darius’ eagerness, by good luck he was 
moved to say, “I will not sell you my cloak; but if 
it must be so, and no help for it, you can have it for 
nothing." To this Darius agreed and took the 
garment. 

140. Syloson supposed that he had lost his cloak 
out of foolish good nature. But in time Cambyses 
died, the seven rebelled against the Magian, and of 
the seven Darius came to the throne; Syloson then 
learned that the successor to the royal power was 


173 


HERODOTUS 


κοτὲ αὐτὸς ἔδωκε ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ δεηθέντι τὸ εἷμα. 
ἀναβὰς δὲ és τὰ Σοῦσα (tero ἐς τὰ πρόθυρα ` τῶν 
βασιλέος οἰκίων καὶ ἔφη Δαρείου εὐεργέτης εἶναι. 
ἀγγέλλει ταῦτα ἀκούσας ὁ πυλουρὸς τῷ βασιλέι: 
ὃ δὲ θωμάσας λέγει πρὸς αὐτόν “Καὶ τίς ἐστὶ 
Ἑλλήνων εὐεργέτης τῷ ἐγὼ προαιδεῦμαι, νεωστὶ 
μὲν τὴν ἀρχὴν ἔχων, ἀναβέβηκε δ᾽ ἤ τις 3 οὐδείς 
κω παρ᾽ ἡμέας αὐτῶν, ἔχω δὲ .χρέος εὐπεῖν οὐδὲν 
ἀνδρὸ ὃς "Ελληνος, ὅμως δὲ αὐτὸν παράγετε ἔσω, 
ἵνα δω τί θέλων λέγει ταῦτα. k παρῆγε ὁ 
πυλουρὸς τὸν Συλοσῶντα, στάντα δὲ ἐς μέσον 
εἰρώτων οἱ ἑρμηνέες τίς τε εἴη. καὶ τί ποιήσας 
εὐεργέτης φησὶ: εἶναι βασιλέος. εἶπε. ὧν ὁ ) Συλοσῶν 
πάντα τὰ περὶ τὴν χλανίδα γενόμενα, καὶ ὡς 
αὐτὸς εἴη κεῖνος ὁ δούς. ἀμείβεται πρὸς ταῦτα 
Δαρεῖος “ Ὢ γενναιότατε ἀνδρῶν, σὺ κεῖνος εἷς ὃς 
ἐμοὶ οὐδεμίαν ἔχοντί κω δύναμιν ἔδωκας εἰ καὶ 
σμικρά, ἀλλ) ὧν ἴση γε ἡ χάρις ὁμοίως ὡς εἰ νῦν 
κοθέν TL μέγα λάβοιµι; ἀντ ὧν τοι χρυσὸν καὶ 
ἄργυρον ἄπλετον δίδωμι, ὡς μή κοτέ TOL μεταμε- 
λήσῃ Δαρεῖον τὸν Ὑστάσπεος εὖ ποιήσαντι." 
λέγει πρὸς ταῦτα ὁ Συλοσῶν “Epo μήτε χρυσὸν 
ὦ βασιλεῦ μήτε ἄργυρον δίδου, ἀλλ᾽ ἀνασωσά- 
μενός μοι δὸς τὴν πατρίδα Σάμον, τὴν νῦν ἀδελ- 
φεοῦ τοῦ ἐμοῦ Πολυκράτεος ἀποθανόντος ὑπὸ 
᾿Οροίτεω ἔχει δοῦλος ἡμέτερος" ταύτην μοι δὸς 
ἄνευ τε φόνου καὶ ἐξανδραποδίσιος." 

141. Ἰαῦτα ἀκούσας Δαρεῖος ἀπέστελλε στρα- 
τιήν τε καὶ στρατηγὸν Ὀτάνεα ἀνδρῶν τῶν ἑπτὰ 
γενόμενον, ἐντειλάμενος, ὅσων ἐδεήθη ὁ Συλοσῶν, 
ταῦτά οἱ ποιέειν ἐπιτελέα. καταβὰς δὲ ἐπὶ τὴν 
θάλασσαν ὁ Ὀτάνης ἔστελλε τὴν στρατιήν. 


174 


BOOK III. 140-141 


the man to whom he had given at request the garment 
in Egypt; so he went up to Susa and sat at the king’s 
porch, saying that he was one of Darius’ benefactors. 
When the gate-ward brought word of this to the 
king, ** But to what Greek benefactor,” Darius asked, 
“can I owe thanks? In the little time since I have 
been king hardly one of that nation has come to us, 
and I have, so to say, no need of any Greek. Never- 
theless let him be brought in, that I may know his 
meaning.” The gate-ward brought Syloson in and 
set him before them; and the interpreters asked him 
who he was, and what he had done to call himself 
the king’s benefactor. Then Syloson told the story 
of the cloak, and said that it was he who had given 
it, ‘ Most generous man,” said Darius, “ you are he 
who made me a present when I had as yet no power; 
if it was but a little thing, yet it was as thankworthy 
as if someone now gave me a great gift. Take in 
requital abundance of gold and silver, that you may 
never repent of the service you did Darius son of 
Hystaspes.” “Nay,” Syloson answered, “I ask 
neither gold, O king, nor silver; only win me back 
my fatherland of Samos, where my brother Polycrates 
has been done to death by Oroetes, and our slave 
now rules; give me back Samos, but so that there be 
no bloodshed nor enslaving.” 

141. Hearing this Darius sent an army, and Otanes, 
one of the seven, to command it, charging him to 
perform all Syloson's will. So Otanes came down to 
the coast and made his army ready. 


175 


HERODOTUS 


142. Τῆς δὲ Σάμου Μαιάνδριος ὁ Μαιανδρίου 
εἶχε τὸ κράτος, ἐπιτροπαίην παρὰ ο ο ea 
λαβὼν τὴν ἀρχήν" τῷ δικαιοτάτῳ ἆ ἀνὸ ὢν BovXo- 
μένῳ γενέσθαι οὐκ ἐξεγένετο. έπει À γάρ ot 
ἐξαγγέλθη ὁ ò Πολυκράτεος θάνατος, ἐποίεε τοιάδε: 
πρῶτα μὲν Διὸς ἐλευθερίου βωμὸν ἱδρύσατο καὶ 
τέμενος περὶ αὐτὸν οὔρισε τοῦτο τὸ viv ἐν τῷ 
προαστείῳ ἐστί μετὰ δέ, ὦ ὥς οἱ ἐπεποίητο, ἐκκλη- 
σίην συναγείρας πάντων τῶν ἀστῶν ἔλεξε τάδε. 
5 Ἐμοί, ὡς ἴστε καὶ ὑμεῖς, σκῆπτρον καὶ δύναμις 
πᾶσα À Πολυκράτεος ἐπιτέτραπται, καί μοι παρέ- 
χει νῦν ὑμέων ἄρχειν. ἐγὼ δὲ τὰ τῷ πέλας ἐπι- 
πλήσσω, αὐτὸς κατὰ δύναμιν οὐ ποιήσω" οὔτε γάρ 
μοι Πολυκράτης ἤ ἤρεσκε δεσπόζων ἀνδρῶν ὁμοίων 
ἑωυτῷ οὔτε ἄλλος ὅστις τοιαῦτα ποιέει. Πολν- 
Kparns μέν νυν ἐξέπλησε μοῖραν τὴν ἑωυτοῦ, ἐγὼ 
δὲ ἐς μέσον τὴν ἀρχὴν τιθεὶς ἰ ἰσονομίην ὑμῖν προ- 


αγορεύω. τοσάδε μέντοι ικαιῶ γέρεα ἐμεωυτῷ j 


γενέσθαι, ἐκ μέν ye τῶν Πολυκράτεος χρημάτων 
ἐξαίρετα. ἕξ τάλαντά μοι. γενέσθαι, ἱ ἱρωσύνην δὲ 
πρὸς τούτοισι αἱρεῦμαι αὐτῷ TÉ μοι καὶ τοῖσι ἀπ᾽ 
ἐμεῦ αἰεὶ γινομένοισι τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ ἐλευθερίου" τῶ 
αὐτός τε ἱρὸν ἱδρυσάμην καὶ τὴν ἐλευθερίην i ὑμῖν 
περιτίθημι.᾽ 0 μὲν δὴ ταῦτα τοῖσι Σαμίοισι 
ἐπαγγέλλετο: τῶν δέ τις ἐξαναστὰς εἶπε “ AAN 
οὐδ᾽ ἄξιος els σύ γε ἡμέων ἄρχειν, γεγονώς τε 
κακῶς καὶ ἐὼν ὄλεθρος" ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον ὅκως λόγον 
δώσεις τῶν μετεχείρισας χρημάτων.” 

143. Tara εἶπε ἐὼν ἐν τοῖσι ἀστοῖσι δόκιμος, 
τῷ οὔνομα ἦν Τελέσαρ ος, Μαιάνδριος δὲ νόῳ 
λαβὼν ὡς εἰ μετήσει τὴν ἀρχήν, ἄλλος τις ἀντ᾽ 
αὐτοῦ τύραννος καταστήσεται, οὐδὲν ἔτι ἐν νόῳ 


176 


BOOK III. 142-143 


142. Now Samos was ruled by Maeandrius, son of 
Maeandrius, whom Polycrates had made his vice- 
gerent. This Maeandrius desired to act with all 
justice, but could not. For when he had news of Poly- 
crates' death, first he set up an altar to Zeus the 
Liberator and marked out round it that sacred en- 
closure which is still to be seen in the suburb of the 
city ; when this was done, he called an assembly of 
all the townsfolk, and thus addressed them: “It is 
known to you that I have sole charge of Polycrates’ 
sceptre and dominion ; and it is in my power to be 
your ruler. But, so far as in me lies, I will not my- 
self do that which I account blameworthy in my 
neighbour. lever misliked that Polycrates or any 
other man should lord it over men like to himself. 
Polycrates has fulfilled his destiny ; for myself, I call 
you to share all power, and I proclaim equality ; only 
claiming as my own such privilege that six talents 
of Polycrates' wealth be set apart for my use, and 
that I and my descendants have besides the priest- 
hood of Zeus the Liberator, whose temple I have 
founded, and I now give you freedom." Such was 
Maeandrius’ promise to the Samians. But one of 
them arose and answered: **Nay, but who are you ? 
You are not worthy to reign over us, being a low-born 
knave and rascal. See to it rather that you give an 
account of the moneys that you have handled." 

143. These were the words of Telesarchus, a man 
of note among the townsfolk. But Maeandrius, per- 
ceiving that if he let the sovereignty slip someone 
else would make himself despot instead, resolved 


177 
VOL. II. N 


HERODOTUS 


εἶχε μετιέναι αὐτήν, ἀλλ᾽ ὡς ἀνεχώρησε ἐς τὴν 
ἀκρόπολιν, μεταπεμπόμενος ἕνα ἕκαστον ὡς δὴ 
λόγον τῶν χρημάτων δώσων, συνέλαβε σφέας καὶ 
κατέδησε. οἳ μὲν δὴ ἐδεδέατο, Μαιάνδριον δὲ 
μετὰ ταῦτα κατέλαβε νοῦσος. ἐλπίζων δέ μιν 
ἀποθανέεσθαι ὁ ἀδελφεός, τῷ οὔνομα ἦν Λυκά- 
pros, ἵνα εὐπετεστέρως κατάσχῃ Ta ἐν τῇ Σάμῳ 
πρήγματα, κατακτείνει τοὺς δεσμώτας πάντας" 
ov γὰρ δή, ὡς οἴκασι, ἐβούλοντο εἶναι ἐλεύθεροι. 

144. ᾿Επειδὴ - ὧν ἀπίκοντο ἐς τὴν Σάμον οἱ 
Πέρσαι κατάγοντες Συλοσῶντα, οὔτε TIS σφι 
χεῖρας ἀνταείρεται, ὑπόσπονδοί τε ἔφασαν εἶναι 
ἕτοιμοι οἱ τοῦ Μαιανδρίου στασιῶται καὶ αὐτὸς 
Μαιάνδριος ἐκχωρῆσαι. ἐκ τῆς νήσου. καταινέ- 
σαντος ὃ ἐπὶ τούτοισι Ὀτάνεω καὶ σπεισαμένου, 
τῶν Περσέων οἱ πλείστου ἄξιοι θρόνους θέμενοι 
κατεναντίον τῆς ἀκροπόλιος κατέατο. 

145, Μαιανδρίῳ δὲ τῷ τυράννῳ ἦν ἀδελφεὸς 
ὑπομαργότερος, τῷ οὔνομα ἦν Χαρίλεως" οὗτος ὅ 
Τι δὴ ἐξαμαρτὼν. ἐν γοργύρῃ ἐδέδετο, καὶ δὴ τότε 
ἐπακούσας τε τὰ πρησσόμενα καὶ διακύψας διὰ 
τῆς γοργύρης, ὡς εἶδε τοὺς Πέρσας εἰρηναίως 
κατημένους, ἐβόα τε καὶ ἔφη λέγων Μαιανδρίῳ 
θέλειν ἐλθεῖν ἐς λόγους. ἐπακούσας δὲ ὁ Μαιάν- 
δριος λύσαντας αὐτὸν ἐκέλευε ἄγειν παρ᾽ ἑωυτόν" 
ὡς δὲ ἄχθη τάχιστα, λοιδορέων τε καὶ κακίξων μιν 
‘née ἐπιθέσθαι τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι, λέγων τοιάδε. 
"Rue μέν, ὦ κάκιστε ἀνδρῶ», ἐ ἐόντα σεωυτοῦ ἀδελ- 
dd» καὶ ἀδικήσαντα οὐδὲν ἄξιον δεσμοῦ δήσας 
γοργύρης ἠξίωσας: ὁρέων δὲ τοὺς Πέρσας ἐκβάλ- 
λοντάς TÉ σε καὶ ἄνοικον ποιέοντας οὐ τολμᾷς 
τίσασθαι, οὕτω δή τι ἐόντας εὐπετέας χειρωθῆναι. 


178 


BOOK III. 143-145 


not to give it up. Withdrawing into the citadel, he 
sent for each man severally, as though to render 
an account of the money ; then he seized and bound 
them. So they being in prison, Maeandrius presently 
fell sick. His brother Lycaretus thought him like 
to die, and, that so he might the more easily make 
himself master of Samos, put all the prisoners to 
death. They had, it would seem, no desire for 
freedom. 

144. So when the Persians brought Syloson 
back to Samos, none resisted them, but Maeandrius 
and those of his faction offered to depart from the 
island under a flag of truce ; Otanes agreed to this, 
and the treaty being made, the Persians of highest 
rank sat them down on seats that they had set over 
against the citadel. 

145. Now Maeandrius the despot had a crazy 
brother named Charilaus, who lay bound in the 
dungeon for some offence; this man heard what 
was afoot, and by peering through the dungeon 
window saw the Persians sitting there peaceably ; 
whereupon he cried with a loud voice that he 
desired to have speech with Maeandrius. His 
brother, hearing him, bade Charilaus be loosed 
and brought before him. No sooner had he been 
brought than he essayed with much reviling and 
abuse to persuade Maeandrius to attack the Persians. 
“Villain,” he cried, “ you have bound and im- 
prisoned me, your own brother, who had done 
nothing to deserve it; and when you see the 
Persians casting you out of house and home, have 
you no courage to avenge yourself, though you 
could so easily master them? If you are yourself 


179 
N 2 


HERODOTUS 


ἀλλ᾽. εἴ τοι σὺ σφέας καταρρώδηκας, ἐ ἐμοὶ δὸς τοὺς 
ἐπικούρους, καί σφεας ἐ ἐγὼ τιμωρήσομαι τῆς ἐνθάδε 
ἀπίξιος" αὐτὸν δέ σε ἐκπέμψαι ἐκ τῆς νήσου 
ἕτοιμος εἰμί.᾽ 

146. Ταῦτα δὲ ἔλεξε ὁ . Χαρίλεως" Μαιάνδριος 
δὲ ὑπέλαβε τὸν λόγον, ὡς .μὲν ἐγὼ δοκέω, οὐκ 
ἐς τοῦτο ἀφροσύνης ἀπικόμενος ὡς δόξαι τὴν 
ἑωυτοῦ δύναμιν περιέσεσθαι τῆς βασιλέος, ἀλλὰ 
φθονήσας μᾶλλον Συλοσῶντι εἰ ἀπονητὶ ἔμελλε 
ἀπολάμψεσθαι ἀκέραιον τὴν πόλιν, ἐρεθίσας 
ὧν τοὺς Πέρσας ἤθελε ὡς ἀσθενέστατα ποιῆσαι 
τὰ Σάμια πρήγματα καὶ οὕτω παραδιδόναι, εὖ 
ἐξεπιστάμενος ὡς παθόντες οἱ Πέρσαι κακῶς 
προσεμπικρανέεσθαι ἔμελλον τοῖσι Σαμίοισι, 
εἰδώς τε ἑωυτῷ ἀσφαλέα ἔκδυσιν ἐοῦσαν ér 
τῆς νήσου τότε ἐπεὰν αὐτὸς βούληται" ἐπεποί- 
ητο γάρ οἱ κρυπτὴ διῶρυξ ἐκ τῆς ἀκροπόλιος 
ο. ἐπὶ θάλασσαν. αὐτὸς μὲν δὴ ὁ ο Matáv- 

ptos ἐκπλέει ἐκ τῆς Σάμου" τοὺς δ᾽ ἐπικούρους 

πάντας ὁπλίσας ὁ Χαρίλεως, καὶ ἀναπετάσας τὰς 
πύλας, ἐξῆκε ἐπὶ τοὺς Ἠέρσας οὔτε προσδεκοµέ- 
νους τοιοῦτο οὐδὲν δοκέοντάς᾽ τε δὴ πάντα συμβε- 
βάναι. ἐμπεσόντες δὲ οἱ ἐπίκουροι τῶν Περδέων 
τοὺς Sup φροφορευμένους | τε καὶ λόγου πλείστου 
ἐόντας ἔκτεινον. καὶ οὗτοι μὲν ταῦτα ἐποίευν, ἡ 
δὲ ἄλλη στρατιὴ ἡ Περσικὴ ἐπεβοήθεε" πιεζεύ- 
μενοι δὲ οἱ ἐπίκουροι ὀπίσω κατειλήθησαν ἐς τὴν 
ἀκρόπολιν. 

141. Ὀτάνης δὲ ὁ στρατηγὸς ἰδὼν πάθος μέγα 
Πέρσας πεπονθότας, ἐντολὰς μὲν τὰς Δαρεῖός οἱ 
ἀποστέλλων ἐνετέλλετο, μήτε κτείνειν μηδένα 
Σαμίων μήτε ἀνδραποδίζεσθαι ἀπαθέα τε κακῶν. 


18ο 


BOOK III. 145-147 


afraid of them, give me your foreign guards, and I will 
punish them for their coming hither; as for you, I 
will give you safe conduct out of the island.” 

146. Sosaid Charilaus. Maeandrius took his advice. 
This he did, to my thinking, not that he was so foolish 
as to suppose that he would be strong enough to van- 
quish the king, but because he grudged that Syloson 
should recover Samos safe and whole with no trouble. 
He desired therefore to anger the Persians and 
thereby to weaken Samos as much as he might 
before surrendering it, for he was well aware that 
if the Persians were harmed they would be bitterly 
wroth with the Samians. Moreover he knew that 
he could get himself safe out of the island when- 
ever he would, having made a secret passage leading 
from the citadel to the sea. Maeandrius then set 
sail himself from Samos; but Charilaus armed all the 
guards, opened the citadel gates, and threw the 
guard upon the Persians. These supposed that 
a full agreement had now been made, and were 
_ taken at unawares; the guard fell upon them and 
slew the Persians of highest rank, those who were 
carried in litters. At this the rest of the Persian 
force came up and pressed the guards hard, driving 
them into the citadel. 

147. The Persian captain Otanes, seeing the great 
harm done to the Persians, of set purpose put away 
from his memory the command given him at his | 
departure by Darius to kill or enslave no Samian 


181 


HERODOTUS 


ἀποδοῦναι τὴν νῆσον Συλοσῶντι, τουτέων μὲν τῶν 
ἐντολέων μεμνημένος ἐπελανθάνετο, ὃ ὃ δὲ παρήγ 
γειλε τῇ στρατιῇ πάντα τὸν ἂν λάβωσι καὶ ἄνδρα 
καὶ παῖδα ὁμοίως κτείνειν. ἐνθαῦτα τῆς στρατιῆς 
οἳ «μὲν τὴν ἀκρόπολιν ἐπολιόρκεον, οἳ δὲ ἔ έκτεινον 
πάντα τὸν ἐμποδὼν γινόμενον ὁμοίως ἔν τε ἱρῷ καὶ 
ἔξω ἱροῦ. 

148. Μαιάνδριος δὲ ἀποδρὰς ἐκ τῆς Σάμου 
ἐκπλέει ἐς Λακεδαίμονα" .ἀπικόμενος δὲ ἐς αὐτὴν 
καὶ ἀνενεικάμενος τὰ ἔχων ἐξεχώρησε, ἐποίεε 
τοιάδε" ὅκως ποτήρια ἀργύρεά τε καὶ χρύσεα 
προθεῖτο, οἱ μὲν θεράποντες αὐτοῦ ἐξέσμων αὐτά, 
ὃ Ò ἂν τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον τῷ Κλεομένεϊ τῷ ᾿Ανα- 
ξανδρίδεω ἐν λόγοισι ἐών, βασιλεύοντι Σπάρτης, 
προῆγέ μιν ἐς τὰ oikia’ ὅκως δὲ ἴδοιτο Κλεομένης 
τὰ ποτήρια, ἀπεθώμαξέ τε καὶ ἐξεπλήσσετο' ὃ ὃ δὲ 
ἂν ἐκέλευε αὐτὸν ἀποφέρεσθαι αὐτῶν ὅσα βούλοιτο. 
τοῦτο καὶ δὶς καὶ τρὶς εἴπαντος Μαιανδρίου ὁ 
Κλεομένης δικαιότατος ἀνδρῶν γίνεται, ὃς λαβεῖν 
μὲν διδόμενα᾽ οὐκ ἐδικαίου, μαθὼν δὲ ὡς ἄλλοισι 
διδοὺς τῶν ἀστῶν εὑρήσεται. τιμωρίην, Bas ἐπὶ 
τοὺς ἐφόρους ἄμεινον εἶναι ἔφη τῇ Σπάρτῃ τὸν 
ξεῖνον τὸν Σάμιον ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι ἐκ τῆς Iero- 
ποννήσου, ἵνα μὴ ἀναπείσῃ ἡ αὐτὸν ἡ ἄλλον τινὲ 
Σπαρτιητέων κακὸν γενέσθαι. où δ᾽ ὑπακού- . 
σαντες ἐξεκήρυξαν Μαιάνδριον. 

149. Τὴν δὲ Σάμον [σαγηνεύσαντες]᾽} οἱ Πέρσαι 
παρέδοσαν Συλοσῶντι ἔρημον ἐοῦσαν ἀνδρῶν. 


1 This word may be an interpolation ; the process (form- 
ing a long line to sweep all before it) is ‘described in detail 
in Bk. VI. 31, as if that were the first mention of it. More- 
over, it is inconsistent here with ch. 147. 


182 


BOOK III. 147-149 


but deliver the island unharmed to Syloson ; and he 
commanded his army to kill all they took, men and 
boys alike. Then, while some of the Persians laid 
siege to the citadel, the rest slew all they met, 
whether in temples or without. 

148. Maeandrius, escaping from Samos, sailed to 
Lacedaemon ; and when he had come thither and 
brought the possessions with which he had left his 
country, it was his custom to make a display of silver 
and gold drinking cups; while his servants were 
cleaning these, he would converse with the king of 
Sparta, Cleomenes son of Anaxandrides, and would 
bring him to his house. Cleomenes, whenever he 
saw the cups, marvelling greatly at them, Maeandrius 
would bid him take away as many of them as he 
wished. Maeandrius made this offer two or three 
times ; Cleomenes herein showed his great honesty, 
that he would not accept it; but, perceiving that 
there were others in Lacedaemon from whom Maean- 
drius would get help by offering them the cups, he 
,went to the ephors and told them it were best 
for Sparta that this Samian stranger should quit the 
country, lest he should persuade Cleomenes himself 
‘or some other Spartan to do evil. The ephors 
listened to his counsel and banished Maeandrius 

by proclamation. 
~ 149. As for Samos, the Persians swept it clear 
and delivered it over uninhabited to Syloson. But 


183 


HERODOTUS 


ὑστέρῳ μέντοι χρόνῳ καὶ συγκατοίκισε αὐτὴν ὁ 
στρατηγὸς ᾿Οτάνης ἔκ τε ὄψιος ὁ ὀνείρου καὶ νούσου 
ἥ μιν κατέλαβε νοσῆσαι τὰ αἰδοῖα. 

150. ᾿Επὶ δὲ Σάμον στρατεύματος ναυτικοῦ 
οἰχομένου Βαβυλώνιοι ἀπέστησαν, κάρτα εὖ παρε- 
σκευασμένοι" ἐν ὅσῳ. γὰρ ὅ τε Μάγος ἦρχε καὶ οἱ 
ἑπτὰ ἐπανέστησαν, ἐν τούτῳ παντὶ τῷ χρόνῳ καὶ 
τῇ ταραχῇ ἐς τὴν πολιορκίην παρεσκευάζοντο. 
καί Kos ταῦτα ποιεῦντες ἐλάνθανον. ἐπείτε δὲ 
ἐκ τοῦ ἐμφανέος ἀπέστησαν, ἐποίησαν τοιόνδε" 
τὰς μητέρας ἐξελόντες, γυναῖκα ἕκαστος μίαν 
προσεξαιρέετο τὴν ἐβούλετο ἐ ἐκ τῶν ἑωυτοῦ οἰκίων, 
τὰς δὲ λοιπὰς ἁπάσας συναγαγόντες ἀπέπνιξαν" 
τὴν δὲ μίαν ἕκαστος σιτοποιὸν ἐξαιρέετο' amé- 
πνιξαν δὲ αὐτάς, ἵνα μή σφεων τὸν σῖτον ἀναισι- 
μώσωσι. 

151. Πυθόμενος δὲ ταῦτα ὁ Δαρεῖος καὶ συλλέ- 
ξας πᾶσαν τὴν ἑωυτοῦ δύναμιν ἐστρατεύετο én’ 
αὐτούς, ἐπελάσας δὲ ἐπὶ τὴν Βαβυλῶνα éro- 
λιόρκεε φροντίζοντας οὐδὲν τῆς πολεορκίης. ἀνα- 
βαίνοντες γὰρ ἐπὶ τοὺς προμαχεῶνας τοῦ τείχεος 
οἱ Βαβυλώνιοι κατωρχέοντο καὶ κατέσκωπτον 
Δαρεῖον καὶ τὴν στρατιὴν αὐτοῦ, καί τις αὐτῶν 
εἶπε τοῦτο τὸ ἔπος. eT; κάτησθε ὦ Πέρσαι 
ἐνθαῦτα, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἀπαλλάσσεσθε; τότε γὰρ αἱρή- 
σετε ἡμέας, ἐπεὰν ἡμίονοι τέκωσι.᾽ τοῦτο εἶπε 
τῶν τις Βαβυλωνίων οὐδαμὰ ἐλπίζων ἂν ἡμίονον 
τεκεῖν. 

159. Ἑπτὰ δὲ μηνῶν καὶ ἐνιαυτοῦ .διέληλυ- 
θότος ἤδη ὁ Δαρεῖός τε ἤσχαλλε καὶ ἡ στρατιὴ ` 
πᾶσα οὐ δυνατὴ ἐ ἐοῦσα ἑλεῖν τοὺς Βαβυλωνίους. 
καίτοι πάντα σοφίσματα καὶ πάσας μηχανὰς 


184 


BOOK III. 149-152 


afterwards Otanes, the Persian general, gave his 

aid to settle the land, being moved thereto by a 

dream, and a sickness which attacked his secret 
rts. 

150. When the fleet had gone to Samos, the 
Babylonians revolted ;! for which they had made 
very good preparation ; for during the reign of the 
Magian, and the rebellion of the seven, they had 
taken advantage of the time and the disorders to 
prepare themselves against the siege; and (I cannot 
tell how) this was unknown. At the last they re- 
volted openly and did this:—sending away all the 
mothers, they chose each one woman from his own 
household, whom he would, as a bread-maker ; as for 
the rest, they gathered them together and strangled 
them, that they should not consume their bread. 

151. When Darius heard of this he mustered 
all his power and led it against Babylon, and he 
marched to the town and laid siege to it; but the 
townsmen cared nothing for what he did. They 
came up on to the bastions of the wall, and mocked 
Darius and his army with gesture and word ; and 
this saying came from one of them: * Why sit you 
there, Persians, instead of departing? You will take 
our city when mules bear offspring." This said the 
Babylonian, supposing that no mule would ever bear 
offspring. 

152. Α year and seven months passed and Darius 
and all his army were vexed by ever failing to take | 
Babylon. Yet Darius had used every trick and 

! According to the course of Herodotus' narrative, this 
revolt would seem to have taken place some considerable 
time after Darius’ accession (521 B.c.). But the Behistun 


inscription apparently makes it one of the earliest events of 
his reign. 


185 


HERODOTUS 


ἐπεποιήκεε ἐς αὐτοὺς Δαρεῖος". ἀλλ. οὐδ᾽ ὣς ἐδύνατο 
ἑλεῖν σφεας, ἄλλοισί τε σοφίσμασι πειρησάμενος, 
καὶ δὴ καὶ τῷ Κῦρος εἷλε «σφέας, καὶ τούτῳ 
ἐπειρήθη. ἀλλὰ γὰρ, δεινῶς ἢ noay ἐν φυλακῆσι οἱ 
Βαβυλώνιοι, οὐδὲ σφέας οἷός τε ἦν ἑλεῖν. 

153, ᾿Ενθαῦτα εἰκοστῷ μηνὶ Ζωπύρῳ τῷ Μεγα- 
βύξου, τούτου ὃς τῶν ἑπτὰ ἀνδρῶν ἐγένετο τῶν 
τὸν Μάγον κατελόντων, τούτῳ τῷ Μεγαβύζου 
παιδὶ Ζωπύρῳ ἐγένετο τέρας τόδε: τῶν οἱ σιτο- 
φόρων ἡμιόνων μία ἔτεκε. ὡς δέ οἱ ἐξαγγέλθη καὶ 
ὑπὸ ἀπιστίης αὐτὸς ὁ Ζώπυρος εἶδε τὸ βρέφος, 
ἀπείπας τοῖσι ἰδοῦσι μηδενὶ φράξειν τὸ γεγονὸς 
ἐβουλεύετο. καί οἱ ` πρὸς Ta τοῦ Βαβυλωνίου 
ῥήματα, ὃς κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς ἔφησε, ἐπεάν περ ἡμίονοι 
τέκωσι, τότε τὸ τεῖχος ἁλώσεσθαι, πρὸς (ταύτην 
τὴν φήμην Ζωπύρῳ é Bocce d εἶναι ἁλώσιμος ἡ Βαβυ- 
λών' σὺν γὰρ θεῷ ἐκεῖνόν τε εἰπεῖν καὶ ἑωυτῷ 
τεκεῖν τὴν ἡμίονον. 

154. Ὡς δέ οἱ ἐδόκεε μόρσιμον εἶναι ἤδη τῇ 
Βαβυλῶνι ἁλίσκεσθαι, προσελθὼν Δαρείου ἀπε- 
πυνθάνετο εἰ περὶ πολλοῦ κάρτα ποιέεται τὴν 
Βαβυλῶνα ἑλεῖν. πυθόμενος δὲ ὦ ως πολλοῦ τιμῷτο, 
ἄλλο ἐβουλεύετο, ὅκως αὐτός τε ἔσται 0 ἑλὼν 
αὐτὴν καὶ ἑωυτοῦ τὸ ἔργον ἔσται" κάρτα γὰρ ἐν 
τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι αἱ ἀγαθοεργίαι ἐς τὸ πρόσω μεγά- 
θεος τιμῶνται. ἄλλῳ μέν νυν οὐκ ἐφράξετο ἔ ἔργῳ 
δυνατὸς εἶναί μιν ὑποχειρίην ποιῆσαι, εἰ ὃ ἑωυτὸν 
λωβησάμενος αὐτομολήσειε ἐς αὐτούς. ἐνθαῦτα 
ἐν ἐλαφρῷ ποιησάμενος ἑωυτὸν λωβᾶται. λώβην 
ἀνήκεστον" ἀποταμὼν γὰρ ἑωυτοῦ τὴν ῥῖνα καὶ 
τὰ ὦτα καὶ τὴν κόμην κακῶς περικείρας καὶ µαστι- 
γώσας ἦλθε παρὰ Δαρεῖον. 


186 


BOOK III. 152-154 


every device against it. He essayed the stratagem 
whereby Cyrus took the city, and every other 
stratagem and device, yet with no success; for the 
Babylonians kept a marvellous strict watch and he 
could not take them. 

153. But in the twentieth month of the siege 
a miraculous thing befell Zopyrus, son of that Meg- 
abyzus who was one of the seven destroyers of the 
Magian: one of his food-carrying mules bore off- 
spring. Zopyrus would not believe the news; but 
when he saw the foal for himself, he bade those 
who had seen it to tell no one; then taking counsel 
he bethought him of the Babylonian’s word at the 
beginning of the siege—that the city would be 
taken when mules bore offspring—and having this 
utterance in mind he conceived that Babylon might 
be taken; for the hand of heaven, he supposed, 
was in the man's word and the birth from his own 
mule. 

154. Being then persuaded that Babylon was 
fated to fall, he came and inquired of Darius if he 
set great store by the taking of the city ; and when 
he was assured that this was so he next looked about 
for a plan whereby the city's fall should be wrought 
by himself alone ; for good service among the Per- 
sians is much honoured, and rewarded by high 
preferment. He could think of no way of mastering 
the city but to do violence to himself and then 
desert to the Babylonians ; so he accounted it but a 
little thing to mishandle himself past cure; cutting 
off his nose and ears, shaving his head for a dis- 
figurement, and scourging himself, he came in this 
guise before Darius. 


187 


HERODOTUS 


155. Δαρεῖος δὲ κάρτα βαρέως ἤνεικε ἰδὼν 
ἄνδρα δοκιμώτατον λελωβημένον, ἔκ τε τοῦ 
θρόνου ἀναπηδήσας ἀνέβωσέ τε καὶ εἴρετό μιν 
ὅστις εἴη ὁ λωβησάμενος καὶ ὅ τι ποιήσαντα. ὃ 
δὲ εἶπε “Οὐκ ἔστι οὗτος ὠνήρ, ὅτι μὴ σύ, τῷ ἐστὶ 
δύναμις τοσαύτη ἐμὲ δὴ ὧδε διαθεῖναι: οὐδέ τις 
ἀλλοτρίων ὦ βασιλεῦ τάδε ἔργασται, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτὸς 
ἐγὼ ἐμεωυτόν, δεινόν τι ποιεύμενος ᾿Ασσυρίους 
Πέρσῃσι καταγελᾶν.’ ὃ δ᾽ ἀμείβετο N σχετ- 
λιώτατε ἀνδρῶν, ἔργῳ τῷ αἰσχίστῳ οὔνομα τὸ 
κάλλιστον ἔθευ, φὰς διὰ τοὺς πολιορκεομένους 
σεωυτὸν ἀνηκέστως διαθεῖναι. τί Ò, ὦ μάταιε, 
λελωβημένου σεῦ θᾶσσον οἱ πολέμιοι παραστή- 
σονται; κῶς οὐκ ἐξέπλωσας τῶν φρενῶν σεωυτὸν 
διαφθείρας; ὃ δὲ εἶπε “' Εἰ μέν τοι ὑπερετίθεα τὰ 
ἔμελλον ποιήσειν, οὐκ ἄν µε περιεῖδες' νῦν δ᾽ ἐπ᾿ 
ἐμεωυτοῦ βαλόμενος ἔπρηξα. ἤδη ὧν ἦν μὴ τῶν 
σῶν δεήσῃ, αἱρέομεν Βαβυλῶνα. ἐγὼ μὲν γὰρ ὡς 
ἔχω αὐτομολήσω ἐς τὸ τεῖχος καὶ φήσω πρὸς 
αὐτοὺς ὡς ὑπὸ σεῦ τάδε ἔπαθον: καὶ δοκέω, 
πείσας σφέας ταῦτα ἔχειν οὕτω, τεύξεσθαι στρα- 
τιῆς. σὺ δέ, ἀπ ἧς ἂν ἡμέρης ἐγὼ ἐσέλθω ἐς 
τὸ τεῖχος, ἀπὸ ταύτης ἐς δεκάτην ἡμέρην τῆς 
σεωυτοῦ στρατιῆς, τῆς οὐδεμία ἔσται ὥρη ἀπολ- 
λυμένης, ταύτης χιλίους τάξον κατὰ τὰς Beut- 
ράμιος καλεομένας πύλας" μετὰ δὲ αὖτις ἀπὸ τῆς 
δεκάτης ἐς ἑβδόμην ἄλλους μοι τάξον δισχιλίους 
κατὰ τὰς Νινίων καλεομένας πύλας" ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς 
ἑβδόμης διαλείπειν εἴκοσι ἡμέρας, καὶ ἔπειτα 
ἄλλους κάτισον ἀγαγὼν κατὰ τὰς Χαλδαίων 
καλεομένας πύλας, τετρακισχιλίους. ἐχόντων δὲ 
μήτε οἱ πρότεροι μηδὲν τῶν ἀμυνεύντων μήτε 


188 


BOOK ΠΠ. τες 


155. The king was greatly moved at the sight of 
so notable a man thus mishandled. Leaping up with 
acry from where he sat he asked Zopyrus who had 
done him this outrage and why. “ There is no man," 
answered Zopyrus, *save yourself, who could bring 
me to this plight; this, O King! is the work of none 
other but myself; for I could not bear that Persians 
should be mocked by Assyrians." Darius answered, 
“ This is but gross cruelty to yourself; if you say 
that it is to win the city that you have maltreated 
yourself past cure, you do but give a fair name to 
a foul deed.  Foolish man! think you that our 
enemies will yield the sooner for this violence done 
to you? Nay, you were clean out of your wits to 
destroy yourself thus." * Had I told you," said 
Zopyrus, * what I was minded to do, you would 
have forbidden it; as it is, I have considered 
with myself alone and done it. Now, then, 
matters so stand that if you but play your part 
Babylon is ours. I will in my present plight desert 
into the city, pretending to them that you have 
done this violence upon me; and I think that I 
shall persuade them that this is so, and thus gain 
the command of an army. Now, for your part, on 
the tenth day from my entering the city do you take 
a thousand men from that part of your army whereof 
you will least rue the loss, and post them before the 
gate called the gate of Semiramis; on the seventh 
day after that, post me again two thousand before 
the gate called the gate of the Ninevites ; and when 
twenty days are past after that seventh, yet four 
thousand again before the Chaldean gate, as they 
call it; suffering neither these, nor the others that 
have come before them, to carry any weapons of war 


189 


HERODOTUS 


οὗτοι, πλὴν ἐγχειριδίων" τοῦτο δὲ ἐᾶν ἔχειν. μετὰ 
δὲ τὴν εἰκοστὴν ἡμέρην ἰθέως τὴν μὲν ἄλλην 
στρατιὴν κελεύειν πέριξ προσβάλλειν πρὸς τὸ 
τείχος, Πέρσας δέ μοι τάξον κατά τε τὰς Βηλίδας 
καλεομένας καὶ Κισσίας πύλας. ὡς γὰρ ἐγὼ 
δοκέω, ἐμέο μεγάλα ἔργα ἀποδεξαμένου, τά τε 
ἄλλα ἐπιτρέψονται ἐμοὶ Βαβυλώνιοι καὶ δὴ καὶ 
τῶν πυλέων τὰς βαλανάγρας' τὸ δὲ ἐνθεῦτεν ἐμοί 
τε καὶ Πέρσῃσι μελήσει τὰ δεῖ ποιέειν.᾽ 

156, Ταῦτα ἐντειλάμενος ἤιε ἐπὶ τὰς πύλας, 
ἐπιστρεφόμενος ὡς δὴ ἀληθέως αὐτόμολος. ὅρων- 
τες δὲ ἀπὸ τῶν πύργων οἱ κατὰ τοῦτο τεταγμένοι 
κατέτρεχον κάτω καὶ ὀλίγον τι παρακλίναντες 
τὴν ἑτέρην πύλην εἰρώτων τίς τε εἴη καὶ ὅτευ 
δεόμενος ἥκοι. ὃ δέ σφι ἠγόρευε ὡς εἴη τε Zo- 
πυρος καὶ αὐτομολέοι ἐς ἐκείνους. ἦγον δή μιν οἱ 
πυλουροί, ταῦτα ὡς ἤκουσαν, ἐπὶ τὰ κοινὰ τῶν 
Βαβυλωνίων: καταστὰς δὲ ἐπ᾽ αὐτὰ κατοικτίζετο, 
φὰς ὑπὸ Δαρείου πεπονθέναι τὰ ἐπεπόνθεε ὑπ᾽ 
ἑωυτοῦ, παθεῖν δὲ ταῦτα διότι συμβουλεῦσαι οἱ 
ἀπανιστάναι τὴν στρατιήν, ἐπείτε δὴ οὐδεὶς πόρος 
ἐφαίνετο τῆς ἁλώσιος. “Νῦν te” ἔφη λέγων 
“ ἐγὼ ὑμῖν ὦ Βαβυλώνιοι ἥκω μέγιστον ἀγαθόν, 
Δαρείῳ δὲ καὶ τῇ στρατιῇ καὶ Πέρσῃσι μέγιστον 
κακόν: οὐ γὰρ δὴ ἐμέ γε ὧδε λωβησάμενος κατα- 
προΐξεται' ἐπίσταμαι δ᾽ αὐτοῦ πάσας τὰς διεξ- 
όδους τῶν βουλευμάτων.᾽ τοιαῦτα ἔλεγε. 

157. Οἳ δὲ Βαβυλώνιοι ὁρῶντες ἄνδρα τὸν ἐν 
Πέρσῃσι δοκιμώτατον ῥινός τε καὶ ὥτων ἐστερη- 
μένον, μάστιξί τε καὶ αἵματι ἀναπεφυρμένον, 
πάγχυ ἐλπίσαντες λέγειν μιν ἀληθέα καί σφι 
ἥκειν σύμμαχον, ἐπιτράπεσθαι ἕτοιμοι ἦσαν τῶν 
190 


BOOK III. 155-157 


save daggers;leavethemthese. Butimmediately after 
the twentieth day bid the rest of your army to assault 
the whole circuit of the walls, and post the Persians 
before the gate of Belus and the gate called Cissian. 
For I think that I shall have achieved such exploits 
that the Babylonians will give into my charge the 
keys of their gates, and all else besides ; and it will 
thenceforward be my business and the Persians' to 
do what is needful.” 

156. With this charge, he went towards the city 
gate, turning and looking back as though he were 
in truth a deserter. When the watchers posted on 
the towers saw him, they ran down, and opening 
half the gate a little asked him who he was and for 
what purpose he was come; he told them that he 
was Zopyrus, come to them as a deserter. Hearing 
this the gate-wardens brought him before the general 
assembly of the Babylonians, where he bade them 
see his lamentable plight, saying of his own work 
that it was Darius’ doing, because that he had advised 
the king to lead his army away, seeing that they 
could find no way to take the city. ** Now,” said he 
in his speech to them, * I am come greatly to aid 
you, men of Babylon, and greatly to harm Darius 
and his army and the Persians ; not unpunished shall 
he go for the outrage he has wrought upon me ; and 
I know all the plan and order of his counsels." 
Thus he spoke. 

157. When the Babylonians saw the most 
honoured man in Persia with his nose and ears 
cut off and all bedabbled with blood from the 
scourging, they were fully persuaded that he spoke 
truth and was come to be their ally, and were ready 
to grant him all that he asked, which was, that he 


I9I 


HERODOTUS 


ἐδέετο σφέων" ἐδέετο δὲ στρατιῆς. ὃ δὲ ἐπείτε 
αὐτῶν τοῦτο παρέλαβε, ἐποίεε τά περ τῷ Δαρείῳ 
συνεθήκατο" -ἐξαγαγὼν γὰρ τῇ δεκάτῃ ἡμέρη τὴν 
στρατιὴν τῶν Βαβυλωνίων καὶ κυκλωσάμενος 
τοὺς χιλίους, τοὺς πρώτους ἐνετείλατο Δαρείῳ 
τάξαι, τούτους κατεφόνευσε. μαθόντες δέ μιν οἱ 
Βαβυλώνιοι τοῖσι ἔπεσι τὰ ἔργα . παρεχόμενον 
ὅμοια, πάγχυ περιχαρέες ἐόντες πᾶν δὴ ἕτοιμοι 
ἦσαν ὑπηρετέειν. ὃ δὲ διαλιπὼν ἡ ἡμέρας τὰς συγ- 
κειμένας, αὖτις ἐπιλεξάμενος τῶν Βαβυλωνίων 
ἐξήγαγε καὶ κατεφόνευσε τῶν Δαρείου στρατιω- 
τέων τοὺς δισχιλίους. ἰδόντες δὲ καὶ τοῦτο τὸ 
ἔργον οἱ Βαβυλώνιοι, πάντες Ζώπυρον εἶχον ἐν 
στόμασι. aivéovres. ὃ δὲ αὖτις διαλιπὼν τὰς 
συγκειμένας ἡμέρας ἐξήγαγε ἐς τὸ προειρημένον, 
καὶ κυκλωσάμενος κατεφόνευσε τοὺς τετρακισχι- 
Movs. ὡς δὲ καὶ τοῦτο κατέργαστο, πάντα δὴ 
ἦν ἐν τοῖσι, Βαβυλωνίοισι Ζώπυρος, καὶ στρα- 
τάρχης τε οὗτός σφι καὶ τειχοφύλαξ ἀπεδέδεκτο. 
158. Ἡροσβολὴν δὲ Δαρείου. κατὰ τὰ συγκεί- 
μενα ποιευμένου πέριξ τὸ τεῖχος, ἐνθαῦτα δὴ 
πάντα τὸν δόλον ὁ Ζώπυρος ἐξέφαινε. οἱ μὲν γὰρ 
Βαβυλώνιοι ἀναβάντες ἐπὶ τὸ τεῖχος ἠμύνοντο 
τὴν Δαρείου στρατιὴν προσβάλλουσαν, ὁ δὲ 
Ζώπυρος τάς τε Κισσίας καὶ Βηλίδας καλεομένας 
πύλας ἀναπετάσας ἐσῆκε τοὺς Πέ σας ἐς τὸ 
τεῖχος. τῶν δὲ Βαβυλωνίων. οἳ μὲν εἶδον τὸ ποιη- 
θέν, οὗτοι μὲν ἔφευγον ἐς τοῦ Διὸς τοῦ Βήλου τὸ 
ἱρόν’ οἳ δὲ οὐκ εἶδον, ἔμενον ἐν τῇ ἑωυτοῦ τάξι 
ἕκαστος, ἐς ὃ δὴ καὶ οὗτοι ἔμαθον προδεδοµένοι. 
159. Βαβυλὼν μέν νυν οὕτω τὸ ) δεύτερον αἱρέθη. 
Δαρεῖος δὲ ἐπείτε ἐκράτησε τῶν Βαβυλωνίων, 


192 


BOOK III. 157-159 


might have an army; and having received this from 
them he did according to his agreement with Darius. 
On the tenth day he led out the Babylonian army, 
and surrounded and put to the sword the thousand. 
whom he had charged Darius to set first in the 
field. Seeing that his deeds answered his words, the 
Babylonians were overjoyed and ready to serve him 
in every way. When the agreed number of days 
was past, he led out again a chosen body of Babylon- 
ians, and slew the two thousand men of Darius’ 
army. When the Babylonians saw this second feat 
of arms, the praise of Zopyrus was in every man’s 
mouth. The agreed number of days being again 
past, he led out his men to the place he had named, 
where he surrounded the four thousand and put 
them to the sword. After this his third exploit, 
Zopyrus was the one man for Babylon: he was 
made the captain of their armies and the warden 
of their walls. 

158. So when Darius assaulted the whole circuit of 
the wall, according to the agreed plan, then Zopyrus’ 
treason was fully revealed. For while the townsmen 
were on the wall defending it against Darius’ assault, 
he opened the gates called Cissian and Belian, and 
let in the Persians within the walls. Those Babylon- 
ians who saw what he did fled to the temple of that 
Zeus whom they call Belus; those who had not 
seen it abode each in his place, till they too per- 
ceived how they had been betrayed. 

159. Thus was Babylon the second time taken. 
Having mastered the Babylonians, Darius destroyed 


193 
VOL, 11. ο 


HERODOTUS 


τοῦτο μὲν σφέων τὸ τεῖχος περιεῖλε καὶ τὰς πύλας 
πάσας ἀπέσπασε' τὸ γὰρ πρότερον ἑλὼν Kópos 
τὴν Βαβυλῶνα ἐποίησε τούτων οὐδέτερον" τοῦτο 
δὲ ὁ Δαρεῖος τῶν ἀνδρῶν τοὺς κορυφαίους μά- 
λιστα ἐς τρισχιλίους ἀνεσκολόπισε, τοῖσι δὲ 
λοιποῖσι Βαβυλωνίοισι ἀπέδωκε τὴν πόλιν oi- 
κέειν. ὡς δ᾽ ἕξουσι γυναῖκας οἱ Βαβυλώνιοι ἵνα 
σφι γενεὴ ὑπογίνηται, τάδε Δαρεῖος προϊδὼν 
ἐποίησε' τὰς γὰρ ἑωυτῶν, ὡς καὶ κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς 
δεδήλωται, ἀπέπνιξαν οἱ Βαβυλώνιοι τοῦ σίτου 
προορέοντες' ἐπέταξε τοῖσι περιοίκοισι ἔθνεσι 
γυναῖκας ἐς Βαβυλῶνα κατιστάναι, ὅσας δὴ 
ἑκάστοισι ἐπιτάσσων, ὥστε πέντε μυριάδων τὸ 
κεφαλαίωμα τῶν γυναικῶν συνῆλθε: ἐκ τουτέων 
ὲ τῶν γυναικῶν οἱ νῦν Βαβυλώνιοι γεγόνασι. 

160. Ζωπύρου δὲ οὐδεὶς ἀγαθοεργίην Περσέων 
ὑπερεβάλετο παρὰ Δαρείῳ κριτῇ οὔτε τῶν ὕστερον 
γενομένων οὔτε τῶν πρότερον, ὅτι μὴ Κῦρος 
μοῦνος" τούτῳ γὰρ οὐδεὶς Περσέων ἠξίωσέ Kw 
ἑωυτὸν συμβαλεῖν. πολλάκις δὲ Δαρεῖον λέγεται 
γνώμην τήνδε ἀποδέξασθαι, ὡς 'Βούλοιτο ἂν 
Ζώπυρον εἶναι ἀπαθέα τῆς ἀεικείης μᾶλλον ἢ 
Ῥαβυλῶνάς οἱ εἴκοσι πρὸς τῇ ἐούσῃ προσηε- 
νέσθαι. ἐτίμησε δέ μιν μεγάλως" καὶ γὰρ δῶρά 
οἱ ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος ἐδίδου ταῦτα τὰ Πέρσῃσι ἐστὶ 
τιμιώτατα, καὶ τὴν Βαβυλῶνά οἱ ἔδωκε ἀτελέα 
νέμεσθαι μέχρι τῆς ἐκείνου cons, καὶ ἄλλα πολλὰ 
ἐπέδωκε. Ζωπύρου δὲ τούτου γίνεται Μεγάβυξος, 
ὃς ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ ἀντία ᾿Αθηναίων καὶ τῶν cvp- 
μάχων ἐστρατήγησε" Μεγαβύζου δὲ τούτου 
γίνεται Ζώπυρος, ὃς ἐς ᾿Αθήνας ηὐτομόλησε ἐκ 
Περσέων. 


194 


BOOK III. 159-160 


their walls and reft away all their gates, neither of 
which things Cyrus had done at the first taking of 
Babylon ; moreover he impaled about three thousand 
men that were chief among them; as for the rest, 
he gave them back their city to dwell in. Further, 
as the Babylonians, fearing for their food, had 
strangled their own women, Darius provided that | 
they should have wives to bear them children, by 
appointing that each of the neighbouring nations 
should send a certain tale of women to Babylon ; the 
whole sum of the women thus collected was fifty 
thousand: these were the mothers of those who now 
inhabit the city. 

160. There never was in Darius’ judgment any 
Persian before or since who did better service than 
Zopyrus, save only Cyrus, with whom no Persian 
could compare himself. Many times Darius is said 
to have declared that he would rather have Zopyrus 
whole and not foully mishandled than twenty more 
Babylons. Very greatly the king honoured him ; 
every year he sent Zopyrus such gifts as the Persians 
hold most precious, and suffered him to govern 
Babylon for all his life with no tribute to pay, 
giving him many other things besides. This Zopyrus 
was father of Megabyzus, who was general of an 
army in Egypt against the Athenians and their 
allies; and Megabyzus’ son was that Zopyrus who 
deserted from the Persians to Athens. 


195 
o 2 


Digitized by Google 


BOOK IV 


Δ 


1. Μετὰ δὲ τὴν Βαβυλῶνος αἱρεσιν ἐγένετο ἐπὶ 

L4 , ^ / » 2 4 \ e^ 
Σκύθας αὐτοῦ Δαρείου ἔλασις. ἀνθεύσης γὰρ τῆς 
9 / , / , , , 
Ασίης ἀνδράσι καὶ χρημάτων μεγάλων συνιόν- 

» , ο ^ , 4 ο t 

των, ἐπεθύμησε ὁ Δαρεῖος τίσασθαι Σκύθας, ὅτι 
, ^ / 3 / , M A N 
ἐκεῖνοι πρότεροι ἐσβαλόντες ἐς τὴν Μηδικὴν καὶ 
νικήσαντες μάχῃ τοὺς ἀντιουμένους ὑπῆρξαν 
, ’ ^ ~A LÁ 3 / . e lA 
ἀδικίης. τῆς yàp ἄνω Ασίης ἦρξαν, ὡς καὶ πρό- 

[4 y / y A / 
Tepóv μοι εἴρηται, Σκύθαι ἔτεα δυῶν δέοντα τριή- 

a . 3 L4 > 7 
κοντα. Κιμμερίους γὰρ ἐπιδιώκοντες ἐσέβαλον 
ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίην, καταπαύσαντες τῆς ἀρχῆς Μήδους" 
e 4 [ή , , Φ ^ 

οὗτοι γὰρ πρὶν ἢ Σκύθας ἀπικέσθαι ἦρχον τῆς 
, ’ A δὲ lA , Ô , 93 M 
Ασίης. τοὺς δὲ Σκύθας ἀποδημήσαντας ὀκτὼ 
καὶ εἴκοσι ἔτεα καὶ διὰ χρὀνου τοσούτου κατιόντας 
> A / , [4 3 , , 
ἐς τὴν σφετέρην ἐξεδέξατο οὐκ ἑλάσσων πόνος 
τοῦ Μηδικοῦ: εὗρον γὰρ ἀντιουμένην σφίσι otpa- 
τιὴν οὐκ ὀλίγην. αἱ γὰρ τῶν Σκυθέων γυναῖκες, 
ο εν , ^ , [4 2 / 
ὥς σφι οἱ ἄνδρες ἀπῆσαν χρόνον πολλόν, ἐφοίτεον 
παρὰ τοὺς δούλους. 

2. Τοὺς δὲ δούλους οἱ Σκύθαι πάντας τυφλοῦσι 
τοῦ γάλακτος εἵνεκεν τοῦ πίνουσι ποιεῦντες ὧδε. 
199 


BOOK IV 


l. Arter the taking of Babylon, Darius himself 
marched against the Scythians. For seeing that 
Asia abounded in men and that he gathered from it 
a great revenue, he became desirous of punishing 
the Scythians for the unprovoked wrong they had 
done him when they invaded Asia and defeated 
those who encountered them. For the Scythians, 
as I have before shown, ruled the upper country of 
Asia! for twenty-eight years; they invaded Asia in 
their pursuit of the Cimmerians, and made an end of 
the power of the Medes, who were the rulers of 
Asia before the coming of the Scythians. But when 
the Scythians had been away from their homes for 
eight and twenty years and returned to their country 
after so long a time, there awaited them another 
task as hard as their Median war. They found 
themselves encountered by a great host; for their 
husbands being now long away, the Scythian women 
consorted with their slaves. 

2. Now the Scythians blind all their slaves, by 
reason of the milk? whereof they drink ; and this is 
1 That is, the eastern highlands of the Persian empire. 

2 Herodotus means that the slaves are blinded to prevent 
them stealing the best of the milk. Probably the story of 


blind slaves arises from some Scythian name for slaves, 
misunderstood by the Greeks. 


199 


HERODOTUS 


ἐπεὰν φυσητῆρας λάβωσι ὀστεΐνους αὐλοῖσι προσ- 
, / : 3 / 3 ^ [4 
εµφερεστάτους, τούτους ἐσθέντες ἐς τῶν θηλέων 
ἵππων τὰ ἄρθρα φυσῶσι τοῖσι στόµασι, ἄλλοι δὲ 
ἄλλων φυσώντων ἀμέλγουσι. φασὶ δὲ τοῦδε 
^ \ / / 
εἵνεκα τοῦτο ποιέειν' τὰς φλέβας τε πίμπλασθαι 
φυσωμένας τῆς ἵππου καὶ τὸ οὖθαρ κατίεσθαι. 
/ 
ἐπεὰν δὲ ἀμέλξωσι τὸ γάλα, ἐσχέαντες ἐς ξύλινα 
ἀγγήια κοῖλὰ καὶ περιστίξαντες κατὰ τὰ ἀγγήια 
x X 4 ^ / b \ , ^ 
τοὺς τυφλοὺς δονέουσι τὸ γάλα, Kal τὸ μὲν αὐτοῦ 
ἐπιστάμενον ἀπαρύσαντες ἡγεῦνται εἶναι τιµιώ- 
τερον, τὸ Ò ὑπιστάμενον ἧσσον τοῦ ἑτέρου. 
/ e ν ~ A / e 
τούτων μὲν eivexa ἅπαντα τὸν ἂν λάβωσι οἱ 
Σκύθαι ἐκτυφλοῦσι' οὐ γὰρ ἀρόται εἰσὶ ἀλλὰ 
νομάδες. 
3. Ἐκ τούτων δὴ ὧν σφι τῶν δούλων καὶ τῶν 
- / € 
γυναικῶν ἐτράφη νεότης" ot ἐπείτε ἔμαθον τὴν 
σφετέρην γένεσιν, ἠντιοῦντο αὐτοῖσι κατιοῦσι ἐκ 
τῶν Μήδων. καὶ πρῶτα μὲν τὴν χώρην ἀπετά- 
µοντο, τάφρον ὀρυξάμενοι εὐρέαν κατατείνουσαν 
ἐκ τῶν Ταυρικῶν ὀρέων ἐς τὴν Μαιῆτιν λέμνην, 
τῇ περ ἐστὶ μεγίστη: μετὰ δὲ πειρωμένοισι ἐσ- 
, ^ " 9 / > 7 
BáXXew τοῖσι Σκύθῃσι ἀντικατιζόμενοι ἐμάχοντο. 
γινομένης δὲ μάχης πολλάκις καὶ οὐ δυναμένων 
9 / y A / ^ , 
οὐδὲν πλέον ἔχειν τῶν Σκυθέων τῇ μάχῃ, εἷς 
αὐτῶν ἔλεξε τάδε. “Ola ποιεῦμεν, ἄνδρες Σκύθαι" 
δούλοισι τοῖσι ἡμετέροισι μαχόμενοι αὐτοί τε 
κτεινόµενοι ἐλάσσονες γινόμεθα καὶ ἐκείνους κτεί- 
3 , . . » ^ . 
νοντες ἑλασσόνων τὸ λοιπὸν ἄρξομεν. νῦν ὧν 
200 


BOOK IV. 2-3 


the way of their getting it: taking pipes of bone 
very like flutes, they thrust these into the secret 
parts of the mares and blow into them, some blowing 
and others milking. By what they say, their reason 
for so doing is that the blowing makes the mare’s 
veins to swell and her udder to be let down. When 
milking is done, they pour the milk into deep wooden 
buckets, and make their slaves to stand about the 
buckets and shake the milk; the surface part of it 
they draw off, and this they most value; what lies 
at the bottom is less esteemed. It is for this cause 
that the Scythians blind all prisoners whom they 
take; for they are not tillers of the soil, but wander- 
ing graziers. 

3. So it came about that a younger race grew up, 
born of these slaves and the women; and when the 
youths learnt of their lineage, they came out to do 
battle with the Scythians in their return from 
Media, First they barred the way to their country 
by digging a wide trench from the Tauric mountains 
to the broadest part of the Maeetian lake!; and 
presently when the Scythians tried to force a. 
passage they encamped over against them and met 
them in battle. Many fights there were, and the 
Scythians could gain no advantage thereby ; at last 
one of them said, * Men of Scythia, see what we 
are about!. We are fighting our own slaves; they 
slay us, and we grow fewer; we slay them, and 
thereafter shall have fewer slaves. Now therefore 


1 The Sea of Azov. It is not clear where the τάφρος was. 
Some think that Herodotus may have had in his mind the so- 
called **Putrid Sea," the narrow stretch of water between 
the Arabat isthmus and the Crimea. This at least corre- 
sponds with the ** point of greatest breadth" of the Sea of 
Azov. 


20I 


HERODOTUS 


μοι δοκέει αἰχμὰς μὲν καὶ τόξα μετεῖναι, λαβόντα 
δὲ ἕκαστον τοῦ ἵππου τὴν μάστιγα ἰέναι ἆσσον 
αὐτῶν. μέχρι μὲν γὰρ ὥρων ἡμέας ὅπλα ἔχοντας, 
οἳ δὲ ἐνόμιζον ὅμοιοί τε καὶ ἐξ ὁμοίων ἡμῖν εἶναι" 
ἐπεὰν δὲ ἴδωνται μάστιγας ἀντὶ ὅπλων ἔχοντας, 
μαθόντες ὡς εἰσὶ ἡμέτεροι δοῦλοι καὶ συγγνόντες 
τοῦτο, οὐκ ὑπομενέουσι.᾽ 

4, Ταῦτα ἀκούσαντες οἱ Σκύθαι ἐποίευν ἐπι- 
τελέα' of δὲ ἐκπλαγέντες τῷ γινομένῳ τῆς μάχης 
τε ἐπελάθοντο καὶ ἔφευγον. οὕτω οἱ Σκύθαι τῆς 
τε ᾿Ασίης ἦρξαν καὶ ἐξελασθέντες αὖτις ὑπὸ 
Μήδων κατῆλθον τρόπῳ τοιούτῳ ἐς τὴν σφετέρην. 
τῶνδε εἵνεκα ὁ Δαρεῖος τίσασθαι βουλόμενος 
συνήγειρε ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς στράτευμα. 

5. Ὡς δὲ Σκύθαι λέγουσι, νεώτατον πάντων 
ἐθνέων εἶναι τὸ σφέτερον, τοῦτο δὲ γενέσθαι ὧδε. 
ἄνδρα γενέσθαι πρῶτον ἐν τῇ γῇ ταύτῃ ἐούσῃ 
ἐρήμῳ τῷ οὔνομα εἶναι Ταργιτάον' τοῦ δὲ Tap- 
γιτάου τούτου τοὺς τοκέας λέγουσι εἶναι, ἐμοὶ 
μὲν οὐ πιστὰ λέγοντες, λέγουσι δ ὧν, Δία τε 
καὶ Βορυσθένεος τοῦ ποταμοῦ θυγατέρα. γένεος 
μὲν τοιούτου δή τινος γενέσθαι τὸν Ταργιτάον, 
τούτου δὲ γενέσθαι παῖδας τρεῖς, Λιπόξαϊν καὶ 
᾿Αρπόξαϊν καὶ νεώτατον Κολάξαϊν. ἐπὶ τούτων 
ἀρχόντων ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ φερόμενα χρύσεα ποιή- 
ματα, ἄροτρόν τε καὶ ζυγὸν καὶ σάγαριν καὶ 
φιάλην, πεσεῖν ἐς τὴν Σκυθικήν' καὶ τῶν ἰδόντα 
πρῶτον τὸν πρεσβύτατον ἆσσον ἰέναι βουλόμενον 
αὐτὰ λαβεῖν, τὸν δὲ χρυσὸν ἐπιόντος καίεσθαι" 
ἀπαλλαχθέντος δὲ τούτου προσιέναι τὸν δεύτερον, 
καὶ τὸν αὖτις ταὐτὰ ποιέειν. τοὺς μὲν δὴ καιό- 
μενον τὸν χρυσὸν ἀπώσασθαι, τρίτῳ δὲ τῷ νεω- 
202 


| 


BOOK IV. 3-5 


my counsel is that we drop our spears and bows, and 
go to meet them each with his horsewhip in hand. 
As long as they saw us armed, they thought them- 
selves to be our peers and the sons of our peers; let 
them see us with whips and no weapons of war, and 
they will perceive that they are our slaves; and 
taking this to heart they will not abide our attack.” 

4. This the Scythians heard, and acted thereon ; 
and their enemies, amazed by what they saw, had 
no more thought of fighting, but fled. Thus the 
Scythians ruled Asia and were driven out again by 
the Medes, and by such means they won their return 
to their own land. Desiring to punish them for 
what they did, Darius mustered an army against 
them. 

5. The Scythians say that their nation is the 
youngest in all the world, and that it came into 
being on this wise. There appeared in this country, 
being then desert, a man whose name was Targitaus. 
His parents, they say—for my part I do not believe 
the tale, but it is told—were Zeus and a daughter of 
the river Borysthenes.! Such (it is said) was Tar- 
gitaus' lineage; and he had three sons, Lipoxais, 
Arpoxais, and Colaxais, youngest of the three. Τη 
the time of their rule (so the story goes) there fell 
down from the sky into Scythia certain implements, 
all of gold, namely, a plough, a yoke, a sword, and a 
flask. The eldest of them, seeing this, came near 
with intent to take them; but the gold began to 
burn as he came, and he ceased from his essay ; then 
the second approached, and the gold did again as 
before; when these two had been driven away by the 
burning of the gold, last came the youngest brother, 


1 The Dnieper. 
203 


HERODOTUS 


τάτῳ ἐπελθόντι κατασβῆναι, καί μιν ἐκεῖνον 
κομίσαι ἐς ἑωυτοῦ" καὶ τοὺς πρεσβυτέρους ἆδελ.- 
φεοὺς πρὸς ταῦτα συγγνόντας τὴν βασιληίην 
πᾶσαν παραδοῦναι τῷ νεωτάτῳ. 

6. ᾿Απὸ μὲν δὴ Λιποξάιος γεγονέναι τούτους 
τῶν Σκυθέων οἳ Αὐχάται γένος καλέονται, ἀπὸ 
δὲ τοῦ μέσου. ᾿Αρποξάιος οἳ Kariapot τε καὶ 
Τράσπιες καλέονται, ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ νεωτάτου αὐτῶν 
τοῦ βασιλέος οἳ καλέονται Παραλιάται' σύμπασι 
δὲ εἶναι οὔνομα Σκολότους, τοῦ. βασιλέος ἐπω- 
νυμίην. Σκύθας δὲ" Ἕλληνες ὠνόμασαν. 

7. Γεγονέναι μέν νυν σφέας ὧδε λέγουσι οἱ 
Σκύθαι, ἔτεα δὲ σφίσι ἐπείτε γεγόνασι τὰ σύμ- 
παντα λέγουσι εἶναι ἀπὸ τοῦ πρώτου βασιλέος 
Ἱαργιτάου ἐς τὴν Δαρείου διάβασιν τὴν ἐπὶ 
σφέας χιλίων οὐ πλέω ἀλλὰ τοσαῦτα. τὸν δὲ 
χρυσὸν τοῦτον τὸν ἱρὸν φυλάσσουσι οἱ βασιλέες 
ἐς τὰ μάλιστα, καὶ θυσίῃσι μεγάλῃσι ἱλασκό- 
μενοι μετέρχονται ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος. ὃς ὃ ἂν ἔχων 
τὸν χρυσὸν τὸν ἱρὸν ἐν. τῇ ὁρτῇ ὑπαίθριος κατα- 
κοιμηθῇ, οὗτος λέγεται ὑπὸ κυθέων οὐ διενιαυτί- 
Few δίδοσθαι δέ οἱ διὰ τοῦτο ὅσα ἂν ἵππῳ ἐν 
ἡμέρῃ μιῇ περιελάσῃ αὐτός. τῆς δὲ χώρης ἐούσης 
μεγάλης τριφασίας τὰς βασιληίας τοῖσι παισὶ 
τοῖσι ἑωυτοῦ καταστήσασθαι Κολάξαϊν, καὶ του- 
τέων μίαν ποιῆσαι μεγίστην, ἐν τῇ τὸν χρυσὸν 
φυλάσσεσθαι. τὰ δὲ κατύπερθε πρὸς βορέην 
λέγουσι ἄνεμον τῶν ὑπεροίκων τῆς χώρης οὐκ οἷά 
τε εἶναι ἔτι προσωτέρω οὔτε ὁρᾶν οὔτε διεξιέναι 
ὑπὸ πτερῶν κεχυμένων' πτερῶν γὰρ καὶ τὴν γῆν 
καὶ τὸν ἠέρα εἶναι πλέον, καὶ ταῦτα εἶναι τ 
ἀποκληίοντα τὴν ὄψιν. 


204 


BOOK IV. 5-7 


and the burning was quenched at his approach; so 
he took the gold to his own house. At this his 
elder brothers saw how matters stood, and made over 
the whole royal power to the youngest. 

6. Lipoxais, it is said, was the father of the 
Scythian clan called Auchatae ; Arpoxais, the second 
brother, of those called Katiari and Traspies; the 
youngest, who was king, of those called Paralatae. 
All these together bear the name of Skoloti, after 
their king; “Scythians” is a name given them by 
Greeks. 

7. Such then is the Scythians’ account of their 
origin; they reckon that neither more nor less than 
a thousand years in all passed between their first 
appearing and the crossing over of Darius into their 
country. The kings guard this sacred gold most 
jealously, and every year offer to it solemn sacrifices 
of propitiation. Whoever at this festival sleeps in 
the open air, having with him the gold, is said by the 
Scythians not to live out the year ; for which reason! 
(they say) there is given him as much land as he can 
himself ride round in one day. Because of the great 
size of the country, the lordships established by 
Colaxais for his sons were three, one of which, 
where they keep the gold, was the greatest. 
Above and northward of the neighbours of their 
country none (they say) can see or travel further, 
by reason of showers of feathers?; for earth and 


sky are overspread by these, and it is this which 
hinders sight. | 


: 1 The ‘‘reason” is obscure; perhaps the gift of land is a 
compensation for his shortness of life. 
2 See ch. 31 for Herodotus’ explanation. 


205 


HERODOTUS 


8. Σκύθαι μὲν ὧδε ὑπὲρ σφέων τε αὐτῶν καὶ 
τῆς χώρης τῆς κατύπερθε λέγουσι, Ἑλλήνων δὲ 
οἱ τὸν Πόντον οἰκέοντες ὧδε. Ἡρακλέα ἐλαύ- 
νοντα τὰς Γηρυόνεω βοῦς ἀπικέσθαι ἐς γῆν 
ταύτην ἐοῦσαν ἐρήμην, jj ἥντινα νῦν Σκύθαι νέ- 
μονται. Γηρυόνεα δὲ οὐκέειν ἔξω τοῦ Πόντου, 
κατοικημένον «τὴν Ἕλληνες λέγουσι. ᾿Ερύθειαν 
νῆσον τὴν πρὸς Γαδείροισι τοῖσι ἔξω Ἡρακλέων 
στηλέων ἐπὶ τῷ, Ὠκεανφ. τὸν δὲ Ὠκεανὸν λόγῳ 
μὲν λέγουσι ἀπὸ ἡλίου ἀνατολέων ἀρξάμενον γῆν 
περὶ πᾶσαν ῥέειν, ἔργῳ δὲ οὐκ ἀποδεικνῦσι. 
ἐνθεῦτεν τὸν Ἡρακλέα ἀπικέσθαι ἐς τὴν νῦν 
Σκυθίην χώρην καλεομένην,͵ καὶ καταλαβεῖν γὰρ 
αὐτὸν .χειμῶνά τε καὶ κρυμόν, ἐπειρυσάμενον τὴν 
λεοντέην κατυπνῶσαι, τὰς δέ οἱ ἵππους Tas? 
ὑπὸ τοῦ ἅρματος νεμομένας ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ 
ἀφανισθῆναι θείῃ τύχῃ. 

9. Ὡς 6 ἐγερθῆναι τὸν “Ἡρακλέα, δίζησθαι, 
πάντα δὲ τῆς χώρης ἐπεξελθόντα τέλος ἀπι- 
κέσθαι ἐς τὴν Ὑλαίην καλεομένην γῆν" ἐνθαῦτα 
δὲ αὐτὸν εὑρεῖν ἐν ἄντρῳ μιξοπάρθενον τινά, 
ἔχιδναν διφυέα, τῆς τὰ μὲν ἄνω ἀπὸ τῶν γλουτῶν 
εἶναι γυναικός, τὰ δὲ ἔνερθε ὄφιος. ἰδόντα δὲ καὶ 
θωμάσαντα ἐπειρέσθαι. pw εἶ κου ἴδοι ἵππους 
πλανωμένας" τὴν δὲ άναι ἑωυτὴν ἔχειν καὶ οὐκ 
ἀποδώσειν ἐκείνῳ πρὶν ἤ οἱ μιχθῇ" τὸν δὲ Ἥρα- 
κλέα μιχθῆναι ἐπὶ τῷ μισθῷ τούτῳ. κείνην τε 
δὴ ὑπερβάλλεσθαι τὴν ἀπόδοσιν τῶν ἵππων, 
βουλομένην ὡς πλεῖστον χρόνον συνεῖναι τῷ 
Ἡρακλέι, καὶ τὸν κομισάμενον ἐθέλειν ἀπαλ- 
λάσσεσθαι: τέλος δὲ ἀποδιδοῦσαν αὐτὴν εἰπεῖν 


1 [τάς] Stein. 
206 


BOOK IV. 8-9 


8. Such is the Scythians' account of themselves 
and the country north of them. But the story told 
by the Greeks is as follows. Heracles, driving the 
kine of Geryones, came to this land, which was then 
desert, but is now inhabited by the Scythians. 
Geryones dwelt westward of the Pontus, being 
settled in the island called by the Greeks Erythea, 
on the shore of the Ocean near Gadira, outside the 
pillars of Heracles. As for the Ocean, the Greeks 
say that it flows from the sun’s rising round the whole 
world, but they cannot prove that this is so. Heracles 
came thence to the country now called Scythia, where, 
meeting with wintry and frosty weather, he drew 
his lion’s skin over him and fell asleep, and while he 
slept his mares, that were grazing yoked to the 
chariot, were marvellously spirited away. 

9, When Heracles awoke he searched for them, 
visiting every part of the country, till at last he 
came to the land called the Woodland, and there he 
found in a cave a creature of double form that was 
half damsel and half serpent; above the buttocks 
she was a woman, below them a snake. When he 
saw her he was astonished, and asked her if she had 
anywhere seen his mares straying ; she said that she 
had them, and would not restore them to him before 
he had intercourse with her; which Heracles did, in 
hope of this reward. But though he was fain to 
take the horses and depart, she delayed to restore 
them, that she might have Heracles with her for as 
long as might be; at last she gave them back, saying 


1 Very far west, Gadira being identitied with Cadiz. 
207 


HERODOTUS 


ME ππους μὲν δὴ ταύτας ἀπικομένας ἐνθάδε 
ἔσωσά TOL ἐγώ, σῶστρά τε σὺ παρέσχες" ἐγὼ γὰρ 
ἐκ σεῦ τρεῖς παῖδας ë ἔχω. τούτους, ἐπεὰν γένων- 
ταί τρόφιες, ὅ τι χρὴ ποιέειν, ἐξηγέο σύ, εἴτε 
αὐτοῦ κατοικίξω (χώρης γὰρ τῆσδε ἔ ἔχω τὸ κράτος 
αὐτή) εἴτε ἀποπέμπω παρὰ σέ.᾽ τὴν μὲν δὴ 
ταῦτα ἐπειρωτᾶν, τὸν δὲ λέγουσι πρὸς ταῦτα 
εἰπεῖν “ Ἐπεὰν ἀνδρωθέντας ἴδῃ τοὺς παῖδας, 
τάδε ποιεῦσα οὐκ ἂν ἁμαρτάνοις' τὸν μὲν ἂν ὁρᾷς 
αὐτῶν τόδε τὸ τόξον ὧδε διατεινόμενον καὶ τῷ 
ζωστῆρι τῷδε κατὰ τάδε ἑωννύμενον, τοῦτον, μὲν 
τῆσδε τῆς χώρης οἰκήτορα ποιεῦ' ὃς δ᾽ ἂν τούτων 
τῶν ἔργων τῶν ἐντέλλομαι λείπηται, ἔκπεμπε ἐκ 
τῆς χώρης. καὶ ταῦτα ποιεῦσα αὐτή τε εὐφρανέαι 
καὶ τὰ ἐντεταλμένα. ποιήσεις.” 

10, Τὸν μὲν δὴ εἰρύσαντα τῶν τόξων τὸ ἕτερον 
(δύο γὰρ δὴ φορέειν τέως Ἡρακλέα) καὶ τὸν 
ζωστῆρα προδέξαντα, παραδοῦναι τὸ τόξον τε καὶ 
τὸν ζωστῆρα ἔχοντα ἐπ᾽ ἄκρης τῆς συμβολῆς 
γην χρυσέην, δόντα δὲ ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι. τὴν 

» ἐπεί οἱ γενομένους τοὺς παῖδας ἀνδρωθῆναι, 
τοῦτο μέν σφι οὐνόματα θέσθαι, τῷ μὲν ᾿Αγά- 
θυρσον αὐτῶν, τῷ δ᾽ ἑπομένῳ Γελωνόν, Σκύθην δὲ 
τῷ νεωτάτῳ, τοῦτο δὲ τῆς ἐπιστολῆς μεμνημένην 
αὐτὴν ποιῆσαι τὰ ἐντεταλμένα. καὶ .δὴ δύο μέν 
οἱ τῶν παίδων, τόν τε ᾿Αγάθυρσον καὶ τὸν Γελω- 
νόν, οὐκ οἵους τε γενομένους ἐξικέσθαι πρὸς τὸν 
προκείμενον. ἄεθλον, οἴχεσθαι ἐκ τῆς χώρης ἐκ- 
βληθέντας ὑπὸ τῆς γειναμένης, τὸν δὲ νεώτατον 
αὐτῶν Σκύθην ἐπιτελέσαντα καταμεῖναι ἐν τῇ 
χώρῃ. καὶ ἀπὸ μὲν Σκύθεω τοῦ Ἡρακλέος 
γενέσθαι τοὺς αἰεὶ βασιλέας γινομένους Σκυθέων, 


208 


BOOK IV. g-10 


to him, “These mares came, and I kept them safe 
here for you, and you have paid me for keeping 
them, for I have three sons by you. Do you now 
tell me what I must do' when they are grown big: 
shall 1 make them to dwell here (for I am the queen 
of this country), or shall I send them away to you?" 
Thus she inquired, and then (it is said) Heracles 
answered her: * When you see the boys grown to 
man's estate, act as I bid you and you will do rightly; 
whichever of them you see bending this bow thus 
and girding himself with this girdle, make him a 
dweller in this land; but whoever fails to achieve 
these tasks which I lay upon him, send him away out 
of the country. Thus do and you will yourself have 
comfort, and my bidding will be done." 

10. So he drew one of his bows (for till then 
Heracles ever bore two), and showed her the girdle, 
and delivered to her the bow and the girdle, that 
had a golden vessel on the end of its clasp; and, 
having given them, so departed. But she, when the 
sons born to her were grown men, gave them names, 
calling one of them Agathyrsus and the next Gelo- 
nus and the youngest Scythes; moreover, remem- 
bering the charge, she did as she was commanded. 
Two of her sons, Agathyrsus and Gelonus, not being 
able to achieve the appointed task, were cast out by 
their mother and left the country, but Scythes, the 
youngest, accomplished it and so abode in the land. 
From Scythes son of Heracles comes the whole line 
of the kings of Scythia; and it is because of the 

209 

VOL. II. E 


HERODOTUS 


ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς φιάλης € ἔτι καὶ ἐς τόδε φιάλας ἐκ τῶν 
ζωστήρων φορέειν Σκύθας" τὸ δὴ μοῦνον unya- 
νήσασθαι τὴν μητέρα Σκύθῃ.' ταῦτα δὲ Ελλήνων 
οἱ ud Πόντον οἰκέοντες λέγουσι. 

Ἔστι δὲ καὶ ἄλλος λόγος ἔχων ὧδε, τῷ 
places λεγομένῳ, αὐτὸς πρόσκειµαι, Σκύθας 
τοὺς νομάδας οἰκέοντας ἐν τῇ ᾿Ασίῃ, πολέμῳ 
πιεσθέντας ὑπὸ Μασσαγετέων, οἴχεσθαι δια- 
βάντας ποταμὸν ᾿Αράξην ἐπὶ γῆν τῆν Κιμμερίην 
(τὴν γὰρ νῦν νέμονται Σκύθαι, αὕτη λέγεται. τὸ 
παλαιὸν εἶναι Κιμμερίων), τοὺς δὲ Κιμμερίους 
ἐπιόντων Σκυθέων βουλεύεσθαι ὡς στρατοῦ ETL- 
όντος μεγάλου, καὶ δὴ τὰς γνώμας σφέων κεχω- 
ρισμένας, ἐντόνους μὲν ἀμφοτέρας, ἀμείνω δὲ τὴν 
τῶν βασιλέων: τὴν μὲν γὰρ δὴ τοῦ δήμου φέρειν 
γνώμην ὡς ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι πρῆγμα εἴη μηδὲ 
πρὸ σποδοῦ μένοντας κινδυνεύειν, τὴν δὲ τῶν 
βασιλέων διαμάχεσθαι περὶ τῆς χώρης τοῖσι 
ἐπιοῦσι. οὔκων δὴ ἐθέλειν πείθεσθαι οὔτε τοῖσι 
βασιλεῦσι τὸν. δῆμον οὔτε τῷ δήμῳ τοὺς βα- 
σιλέας" τοὺς μὲν δὴ ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι βουλεύεσθαι 
ἀμαχητὶ τὴν χώρην παραδόντας τοῖσι ἐπιοῦσι. 
τοῖσι δὲ βασιλεῦσι δόξαι € ἐν τῇ ἑωυτῶν κεῖσθαι ἀπο- 
θανόντας μηδὲ συμφεύγειν τῷ δήμῳ, λογισαμένους 
ὅσα τε ἀγαθὰ πεπόνθασι καὶ ὅσα φεύγοντας 
ἐκ τῆς πατρίδος κακὰ ἐπίδοξα καταλαμβάνειν. 
ὡς δὲ δόξαι σφι ταῦτα, διαστάντας καὶ ἀριθμὸν 
ἴσους γενομένους μάχεσθαι πρὸς ἀλλήλους. καὶ 


1 This is not intelligible {ο me. If τῇ μητέρι Σκύθην could 
be read, some sense might be obtained: Scythes, and he 
alone, contrived this (τόδε for τὸ δή, ''this" being the προ- 
κειμένος ἄεθλος) for his mother. 


210 


BOOK IV. το-τι 


vessel that the Scythians carry vessels on their 
girdles to this day. This alone his mother contrived 
for Scythes. Such is the tale told by. the Greek 
dwellers in Pontus. 

ll. There is yet another tale, to the tradition 
whereof I myself do especially incline. It is to this 
purport : The nomad Scythians inhabiting Asia, being 
hard pressed in war by the Massagetae, fled away 
across the river Araxes! to the Cimmerian country 
(for the country which the Scythians now inhabit is 
said to have belonged of old to the Cimmerians), and 
the Cimmerians, at the advance of the Scythians, 
took such counsel as behoved men threatened by a 
great host. Their opinions were divided; both were 
strongly held, but that of the princes was the more 
honourable ; for the commonalty deemed that their 
business was to withdraw themselves and that there 
was no need to risk their lives for the dust of the 
earth ; but the princes were for fighting to defend 
their country against the attackers. Neither side 
would be persuaded by the other, neither the people 
by the princes nor the princes by the people; the 
one part planned to depart without fighting and 
deliver the country to their enemies, but the princes 
were resolved to lie slain in their own country and 
not to flee with the people, for they considered how 
happy their state had been and what ills were like 
to come upon them if they fled from their native 
land. Being thus resolved they parted asunder into 
two equal bands and fought with each other till they 


1 Herodotus’ idea of the course of this river is uncertain ; 
cp. i. 202. He appears to extend the Araxes, which 
flowed from the west into the Caspian, into regions east 
of that sea. 


211 


P 


HERODOTUS 


A . > [4 / e νε ^ / 
τοὺς μὲν ἀποθανόντας πάντας ὑπ᾽ ἑωυτῶν θάψαι 
τὸν δῆμον τῶν Κιμμερίων παρὰ ποταμὸν Τύρην 
(καί σφεων ἔτι δῆλος ἐστὶ ὁ τάφος), θάψαντας δὲ 

e M y ? ^ , / / 
οὕτω τὴν ἔξοδον ἐκ τῆς χώρης ποιέεσθαι' Σκύθας 
δὲ ἐπελθόντας λαβεῖν τὴν χώρην ἐρήμην. 

19. Καὶ νῦν ἔστι μὲν ἐν τῇ Σκυθικῇ Κιμμέρια 

, vy / [4 vy \ ν 
τείχεα, ἔστι δὲ πορθμήια Κιμμέρια, ἔστι δὲ καὶ 

΄ » / » δὲ Bó K 
χώρη οὔνομα Κιμμερίη, ἔστι δὲ Βόσπορος Kiu- 
μέριος καλεόμενος: φαίνονται δὲ οἱ Κιμμέριοι 

A ? . , / \ / M 
φεύγοντες és τὴν ᾿Ασίην τοὺς Σκύθας καὶ τὴν 
χερσόνησον κτίσαντες, ἐν τῇ νῦν Σινώπη πόλις 
Ἑλλὰς οἴκισται. φανεροὶ δὲ εἰσὶ καὶ οἱ Σκύθαι 
διώξαντες αὐτοὺς καὶ ἐσβαλόντες ἐς γῆν τὴν Μη- 
δικήν, ἁμαρτόντες τῆς ὁδοῦ" οἱ μὲν γὰρ Κιμμέριοι 
αἰεὶ τὴν παρὰ θάλασσαν ἔφευγον, οἱ δὲ Σκύθαι 
3 ^ Ν ΄ y 207/7 ? Φ 
ἐν δεξιῇ τὸν Καύκασον ἔχοντες ἐδίωκον ἐς οὗ 
» 7 , ^ A , , [4 ^ 
ἐσέβαλον ἐς γῆν τὴν Μηδικήν, ἐς μεσόγαιαν τῆς 
ε ^ , e v~ . € [4 
0000 τραφθέντες. οὗτος δὲ ἄλλος ξυνὸς Ἑλλήνων 
τε καὶ βαρβάρων λεγόμενος λόγος εἴρηται. 

13. Ἔφη δὲ ᾿Δριστέης ὁ Καὐστροβίου ἀνὴρ 
Προκοννήσιος ποιέων ἔπεα, ἀπικέσθαι ἐς Ἴσση- 
δόνας φοιβόλαμπτος γενόμενος, ᾿Ισσηδόνων δὲ 
e , , M y 7 
ὑπεροικέειν ᾿Αριμασποὺς ἄνδρας µουνοφθάλμους, 
ὑπὲρ δὲ τούτων τοὺς χρυσοφύλακας γρῦπας, τού- 
των δὲ τοὺς Ὑπερβορέους κατήκοντας ἐπὶ θάλασ- 
σαν. τούτους ὧν πάντας πλὴν Ὑπερβορέων, 
ἀρξάντων ᾿Αριμασπῶν, αἰεὶ τοῖσι πλησιοχώροισι 
, / e N b] ^ , / 
ἐπιτίθεσθαι, καὶ ὑπὸ μὲν ᾿Αριμασπῶν ἐξωθέεσθαι 


212 


BOOK IV. 11-13 


were all slain by their own hands; then the com- 
monalty of the Cimmerians buried them by the river 
Tyres, where their tombs are still to be seen, and 
having buried them departed out of the land; and 
the country being empty, the Scythians came and 
took possession of it. 

12. And to this day there are in Scythia Cim- 
merian walls, and a Cimmerian ferry, and there is a 
country Cimmeria! and a strait named Cimmerian. 
Moreover, it is clearly seen that the Cimmerians in 
their flight from the Scythians into Asia did also 
make a colony on the peninsula where now the 
Greek city of Sinope has been founded; and it is 
manifest that the Scythians pursued after them and 
invaded Media, missing their way; for the Cimme- 
rians ever fled by the way of the coast, and the 
Scythians pursued with the Caucasus on their right 
till where they came into the Median land, turning 
inland on their way. I have now related this other 
tale, which is told alike by Greeks and foreigners. 

13. There is also a story related by Aristeas son 
of Caystrobius, a man of Proconnesus and a poet. 
This Aristeas, being then possessed by Phoebus, 
visited the Issedones; beyond these (he said) dwell 
the one-eyed Arimaspians, beyond whom are the 
griffins that guard gold, and beyond these again the 
Hyperboreans, whose territory. reaches to the sea. 
Except the Hyperboreans, all these nations (and first _ 
the Arimaspians) ever make war upon their neigh- 
bours ; the Issedones were pushed from their lands 


1 The name survives in ‘‘Crimea.” The *''Cimmerian 
ferry” is probably the narrow entrance of the Sea of Azov. 

For some notice of geographical difficulties here and 
elsewhere in this Book, see the introduction to this volume. 


213 


HERODOTUS 


ἐκ τῆς χώρης Ἰσσηδόνας, ὑπὸ δὲ ᾿Ισσηδόνων 
Σκύθας, Κιμμερίους δὲ οἰκέοντας ἐπὶ τῇ νοτίῃ 
θαλάσσῃ ἱ ὑπὸ Σκυθέων πιεζομένους ἐκλείπειν τὴν 
χώρην. οὕτω οὐδὲ οὗτος συμφέρεται περὶ τῆς 
χώρης ταύτης Σκύθῃσι. 

14. Καὶ ὅθεν μὲν ἦν ᾿Αριστέης ὁ ταῦτα εἴπας, 
εἴρηκα, τὸν δὲ περὶ αὐτοῦ ἤκουον λόγον ἐν Προκον- 
νήσῳ καὶ Κυξίκῳ, λέξω. ᾿Αριστέην γὰρ λέγουσι, 
ἐόντα τῶν ἀστῶν οὐδενὸς γένος ὑποδεέστερον, ἐσελ.- 
θόντα ἐς κναφήιον ἐν Προκοννήσῳ ἀποθανεῖν, καὶ 
τὸν κναφέα κατακληίσαντα τὸ ἐργαστήριον οἴχε- 
σθαι ἀγγελέοντα τοῖσι προσήκουσι τῷ νεκρῷ. 
ἐσκεδασμένου δὲ ἤδη τοῦ λόγου ἀνὰ τὴν πόλιν ὡς 
τεθνεὼς εἴη ὁ ᾿Αριστέης, ἐς ἀμφισβασίας τοῖσι 
λέγουσι ἀπικνέεσθαι ἄνδρα Κυξικηνὸν ý ἥκοντα ἐξ 
᾿Αρτάκης πόλιος, φάντα συντυχεῖν τέ οἱ ἰόντι ἐπὶ 
Κυζίκου καὶ ἐς λόγους ἀπικέσθαι. καὶ τοῦτον μὲν 
ἐντεταμένως ἀμφιόβατέειν, τοὺς δὲ προσήκοντας 
τῷ νεκρῷ ἐπὶ τὸ κναφήιον παρεῖναι ἔχοντας τὰ 
πρόσφορα ὡς ἀναιρησομένους" ἀνοιχθέντος. δὲ τοῦ 
οἰκήματος οὔτε τεθνεῶτα οὔτε ζῶντα φαίνεσθαι 
᾿Αριστέην. μετὰ δὲ -ἑβδόμ ἔτεϊ φανέντα αὐτὸν 
ἐς Προκόννησον ποιῆσαι τὰ ἔπεα ταῦτα τὰ νῦν 
ὑπ᾽ Ἑλλήνων ᾿Αριμάσπεα καλέεται, ποιήσαντα δὲ 
ἀφανισθῆναι τὸ δεύτερον. 

15. Ταῦτα μὲν αἱ πόλιες αὗται λέγουσι, τάδε 
δὲ οἶδα Μεταποντίνοισι τοῖσι ἐν Irain συγκυ- 
ρήσαντα μετὰ τὴν ἀφάνισιν τὴν δευτέρην ᾿Αριστέω 
ἔτεσι τεσσεράκοντα καὶ διηκοσίοισι, ὡς ἐγὼ ovu- 
βαλλόμενος ἐν Προκοννήσῳ τε καὶ Μεταποντίῳ 
εὕρισκον. Μεταποντῖνοι φασὶ αὐτὸν ᾿Αριστέην 
φανέντα σφι ἐς τὴν χώρην κελεῦσαι βωμὸν ᾿Απόλ- 


214 


BOOK IV. 13-15 


by the Arimaspians, and the Scythians by the Isse- 
dones, and the Cimmerians, dwelling by the southern 
sea, were hard pressed by the Scythians and left 
their country. Thus neither does Aristeas’ story 
agree concerning this country with the Scythian 
account. 

14. Whence Aristeas came who wrote this I have 
already said ; I will now tell the story which I heard 
concerning him at Proconnesus and Cyzicus. It is 
said that this Aristeas, who was as nobly born as any 
of his townsmen, went into a fuller's shop at Pro- 
connesus and there died; the fuller shut his work- 
shop and went away to tell the dead man's kinsfolk, 
and the report of Aristeas' death being now spread 
about in the city, it was disputed by a man of Cyzicus, 
who had come from the town of Artace,! and said 
that he had met Aristeas going towards Cyzicus and 
spoken with him. While he vehemently disputed, 
the kinsfolk of the dead man had come to the fuller's 
shop with all that was needful for burial; but when 
the house was opened there was no Aristeas there, 
dead oralive. But in the seventh year after that 
Aristeas appeared at Proconnesus and made that 
poem which the Greeks now call the Arimaspea, 
after which he vanished once again. 

15. Such is the tale told in these two towns. 
But this, I know, befell the Metapontines in Italy, 
two hundred and forty years after the second 
disappearance of Aristeas, as reckoning made at 
Proconnesus and Metapontium shows me: Aristeas, 
so the Metapontines say, appeared in their country 
and bade them set up an altar to Apollo, and set 


1 A Milesian colony, the port of Cyzicus. 


215 


HERODOTUS 


λωνος ἱδρύσασθαι καὶ ᾿Αριστέω τοῦ Προκοννησίου 
ἐπωνυμίην ἔχοντα ἀνδριάντα παρ αὐτὸν ἱστάναι" 
φάναι γάρ σφι τὸν Απόλλωνα Ιταλιωτέων μού- 
νοισι δὴ ἀπικέσθαι ἐς τὴν χώρην, καὶ αὐτός οἱ 
ἕπεσθαι ὁ νῦν ἐὼν ᾿Αριστέης' τότε δέ, ὅτε εἵπετο 
τῷ θεῷ, εἶναι κόραξ. καὶ τὸν μὲν εἰπόντα ταῦτα 
ἀφανισθῆναι, σφέας δὲ Μεταποντῖνοι λέγουσι ἐς 
Δελφοὺς πέμψαντας τὸν θεὸν ἐπειρωτᾶν ὅ τι τὸ 
φάσμα τοῦ ἀνθρώπου εἴη. τὴν δὲ Πυθίην σφέας 
κελεύειν πείθεσθαι τῷ φάσματι, πειθομένοισι δὲ 
ἄμεινον συνοίσεσθαι. καὶ σφέας δεξαμένους ταῦτα 
ποιῆσαι ἐπιτελέα. καὶ νῦν ἕστηκε ἀνδριὰς ἐπω- 
νυμίην ἔχων ᾿Αριστέω παρ᾽ αὐτῷ τῷ ἀγάλματι 
τοῦ ᾿Απόλλωνος, πέριξ δὲ αὐτὸν δάφναι ἑστᾶσι: 
τὸ δὲ ἄγαλμα ἐν τῇ ἀγορῇ ἵδρυται. ᾿Αριστέω μέν 
νυν πέρι τοσαῦτα εἰρήσθω. 

16. Τῆς δὲ γῆς, τῆς πέρι ὅδε ὁ λόγος ὅρμηται 
λέγεσθαι, οὐδεὶς olde ἀτρεκέως ὅ.τι τὸ κατύπερθε 
ἐστί: οὐδενὸς γὰρ δὴ αὐτόπτεω εἰδέναι φαμένου 
δύναμαι πυθέσθαι" οὐδὲ γὰρ οὐδὲ ᾿Αριστέης, τοῦ 
περ ὀλίγῳ πρότερον τούτων μνήμην ἐποιεύμην, 
οὐδὲ οὗτος προσωτέρω ᾿Ισσηδόνων ἐν αὐτοῖσι τοῖσι 
ἔπεσι ποιέων ἔφησε ἀπικέσθαι, ἀλλὰ τὰ κατύ- 
περθε ἔλεγε ἀκοῇ, φὰς ᾿Ισσηδόνας εἶναι τοὺς ταῦτα 
λέγοντας. ἀλλ ὅσον μὲν ἡμεῖς ἀτρεκέως ἐπὶ 
μακρότατον οἷοί τε ἐγενόμεθα ἀκοῇ ἐξικέσθαι, πᾶν 
εἰρήσεται. 

17. ᾿Απὸ τοῦ Βορυσθενεϊτέων ἐμπορίου (τοῦτο 
γὰρ τῶν παραθαλασσίων μεσαίτατον ἐστὶ πάσης 
τῆς Σκυθίης), ἀπὸ τούτου πρῶτοι Καλλιππίδαι 
νέμονται ἐόντες “Ελληνες Σκύθαι, ὑπὲρ δὲ τούτων 
ἄλλο ἔθνος o? ᾿Αλαξόνες καλέονται. οὗτοι δὲ καὶ 


216 


BOOK IV. 15-17 


beside it a statue bearing the name of Aristeas 
the Proconnesian ; for, he said, Apollo had come to 
their country alone of all Italiot lands, and he him- 
self—who was now Aristeas, but then when he 
followed the god had been a crow—had come with 
him. Having said this, he vanished away. The 
Metapontines, so they say, sent to Delphi and in- 
quired of the god what the vision of the man might 
be; and the Pythian priestess bade them obey the 
vision, saying that their fortune would be the better ; 
having received which answer they did as com- 
manded. And now there stands beside the very 
image of Apollo a statue bearing the name of 
Aristeas ; a grove of laurels surrounds it; the image 
is set in the market-place. Suffice it then that I 
have said thus much of Aristeas. 

16. As for the land of which my history has begun 
to speak, no one exactly knows what lies northward 
of it; for I can learn from none who claims to know 
as an eyewitness. For even Aristeas, of whom I 
lately made mention—even he did not claim to have 
gone beyond the Issedones, no, not even in his poems ; 
but he spoke of what lay northward by hearsay ; say- 
ing that the Issedones had so told him. But as far 
as we have been able to hear an exact report of the 
farthest lands, all shall be set forth. 

17. Northward of the port of the Borysthenites,} 
which lies midway in the coastline of all Scythia, the 
first inhabitants are the Callippidae, who are Scythian 
Greeks; and beyond them another tribe called 
Alazones ; these and the Callippidae, though in other 


1 Another Milesian colony, called by Greeks generally 
Olbia (the Fortunate) or Miletopolis; it was the most ime 
portant Greek centre north of the Euxine. 


217 


HERODOTUS 


οἱ Καλλιππίδαι τὰ μὲν ἄλλα κατὰ ταὐτὰ Σκύθῃσι 
ἐπασκέουσι, σῖτον δὲ καὶ σπείρουσι Kal σιτέονται, 
καὶ | κρόμμυα καὶ σκόροδα καὶ φακοὺς καὶ κέγχρους. 
ὑπὲρ δὲ ᾿Αλαξόνων οἰκέουσι Σκύθαι ἀροτῆρες, ot 
οὐκ. ἐπὶ σιτήσι σπείρουσι τὸν σῖτον ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ 
πρήσι. τούτων δὲ κατύπερθε οἰκέουσι Νευροί. 
Νευρῶν δὲ τὸ πρὸς βορέην ἄνεμον ἔρημον ἀνθρώ- 
πων, ὅσον ἡμεῖς. ἴδμεν. 

18. Ταῦτα μὲν παρὰ τὸν "Ὕπανιν ποταμόν ἐστι 
ἔθνεα πρὸς ἑσπέρης τοῦ Βορυσθένεος ἀτὰρ òia- 
βάντι τὸν Βορυσθένεα ἀπὸ θαλάσσης πρῶτον μὲν 
ἡ Ὑλαίη, ἆ ἀπὸ δὲ ταύτης ἄνω ἰόντι οἰκέουσι Σκύθαι 
γεωργοί, Tous” EXAnves οἱ οἰκέοντες ἐπὶ τῷ Ὑπάνι 
ποταμῷ καλέουσι Βορυσθενεΐτας, σφέας δὲ αὐτοὺς 
᾿Ὀλβιοπολύτας. οὗτοι ὧν οἱ γεωργοὶ Σκύθαι 
νέμονται τὸ μὲν πρὸς τὴν ἠῶ ἐπὶ τρεῖς ἡμέρας 
ὁδοῦ, κατήκοντες ἐπὶ ποταμὸν τῷ οὔνομα κεῖται 
Παντικάπης, τὸ δὲ πρὸς Βορέην ἄνεμον πλόον ἀνὰ 
τὸν Βορυσθένεα ἡμερέων ἕνδεκα. ἤδη δὲ κατύ- 
περθε τούτων ἡ ἔρημος ἐστὶ ἐπὶ πολλόν. μετὰ 
δὲ τὴν ἔρημον ᾿Ανδροφάγοι οἰκέουσι, ἔθνος ἐὸν 
ἴδιον καὶ οὐδαμῶς Σκυθικόν. τὸ δὲ τούτων κατύ- 
περθε ἔρημον ἤδη ἀληθέως καὶ ἔθνος ἀνθρώπων 
οὐδέν, ὅσον ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν. 

19. Τὸ δὲ πρὸς τὴν. ἠῶ τῶν γεωργῶν τούτων 
Σκυθέων, διαβάντι τὸν Παντικάπην ποταμόν, 
νομάδες ἤδη Σκύθαι νέμονται, οὔτε τι σπείροντες 
οὐδὲν οὔτε ἀροῦντες’ ψιλὴ δὲ δενδρέων 7 πᾶσα 
αὕτη. πλὴν τῆς Ὑλαίης. οἱ δὲ νομάδες οὗτοι τὸ πρὸς 
τὴν ἠῶ ἡμερέων τεσσέρων καὶ δέκα ὁδὸν νέμονται 
χώρην κατατείνουσαν ἐπὶ ποταμὸν Γέρρον. 

20. Πέρην δὲ τοῦ Γέρρου ταῦτα δὴ τὰ καλεύ- 
218 


BOOK IV. 17-20 


matters they live like the Scythians, sow and eat 
corn, and onions, garlic, lentils, and millet. Above 
the Alazones dwell Scythian tillers of the land, who 
sow corn not for eating but for selling; north of 
these, the Neuri; to the north of the Neuri the 
land is uninhabited so far as we know. 

18. These are the tribes by the river Hypanis,! 
westwards of the Borysthenes. But on the other 
side of the Borysthenes the tribe nearest to the 
sea is the tribe of the Woodlands; and north of 
these dwell Scythian farmers, whom the Greek 
dwellers on the Hypanis river (who call them- 
selves Olbiopolitae) call Borystheneitae. These 
farming Scythians inhabit a land stretching east- 
ward a three days' journey to a river called Pan- 
ticapes,? and northward as far as an eleven days’ 
voyage up the Borysthenes; and north of these the 
land is uninhabited for a long way; after which 
desert is the country of the Man-eaters, who are a 
nation by themselves and by no means Scythian ; 
and beyond them is true desert, wherein no nation 
of men dwells, as far as we know. 

19. But to the east of these farming Scythians, 
cross the river Panticapes, and you are in the land 
of nomad Scythians, who sow nothing, nor plough ; 
and all these lands except the Woodlands are bare 
of trees. These nomads inhabit to the eastward a 
country that stretches fourteen days’ journey to the 
river Gerrus.? 

20. Across the Gerrus are those lands called 


! The Bug. 2 Not identified. 3 Not identified. 
219 


HERODOTUS 


μενα βασιλήια ἐστὶ καὶ Σκύθαι οἱ ἄριστοί τε καὶ 
πλεῖστοι καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους νομίζοντες Σκύθας δού- 
λους σφετέρους εἶναι" κατήκουσι δὲ οὗτοι τὸ μὲν 
πρὸς μεσαμβρίην ἐ ἐς τὴν Ταυρικήν, τὸ δὲ πρὸς ἠῶ 
ἐπί τε τάφρον, τὴν δὴ οἱ ἐκ τῶν τυφλῶν γενόμενοι 
ὤρυξαν, καὶ ἐπὶ τῆς λίμνης τῆς Μαιήτιδος τὸ 
ἐμπόριον τὸ καλέεται Κρημνοί' τὰ δὲ αὐτῶν kath- 
κουσι ἐπὶ ποταμὸν Τάναϊν. τὰ δὲ κατύπερθε 
πρὸς Βορέην à ἄνεμον τῶν βασιληίων Σκυθέων οἰκέ- 
ουσι Μελάγχλαινοι, ἄλλο ἔθνος καὶ οὐ Σκυθικόν. 
Μελαγχλαίνων δὲ τὸ κατύπερθε λύμναι καὶ ἔρημο: 
ἐστὶ ἀνθρώπων, κατόσον ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν. 

21. Τάναϊν δὲ ποταμὸν. διαβάντι οὐκέτι Σκυ- 
θική, ἀλλ᾽ 7 μὲν πρώτη τῶν λαξίων Σαυροματέων 
ἐστί, οἳ ἐκ τοῦ μυχοῦ ἀρξάμενοι τῆς Μαιήτιδος 
λύμνης νέμονται τὸ πρὸς βορέην ἄνεμον ἡμερέων 
πεντεκαίδεκα ὁδόν, πᾶσαν ἐοῦσαν ψιλὴν καὶ 
ἀγρίων καὶ ἡμέρων δενδρέων" ὑπεροικέουσι δὲ 
τούτων δευτέρην λάξιν ἔ ἔχοντες Βουδῖνοι, γῆν νεμό- 
μενοι πᾶσαν δασέαν ὕλῃ παντοίῃ. 

22. Βουδίνων δὲ .κατύπερθε πρὸς Βορέην ἐστὶ 
πρώτη μὲν ἔρημος ἐπ᾽ ἡμερέων ἑπτὰ ὁδόν, μετὰ δὲ 
τὴν ἔρημον ἀποκλίνοντι μᾶλλον πρὸς ἀπηλιώτην 
ἄνεμον νέμονται Θυσσαγέται, ἔθνος πολλὸν καὶ 
ἴδιον" ξῶσι δὲ ἀπὸ θήρης. συνεχέες δὲ τούτοισι 
ἐν τοῖσι αὐτοῖσι τὀποισι .κατοικημένοι εἰσὶ τοῖσι 
οὔνομα κεῖται Ἰύρκαι, καὶ οὗτοι ἀπὸ θήρης ζῶντες 
τρόπῳ τοιῷδε" λοχᾷ ἐπὶ δένδρεον ἀναβάς, τὰ δὲ 
ἐστὶ πυκνὰ ἀνὰ πᾶσαν τὴν χώρην" ἵππος δὲ 
ἑκάστῳ δεδιδαγμένος ἐπὶ γαστέρα κεῖσθαι ταπει- 
VOTHTOS εἵνεκα ἕτοιμος ἐστὶ καὶ κύων" ἐπεὰν δὲ 
ἀπίδῃ τὸ θηρίον ἀπὸ τοῦ δενδρέου, τοξεύσας ἐπι- 


220 


BOOK IV. 20-22 


Royal, where are the best and most in number 
of the Scythians, who deem all other Scythians their 
slaves; their territory stretches southward to the 
Tauric land, and eastward to the fosse that was 
dug by the sons of the blind men, and on the 
Maeetian lake to the port called The Cliffs}; 
and part of it stretches to the river Tanais. Above 
the Royal Scythians to the north dwell the Black- 
cloaks, who are of another and not a Scythian 
stock; and beyond the Blackcloaks the.land is 
all marshes and uninhabited by men, so far as 
we know. 

21. Across the Tanais it is no longer Scythia; the 
first of the divisions belongs to the Sauromatae, whose 
country begins at the inner end of the Maeetian lake 
and stretches fifteen days’ journey to the north, and 
is all bare of both forest and garden trees. Above 
these in the second division dwell the Budini, in- 
habiting a country thickly overgrown with trees of 
all kinds. 

22. Northward of the Budini the land is unin- 
habited for seven days' journey; after this desert, 
and somewhat more towards the east wind, dwell 
the Thyssagetae, a numerous and a separate nation, 
living by the chase. Adjoining these and in the 
same country dwell the people called Iyrkae ; these 
also live by the chase, in such manner as I will show. 
The hunter climbs a tree, and there sits ambushed ; 
for trees grow thick all over the land ; and each man 
has his horse at hand, trained to couch upon its 
. belly for lowliness' sake, and his dog; and when he 
, marks the quarry from the tree, he shoots with the 


! Apparently on the west coast of the Sea of Azov; 
cp. 110. 


221 


HERODOTUS 


Bas ἐπὶ τὸν ἵππον διώκει, καὶ ὁ κύων ἔχεται. 
ὑπὲρ δὲ τούτων τὸ πρὸς τὴν ἠῶ ἀποκλίνοντι οἰκέ- 
ουσι Σκύθαι ἄλλοι, ἀπὸ τῶν. βασιληίων Σκυθέων 
ἀποστάντες καὶ οὕτω ἀπικόμενοι ἐς τοῦτον τὸν 
χῶρον. 

23. Mé p. μὲν δὴ τῆς τούτων τῶν Σκυθέων 
χώρης ἐστὶ ἡ καταλε θεῖσα πᾶσα πεδιάς τε γῆ 
καὶ βαθύγαιος, τὸ ὃ ἀπὸ τούτου λιθώδης T ἐστὶ 
καὶ τρηχέα., διεξελθόντι δὲ καὶ τῆς τρηχέης χώρης 
πολλὸν οἰκέουσι ὑπώρεαν ὀρέων ὑψηλῶν à ἄνθρωποι 
λεγόμενοι εἶναι πάντες φαλακροὶ ἐ ἐκ γενετῆς γινό- 
μενου, καὶ ἔρσενες καὶ θήλεαι ὁμοίως, καὶ σιμοὶ 
καὶ γένεια ἔχοντες μεγάλα, φωνὴν δὲ ἰδίην ἱ ἱέντες, 
ἐσθῆτι δὲ χρεώμενοι Σκυθικῇ, ζῶντες δὲ ἀπὸ 
δενδρέων. ποντικὸν μὲν οὔνομα τῷ δενδρέῳ ἀπ 
οὗ ζῶσι, μέγαθος δὲ κατὰ συκέην μάλιστά κη. 
καρπὸν δὲ φορέει κυάμφ ἴσον, πυρῆνα δὲ ἔχει. 
τοῦτο ἐπεὰν γένηται πέπον, σακκέουσι ἱματίοισι, 
ἀπορρέει δὲ ἀπ᾽ αὐτοῦ παχὺ καὶ μέλαν" οὔνομα 
δὲ τῷ ἀπορρέοντι ἐστὶ ἄσχυ' τοῦτο καὶ λεί ουσι 
καὶ γάλακτι συμμίσγοντες πίνουσι, καὶ ἀπὸ τῆς 
παχύτητος αὐτοῦ τῆς τρυγὸς παλάθας συντιθεῖσι 
καὶ ταύτας σιτέονται. πρόβατα γάρ σφι οὐ 

πολλά ἐστι' οὗ γάρ τι σπουδαῖαι αἱ νομαὶ αὐτόθι 
εἰσί. ὑπὸ δενδρέῳ δὲ ἕκαστος κατοίκηται, τὸν 
μὲν χειμῶνα ἐπεὰν τὸ δένδρεον περικαλύψῃ πίλῳ 
στεγνῷ λευκῷ, τὸ δὲ θέρος ἄνευ πίλου. τούτους 
οὐδεὶς ἀδικέει ἀνθρώπων" ἱροὶ γὰρ λέγονται εἶναι" 
οὐδέ τι ἀρήιον ὅπλον ἐκτέαται. καὶ τοῦτο μὲν 
τοῖσι περιοικέουσι οὗτοι εἰσὶ οἱ τὰς διαφορὰς 


222 


i 


BOOK IV. 22-23 


bow and mounts his horse and pursues after it, till 
the dog grips the prey. Beyond these and sómewhat 
towards the east dwell Scythians again, who revolted 
from the Royal Scythians and so came to this country. 

23. As far as the country of these Scythians all 
the aforesaid land is level and its soil is deep; but 
thereafter it is stony and rough. After a long 
passage through this rough country, there are men 
inhabiting the foothills of high mountains, who are 
said to be all bald from their birth (male and female 
alike) and snub-nosed and with long beards; they 
speak a tongue of their own, and wear Scythian 
raiment, and their fare comes from trees. _ The tree 
wherefrom they live is called “ Pontic” ; it is about 
the size of a fig-tree, and bears a fruit as big as a 
bean, with a stone in it. When this fruit is ripe, 
they strain it through cloth, and a thick black 
liquid flows from it, which they call *aschu"'!; 
they lick this up or mix it with milk for drinking, 
and of the thickest of the lees of it they make cakes, 
and eat them. For they have but few of smaller 
cattle, the pasture in their land not being good. 
They dwell each man under a tree, covering it in 
winter with a white felt cloth, but using no felt in 
summer. These people are wronged by no man, for 
they are said to be sacred; nor have they any 
weapon of war. These are they who judge in the 
quarrels between their neighbours ; moreover, what- 


1 The fruit of the ‘‘ Prunus Padus” is said to be made by 
the Cossacks into a drink called ‘‘ atschi.” 


223 


HERODOTUS 


διαιρέοντες, τοῦτο δὲ ὃς ἂν φεύγων καταφύγῃ ἐς 
τούτους, ὑπ οὐδενὸς ἀδικέεται. οὔνομα δέ σφι 
ἐστὶ ᾿Αργιππαῖοι. 

24, Μέχρι μέν νυν τῶν φαλακρῶν τούτων 
πολλὴ περιφανείη τῆς χώρης ἐστὶ κα τῶν ἔμπρο- 
σθε ἐθνέων' καὶ γὰρ Σκυθέων τινὲς ἀπικνέονται 
ἐς αὐτούς, τῶν οὐ χαλεπόν ἐστι πυθέσθαι καὶ 
Ἑλλήνων τῶν ἐκ Βορυσθένεός τε ἐμπορίου καὶ 
τῶν ἄλλων Ποντικῶν ἐμπορίων" Σκυθέων δὲ οἳ ἂν 
ἔλθωσι ἐς αὐτούς, δι’ ἑπτὰ ἑρμηνέων καὶ δι’ ἑπτὰ 
γλωσσέων διαπρήσσονται. 

25. Μέχρι μὲν δὴ τούτων γινώσκεται, τὸ δὲ τῶν 
φαλακ Gv κατύπερθε οὐδεὶς ἆ ἀτρεκέως οἶδε φράσαι. 
ὄρεα γὰρ ὑψηλὰ à ἀποτάμνει ἄβατα καὶ οὐδείς σφεα 
ὑπερβαίνει. οἱ δὲ φαλακροὶ οὗτοι λέγουσι, ἐμοὶ 
μὲν οὐ πιστὰ λέγοντες, οἰκέειν τὰ ὄρεα αἰγίποδας 
ἄνδρας, ὑπερβάντι δὲ τούτους ἀνθρώπους. ἄλλους 
οἳ τὴν ἑξάμηνον κατεύδουσι. τοῦτο δὲ οὐκ ἐνδέ- 
κομαι τὴν ἀρχήν, ἀλλὰ τὸ μὲν πρὸς ἠῶ τῶν 
φαλακρῶν γινώσκεται ἀτρεκέως ὑπὸ Ἰσσηδόνων 
οἰκεόμενον, τὸ μέντοι κατύπερθε πρὸς βορέην 
ἄνεμον οὐ γινώσκεται οὔτε τῶν φαλακρῶν οὔτε 
τῶν Ἰσσηδόνων, εἰ μὴ ὅσα αὐτῶν τούτων λεγόντων. 

26. Νόμοισι δὲ ᾿Ισσηδόνες τοῖσιδε λέγονται 
χρᾶσθαι. — ἐπεὰν ἀνδρὶ ἀποθάνῃ πατήρ, οἱ προσ- 
NKOVTES πάντες προσάγουσι πρόβατα, καὶ ἔπειτα 
ταῦτα θύσαντες καὶ καταταμόντες τὰ κρέα κατα- 
τάμνουσι καὶ τὸν τοῦ δεκομένου τεθνεῶτα γονέα, 
ἀναμίξαντες δὲ πάντα τὰ κρέα δαῖτα προτίθενται" 
τὴν δὲ κεφαλὴν αὐτοῦ γιλώσαντες καὶ ἐκκαθή- 
pavres καταχρυσοῦσι καὶ ἔπειτα ἅτε ἀγάλματι 
χρέωνται, θυσίας μεγάλας ἐπετείους ἐπιτελέοντες. 
224 


BOOK ΙΥ. 21-26 


ever banished man has taken refuge with them is 
wronged by none. They are called Argippeans. 

24. Now as far as the land of these bald men we 
have full knowledge of the country and the nation 
on the hither side of them ; for some of the Scythians 
make their way to them, from whom it is easy to 
get knowledge, and from some too of the Greeks 
from the Borysthenes port and the other ports of 
Pontus; such Scythians as visit them do their 
business with seven interpreters and in seven 
languages. | 

20. So far then as these men this country is 
known; but, for what lies beyond the bald men, no 
one can speak with exact knowledge ; for mountains 
high and impassable bar the way, and no man crosses 
them. These bald men say (but for my part I 
believe them not) that the mountains are inhabited 
by men with goats’ feet; and that beyond these 
again are men who sleep for six months of the 
twelve. This I cannot at all accept for true. But the 
country east of the bald-heads is known for certain 
to be inhabited by the Issedones ; howbeit, of what 
lies northward either of the bald-heads or the 
Issedones we have no knowledge, save what comes 
from the report of these latter. 

26. It is said to be the custom of the Issedones, 
that whenever a man's father dies, all the nearest of 
kin bring beasts of the flock, and having killed these 
and cut up the flesh they cut up also the dead 
father of their host, and set out all the flesh mingled 
together for a feast. As for his head, they strip it 
bare and cleanse and gild it, and keep it for a sacred 
relic, whereto they offer yearly solemn sacrifice. Every 


225 


VOL. II. Q 


HERODOTUS 


παῖς δὲ πατρὶ τοῦτο ποιέει, κατά περ EXANVES τὰ 
γενέσια. ἄλλως δὲ δίκαιοι καὶ οὗτοι λέγονται εἶναι, 
ἰσοκρατέες δὲ ὁμοίως αἱ γυναῖκες τοῖσι ἀνδράσι. 
27. Γινώσκονται μὲν δὴ καὶ οὗτοι, τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ 
τούτων τὸ κατύπερθε Ἰσσηδόνες εἰσὶ οἱ λέγοντες 
μουνοφθάλμους ἀνθρώπους καὶ χρυσοφύλακας 
γρῦπας εἶναι' παρὰ δὲ τούτων Σκύθαι παραλα- 
βόντες λέγουσι, παρὰ δὲ Σκυθέων ἡμεῖς οἱ ἄλλοι 
νενομίκαμεν καὶ ὀνομάζομεν αὐτοὺς σκυθιστὶ 
᾿Αριμασπούς' pipa γὰρ ἓν καλέουσι Σκύθαι, 
σποῦ δὲ ὀφθαλμόν. 
. 28. Δυσχείμερος δὲ αὕτη ἡ καταλεχθεῖσα πᾶσα 
χώρη οὕτω δή τι ἐστί, ἔνθα τοὺς μὲν ὀκτὼ τῶν 
μηνῶν ἀφόρητος οἷος γίνεται κρυμός, ἐν τοῖσι ὕδωρ 
ἐκχέας πηλὸν οὐ ποιήσεις, πῦρ δὲ ἀνακαίων ποιή- 
σεις πηλόν! ἡ δὲ θάλασσα πήγνυται καὶ ὁ 
Βόσπορος πᾶς ὁ Κιμμέριος, καὶ ἐπὶ τοῦ κρυ- 
στάλλου οἱ ἐντὸς τάφρου Σκύθαι κατοικημένοι 
στρατεύονται καὶ τὰς ἁμάξας ἐπελαύνουσι πέρην 
ἐς τοὺς Σίνδους. οὕτω μὲν δὴ τοὺς ὀκτὼ μῆνας 
διατελέει χειμὼν ἐών, τοὺς δ᾽ ἐπιλοίπους τέσσερας 
ψύχεα αὐτόθι ἐστί. κεχώρισται δὲ οὗτος ὁ χειμὼν 
τοὺς τρόπους πᾶσι τοῖσι ἐν ἄλλοισι χωρίοισι 
γινομένοισι χειμῶσι, ἐν τῷ τὴν μὲν ὡραίην οὐκ 
Čet λόγου ἄξιον οὐδέν, τὸ δὲ θέρος ὕων οὐκ ἀνιεῖ 
βρονταί τε ἦμος τῇ ἄλλη γίνονται, τηνικαῦτα μὲν 
οὐ γίνονται, θέρεος δὲ ἀμφιλαφέες' ἣν δὲ χειμῶνος 
βροντὴ γένηται, ὡς τέρας νενόμισται θωμάξεσθαι. 
ὣς δὲ καὶ ἦν σεισμὸς γένηται ἤν τε θέρεος ἤν τε 
χειμῶνος ἐν τῇ Σκυθικῇ, τέρας νενόμισται. ἵπποι 
δὲ ἀνεχόμενοι φέρουσι τὸν χειμῶνα τοῦτον, ἡμίονοι 
1 [πηλόν] Stein. 
220 


BOOK IV. 26-28 


son does so by his father, even as the Greeks 
in their festivals in honour of the dead. For 
the rest, these also are said to be a law-abiding 
people; and the women have equal power with 
the men. | l 

27. Of these then also we have knowledge; but 
for what is northward of them, it is from the Isse- 
dones that the tale comes of the one-eyed men and 
the gritfins that guard gold; this is told: by the 
Scythians, who have heard it from them; and we 
again have taken it for true from the Scythians, and 
call these people by the Scythian name, Arimaspians ; ` 
for in the Scythian tongue arima is one, and spou 
is the eye. 

28. All this aforementioned country is exceed- 
ing cold; for eight months of every year there is 
frost unbearable, and in these you shall not make 
mud by pouring out water but by lighting a fire ; 
the sea freezes, and all the Cimmerian Bosporus ; 
and the Scythians dwelling this side of the fosse 
lead armies over the ice, and drive their wains across 
to the land of the Sindi. So it is ever winter for 
eight months, and it is cold in that country for the 
four that remain. Here is a winter of a different 
sort from the winters that come in other lands; for 
in the season for rain there falls scarce any, but for 
all the summer there is rain unceasing ; and when 
there are thunderstorms in other lands, here there 
are none, but in summer there is great plenty of . 
them; if there come a thunderstorm in winter they 
are wont to marvel at it for a portent. And so too 
if there come an earthquake, be it in summer or 
winter, it is esteemed a portent in Scythia. Horses 
have endurance to bear the Scythian winter, mules 


227 
Q 2 


HERODOTUS 


δὲ οὐδὲ ὄνοι οὐκ ἀνέχονται ἀρχήν" τῇ δὲ ἄλλῃ 
ἵπποι μὲν ἐν κρυμῷ ἑστεῶτες ἀποσφακελίζουσι, 
ὄνοι δὲ καὶ ἡμίονοι ἀνέχονται. 

29. Δοκέει δέ μοι καὶ τὸ γένος τῶν βοῶν τὸ 
κόλον διὰ ταῦτα ov φύειν κέρεα c αὐτόθι: μαρτυρέει 
δέ pòt τῇ γνώμη καὶ Ὁμήρου ἔπος ἐν Ὀδυσσείῃ 
ἔχον ὧδε, 


καὶ Λιβύην, ὅθι τ᾽ ἄρνες ἄφαρ repao τελέ- 
θουσι, 


᾿ὀρθῶς εἰρημένον, ἐν τοῖσι θερμοῖσι ταχὺ παραγί- 
νεσθαι τὰ κέρεα, | ἐν δὲ τοῖσι ἰσχυροῖσι γύχεσι ἢ 
οὗ φύειν κέρεα τὰ κτήνεα ἀρχὴν ἢ φύοντα Quei 
μόγις. 

30. ᾿Ενθαῦτα μέν νυν διὰ τὰ ψύχεα γίνεται 
ταῦτα. θωμάξω δέ (προσθήκας γὰρ δή μοι ὁ λό- 
γος ἐξ ἆ ἀρχῆς ἐδίξητο) ὅ ὅτι ἐν τῇ ᾿Ηλείῃ πάσῃ χώρῃ 
οὐ δυνέαται γίνεσθαι ἡμίονοι, οὔτε .Ὑυχροῦ τοῦ 
χώρου ἐόντος οὔτε ἄλλου φανεροῦ αἰτίου οὐδενός. 
φασὶ δὲ αὐτοὶ ᾿Ηλεῖοι ἐκ κατάρης Tev οὐ γίνεσθαι 
σφίσι ἡμιόνους, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπεὰν προσίῃ ἡ ὥρη rvi- 
σκεσθαι τὰς ἵππους, ἐξελαύνουσι ἐς τοὺς πλησιο- 
χώρους αὐτάς, καὶ ἔπειτά σφι ἐν τῇ τῶν πέλας 
ἐπιεῖσι τοὺς ὄνους, ἐς οὗ ἂν σχῶσι αἱ ἵπποι ἐν 
γαστρί' ἔπειτα δὲ ἀπελαύνουσι. 

31. Περὶ δὲ τῶν πτερῶν THD Σκύθαι λέγουσι 
ἀνάπλεον εἶναι τὸν ἠέρα, καὶ τούτων εἵνεκα οὐκ 
οἷοί τε εἶναι οὔτε ἰδεῖν τὸ πρόσω τῆς ἠπείρου οὔτε 
διεξιέναι, τήνδε ἔ ἔχω περὶ αὐτῶν γνώμην" τὰ κατ- 
ὕπερθε ταύτης τῆς χώρης. αἰεὶ νίφεται, ἐλάσσονι 
δὲ τοῦ θέρεος ἢ ἢ τοῦ χειμῶνος, ὥσπερ καὶ οἰκός. 
ἤδη ὧν ὅστις ἀγχόθεν χιόνα ἁδρὴν πίπτουσαν 


228 


BOOK IV. 28-31 


and asses cannot at all bear it; yet in other lands, 
whereas asses and mules can endure frost, horses 
that stand in it are frostbitten. 

29. And to my thinking it is for this cause that 
the hornless kind of oxen grows no horns in Scythia. 
There is a verse of Homer in the ο ο that 
witnesses to my judgment ; it is this: 


* Libya, the land where lambs are born with horns 
on their foreheads," 


wherein it is rightly signified, that in hot countries 
the horns grow quickly, whereas in very cold 
countries beasts grow horns hardly, or not at all. 

30. In Scythia, then, this happens because of the 
cold. But I hold it strange (for it was ever the way 
of my history to seek after subsidiary matters) that 
in the whole of Elis no mules can be begotten, 
albeit neither is the country cold nor is there any 
manifest cause. The Eleans themselves say that 
it is by reason of a curse that mules cannot be 
begotten among them; but whenever the season 
is at hand for the mares to conceive, they drive them 
away into the countries of their neighbours, and 
then send the asses to them in the neighbouring 
land, till the mares be pregnant; and then they 
drive them home again, 

Jl. But as touching the feathers whereof the 
Scythians say that the air is full, insomuch that none 
can see or traverse the land beyond, I hold this 
opinion. Northward of that country snow falls con- 
tinually, though less in summer than in winter, as is 
to be expected. Whoever has seen snow falling 
thickly near him knows of himself my meaning ; for 


229 


HERODOTUS 


εἶδε, olde τὸ λέγω" ἔοικε γὰρ ἡ χιὼν πτεροῖσι' 
καὶ διὰ τὸν χειμῶνα τοῦτον ἐόντα τοιοῦτον ἀνοί- 
κητα τὰ πρὸς βορέην ἐστὶ τῆς ἠπείρου ταύτης. 
τὰ ὧν πτερὰ εἰκάζοντας τὴν χιόνα τοὺς Σκύθας τε 
καὶ τοὺς περιοίκους δοκέω λέγειν. ταῦτα μέν νυν 
τὰ λέγεται μακρότατα εἴρηται. | 

32. Ὑπερβορέων δὲ πέρι ἀνθρώπων οὔτε τι 

4 HE NA » s » ^ 7 
Σκύθαι λέγουσι οὐδὲν οὔτε τινὲς ἄλλοι τῶν ταύτῃ 

, / , M y 9 / ε » A 
οἰκημένων, εἰ μὴ apa Ἰσσηδόνε, ὡς δὲ ἐγὼ 
δοκέω, οὐδ᾽ οὗτοι λέγουσι οὐδέν' ἔλεγον γὰρ ἂν 

. 4 e ^ / / 
καὶ Σκύθαι, ὡς περὶ τῶν μουνοφθάλμων λέγουσι, 
ἀλλ Ἡσιόδῳ μὲν ἐστὶ περὶ Ὑπερβορέων εἰρη- 

/ » € 4 3 , [4 > M ^ 
μένα, ἔστι δὲ καὶ Ὁμήρῳ ἐν ᾿Επιγόνοισι, εἰ δὴ τῷ 
ἐόντι γε "Όμηρος ταῦτα τὰ ἔπεα ἐποίησε. 

33. Πολλῷ δέ τι πλεῖστα περὶ αὐτῶν Δήλιοι 
λέγουσι, φάμενοι ἱρὰ ἐνδεδεμένα ἐν καλάμῃ πυρῶν 
ἐξ Ὑπερβορέων φερόμενα ἀπικνέεσθαι ἐς Σκύθας, 
ἀπὸ δὲ Σκυθέων ἤδη δεκομένους αἰεὶ τοὺς πλησιο- 
χώρους ἑκάστους κομίξειν αὐτὰ τὸ πρὸς ἑσπέρης 
ε , EA b! , / 9 ^ N . 
ἑκαστάτω ἐπὶ τὸν ᾿Αδρίην, ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ πρὸς 
μεσαμβρίην προπεμπόμενα πρώτους Δωδωναίους 
Ἑλλήνων δέκεσθαι, ἀπὸ δὲ τούτων καταβαίνειν 
ἐπὶ τὸν Μηλιέα κόλπον καὶ διαπορεύεσθαι ἐς 
Εὔβοιαν, πόλιν τε ἐς πόλιν πέμπειν μέχρι Καρύ- 

. * 3 N 4 9 ^ v 
στου, τὸ Ò ἀπὸ ταύτης ἐκλιπεῖν ᾿Ανδρον' Kapv- 
στίους γὰρ εἶναι τοὺς κομίζοντας ἐς Τῆνον, 
Τηνίους δὲ ἐς Δῆλον. ἀπικνέεσθαι μέν νυν οὕτω 


230 


BOOK IV. 31-33 


the snow is like feathers; and by reason of the 
winter, which is such as I have said, the parts to the 
north of this continent are uninhabited. I think 
therefore that in this tale of feathers the Scythians 
and their neighbours do but speak of snow in a 
figure. Thus then I have spoken of those parts that 
are said to be most distant. 

32. Concerning the Hyperborean people neither 
the Scythians nor any other dwellers in these lands 
tell us anything, except perchance the Issedones. 
And, as I think, even they tell nothing; for were it 
not so, then the Scythians too would have told, even 
as they tell of the one-eyed men. But Hesiod speaks 
of Hyperboreans, and Homer too in his poem The 
Heroes’ Sons,! if that be truly the work of Homer. 

33. But the Delians? tell much more concerning 
them than do anyothers. They say that offerings wrapt 
in wheat-straw are brought from the Hyperboreans 
to Scythia; when they have passed Scythia, each 
nation in turn receives them from its neighbours till 
they are carried to the Adriatic sea, which is the 
most westerly limit of their journey; thence they 
are brought on to the south, the people of Dodona 
being the first Greeks to receive them. From 
Dodona they come down to the Melian gulf, and are 
carried across to Euboea, and city sends them on to 
city till they come to Carystus ; after this, Andros is 
left out of their journey, for it is Carystians who carry 
them to Tenos, and Tenians to Delos. Thus (they 

1 One of the ‘‘ Cyclic” poems ; a sequel to the '' Thebais" 
(story of the seven against Thebes). 

2 This Delian story about the Hyperboreans is additional 
evidence of the known fact that trade routes from the earliest 


times linked northern with south-eastern Europe. Amber in 
especial was carried from the Baltic to the Aegean. 


231 


HERODOTUS 


ταῦτα τὰ ipa λέγουσι ἐς Δῆλον: πρῶτον δε τοὺς 
Ὑπερβορέους πέμψαι φερούσας τὰ ἱρὰ δὺο κόρας, 
τὰς ὀνομάξουσι Δήλιοι. εἶναι Ὑπερόχην τε καὶ 
Λαοδίκην" ἅμα δὲ αὐτῆσι ἀσφαλείης εἵνεκεν 
πέμψαι τοὺς Ὑπερβορέους τῶν ἀστῶν ἄνδρας 
πέντε πομπούς, τούτους οἳ νῦν Περφερέες καλέ- 
ονται τιμὰς μεγάλας ἐν Δήλῳ ἔχοντες. ἐπεὶ δὲ 
τοῖσι Ὑπερβορέοισι τοὺς ἀποπεμφθέντας, ὀπίσω 
οὐκ ἀπονοστέειν, δεινὰ ποιευμένους εἰ ναι αἰεὶ 
καταλάμψεται ἀποστέλλοντας μὴ ἀπο exer Gan, 
οὕτω δὴ φέροντας ἐς τοὺς οὔρους τὰ ἱρὰ ἐνδεδε- 
μένα ἐν πυρῶν καλάμῃ. τοὺς πλησιοχώρους 
ἐπισκήπτειν κελεύοντας προπέμπειν σφέα ἀπὸ 
ἑωυτῶν ἐς ἄλλο ἔθνος. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν οὕτω προ- 
πεμπόμενα ἀπικνέεσθαι λέγουσι ἐς Δῆλον. | οἶδα 
δὲ αὐτὸς τούτοισι τοῖσι ἱροῖσι. τόδε ποιεύμενον 
προσφερές, τὰς Θρηικίας καὶ τὰς Παιονίδας 
γυναῖκας, ἐπεὰν θύωσι τῇ ᾿Αρτέμιδι, τῇ βασιλείῃ, 
οὐκ ἄνευ πυρῶν καλάμης ἐχούσας τὰ ἱρά. 

34. Καὶ ταῦτα μὲν δὴ ταύτας οἶδα ποιεύσας" 
τῇσι δὲ παρθένοισι ταύτῃσι τῇσι ἐξ Ὑπερβορέων 
τελευτησάσῃσι ἐν Δήλῳ κείρονται καὶ αἱ κόραι 
καὶ οἱ παῖδες οἱ Δηλίων' αἱ μὲν πρὸ γάμου TO- 
καμον ἀποταμνόμεναι καὶ περὶ ἄτρακτον εἷλύ- 
ξασαι ἐπὶ τὸ σῆμα τιθεῖσι (τὸ δὲ σῆμα ἐστὶ ἔσω 
ἐς τὸ ᾿Αρτεμίσιον ἐσιόντι ἀριστερῆς χειρός, ἐπι- 
πέφυκε δέ οἱ ἐλαίη), ὅσοι δὲ παῖδες τῶν Δηλίων, 
περὶ χλόην τινὰ εἱλίξαντες τῶν τριχῶν τιθεῖσι 
καὶ οὗτοι ἐπὶ τὸ σῆμα. 

35. Αὗται μὲν δὴ ταύτην τιμὴν ἔχουσι πρὸς 
τῶν Δήλου οἰκητόρων. φασὶ δὲ οἱ αὐτοὶ οὗτοι 
καὶ τὴν " Apygv τε καὶ τὴν Ὦπιν ἐούσας παρθέ- 


232 


BOOK IV. 33-35 


say) these offerings come to Delos. But on the first 
journey the Hyperboreans sent two maidens bearing 
the offerings, to whom the Delians give the names 
Hyperoche and Laodice, sending with them for safe 
conduct five men of their people as escort, those who 
are now called Perpherees! and greatly honoured at 
Delos. But when the Hyperboreans found that those 
whom they sent never returned, they were very ill 
content that it should ever be their fate not to receive 
their messengers back; wherefore they carry the 
offerings, wrapt in wheat-straw, to their borders, and 
charge their neighbours to send them on from (heir 
own country to the next ; and the offerings, it is said, 
come by this conveyance to Delos. I can say of my 
own knowledge that there is a custom like these 
offerings, namely, that when the Thracian and 
Paeonian women sacrifice to the Royal Artemis, they 
have wheat-straw with them while they sacrifice. 

34. This I know that they do. The Delian girls 
and boys cut their hair in honour of these Hyperborean 
maidens, who died at Delos; the girls before their 
marriage cut off a tress and lay it on the tomb, 
wound about a spindle ; this tomb is at the foot of an 
olive-tree, on the left hand of the entrance of the 
temple of Artemis; the Delian boys twine some of 
their hair round a green stalk, and they likewise lay 
it on the tomb. 

35. Thus then are these maidens honoured by the 
inhabitants of Delos. These same Delians relate 
that two virgins, Arge and Opis, came from the 


1 That is, probably, the Bearers. 
233 


HERODOTUS 


νους ἐξ Ὑπερβορέων κατὰ τοὺς αὐτοὺς τούτους 
ἀνθρώπους πορευομένας ἀπικέσθαι ἐς Δῆλον ἔτι 
πρότερον Ὑπερόχης τε καὶ Λαοδίκης. ταύτας 
μέν νυν τῇ Εἰλειθυΐίη ἀποφερούσας ἀντὶ τοῦ 
ὠκυτόκου τὸν ἐτάξαντο φόρον ἀπικέσθαι, τὴν δὲ 
᾿Αργην τε καὶ τὴν Ὠπιν ἅμα αὐτοῖσι θεοῖσι 
ἀπικέσθαι λέγουσι καί σφι τιμὰς ἄλλας δεδόσθαι 
πρὸς σφέων" καὶ γὰρ ἀγείρειν σφι τὰς γυναῖκας 
ἐπονομαξούσας τὰ οὐνόματα ἐν τῷ ὕμνῳ τόν σφι 
᾿Ωλὴν ἀνὴρ Λύκιος ἐποίησε, παρὰ δὲ σφέων μα- 
θόντας νησιώτας τε καὶ Ἴωνας ὑμνέειν Ὠπίν τε 
καὶ "Άργην ὀνομάξοντάς τε καὶ ἀγείροντας (οὗτος 
δὲ ὁ ο ;Ὠλὴν καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους τοὺς παλαιοὺς ὕμνους 
ἐποίησε ἐς Λυκίης ἐλθὼν τοὺς ἀειδομένους ἐν 
Δήλῳ), καὶ τῶν μηρίων καταγιξομένων ἐπὶ τῷ 
βωμῷ τὴν σποδὸν ταύτην ἐπὶ τὴν θήκην τῆς 
"Ontos τε καὶ “Apyys -ἀναισιμοῦσθαι ἐπιβαλλο- 
μένην. ἡ δὲ θήκη αὐτέων ἐστὶ ὄπισθε τοῦ 'A ρτε- 
μισίου, πρὸς ἠῶ τετραμμένη, ἀγχοτάτω τοῦ 
Κηίων ἱστιητορίου. 

36. Καὶ ταῦτα μὲν Ὑπερβορέων πέρι εἰρήσθω" 
τὸν γὰρ περὶ ᾿Αβά LOS λόγον. τοῦ λεγομένου εἶναι 

Ὑπερβορέου οὐ A ASA ὡς} τὸν ὀιστὸν περιέφερε 
κατὰ πᾶσαν γῆν οὐδὲν σιτεύμενος. εἰ δὲ εἰσὶ 
ὑπερβόρε t τινὲς ἄνθρωποι, εἰσὶ καὶ ὑπερνότιοι 
ἄλλοι. “γελῶ δὲ ὁρέων γῆς περιόδους γράψαντας 
πολλὺς ἤδη καὶ οὐδένα νοονεχόντως ἐξηγησά- 
μενον" ot Ὠκεανόν τε ῥέοντα. γράφουσι πέριξ τὴν 
γῆν ἐοῦσαν κυκλοτερέα ὡς ἀπὸ τόρνου, καὶ τὴν 
᾿Ασίην τῇ Εὐρώπη ποιεύντων ἴσην. ἐν ὀλίγοισι 
γὰρ ἐγὼ ἠλώσω peyabos τε ἑκάστης αὐτέων kal 
οἷη τις ἐστὶ ἐς γραφὴν ἑκάστη. 
234 [λέγων] ὡς Stein. 


BOOK IV. 35-36 


(Hyperboreans by way of the peoples aforesaid to 
Delos, yet earlier than the coming of Hyperoche 
and Laodice; these latter came to bring to Ilithyia 
the tribute whereto they had agreed for ease of 
child-bearing ; but Arge and Opis, they say, came 
‘with the gods themselves, and received honours 
of their own from the Delians. For the women 
collected gifts for them, calling upon their names 
in the hymn made for them by Olen a man of 
Lycia; it was from Delos that the islanders and 
Ionians learnt to sing hymns to Opis and Arge, 
‘calling upon their names and collecting gifts (this 
Olen after his coming from Lycia made also the 
other and ancient hymns that are sung at Delos). 
Further they say that when the thighbones are burnt 
in sacrifice on the altar, the ashes of them are all 
used for casting on the burial-place of Opis and Arge ; 
which burial-place is behind the temple of Artemis, 
looking eastwards, nearest to the refectory of the 
people of Ceos. 

36. Thus far have I spoken of the Hyperboreans, 
and let it suffice; for I do not tell the story of that 
Abaris, alleged to be a Hyperborean, who carried 
the arrow over the whole world, fasting the while. 
But if there be men beyond the north wind, then 
ithere are others beyond the south. And I laugh to 
isee how many have ere now drawn maps of the 
world, not one of them showing the matter reason- 
'ably; for they draw the world as round as if fashioned 
by compasses, encircled by the river of Ocean, and 
Asia and Europe of a like bigness. For myself, I 
will in a few words show the extent of the two, and 
how each should be drawn. 


1 Apollo and Artemis, probably. 
235 


HERODOTUS 


37. Πέρσαι οἰκέουσι κατήκοντες ἐπὶ τὴν νοτίην. 
θάλασσαν τὴν ᾿Ερυθρὴν καλεομένην, τούτων δὲ ᾽ 
ὑπεροικέουσι πρὸς βορέην ἄνεμον Μῆδοι, Μήδων. 
δὲ Σάσπειρες, Σασπείρων δὲ Κόλχοι κατήκοντες. 
ἐπὶ τὴν βορηΐην θάλασσαν, ἐ ἐς τὴν Φᾶσις ποταμὸς 
ἐκδιδοῖ. ταῦτα τέσσερα ἔθνεα οἰκέει ἐκ θαλάσσης 
ἐς θάλασσαν. ' 

38. ᾿Ενθεῦτεν δὲ τὸ πρὸς ἑσπέρης ἀκταὶ διφά- 
σιαι ἀπ᾽ αὐτῆς κατατείνουσι, ἐς θάλασσαν, τὰς. 
ἐγὼ ἀπηγήσομαι" ἔνθεν μὲν ἡ ἀκτὴ ἡ ἑτέρη τὰ 
πρὸς βορέην ἀπὸ Φάσιος ἀρξαμένη παρατέταται) 
ἐς θάλασσαν παρά τε τὸν llóvrov καὶ τὸν 'EA-| 
λήσποντον μέχρι Zuyetou Tob T ρωικοῦ" τὰ δὲ 
πρὸς νότου ἡ αὐτὴ αὕτη ἀκτὴ ἀπὸ τοῦ Μυριαν- 
δικοῦ κόλπου τοῦ πρὸς Φοινίκῃ κειμένου τείνει τὰ 
ἐς θάλασσαν μέχρι Τριοπίου ἄκρης. οἰκέει δὲ ἐν 
τῇ ἀκτῇ ταύτῃ ἔθνεα ἀνθρώπων τριήκοντα. 

39. Αὕτη μέν νυν ἡ ἑτέρη τῶν ἀκτέων, ἡ δὲ δὴ 
ἑτέρη ἀπὸ Περσέων ἀρξαμένη παρατέταται ἐς τὴν 
᾿Ερυθρὴν θάλασσαν, ij ἤ τε Περσικὴ καὶ ἀπὸ ταύτης] 
ἐκδεκομένη ἡ ᾿Ασσυρίη καὶ ἀπὸ ᾿Ασσυρίης ἡ. 
᾿Αραβίη: λήγει δὲ αὕτη, οὐ λήγουσα εὐ μὴ νόμῳ, 
ἐς τὸν κόλπον τὸν ᾿Αράβιον, ἐς τὸν Δαρεῖος ἐκ 
τοῦ Νείλου «διώρυχα ἐσήγαγε. μέχρι μέν νυν 
Φοινίκης ἆ ἀπὸ Περσέων χῶρος πλατὺς καὶ πολλς 
ἐστι. τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ Φοινίκης παρήκει διὰ τῆσδε τῆς 
θαλάσσης ἡ ἀκτὴ αὕτη παρά τε Συρίην τὴν 
Παλαιστίνην καὶ Αἴγυπτον, ἐς τὴν τελευτᾷ: ἐν 
τῇ ἔθνεα ἐστὶ τρία μοῦνα. 

40. Ταῦτα μὲν ἀπὸ Περσέων τὰ πρὸς ἑσπέρην 
τῆς ᾿Ασίης ἔχοντα ἐστί: τὰ δὲ κατύπερθε Ilep- 


236 


BOOK IV. 37-40 


| 37. The land where the Persians dwell reaches to 
ithe southern sea, that sea which is called Red; 
‘beyond these to the north are the Medes, and 
beyond the Medes the Saspires, and beyond the 
Saspires the Colchians, whose country reaches to 
'the northern sea! into which issues the river Phasis ; 
'so these four nations dwell between the one sea and 
the other. 

38. But westwards of this region two promontories 
stretch out from it into the sea, which I will now 
idescribe. On the north side one of the promontories 
, begins at the Phasis and stretches seaward along the 
. Pontus and the Hellespont, as far as Sigeum in the 
Troad ; on the south side the same promontory has 
a seacoast beginning at the Myriandric gulf that is 
, near Phoenice, and stretching seaward as far as the 
_Triopian headland. On this promontory dwell thirty 
‘nations. 

39. This is the first promontory. But the second, 
beginning with Persia, stretches to the Red Sea, 
‘being the Persian land, and next the neighbouring 
‘country of Assyria, and after Assyria, Arabia; this 
|promontory ends (yet not truly but only by common 
consent) at the Arabian Gulf, whereunto Darius 
|brought a canal from the Nile. Now from the 
Persian country to Phoenice there is a wide and 
great tract of land; and from Phoenice this pro- 
.montory runs beside our sea by the way of the 
Syrian Palestine and Egypt, which is at the end of 
„it; iu this promontory there are but three nations. 

40. So much for the parts of Asia west of the 
Persians. But what is beyond the Persians, and 


1 Here, the Black Sea; in 42, the “northern sea” is the 
Mediterranean. 


237 


HERODOTUS 


σέων καὶ Μήδων καὶ Σασπείρων καὶ Κόλχων, τὰ 

πρὸς ἠῶ τε καὶ ἥλιον ἀνατέλλοντα, ἔνθεν μὲν ἡ 

b] . / F4 . , e 

Ερυθρὴ παρήκει θάλασσα, πρὸς βορέω δὲ ἡ 
ε / e 

ασπίη τε θάλασσα καὶ ὁ ᾿Αράξης ποταμός, ῥέων 

πρὸς ἥλιον ἀνίσχοντα. μέχρι δὲ τῆς ᾿Ινδικῆς 


οἰκέεται ᾿Ασίη' τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ ταύτης ἔρημος ἤδη τὸ. 


πρὸς τὴν ἠῶ, οὐδὲ ἔχει οὐδεὶς φράσαι οἷον δή τι 
ἐστί. | 
/ 
41. Τοιαύτη μὲν καὶ τοσαύτη ἡ Acin ἐστί, ἡ 
\ ΄ 3 a 3 ^ ae / H , 9 \ M > / 
δὲ Λιβύη ἐν τῇ ἀκτῇ τῇ ἑτέρῃ cori: ἀπὸ γὰρ Αἰγύ- 
πτου Λιβύη ἤδη ἐκδέκεται. κατὰ μέν νυν Αἴγυπτον 
ἡ ἀκτὴ αὕτη στεινή ἐστι' ἀπὸ γὰρ τῆσδε τῆς 
θαλάσσης ἐς τὴν ᾿Ερυθρὴν θάλασσαν δέκα pupi- 
άδες εἰσὶ ὀργυιέων, αὗται δ᾽ ἂν εἶεν χίλιοι στάδιοι" 
τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ στεινοῦ τούτου κάρτα πλατέα 
VA 3 ^ e 9 \ ο / / 
τυγχάνει ἐοῦσα ἡ ἀκτὴ ἥτις Λιβύη κέκληται. 
42, Θωμάξω ὧν τῶν διουρισάντων καὶ διελόν- 
ή 9 , \ > ’ , \ 
των Λιβύην τε καὶ ᾿Ασίην καὶ Ἑὐρώπην' οὐ. γὰρ 
N ; - 
σμικρὰ τὰ διαφέροντα αὐτέων ἐστί' ^ μήκεῖ μὲν 
3 
γὰρ παρ ἀμφοτέρας παρήκει ἡ Βὐρώπη, εὔρεος 
δὲ πέρι οὐδὲ συμβάλλειν ἀξίη φαίνεταί μοι εἶναι. 
Λιβύη μὲν γὰρ δηλοῖ ἑωυτὴν 1 ἐοῦσα περίρρυτος, 
πλὴν ὅσον αὐτῆς πρὸς τὴν ᾿Ασίην οὐρίζει, Nexo 
τοῦ Αἰγυπτίων βἀσιλέος πρώτου τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν 
καταδέξαντος' ὃς ἐπείτε τὴν διώρυχα ἐπαύσατο 
> ^ . 
ὀρύσσων τὴν ἐκ τοῦ Νείλου διέχουσαν ἐς τὸν 
, / / » 4 7 y ὃ 
Ἀράβιον κόλπον, ἀπέπεπψε «Φοίνικας ἄνδρας 
πλοίοισι, ἐντειλάμενος ἐς τὸ ὀπίσω δι “Ηρακλέων 
? / ο , M / 4 
στηλέων ἐκπλέειν ἕως ἐς τὴν βορηίην θάλασσαν 
ε 
καὶ οὕτω ἐς Αἴγυπτον ἀπικνέεσθαι. ὁρμηθέντες 
Φ e / , ^ , ^ 4 Ld 
ὧν οἱ Φοίνικες ἐκ τῆς Βρυθρῆς θαλάσσης ἔπλεον 
1 [ἑωυτήν] Stein. 


218 


— 


BOOK IV. 40-42 


Medes, and Saspires, and Colchians, eastward and 
toward the rising sun, this is bounded on the one 
hand by the Red Sea, and to the north by the 
Caspian Sea, and the river Araxes, that flows towards 
the sun’s rising. As far as India, Asia is an in- 
habited land; but thereafter all to the east is 
desert, nor can any man say what kind of land is 
there. 

41. Such is Asia, and such its extent. But Libya 
is on this second promontory ; for Libya comes next 


. after Egypt. The Egyptian part of this promontory 


is narrow ; for from our sea to the Red Sea it is a 
distance of an hundred thousand fathoms, that is, a 
thousand furlongs; but after this narrow part the 
promontory which is called Libya is very broad. 

42. I wonder, then, at those who have mapped 
out and divided the world into Libya, Asia, and 
Europe; for the difference between them is great, 
seeing that in length Europe stretches along both 
the others together, and it appears to me to be 
beyond all comparison broader. For Libya shows 
clearly that it is encompassed by the sea, save only 
where it borders on Asia; and this was proved first 
(as far as we know) by Necos king of Egypt. He, 
when he had made an end of digging the canal 
which leads from the Nile to the Arabian Gulf, sent 
Phoenicians in ships, charging them to sail on their 
return voyage past the Pillars of Heracles till they 
should come into the northern sea and so to Egypt. 
So the Phoenicians set out from the Red Sea and 


239 


HERODOTUS 


τὴν νοτίην θάλασσαν' ὅκως δὲ γίνοιτο φθινό- 
. ^ 
πωρον, προσσχόντες ἂν σπείρεσκον THY γῆν, ἵνα 
e^ 2 la 
ἑκάστοτε τῆς Λιβύης πλέοντες γινοίατο, καὶ pé- 
νεσκον τὸν ἄμητον' θερίσαντες ὃ ἂν τὸν σῖτον 
’ τὸ 
ἔπλεον, ὥστε δύο ἐτέων διεξελθόντων τρίτῳ ἔτεϊ 
κάμψαντες Ἡρακλέας στήλας ἀπίκοντο ἐς Ai- 
. 9 . b! 9 ΄ » ~ 
γυπτον. καὶ ἔλεγον ἐμοί μὲν οὐ πιστά, ἄλλῳ δὲ 
/ e , . 7 b ν 
δή Tew, ὡς περιπλώοντες τὴν Λιβύην τὸν ἥλιον 
ἔσχον ἐς τὰ δεξιά. | | 
43. Οὕτω μὲν αὕτη ἐγνώσθη τὸ πρῶτον, μετὰ 
. / 9 N e [4 9 r4 
δὲ Καρχηδόνιοι εἰσὶ οἱ λέγοντες" ἐπεὶ Σατάσπης 
ε 4 3 A > , 9 , 
ye ὁ Τεάσπιος ἀνὴρ ᾿Αχαιμενίδης οὐ περιέπλωσε 
Λιβύην, ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸ τοῦτο πεμφθείς, ἀλλὰ δείσας 
^ A ’ ^ 
τό τε μῆκος τοῦ πλόου καὶ τὴν ἐρημίην ἀπῆλθε 
3 , 909 3 ’ A 93 / / e e 4 
ὀπίσω, οὐδ᾽ ἐπετέλεσε τὸν ἐπέταξέ οἱ ἡ μήτηρ 
ἄεθλον. θυγατέρα γὰρ Ζωπύρου τοῦ Μεγαβύζου 
9 / / y / 9 ^ 
ἐβιήσατο παρθένον' ἔπειτα μέλλοντος αὐτοῦ διὰ 
, A > / 2 - ε 8ο 
ταύτην τὴν αἰτίην ἀνασκολοπιεῖσθαι ὑπὸ Ξέρξεω 
βασιλέος, ἡ μήτηρ τοῦ Σατάσπεος ἐοῦσα Δαρείου 
2 . , ^ 4 e 9 4 / ld 
ἀδελφεὴ παραιτήσατο, paca οἱ αὐτὴ µέζω ζημίην 
ἐπιθήσειν ἤ περ ἐκεῖνον' Λιβύην γάρ οἱ ἀνάγκην 
ἔσεσθαι περιπλώειν, ἐς ὃ ἂν ἀπίκηται περιπλέων 
αὐτὴν ἐς τὸν ᾿Αράβιον κόλπον. συγχωρήσαντος 
δὲ Ξέρξεω ἐπὶ τούτοισι, ὁ Σατάσπης ἀπικόμενος 
ἐς Αἴγυπτον καὶ λαβὼν νέα τε καὶ ναύτας παρὰ 
΄ y 9 X 6ο /, , , 
τούτων έπλεε ἐπι Ηρακλέας στήλας" διεκπλώσας 
δὲ καὶ κάμψας τὸ ἀκρωτήριον τῆς Λιβύης τῷ 
» [4 9 J » `~ , r 
οὔνομα Σολόεις ἐστί, ἔπλεε πρὸς μεσαμβρίην' περή- 
240 


BOOK IV. 42-43 


sailed the southern sea; whenever autumn came 
they would put in and sow the land, to whatever part 
of Libya they might come, and there await the 
harvest; then, having gathered in the crop, they 
sailed on, so that after two years had passed, it 
was in the third that they rounded the Pillars of 
Heracles and came to Egypt. There they said (what 
some may believe, though I do not) that in sailing 
round Libya they had the sun on their right hand.! 
43. Thus the first knowledge of Libya was gained. 
The next story is that of the Carchedonians : for as 
for Sataspes son of Teaspes, an Achaemenid, he did 
not sail round Libya, though he was sent for that end ; 
but he feared the length and the loneliness of the 
voyage and so returned back without accomplishing 
the task laid upon him by his mother. For he had 
raped the virgin daughter of Zopyrus son of Mega- 
byzus; and when on this charge he was to be im- 
paled by King Xerxes, Sataspes mother, who was 
Darius’ sister, begged for his life, saying that she 
would lay a heavier punishment on him than did 
Xerxes; for he should be compelled to sail round 
Libya, till he completed his voyage and came to the 
Arabian Gulf. Xerxes agreeing to this, Sataspes 
went to Egypt, where he received a ship and a crew 
from the Egyptians, and sailed past the Pillars of 
Heracles. Having sailed out beyond them, and 
rounded the Libyan promontory called Solois,? he 


1 The detail which Herodotus does not believe incidentally 
confirms the story; as the ship sailed west round the Cape 
of Good Hope, the sun of the southern hemisphere would be 
on its right. Most authorities now accept the story of the 
circumnavigation. 

3 Probably Cape Cantin, in the latitude of Madeira. 


241 
VOL. II. R 


HERODOTUS 


σας δὲ θάλασσαν πολλὴν ἐν πολλοῖσι μήσί, ἐπείτε 
τοῦ πλεῦνος αἰεὶ ἔδεε, ἀποστρέψας ὀπίσω ἀπέπλεε 
ἐς Αἴγυπτον. ἐκ δὲ ταύτης ἀπικόμενος παρὰ 
βασιλέα Ξέρξεα ἔλεγε φὰς τὰ προσωτάτω av- 
θρώπους μικροὺς παραπλέειν ἐσθῆτι φοινικηίῃ 
ιαχρεωµένους, ot ὅκως σφεῖς καταγοίατο τῇ νηὶ 
φεύγεσκον πρὸς τὰ ὄρεα λείποντες τὰς πόλιας" 
αὐτοὶ δὲ ἀδικέειν οὐδὲν ἐσιόντες, βρωτὰ δὲ μοῦνα 
ἐξ αὐτέων λαμβάνειν. τοῦ δὲ μὴ περιπλῶσαι 
Λιβύην παντελέως αἴτιον τόδε ἔλεγε, τὸ πλοῖον 
τὸ πρόσω οὐ δυνατὸν ἔτι εἶναι προβαίνειν ἀλλ 
ἐνίσχεσθαι. Ἐϊέρξης δὲ οὔ οἱ συγγινώσκων λέγειν 
ἀληθέα οὐκ ἐπιτελέσαντά τε τὸν προκείμενον 
ἄεθλον ἀνεσκολόπισε, τὴν ἀρχαίην δίκην ἐπιτι- 
μῶν. τούτου δὲ τοῦ Σατάσπεος εὐνοῦχος ἀπέδρη 
ἐς Σάμον, ἐπείτε ἐπύθετο τάχιστα τὸν δεσπότεα 
τετελευτηκότα, ἔχων χρήματα μεγάλα, τὰ Σάμιος 
ἀνὴρ κατέσχε, τοῦ ἐπιστάμενος τὸ οὔνομα ἑκὼν 
ἐπιλήθομαι. 

44. Τῆς δὲ ᾿Ασύης τὰ πολλὰ ὑπὸ Δαρείου 
ἐξευρέθη, ὃς βουλόμενος Ἰνδὸν ποταμόν, ὃς κροκο- 
δείλους δεύτερος οὗτος ποταμῶν πάντων παρέ- 
χεται, τοῦτον τὸν ποταμὸν εἰδέναι τῇ ἐς θάλασσαν 
ἐκδιδοῖ, πέμπει πλοίοισι ἄλλους τε τοῖσι ἐπίστευε 
τὴν ἀληθείην ἐρέειν καὶ δὴ καὶ Σκύλακα ἄνδρα 
Καρυανδέα. of δὲ ὁρμηθέντες ἐκ Κασπατύρου τε 
πόλιος καὶ τῆς Πακτυϊκῆς γῆς ἔπλεον κατὰ ποτα- 
μὸν πρὸς ἠῶ τε καὶ ἡλίου ἀνατολὰς ἐς θάλασσαν, 
διὰ θαλάσσης δὲ πρὸς ἑσπέρην πλέοντες τριη- 
κοστῷ μηνὶ ἀπικνέονται ἐς τοῦτον τὸν χῶρον ὅθεν 
ὁ Αἰγυπτίων βασιλεὺς τοὺς Φοίνικας τοὺς πρό- 
τερον εἶπα ἀπέστειλε περιπλώειν Λιβύην. μετὰ 


242 


BOOK IV. 43-44 


sailed southward; but when he had been many 
months sailing far over the sea, and ever there was 
more before him, he turned back and made sail for 
Egypt. Thence coming to Xerxes, he told in his 
story how when he was farthest distant he sailed by 
a country of little men, who wore palm-leaf raiment; 
these, whenever he and his men put in to land with 
their ship, would ever leave their towns and flee 
to the hills; he and his men did no wrong when 
they Janded, and took naught from the people but 
what they needed for eating. As to his not sailing 
wholly round Libya, the reason (he said) was that 
the ship could move no farther, but was stayed. 
But Xerxes did not believe that Sataspes spoke 
truth, and as the task appointed was unfulfilled he 
impaled him, punishing him on the charge first 
brought against him. This Sataspes had an eunuch, 
who as soon as he heard of his master’s death es- 
caped to Samos, with a great store of wealth, of 
which a man of Samos possessed himself. I know 
the man’s name but of set purpose forget it. 

44, But as to Asia, most of it was discovered by 
Darius. There is a river Indus, in which so many 
crocodiles are found that only one river in the world 
has more. Darius, desiring to know where this 
Indus issues into the sea, sent ships manned by 
Scylax, a man of Caryanda, and others in whose 
word he trusted ; these set out from the city Cas- 
patyrus and the Pactyic country, and sailed down 
the river towards the east and the sunrise till they 
came to the sea; and voyaging over the sea west- 
wards, they came in the thirtieth month to that 
place whence the Egyptian king sent the Phoeni- 
cians afore-mentioned to sail round Libya. After 


243 
R 2 


" HERODOTUS 


δὲ τούτους περιπλώσαντας Ἰνδούς τε κατεστρέ- 
ψατο Δαρεῖος καὶ τῇ θαλάσσῃ ταύτῃ ἐχρᾶτο. 
οὕτω καὶ τῆς ᾿Ασίης, πλὴν τὰ πρὸς ἥλιον ἀνί- 
σχοντα, τὰ ἄλλα ἀνεύρηται ὅμοια παρεχομένη τῇ 
Λιβύη. 

45. Ἡ δὲ Εὐρώπη πρὸς οὐδαμῶν φανερή ἐστι 
γινωσκομένη, οὔτε τὰ πρὸς ἥλιον ἀνατέλλοντα 
οὔτε τὰ πρὸς βορέην, εἰ περίρρυτος ἐστί: μηκεῖ 
δὲ γινώσκεται παρ᾽ ἀμφοτέρας παρήκουσα. οὐδ᾽ 
ἔχω συμβαλέσθαι ἐ ἐπ᾽ ὅτευ μιῇ ἐούσῃ γῇ οὐνόματα 
τριφάσια κέεται ἐπωνυμίας ἔχοντα γυναικῶν, καὶ 
οὐρίσματα αὐτῇ Νεῖλός τε ὁ Αἰγύπτιος ποταμὸς 
ἐτέθη καὶ Φᾶσις ὁ Κόλχος (οἳ δὲ Τάναϊν ποταμὸν 
τὸν Μαιήτην καὶ πορθµήια τὰ Κιμμέρια λέγουσι), 
οὐδὲ τῶν διουρισάντων τὰ οὐνόματα πυθέσθαι, 
καὶ ὅθεν ἔθεντο τὰς ἐπωνυμίας. ἤδη γὰρ Λιβύη 
μὲν ἐπὶ Λιβύης λέγεται ὑπὸ τῶν πολλών Ἑλλή- 
νων ἔχειν τὸ οὔνομα γυναικὸς αὐτόχθονος, 5 δὲ 
᾿Ασίη ἑ ἐπὶ τῆς Ἱρομηθέος γυναικὸς τὴν ἐπωνυμίην. 
καὶ τούτου μὲν µεταλαμβάνονται τοῦ οὐνόματος 
Avéot, φάμενοι ἐπὶ ᾿Ασίεω τοῦ Κότυος τοῦ Μάνεω 
κεκλῆσθαι τὴν ᾿Ασίην, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἐπὶ τῆς Προμη- 
θέος ᾿Ασίης: ἀπ᾽ ὅτευ καὶ τὴν ἐν Σάρδισι φυλὴν 
κεκλῆσθαι ᾿Ασιάδα. ἡ δὲ δὴ Εὐρώπη οὔτε εἰ 
περίρρυτος ἐστὶ γινώσκεται πρὸς οὐδαμῶν ἀνθρώ- 
πων, οὔτε ὁκόθεν τὸ οὔνομα ἔλαβε τοῦτο, οὔτε 
ὅστις οἱ ἦν 0 θέμενος φαίνεται, εὖ μὴ ἀπὸ τῆς 
Tupins φήσομεν Εὐρώπης λαβεῖν τὸ οὔνομα τὴν 
χώρην" πρότερον ὲ ἡ ἦν ἄρα ἀνώνυμος ὥσπερ αἱ 
ἕτεραι. ἀλλ) αὕτη γε ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ασίης τε φαίνεται 
ἐοῦσα καὶ οὐκ ἀπικομένη ἐς τὴν γῆν ταύτην ἥτις 
νῦν ὑπὸ Ἑλλήνων Εὐρώπη καλέεται, ἀλλ᾽ ὅσον 


244 


BOOK IV. 44-45 


this circumnavigation Darius subdued the Indians 
and made use of this sea. Thus was it discovered 
that Asia, saving the parts towards the rising sun, 
was in other respects like Libya. 

45. But of Europe it is plain that none have 
obtained knowledge of its eastern or its northern 
parts so as to say if it is encompassed by seas; its 
length is known to be enough to stretch along both 
Asia and Libya. Nor can I guess for what reason 
the earth, which is one, has three names, all of 
women, and why the boundary lines set for it are 
the Egyptian river Nile and the Colchian river 
Phasis (though some say that the Maeetian river 
Tanais and the Cimmerian Ferries! are boundaries); 
nor can I learn the names of those who divided the 
world, or whence they got the names which they 
gave. For Libya is said by most Greeks to be called 
after a native woman of that name, and Asia after 
the wife of Prometheus?; yet the Lydians claim a 
share in the latter name, saying that Asia was not 
called after Prometheus' wife Asia, but after Asies, 
the son of Cotys, who was the son of Manes, and 
that from him the Asiad clan at Sardis also takes its 
name. But as for Europe, no men have any know- 
ledge whether it be surrounded or not by seas, nor 
whence it took its name, nor is it clear who gave the 
name, unless we are to say that the land took its 
name from the Tyrian Europa, having been (as it 
would seem) till then nameless like the others. But 
it is plain that this woman was of Asiatic birth, and 
never came to this land which the Greeks now call 


1 cp. ch. 12. 
2 The Fire-giver celebrated by Aeschylus and Shelley ; 
Asia is one of the principal characters in Prometheus Unbound. 


245 


HERODOTUS 


ἐκ Φοινίκης ἐς Κρήτη», ἐκ Κρήτης δὲ ἐς Λυκίην. 
ταῦτα μέν νυν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον εἰρήσθω' τοῖσι γὰρ 
νομιζομένοισι αὐτῶν χρησόμεθα. 

46. 'O δὲ Πόντος ó Εὔξεινος, ἐπ᾽ ὃν ἐστρα- 
τεύετο ὁ Δαρεῖος, χωρέων. πασέων παρέχεται, ἔξω 
τοῦ Σκυθικοῦ ἔθνεα ἀμαθέστατα. οὔτε γὰρ ἔθνος 
τῶν ἐντὸς ToU Πόντου οὐδὲν ἔχομεν προβαλέσθαι 
σοφίης πέρι οὔτε ἄνδρα λόγιον οἴδαμεν γενόμενον, 
πάρεξ τοῦ Σκυθικοῦ ἔθνεος καὶ ᾿Αναχάρσιο.. τῷ 
δὲ Σκυθικῷ γένεϊ ἓν μὲν τὸ μέγιστον τῶν ἀνθρω- 
πηίων πρηγμάτων σοφώτατα πάντων ἐξεύρηται 
τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν, τὰ μέντοι, ἄλλα οὐκ ἄγαμαι" τὸ 
δὲ μέγιστον οὕτω σφι ἀνεύρηται ὥστε ἀποφυγεῖν 
τε μηδένα ἐπελθόντα ἐπὶ σφέας, μὴ βουλομένους 
τε ἐξευρεθῆναι καταλαβεῖν μὴ οἷόν τε εἶναι. τοῖσι 
γὰρ μήτε ἄστεα μήτε τείχεα 7 ἐκτισμένα, ἀλλὰ 
φερέοικοι. ἐόντες πάντες ἔωσι ἱπποτοξόται, ζῶντες 
μὴ ἀπ᾽ ἀρότου ἀλλ᾽ ἀπὸ κτηνέων, οἰκήματά Τε 
σφι ᾖ ἐπὶ ζευγέων, κῶς οὐκ ἂν εἴησαν οὗτοι ἅμαχοί | 
τε καὶ ἄποροι προσμίσγειν;ᾶ 

47. ᾿Εξεύρηται δέ σφι ταῦτα τῆς τε γῆς ἐούσης 
ἐπιτηδέης καὶ τῶν ποταμῶν ἐόντων σφι συμμάχων. 
jj τε γὰρ y ἐοῦσα πεδιὰς αὕτη ποιώδης τε καὶ 
εὔυδρος é ἐστί, ποταμοί τε δι αὐτῆς ῥέουσι οὐ πολλῷ © 
τεῳ ἆ ιθμὸν ἐλάσσονες τῶν ἐν Αἰγύπτῳ διωρύχων. 
ὅσοι é ὀνομαστοί τε εἰσὶ αὐτῶν καὶ ο. Tol 
ἀπὸ θαλάσσης, τούτους óvouavéo! . . Ἴστρος 
μὲν πεντάστομος, μετὰ δὲ Τύρης τε καὶ Ὕπανις 
καὶ Βορυσθένης καὶ Παντικάπης καὶ Ὑπάκυρις 
καὶ Γέρρος καὶ Τάναϊς. ῥέουσι δὲ οἶδε κατὰ τάδε. 

48. Ἴστρος μέν, ἐὼν μέγιστος ποταμῶν πάντων 

1 Something is omitted, εἰσὶ δὲ ὀκτὼ οἵδε or the like. 
246 


BOOK 1V. 45-48 


Europe, but only from Phoenice to Crete and from 
Crete to Lycia. Thus far have I spoken of these 
matters, and let it suffice; we will use the names by 
custom established. 

46. Nowhere are men seen so dull-witted (1 say not 
this of the Scythian nation) as in the lands by the 
Euxine Pontus, against which Darius led his army. 
For we cannot show that any nation on the hither 
side of the Pontus has aught of cleverness, nor do 
we know (not reckoning the Scythian nation and 
Anacharsis) of any notable man born there. But 
the Scythian race has in that matter which of all 
human affairs is of greatest import made the cleverest 
discovery that we know; I praise not the Scythians 
in all respects, but in this greatest matter they have 
so devised that none who attacks them can escape, 
and none can catch them if they desire not to be 
found. For when men have no stablished cities 
or fortresses, but all are house-bearers and mounted 
archers, living not by tilling the soil but by cattle- 
rearing and carrying their dwellings on waggons, 
how should these not be invincible and unapproach- 
able? 

47. This invention they have made in a land which 
suits their purpose and has rivers which are their 
allies ; for their country is level and grassy and well 
watered and rivers run through it not greatly fewer 
than the canals of Egypt. As many of them as are 
famous and can be entered from the sea, these I will 
name. . . . There is the Ister, that has five mouths, 
and next, the Tyras, and Hypanis, and Borysthenes, 
and Panticapes, and Hypacuris, and Gerrhus, and 
Tanais. Their courses are as I will show. 

48. The Ister, the greatest of all rivers known to 


247 


HERODOTUS 


τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν, ἴσος αἰεὶ αὐτὸς ἑωυτῷ ῥέει καὶ 
θέρεος καὶ χειμῶνος, πρῶτος δὲ τὸ ἀπ᾽ ἑσπέρης 
τῶν ἐν τῇ Σκυθικῇ ῥέων κατὰ τοιόνδε μέγιστος 
γέγονε" ποταμῶν καὶ ἄλλων ἐς αὐτὸν ἐκδιδόντων 
εἰσὶ δὴ οἶδε οἱ μέγαν αὐτὸν ποιεῦντες, διὰ μέν 
ye τῆς Σκυθικῆς χώρης πέντε μὲν οἱ ῥέοντες, 
τόν τε Σκύθ αν Πόρατα καλέουσι Ελληνες δὲ 
Πυρετόν, καὶ ἄλλος Τιάραντος καὶ "A papos TE 
Kat Νάπαρις καὶ Ὀρδησσός. ὁ μὲν πρῶτος 
λεχθεὶς τῶν ποταμῶν μέγας καὶ πρὸς ἠῶ ῥέων 
ἀνακοινοῦται τῷ Ἴστρῳ τὸ ὕδωρ, ὁ δὲ δεύτερος 
λεχθεὶς Τιάραντος πρὸς ἑσπέρης τε μᾶλλον καὶ 
ἐλάσσων, ὁ δὲ δὴ “A papos τε καὶ ὁ Νάπαρις καὶ 
ὁ Ὀρδησσὸς διὰ μέσου τούτων ἰόντες ἐσβάλλουσι 
ἐς τὸν Ἴστρον. 

49. Οὗτοι μὲν. αὐθιγενέες Σκυθικοὶ ποταμοὶ 
συμπληθύουσι αὐτόν, ἐκ δὲ ᾿Αγαθύρσων Μάρις 
ποταμὸς ῥέων συμμίσγεται, τῷ Ἴστρῳ, ἐ ἐκ δὲ τοῦ 
Αίμου τῶν κορυφέων τρεῖς ἄλλοι μεγάλοι ῥέοντες 
πρὸς Βορέην ἄ ἄνεμον ἐσβάλλουσι ἐς αὐτόν, "Άτλας 
καὶ ,Aüpas. καὶ Τίβισις. διὰ δὲ Θρηίκης καὶ 
Θρηίκων τῶν Κροβύζων ῥέοντες "Αθρυς καὶ Νόης 
καὶ ᾿Αρτάνης, ἐκδιδοῦσι ἐς τὸν Ἴστρον: ἐκ δὲ 
Παιόνων καὶ ὄρεος Ῥοδόπης Κίος ποταμὸς μέσον 

ίξων τὸν Αἷμον ἐκδιδοῖ È ἐς αὐτόν. ἐξ Ἰλλυριῶν 
δέ. i ῥέων πρὸς Βορέην ἄνεμον Ἄγγρος ποταμὸς 
ἐσβάλλει è ἐς πεδίον τὸ Τριβαλλικὸν καὶ ἐς ποταμὸν 
Βρόγγον, ὁ ὁ δὲ Βρόγγος é ἐς τὸν Ἴστρον' οὕτω ἀμφο- 
τέρους ἐόντας μεγάλους ὁ Ἴστρος δέκεται. ἐκ δὲ 
τῆς κατύπερθε χώρης Ὀμβρικῶν Κάρπις ποταμὸς 
καὶ ἄλλος "Αλπις ποταμὸς πρὸς βορέην ἄνεμον 


248 


BOOK IV. 48-49 


us, flows with ever the same volume in summer and 
winter; itis the farthest westward of all the Scythian 
rivers, and the reason of its greatness is as follows: 
Many other rivers are its tributaries, but these are 
those that make it great, five flowing through the 
Scythian country: the river called by Scythians 
Porata and by Greeks Pyretus,! and besides this the 
Tiarantus, the Ararus, the Naparis, and the Ordessus. 
The first-named of these rivers is a great stream 
flowing eastwards and uniting its waters with the 
Ister, the second, the Tiarantus, is more to the west 
and smaller; the Ararus, Naparis, and Ordessus flow 
between these two and pour their waters into the 
Ister. 

49. These are the native-born Scythian rivers that 
help to swell it; but the river Maris, which com- 
mingles with the Ister, flows from the Agathyrsi ; 
the Atlas, Auras, and Tibisis, three other great rivers 
that pour into it, flow northward from the heights of 
Haemus.? The Athrys, the Noes, and the Artanes 
issue into the Ister from the country of the Crobyzi 
in Thrace; the river Cius, which cuts through the 
midst of Haemus, from the Paeonians and the moun- 
tain range of Rhodope. The river Angrus flows 
northward. from Illyria into the Triballic plain and 
the river Brongus, and the Brongus into the Ister, 
which so receives these two great rivers into itself. 
The Carpis and another river called Alpis also flow 
northward, from the country north of the Ombrici, 

! Probably the Pruth; the modern names of the other 
four rivers mentioned here are matters of conjecture. 

1 The Balkan range. None of the rivers in this chapter 
can be certainly identified; the names Κάρπις and "Άλπις 
must indicate tributaries descending from the Alps and 


Carpathians, 
249 


HERODOTUS 


καὶ οὗτοι /ῥέοντες ἐκδιδοῦσι ἐ ἐς αὐτόν' ῥέει γὰρ δὴ διὰ 
πάσης τῆς Εὐρώπης ὁ 0 Ἴστρος, ἀρξάμενος ἐκ Κελ- 
τῶν, οἳ ἔσχατοι πρὸς ἡλίου δυσµέων μετὰ Κύνητας 
οἰκέουσι τῶν ἐν τῇ Εὐρώπῃ: ῥέων δὲ διὰ πάσης 
τῆς Εὐρώπης ἐ ἐς τὰ πλάγια τῆς Σκυθίης ἐσβάλλει. 

60. Τούτων ὧν τῶν καταλεχθέντων καὶ ἄλλων 
πολλῶν συμβαλλομένων τὸ σφέτερον ὕδωρ γίνεται 
ὁ Ἴστρος ποταμῶν μέγιστος, ἐπεὶ ὕδωρ γε ἓν πρὸς 
ἓν συμβάλλειν. ó Νεῖλος πλήθεϊ ἀποκρατέει. ἐς 
γὰρ δὴ τοῦτον οὔτε ποταμὸς οὔτε κρήνη οὐδεμία 
ἐσδιδοῦσα͵ ἐς πλῆθός οἱ συμβάλλεται. ἴσος δὲ 
αἰεὶ ῥέει ἔν τε θέρεϊ καὶ χειμῶνι ὁ Ἴστρος κατὰ 
τοιόνδε τι, ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκέει: τοῦ μὲν χειμῶνος ἐστὶ 
ὅσος περ. ἐστί, ὀλίγῳ τε μέξων τῆς ἑωυτοῦ φύσιος 
γίνεται" ὕεται γὰρ ἡ γῆ αὕτη: τοῦ χειμῶνος πάμπαν 
ὀλίγῳ, νιφετῷ δὲ πάντα χρᾶται: τοῦ δὲ θέρεος ἡ 7) 
χιὼν ἡ ἐν τῷ χειμῶνι πεσοῦσα, ἐοῦσα ἀμφιλαφής, 
τηκομένη πάντοθεν ἐσδιδοῖ ἐς τὸν Ἴστρον. αὕτη 
τε δὴ 7) χιὼν ἐσδιδοῦσα ἐς αὐτὸν .συμπληθύει καὶ 
ὄμβροι πολλοί τε καὶ λάβροι σὺν αὐτῇ ὕει γὰρ 
δὴ τὸ θέρος. ὅσῳ δὲ πλέον em ἑωυτὸν ὕδωρ ὃ 
ἥλιος. ἐπέλκεται ἐν τῷ θέρεϊ ἢ ἐν τῷ χειμῶνι, 
τοσούτῳ τὰ συμμισγόμενα τῷ "lerpo πολλα- 
πλήσια ἐστὶ τοῦ θέρεος ἤ ἤ περ τοῦ χειμῶνος" ἀντιτι- 
θέμενα δὲ ταῦτα ἀντισήκωσις γίνεται, ὥστε ἴσον 
μιν αἰεὶ φαίνεσθαι ἐ ἐόντα. 

91. Els μὲν δὴ τῶν ποταμῶν τοῖσι -Σκύθῃσι è ἐστὶ 
ὁ Ἴστρος, μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον Τύρης, ὃ ὃς ἀπὸ βορέω 
μὲν ἀνέμου ὁρμᾶται, ἄρχεται δὲ ῥέων ἐκ λίμνης 
μεγάλης ἦ οὐρίξει τήν τε Σκυθικὴν καὶ Νευρίδα 
γῆν. ἐπὶ δὲ τῷ στόματι αὐτοῦ κατοίκηνται 
Ἕλληνες of Τυρῖται καλέονται. 


250 


BOOK IV. 49-51 


to issue into it; for the Ister traverses the whole of 
Europe, rising among the Celts who, save only the 
Cynetes, are the most westerly dwellers in Europe, 
and flowing thus clean across Europe it issues forth 
along the borders of Scythia. 

90. Seeing, then, that these aforesaid rivers, and 
many others too, are its tributaries, the Ister becomes 
the greatest of all rivers; stream for stream, indeed, 
the Nile has a greater volume, for no river or spring 
joins it to swell its volume of water. But the Ister 
is ever of the same height in summer and winter, 
whereof I think this to be the reason. In winter it 
is of its customary size, or only a little greater than 
is natural to it, for in that country in winter there is 
very little rain, but snow everywhere. But in the 
summer the abundant snow which has fallen in 
winter melts and pours from all sides into the Ister ; 
so this snow pours into the river and helps to swell 
it with much violent rain besides, the summer being 
the season of rain. And in the same degree as the 
sun draws to itself more water in summer than in 
winter, the water that commingles with the Ister 
is many times more abundant in summer than 
it is in winter; these opposites keep the balance 
true, so that the volume of the river appears ever 
the same. 

91. One of the rivers of the Scythians, then, is 
the Ister. The next is the Tyras!; this comes from 
the north, flowing at first out of a great lake, which 
is the boundary between the Scythian and the 
Neurian countries; at the mouth of the river there 
is a settlement of Greeks, who are called Tyritae. 


1 The Dniester. 


251 


HERODOTUS 


52. Τρίτος δὲ" Ὕπανις ποταμὸς ὁρμᾶται μὲν ἐκ 
τῆς Σκυθικῆς, ῥ ῥέει δὲ ἐκ λίμνης μεγάλης τὴν πέριξ 
νέμονται ἵπποι . ἄγριοι λευκοί: καλέεται δὲ ἡ 7 λίμνη 
αὕτη ὀρθῶς μήτηρ Ὑπάνιος. ἐκ ταύτης ὦ ὧν ἆνα- 
τέλλων ὁ Ὕπανις ποταμὸς ῥέει ἐπὶ μὲν πέντε 
ἡμερέων πλόον βραχὺς καὶ γλυκύς ἐστι, ἀπὸ δὲ 
τούτου πρὸς θαλάσσης τεσσέρων ἡμερέων πλόον 
πικρὸς δεινῶς ἐκδιδοῖ γὰρ ἐς αὐτὸν κρήνη πικρή, 
οὕτω δή. τι ἐοῦσα πικρή, ἣ μεγάθεϊ σμικρὴ ἐοῦσα 
κιρνᾷ τὸν Ὕπανιν ἐόντα ποταμὸν ἐν ὀλίγοισι 
μέγαν. ἔστι δὲ ἡ κρήνη αὕτη ἐν οὔροισι χώρης 
τῆς τε ἀροτήρων Σκυθέων καὶ ᾿Αλαξόνων' οὔνομα 
δὲ τῇ κρήνῃ καὶ ὅθεν ῥ ῥέει τῷ χώρῳ σκυθιστὶ μὲν 
᾿Εξαμπαῖος, κατὰ δὲ τὴν Ἑλλήνων γλῶσσαν Ἱραὶ 
ὁδοί. συνάγουσι δὲ τὰ τέρματα ὅ τε Τύρης καὶ 
ὁ Ὕπανις κατὰ ᾿Αλαξόνας, τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ τούτου 
ἀποστρέψας ἑκάτερος ῥέει εὐρύνων τὸ μέσον. 

53. Τέταρτος δὲ Βορυσθένης ποταμός, ὃς ἐστί 
τε μέγιστος μετὰ, Ἴστρον τούτων καὶ πολυαρκέ- 
στατος κατὰ γνώμας τὰς ἡμετέρας οὔτι μοῦνον 
τῶν Σκυθικῶν ποταμῶν ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων 
ἁπάντων, πλὴν Νείλου τοῦ Αἰγυπτίου: τούτῳ γὰρ 
οὐκ οἷά τε ἐστὶ συμβαλεῖν ἄλλον ποταμόν" τῶν 
δὲ λοιπῶν Βορυσθένης ἐστὶ πολυαρκέστατος, ὃς 
νομάς τε καλλίστας καὶ εὐκομιδεστάτας κτήνεσι 
παρέχεται ἰχθύας τε ἀρίστους διακριδὸν καὶ πλεί- 
στους, πίνεσθαί τε ἥδιστος ἐστί, ῥέει τε καθαρὸς 
παρὰ θολεροῖσι, σπόρος τε παρ αὐτὸν ἄριστος 
γίνεται, ποίη τε, τῇ ov σπείρεται. ἡ χώρη, βαθυ- 
τάτη' ἅλες τε ἐπὶ τῷ στόματι αὐτοῦ αὐτόματοι 
πήγνυνται ἄπλετοι: κήτεά τε μεγάλα ἀνάκανθα, 
τὰ ἀντακαίους καλέουσι, παρέχεται ἐς ταρίχευσιν, 


253 


BOOK IV. 52-53 


52. The third river is the Hypanis; this comes from 
Scythia, flowing out of a great lake, round which 
wild white horses graze. This lake is truly called 
the mother of the Hypanis. Here, then, the Hypanis 
rises ; for five days’ journey its waters are shallow and 
still sweet; after that for four days' journey seaward 
it is wondrous bitter, for a spring issues into it which 
is so bitter that although its volume is small its 
admixture taints the Hypanis, one of ‘the few great 
rivers of the world. This spring is on the border- 
land between the farming Scythians! and the Ala- 
zones; the name of it and of the country whence it 
flows is in Scythian Exampaeus, in the Greek tongue 
Sacred Ways. The Tyras and the Hypanis draw 
their courses near together in the Alazones’ country ; 
after that they flow divergent, widening the space 
between. 

53. The fourth is the river Borysthenes. This is 
the next greatest of them after the Ister, and the 
most serviceable, according to our judgment, not 
only of the Scythian rivers but of all, except the 
Egyptian Nile, with which no other river can be 
compared. But of the rest the Borysthenes is the 
most serviceable; it provides for beasts the fairest 
pasture lands and easiest of access, and the fish in 
it are beyond all in their excellence and their 
abundance. Its water is most sweet to drink, flow- 
ing with a clear current, whereas the other rivers 
are turbid. There is excellent tilth on its banks, 
and very rich grass where the land is not sown ; and 
self-formed crusts of salt abound at its mouth; it 
provides great spineless fish, called sturgeons, for the 


1 See ch. 17. 


253 


HERODOTUS 


ἄλλα τε πολλὰ θωμάσαι ἄξια. μέχρι μέν νυν 
Γερρέων χώρου, ἐς τὸν τεσσεράκοντα ἡμερέων 
/ 
πλόος ἐστί, γινώσκεται ῥέων ἀπὸ βορέω ἀνέμου' 
N /, > @ e? ? lA 9 1 ” 
τὸ δὲ κατύπερθε δι ὧν ῥέει ἀνθρώπων οὐδεὶς ἔχει 
φράσαι" φαίνεται δὲ ῥέων δὲ ἐρήμου ἐς τῶν 
^ / A 4 . e 7 
γεωργῶν Σκυθέων τὴν χώρην" οὗτοι γὰρ οἱ Σκύθαι 
παρ αὐτὸν ἐπὶ δέκα ἡμερέων πλόον νέμονται. 

, ΄ - ^ 
μούνου δὲ τούτου τοῦ ποταμοῦ καὶ Νείλου οὐκ 
y 4 A 4 ὃ /, δέ δὲ jo M 
ἔχω φράσαι Tas πηγάς, δοκέω δέ, οὐδὲ οὐδεὶς 
Ἑλλήνων. ἀγχοῦ τε δὴ θαλάσσης ὁ Βορυσθένης 
ῥέων γίνεται καί οἱ συμμίσγεται ὁ Ὕπανις ἐς 

, « υ 3 7 N N . ^ ^ 
τὠυτὸ ἕλος ἐκδιδούς. τὸ δὲ μεταξὺ τῶν ποταμῶν 

7 aN y A , € / » 
τούτων, ἐὸν ἔμβολον τῆς χώρης, {ππόλεω ἄκρη 

λέ 3 δὲ , ^ ein A / , [ὃ ` 
καλέεται, ἐν δὲ αὐτῷ ἱρὸν Δήμητρος ἐνίδρυται 

/ . "^ € ^ ae 5 
πέρην δὲ τοῦ ἱροῦ ἐπὶ τῷ Ὕπάνι Βορυσθενεῖται 
κατοίκηνται. 

54. Ταῦτα μὲν τὰ ἀπὸ τούτων τῶν ποταμῶν, 
μετὰ δὲ τούτους πέμπτος ποταμὸς ἄλλος, τῷ 
οὔνομα Παντικάπης, ῥέει μὲν καὶ οὗτος ἀπὸ βορέω 
τε καὶ ἐκ λίμνης, καὶ τὸ μεταξὺ τούτου τε καὶ τοῦ 
Βορυσθένεος νέμονται οἱ γεωργοὶ Σκύθαι, ἐκδιδοῖ 
δὲ ἐς τὴν Trainv, παραμειψάμενος δὲ ταύτην τῷ 
Βορυσθένεϊ συμμίσγεται. 

55. Ἔκτος δὲ Ὑπάκυρις ποταμός, ὃς ὁρμᾶται 

^ 4 
μὲν ἐκ λίμνης, διὰ μέσων δὲ τῶν νομάδων Σκυθέων 
ῥέων ἐκδιδοῦ κατὰ Καρκινῖτιν πόλιν, ἐς δεξιὴν 
ε 
ἀπέργων τήν τε Ὑλαίην καὶ τὸν ᾿Αχιλλήιον 
δρόμον καλεόμενον. 
56. "Εβδομος δὲ Γέρρος ποταμὸς ἀπέσχισται 


254 


BOOK IV. 53-56 


salting, and many other wondrous things besides. 
Its course is from the north, and there is knowledge 
of it as far as the Gerrhan land, that is, for forty 
days' voyage; beyond that, no man can say through 
what nations it flows; but it is plain that it flows 
through desert country to the land of the farming 
Scythians, who dwell beside it for a ten days' voyage. 
This is the only river, besides the Nile, whereof I 
cannot say what is the source; nor, I think, can any 
Greek. When the stream of the Borysthenes comes 
near the sea, the Hypanis mingles with it, issuing 
into the same marsh; the land between these 
rivers, being a jutting beak of the country, is called 
Hippolaus' promontory ; a temple of Demeter stands 
there. The settlement of the Borystheneitae is 
beyond the temple, on the Hypanis. 

54. This is the knowledge that comes to us from 
these rivers. After these there is a fifth river called 
Panticapas; this also flows from the north out of a 
lake, and the land between it and the Borysthenes 
is inhabited by the farming Scythians; it issues into 
the Woodland country; which having passed it 
mingles with the Borysthenes. 

55. The sixth is the river Hypacuris,! which rises 
from a lake, and flowing through the midst of the 
nomad Scythians issues out near the city of Carcine, 
bordering on its right the Woodland and the region 
called the Racecourse of Achilles. 

56. The seventh river, the Gerrhus, parts from 


! Perhaps in the Molotschna region, considerably east of 
the Dnieper. The ‘‘city of Carcine" lay at the eastern end 
of the Scythian sea-coast, close to the Tauric Chersonese 
(Crimea). The Racecourse of Achilles was a strip of land, 
now broken into islands, about 80 miles long, between the 
Crimea and the mouth of the Dnieper. 


255 


HERODOTUS 


μὲν ἀπὸ τοῦ Βορυσθένεος κατὰ τοῦτο τῆς χώρης 
ἐς ὃ γινώσκεται ὁ Βορυσθένης: ἀπέσχισται μέν 
νυν ἐκ τούτου τοῦ χώρου, οὔνομα δὲ ἔχει τό περ 
ὁ χῶρος αὐτός, Γέῤρος, ῥέων δὲ ἐς θάλασσαν 
οὐρίζει τήν τε τῶν νομάδων χώρην καὶ τὴν τῶν 
βασιληίων Σκυθέων, ἐκδιδοῖ δὲ ἐς τὸν Ὑπάκυριν. 

97. Ὄγδοος δὲ δὴ Γάναϊς ποταμός, ὃς ῥέει Tavé- 
καθεν ἐκ. λίμνης μεγάλης ὁρμώμενος, ἐκδιδοῖ δὲ ἐς 
µέζω ἔτι λίμνην καλεομένην Μαιῆτιν, ἣ οὐρίξει 
Σκύθας τε τοὺς βασιληίους καὶ Σαυρομάτας. ἐς 
δὲ Τάναϊν τοῦτον ἄλλος ποταμὸς ἐσβάλλει τῷ 
οὔνομα ἐστὶ "Ύργις. 

58. Τοῖσι μὲν δὴ ὀνομαστοῖσι ποταμοῖσι οὕτω 
δή τι οἱ Σκύθαι ἐσκευάδαται, τοῖσι δὲ κτήνεσι ἡ 
ποίη ἀναφυομένη ἐν τῇ Σκυθικῇ ἐστι ἐπιχολω- 
τάτη πασέων ποιέων τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν: ἀνοιγο- 
μένοισι δὲ τοῖσι κτήνεσι ἐστὶ σταθμώσασθαι ὅτι 
τοῦτο οὕτω ἔχει. 

59. Τὰ μὲν δὴ μέγιστα οὕτω σφι εὔπορα ἐστί, 
τὰ δὲ λοιπὰ νόμαια κατὰ τάδε σφι διακέεται. 
θεοὺς μὲν μούνους τούσδε ἱλάσκονται, Ἱστίην μὲν 

/ > A . , M ^ / A ^ 
μάλιστα, ἐπὶ δὲ Δία καὶ Γῆν, νομίξοντες τὴν Γἣν 
τοῦ Διὸς εἶναι γυναῖκα, μετὰ δὲ τούτους ᾿Απόλ- 
λωνά τε καὶ οὐρανίην ᾿Αφροδίτην καὶ Ἡρακλέα 
καὶ "Ἄρεα. τούτους μὲν πάντες Σκύθαι νενομί- 
κασι, οἱ δὲ καλεόμενοι βασιλήιοι Σκύθαι καὶ τῷ 
Ποσειδέωνι θύουσι. ὀνομάξεται δὲ σκυθιστὶ Ἴσ- 
τίη μὲν Ταβιτί, Ζεὺς δὲ ὀρθότατα κατὰ γνώμην 
ye τὴν ἐμὴν καλεόμενος Παπαῖος, Γη δὲ Ari. 
᾿Απόλλων δὲ Γοιτόσυρος, οὐρανίη δὲ ᾿Αφροδίτη 
᾿Αργίμπασα, Ποσειδέων δὲ Θαγιμασάδας. ἀγάλ- 


256 


BOOK IV. 56-59 


the Borysthenes at about the place which is the end 
of our knowledge of that river; at this place it parts, 
and has the same name as the place itself, Gerrhus ; 
then in its course to the sea it divides the country 
of the Nomads and the country of the Royal 
Scythians, and issues into the Hypacuris. 

57. The eighth is the river Tanais!; this in its 
upper course begins by flowing out of a great lake, 
and enters a yet greater lake called the Maeetian, 
which divides the Royal Scythians from the Sauro- 
matae ; another river, called Hyrgis,? is a tributary of . 
this Tanais. 

58. These are the rivers of name with which the 
Scythians are provided. For the rearing of cattle 
the grass growing in Scythia is the most bile-making 
of all pastures known to us ; it can be judged by the 
opening of the bodies of the cattle that this is so. 

99. The Scythians then have what most concerns 
them ready to hand. It remains now to show the 
customs which are established among them. The 
only gods whom they propitiate by worship are 
these: Hestia in especial, and secondly Zeus and 
Earth, whom they deem to be the wife of Zeus; 
after these, Apollo, and the Heavenly Aphrodite, 
and Heracles, and Ares. All the Scythians worship 
these as gods; the Scythians called Royal sacrifice 
also to Poseidon. In the Scythian tongue Hestia is 
called Tabiti: Zeus (in my judgment most rightly so 
called) Papaeus?; Earth is Apia, Apollo Goetosyrus, 
the Heavenly Aphrodite Artimpasa, and Poseidon 

1 The Don. 

2 Perhaps the “ Syrgis" of ch. 123; it may be the modern 
Donetz. 

3 Asthe ““ All-Father”; cp. such words as πάπας, παπίας, 
etc. 

257 

VOL. 11. 9 


HERODOTUS | 
para δὲ καὶ βωμοὺς καὶ νηοὺς οὐ νομίξουσε 
ποιέειν πλὴν “A pei: τούτῳ δὲ νομίξουσι. 

60. Θυσίη δὲ 7 αὐτὴ πᾶσι κατέστηκε περὶ 
πάντα τὰ ipa ὁμοίως, ἐρδομένη ὧδε" τὸ μὲν ἱρήιον 
αὐτὸ ἐμπεποδισμένον τοὺς ἐμπροσθίους πόδας 
ἕστηκε, ὁ δὲ θύων ὄπισθε τοῦ κτήνεος ἑστεὼς 
σπάσας τὴν ἀρχὴν τοῦ στρόφου καταβάλλει μιν, 
πύπτοντος δὲ τοῦ tpniov ἐπικαλέει τὸν θεὸν τῷ ἂν 
θύῃ, καὶ ἔπειτα βρόχῳ περὶ ὧν ἔβαλε τὸν αὐχένα, 
σκυταλίδα δὲ ἐμβαλὼν. περιάγει καὶ ἀποπνίγει, 
οὔτε πῦρ ἀνακαύσας οὔτε καταρξάμενος οὔτ᾽ ἐπι- 
σπείσας: ἀποπνίξας δὲ καὶ ἀποδείρας τράπεται 
πρὸς ἕψησιν. 

61. Της δὲ γῆς τῆς Σκυθικῆς αἰνῶς -ἀξύλου 
ἐούσης ὧδέ σφι ἐς τὴν ἔψησιν τῶν κρεῶν. ἐξεύ- 
pyra ἐπειδὰν ἀποδείρωσι τὰ ἱρήια, γυμνοῦσι τὰ 
ὀστέα τῶν κρεῶν, ἔπειτα ἐσβάλλουσι, ἦν μὲν 
τύχωσι ἔχοντες, ἐς λέβητας ἐπιχωρίους, μάλιστα 
Λεσβίοισι κρητῆρσι προσεικέλους, χωρὶς ἢ ὅτι 
πολλῷ μέξονας" ἐς τούτους a βάλλοντες ἔψουσι 
ὑποκαίοντες τὰ ὀστέα τῶν ἱρηίων. ἦν δὲ μή σφι 
παρῇ ὁ λέβης, οἳ δὲ ἐ ἐς τὰς γαστέρας τῶν ἑρηίων 

ἐσβάλλοντες τὰ κρέα. πάντα καὶ παραμίξαντες 
ὕδωρ ὑποκαίουσι τὰ ὀστέα" τὰ δὲ αἴθεται κάλ. 
λιστα, αἱ δὲ γαστέρες χωρέουσι εὐπετέως τὰ κρέα 
ἐψιλωμένα τῶν ὀστέων" καὶ οὕτω. βοῦς τε ἑωυτὸν 
ἐξέψει καὶ τἆλλα ἱρήια ἑωυτὸ ἕκαστον. ἐπεὰν 
δὲ ἑψηθῇ τὰ κρέα, ὁ θύσας τῶν κρεῶν, καὶ τῶν 
σπλάγχνων ἀπαρξάμενος ῥίπτει ἐς τὸ ἔμπ οσθε. 
θύουσι δὲ καὶ τὰ ἄλλα πρόβατα καὶ ἵππους 
μάλιστα. 

62. Τοῖσι μὲν δὴ ἄλλοισι τῶν θεῶν οὕτω θύουσι 


258 


BOOK IV. 59-62 


Thagimasadas. It is their practice to make images 
and altars and shrines for Ares, but for no other 
god. 

60. In all their sacred services alike they follow 
the same method of sacrifice; this is how it is 
offered. The victim itself stands with its forefeet 
shackled together; the sacrificer stands behind the 
beast, and throws it down by plucking the end of its 
rope ; as the victim falls, he invokes whatever god it 
is to whom he sacrifices. Then, throwing a noose 
round the beast's neck, he thrusts in a stick and 
twists it and so strangles the victim, lighting no fire 
nor offering the firstfruits, nor pouring any libation ; 
and having strangled and flayed the beast, he sets 
about cooking it. 

61. Now the Scythian land is wondrous bare of 
wood : so this is their device for cooking the flesh. 
When they have flayed the victims, they strip the 
flesh from the bones and throw them into the 
cauldrons of the country, if they have such: these 
are most like to Lesbian bowls, save that they are 
much bigger; into these then they throw the 
victim's bones, and cook them by lighting a fire 
beneath. But if they have no cauldron, then they 
cast all the flesh into the victim's stomachs, adding 
». water thereto, and make a fire beneath of the bones, 
which burn finely ; the stomachs easily hold the 
flesh when it is stripped from the bones; thus an ox 
serves to cook itself, and every other victim does 
likewise. When the flesh is cooked, the sacrificer 
takes the firstfruits of the flesh and the entrails and 
casts it before him. They use all beasts of the flock 
for sacrifice, but chiefly horses. 

62. Such is their way of sacrificing to all other 


259 
s 2 


HERODOTUS 


Kai ταῦτα τῶν κτηνέων, τῷ δὲ "Apei ὧδε. κατὰ 
νομοὺς ἑκάστους τῶν ἀρχέων ἐσίδρυταί σφι “A peos 
ἱρὸν τοιόνδε’ φρυγάνων φάκελοι συννενέαται ὅσον 
T ἐπὶ σταδίους τρεῖς μῆκος καὶ εὖρος, ὕψος δὲ 
ἔλασσον: ἄνω δὲ τούτου τετράγωνον ἄπεδον Te- 
ποίηται, καὶ τὰ μὲν τρία τῶν κώλων ἐστὶ ἀπό- 
TOLA, κατὰ δὲ τὸ ἓν ἐπιβατόν. ἔτεος δὲ ἑκάστου 
ἁμάξας πεντήκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν ἐπινέουσι φρυγά- 
νων" ὑπονοστέει γὰρ δὴ αἰεὶ ὑπὸ τῶν χειμώνων. 
ἐπὶ τούτου δὴ τοῦ σηκοῦ ἀκινάκης σιδήρεος 
ἵδρυται ἀρχαῖος ἑκάστοισι, καὶ τοῦτ᾽ ἐστὶ τοῦ 
"A peos TO ἄγαλμα. τούτῳ δὲ τῷ ἀκινάκῃ θυσίας 
ἐπετείους προσάγουσι προβάτων καὶ ἵππων, καὶ 
δὴ καὶ τοῖσιὸ ἔτι πλέω θύουσι ἢ τοῖσι ἄλλοισι 
θεοῖσι" ὅσους ἂν τῶν πολεμίων ζωγρήσωσι, ἀπὸ 
τῶν ἑκατὸν ἀνδρῶν ἄνδρα θύουσι τρόπῳ οὐ τῷ 
᾿αὐτῷ καὶ τὰ πρόβατα, | ἀλλ. ἑτεροίῳ. ἐπεὰν γὰρ 
οἶνον ἐπισπείσωσι κατὰ τῶν κεφαλέων, ἀποσφά- 
ζουσι τοὺς ἀνθρώπους € ἐς ἄγγος καὶ ἔπειτα ἀνενεί- 
καντες ἄνω ἐπὶ τὸν ὄγκον τῶν φρυγάνων καταχέ- 
ουσι τὸ αἷμα τοῦ ἀκινάκεω, ἄνω μὲν δὴ φορέουσι 
τοῦτο, κάτω δὲ παρὰ τὸ ἱρὸν ποιεῦσι τάδε: τῶν 
ἀποσφαγέντων ἀνδρῶν τοὺς δεξιοὺς ὦ ὤμους πάντας 
ἀποταμόντες σὺν τῇσι χερσὶ ἐς τὸν ἠέρα ἱεῖσι, 
καὶ ἔπειτα καὶ τὰ ἄλλα ἀπέρξαντες ἱρήια ἀπαλ- 
λάσσονται. χεὶρ δὲ τῇ ἂν πέσῃ κέεται, καὶ 
χωρὶς ὁ νεκρός. 

63. Θυσίαι μέν νυν αὗταί σφι κατεστᾶσι. ὑσὶ 
δὲ οὗτοι, οὐδὲν νομύξουσι, οὐδὲ τρέφειν ἐν τῇ χώρῃ 
τὸ παράπαν θέλουσι. 

64. Τὰ δ᾽ ἐς πόλεμον ἔχοντα ὧδέ σφι δια- 
κέαται' ἐπεὰν τὸν πρῶτον ἄνδρα καταβάλῃ ἀνὴρ 


26ο 


BOOK IV. 62-64 


gods and such are the beasts offered; but their 
sacrifices to Ares are on this wise. Every district in 
each of the governments has in it a building sacred 
to Ares, to wit, a pile of fagots of sticks three 
furlongs broad and long, but of a less height, on the 
top of which there is a flattened four-sided surface; 
three of its sides are sheer, but the fourth can be 
ascended. In every year an hundred and fifty 
waggon-loads of sticks are heaped upon this; for the 
storms of winter ever make it sink down. On this 
pile there is set for each people an ancient scimitar 
of iron, which is their image of Ares ; to this scimitar 
they bring yearly sacrifice of sheep and goats and 
horses, offering to these symbols even more than 
they do to the other gods. Of all their enemies 
that they take alive, they sacrifice one man in every 
hundred, not according to their fashion of sacrificing 
sheep and goats, but differently. They pour wine 
on the men’s heads and cut their throats over a 
vessel; then they carry the blood up on to the 
pile of sticks and pour it on the scimitar. So they 
carry the blood aloft, but below by the sacred build- 
ing they cut off the slain men's right arms and 
hands and throw these into the air, and presently 
depart when they have sacrificed the rest of the 
victims; the arm lies where it has fallen, and the 
body apart froth it. 
. 63. These then are their established fashions of 
sacrifice; but of swine these Scythians make no 
offerings ; nor are they willing for the most part to 
rear them in their country. 

64. As to war, these are their customs. A Scythian 
drinks of the blood of the first man whom he has 


. 261 


HERODOTUS 


Σκύθης, τοῦ αἵματος ἐμπίνει, ὅσους ὃ ἂν φονεύσῃ 
ἐν τῇ μάχῃ, τούτων τὰς κεφαλὰς ἀποφέρει τῷ 
βασιλέι. ἀπενείκας μὲν γὰρ κεφαλὴν τῆς ληης 
μεταλαμβάνει τὴν ἂν λάβωσι, μ μὴ ἐνείκας δὲ οὔ. 
ἀποδείρει δὲ αὐτὴν τρόπφ τοιῷδε" περιταμὼν 
κύκλῳ περὶ τὰ ὦτα καὶ λαβόμενος τῆς κεφαλῆς 
ἐκσείει, μετὰ δὲ σαρκίσας βοὺς πλευρῇ δέψει τῆσι 
χερσί, ὀργάσας δὲ αὐτὸ ἆτε χειρόμακτρον ἔκτηται, 
ἐκ δὲ τῶν χαλινῶν τοῦ ἵππου τὸν αὐτὸς ἐλαύνει, 
ἐκ τούτου ἐξάπτει καὶ ἀγάλλεται: ὃς γὰρ ἂν 
πλεῖστα δέρματα χειρόμακτρα. ἔχῃ» ἀνὴρ ἄριστος 
οὗτος κέκριται. πολλοὶ δὲ αὐτῶν ἐκ τῶν ἀπο- 
ξαρμάτων καὶ χλαίνας ἐπείνυσθαι ποιεῦσι, συρ- 
ράπτοντες κατά περ Baíras. πολλοὶ δὲ ἀνδρῶν 
ἐχθρῶν τὰς δεξιὰς χεῖρας νεκρῶν ἐόντων ἀποδεί- 
pavres αὐτοῖσι ὄνυξι καλύπτρας τῶν φαρετρέων 
ποιεῦνται. δέρµα δὲ ἀνθρώπου καὶ παχὺ καὶ 
λαμπρὸν ἦν ἄρα, σχεδὸν δερμάτων πάντων λαμ- 
πρότατον λευκότητι. πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ ὅλους ἄνδρας 
ἐκδείραντες καὶ διατείναντες ἐπὶ ξύλων ἐπ᾽ ἵππων 
περιφέρουσι. 

6δ. Ταῦτα μὲν δὴ οὕτω σφι νενόμισται, αὐτὰς 
δὲ τὰς κεφαλάς, οὔτι πάντων ἀλλὰ τῶν ἐχθίστων, 
ποιεῦσι τάδε" ἀποπρίσας ἕκαστος 3 πᾶν τὸ ἔνερθε 
τῶν ὀφρύων ἐκκαθαίρει' καὶ ἦν μὲν ᾗ πένης, ὃ δὲ 
ἔξωθεν ὠμοθοέην μούνην περιτείνας οὕτω χρᾶται, 
ἦν δὲ ᾖ πλούσιος, τὴν μὲν ὠμοβοέην περιτείνει, 
ἔσωθεν δὲ καταχρυσώσας οὕτω χρᾶται ποτηρίῳ. 
ποιεῦσι δὲ τοῦτο καὶ ἐκ τῶν οἰκηίων ἦν σφι 
διάφοροι γένωνται καὶ ἣν ἐπικρατήσῃ αὐτοῦ παρὰ 
τῷ βασιλέι. ξείνων δέ οἱ ἐλθόντων τῶν ἂν λόγον 

1 [ἕκαστος] Stein. 

262 


BOOK IV. 64-65 


overthrown. He carries to his king the heads of all 
whom he has slain in the battle; for he receives a 
share of the booty taken if he bring a head, but not 
otherwise. He scalps the head by making a cut 
round it by the ears, then grasping the scalp and 
shaking the head out. Then he scrapes out the flesh 
with the rib of an ox, and kneads the skin with his 
hands, and having made it supple he keeps it for a 
napkin, fastening it to the bridle of the horse which 
he himself rides, and taking pride in it; for he is 
judged the best man who has most scalps for napkins. 
Many Scythians even make garments for wear out 
of these scalps, sewing them together like coats of 
skin. Many too take off the skin, nails and all, from 
their dead enemies' hands, and make thereof cover- 
ings for their quivers ; it would seem that the human 
skin is thick and shining, of all skins, one may say, 
the brightest and whitest. There are many too that 
flay the skin from the whole body and carry it about 
on horseback stretched on a wooden frame. 

65. The heads themselves, not of all but of their 
bitterest foes, they treat in this wise. Each saws off 
all the part beneath the eyebrows, and cleanses the 
rest. If he be a poor man, then he does but cover 
the outside with a piece of raw hide, and so makes 
use of it ; but if he be rich, he covers the head with 
the raw hide, and gilds the inside of it and so uses 
it for a drinking-cup. Such cups a man makes also 
of the head of his own kinsman with whom he has 
been at feud, and whom he has worsted in a suit 
before the king ; and if guests whom he honours visit 


263 


HERODOTUS 


ποιέηται, τὰς κεφαλὰς ταύτας παραφέρειν καὶ 
ἐπιλέγει ὡς οἱ ἐόντες οἰκήιοι πόλεμον προσεθή- 
καντο καί σφεων αὐτὸς ἐπεκράτησε, ταύτην 
ἀνδραγαθίην λέγοντες. 

66. “Απαξ δὲ τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ ἑκάστου ὁ νομάρχης 
ἕκαστος ἐν τῷ ἑωυτοῦ νομῷ κιρνᾷ κρητῆρα οἴνου, 
ἀπ᾽ οὗ πίνουσι τῶν Σκυθέων τοῖσι ἂν ἄνδρες 
πολέμιοι ἀραιρημένοι ἔωσι' τοῖσι δ᾽ ἂν μὴ κατερ- 
γασμένον 7 τοῦτο, οὐ γεύονται τοῦ οἴνου τούτου, 
ἀλλ, ἠτιμωμένοι ἀποκατέαται: ὄνειδος δέ σφι ἐστὶ 
μέγιστον τοῦτο. ὅσοι δὲ ἂν αὐτῶν καὶ κάρτα 
πολλοὺς ἄνδρας ἀραιρηκότες ἔωσι, οὗτοι δὲ 
σύνδυο κύλικας ἔχοντες πίνουσι ὁμοῦ. 

67. Μάντιες δὲ Σκυθέων εἰσὶ πολλού, οἳ pav- 
τεύονται ῥάβδοισι ἐτεῖνῃσι πολλῇσι ὧδε: ἐπεὰν 
φακέλους ῥάβδων μεγάλους ἐνείκωνται, θέντες 
χαμαὶ διεξειλύσσουσι αὐτούς, καὶ ἐπὶ μίαν ἑκά- 
στην ῥάβδον τιθέντες θεσπίξουσι, d ἅμα τε λέγοντες 
ταῦτα συνειλέουσι τὰς ῥάβδους ὁ ὀπίσω καὶ αὖτις 
κατὰ μίαν συντιθεῖσι. αὕτη μέν σφι ἡ μαντικὴ 
πατρωίη ἐστί. οἱ δὲ ᾿Ενάρεες οἱ ἀνδρόγυνοι τὴν 
᾿Αφροδίτην σφίσι λέγουσι μαντικὴν δοῦναι" φι- 
λύρης δ᾽ ὧν φλοιῷ μαντεύονται: ἐπεὰν τὴν 
φιλύρην τρίχα σχίσῃ, διαπλέκων ἐν τοῖσι δακτύ- 
τ τοῖσι ἑωυτοῦ καὶ διαλύων χρᾷ. ` 

Ἐπεὰν δὲ βασιλεὺς ὁ Σκυθέων κάμῃ, 
ο... τῶν μαντίων ἄνδρας τρεῖς τοὺς 
εὐδοκιμέοντας μάλιστα, οἳ τρόπῳ τῷ εἰρημένῳ 
μαντεύονται: καὶ λέγουσι οὗτοι ὡς τὸ ἐπίπαν 
μάλιστα τάδε, ὡς τὰς βασιληίας ἱστίας ἐπιώρ- 
κηκε ὃς καὶ ὅς, λέγοντες τῶν ἀστῶν τὸν ἂν δὴ 
λέγωσι. τὰς δὲ βασιληίας ἱστίας νόμος Σκύθῃσι 


264 


BOOK IV. 65-68 


him he will serve them with these heads, and show 
how the dead were his kinsfolk who made war upon 
him and were worsted by him; this they call manly 
valour. 

66. Moreover once in every year each governor of 
a province brews a bowl of wine in his own province, 
whereof those Scythians drink who have slain 
enemies; those who have not achieved this taste 
not this wine but sit apart dishonoured; and this 
they count a very great disgrace; but as many as 
have slain not one but many enemies, they have each 
two cups and so drink of them both. 

67. There are among the Scythians many diviners, 
who divine by means of many willow wands as I will 
show. They bring great bundles of wands, which 
they lay on the ground and unfasten, and utter their 
divinations laying one rod on another; and while 
they yet speak they gather up the rods once more 
and lay them together one by one; this manner of 
divination is hereditary among them. The Enareis, 
who are epicene, say that Aphrodite gave them the 
art of divination, which they practise by means of 
lime-tree bark. They cut this bark into three 
portions, and prophesy while they plait and unplait 
these in their fingers. 

68. But whenever the king of the Scythians falls 
sick, he sends for the three diviners most in repute, 
who prophesy in the aforesaid manner; and they for 
the most part tell him that such and such a man 
(naming whoever it is of the people of the country) 
has forsworn himself by the king’s hearth ; for when 
the Scythians will swear their mightiest oath, it is 

265 


HERODOTUS 


τὰ μάλιστα ἐστὶ ὀμνύναι τότε ἐπεὰν τὸν μέγιστον 
ὅρκον ἐθέλωσι «ὀμνύναι. αὐτίκα δὲ διαλέλαμ- 
μένος ἄγεται οὗτος τὸν ἂν δὴ φῶσι ἐπιορκῆσαι, 
ἀπιγμένον δὲ ἐλέγχουσι οἱ μάντιες ὡς ἐπιορκήσας 
φαίνεται ἐν τῇ μαντικῇ τὰς βασιληίας i ἱστίας καὶ 
διὰ ταῦτα ἀλγέει 0 βασιλεύς" ὃ δὲ ἀρνέεται, οὐ 
φάμενος ἐπιορκῆσαι, καὶ δεινολογέεται. ἀρνεο- 
μένου δὲ τούτου ὁ βασιλεὺς μεταπέμπεται ἄλλους 
διπλησίους μάντιας" καὶ 7v μὲν καὶ οὗτοι ἐσο- 
ρῶντες ἐς τὴν μαντικὴν καταδήσωσι ἐπιορκῆσαι, 
τοῦ, δὲ ἰθέως τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀποτάμνουσι, καὶ τὰ 
χρήματα αὐτοῦ .διαλαγχάνουσι οὗ πρῶτοι τῶν 
μαντίων" ἣν δὲ οἱ ἐπελθόντες μάντιες ἀπολύσωσι, 
ἄλλοι πάρεισι μάντιες καὶ μάλα ἄλλοι. ἣν ὧν οἱ 
πλεῦνες τὸν ἄνθρωπον ἀπολύσωσι, δέδοκται τοῖσι 
πρώτοισι τῶν μαντίων αὐτοῖσι ἀπόλλυσθαι. 

69. ᾿Απολλῦσι δῆτα αὐτοὺς τρόπῳ τοιῷδε' 
ἐπεὰν ἅμαξαν φρυγάνων πλήσωσι καὶ ὑποξεύξωσι 
Bois, ἐμποδίσαντες τοὺς .μάντιας καὶ χεῖρας 
ὀπίσω δήσαντες καὶ στομώσαντες κατερηγνῦσι ἐς 
µέσα τὰ φρύγανα, ὑποπρήσαντες δὲ αὐτὰ ἀπιεῖσι 
φοβήσαντες τοὺς βοῦς. πολλοὶ μὲν δὴ συγκατα- 
καίονται τοῖσι μάντισι βόες, πολλοὶ δὲ περι- 
κεκαυμένοι ἀποφεύγουσι, ἐπεὰν αὐτῶν ὁ ῥυμὸς 
κατακαυθῇ. κατακαίουσι δὲ τρόπῳ τῷ εἰρημένῳ 
καὶ δι ἄλλας αἰτίας τοὺς μάντιας, ψευδομάντιας 
καλέοντες. τοὺς 6 ἂν ἀποκτείνῃ βασιλεύς, τού- 
των οὐδὲ τοὺς παῖδας λείπει, ἀλλὰ πάντα τὰ 
ἔρσενα κτείνει, τὰ δὲ θήλεα οὐκ ἀδικέει. 

70. “Όρκια δὲ ποιεῦνται Σκύθαι ὧδε πρὸς τοὺς 
ἂν ποιέωνται' ἐς κύλικα μεγάλην. κεραμίνην οἶνον 
ἐγχέαντες αἷμα συμμίσγουσι τῶν τὸ ὅρκιον ταμ- 
266 


BOOK IV. 68-70 


by the king's hearth that their custom is to swear 
most solemnly. Forthwith the man whom they 
allege to be forsworn is seized and brought in, and 
when he comes the diviners accuse him, saying that 
their divination shows him to have forsworn himself 
by the king’s hearth, and that this is the cause 
of the king's sickness; and the man vehemently 
denies that he is forsworn. So when he denies it 
the king sends for twice as many diviners: and if 
they too, looking into their art, prove him guilty 
of perjury, then straightway he is beheaded and 
his goods are divided among the first diviners; 
but if the later diviners acquit him, then other 
diviners come, and yet again others. If then 
the greater number of them acquit the man, it is 
decreed that the first diviners shall themselves be 
put to death. 

69. And this is the manner of their death. Men 
yoke oxen to a waggon laden with sticks and make 
the diviners fast amid these, fettering their legs and 
binding their hands behind them and gagging them ; 
then they set fire to the sticks and drive the oxen 
away, affrighting them. Often the oxen are burnt 
to death with the diviners, and often the pole of 
their waggon is burnt through and the oxen escape 
with a scorching. They burn their diviners for other 
reasons, too, in the manner aforesaid, calling them 
false prophets. When the king puts a man to death, 
neither does he leave the sons alive, but kills all 
the males of the family; to the females he does 
no hurt. 

70. As for the giving of sworn pledges to such as 
are to receive them, this is the Scythian fashion: 
they take blood from the parties to the agreement 


267 


HERODOTUS 


νομένων, τύψαντες ὑπέατι ἢ ἐπιταμόντες μαχαίρῃ 
σμικρὸν τοῦ σώματος, καὶ ἔ ἔπειτα ἀποβάψαντες 
ἐς τὴν κύλικα ἀκινάκην καὶ ὁ ὀιστοὺς καὶ σάγαριν 
καὶ ἀκόντιον' ἐπεὰν δὲ ταῦτα ποιήσωσι, κατεύ- 
χονται πολλὰ καὶ ἔπειτα ἀποπίνουσι αὐτοί τε 
οἱ τὸ ὅρκιον ποιεύμενοι καὶ τῶν ἑπομένων οἱ 
πλείστου ἄξιοι. 

71. Tagal δὲ τῶν βασιλέων ἐν Γέρροισι εἰσὶ 
ἐς ὃ ὁ Βορυσθένης ἐστὶ Trpo raros"! ἐνθαῦτα, 
ἐπεάν σφι ἀποθάνῃ ὁ ο βασιλεύς, ὅ ὄρυγμα γῆς μέγα 
ὀρύσσουσι τετράγωνον, ἔτοιμον δὲ τοῦτο ποιή- 
σαντες ἀναλαμβάνουσι τὸν νεκρόν, κατακεκηρω- 
μένον μὲν τὸ σῶμα, τὴν δὲ νηδὺν ἀνασχισθεῖσαν 
καὶ καθαρθεῖσαν, πλέην κυπέρου κεκομμένου καὶ 
θυμιήματος καὶ σελίνου σπέρματος καὶ ἀννήσου, 
συνερραμμένην ὀπίσω, καὶ κομίζουσι ἐν ἁμάξη és 
ἆλλο ἔθνος. οἳ δὲ ἂν παραδέξωνται κομισθέντα 
τὸν vex pov, ποιεῦσι τά περ οἱ βασιλήιοι Σκύθαι" 
τοῦ ὠτὸς ἀποτάμνονται, τρίχας περικείρονται, 
βραχίονας περιτάµνονται, μέτωπον καὶ ; ῥῖνα κατα- 
μύσσονται, διὰ τῆς ἀριστερῆς χειρὸς ὀιστοὺς δια- 
Βυνέονται. ἐνθεῦτεν. δὲ κομίξουσι ἐν τῇ ἁμάξῃ 
τοῦ βασιλέος τὸν νέκυν ἐς ἄλλο ἔθνος τῶν ap- 
xovar οἳ δέ σφι ἔπονται ἐς τοὺς πρότερον, ἦλθον. 
ἐπεὰν δὲ πάντας περιέλθωσι τὸν νέκυν κομίζοντες, 
ἔν τε Γέρροισι ἔσχατα κατοικηµένοισι εἰσὶ τῶν 
ἐθνέων τῶν ἄρχουσι καὶ ἐν τῇσι Tapiot. καὶ 
ἔπειτα, ἐπεὰν θέωσι τὸν νέκυν ἐν τῇσι θήκῃσι € ἐπὶ 
στιβάδος, παραπήξαντες αἰχμὰς ἔνθεν καὶ ἔνθεν 
τοῦ νεκροῦ ξύλα ὑπερτείνουσι καὶ ἔπειτα ῥιψὶ 


| és ὅ--προσπλωτός is bracketed by Stein, chiefly on the 
ground of inconsistency with ch. 53. 


268 


BOOK IV. 70-71 


by making a little hole or cut in the body with an 
awl or a knife, and pour it mixed with wine into a great 
earthenware cup, wherein they then dip a scimitar 
and arrows and an axe and a javelin; and when this 
is done the makers of the sworn agreement them- 
selves, and the most honourable of their followers, 
drink of the blood after solemn imprecations. 

71. The burial-places of the kings are in the land 
of the Gerrhi, which is the end of the navigation of 
the Borysthenes. There, whenever their king has 
died, the Scythians dig a great four-cornered pit in 
the ground; when this is ready they take up the 
dead man—his body enclosed in wax, his belly cut 
open and cleansed and filled with cut marsh-plants 
and frankincense and parsley and anise seed, and 
sewn up again—and carry him on 8 waggon to 
another tribe. Then those that receive the dead 
man at his coming do the same as do the Royal 
Scythians ; that is, they cut off a part of their ears, 
shave their heads, make cuts round their arms, tear 
their foreheads and noses, and pierce their left hands 
with arrows. Thence the bearers carry the king's 
body on the waggon to another of the tribes which 
they rule, and those to whom they have already 
come follow them ; and having carried the dead 
man to all in turn, they are in the country of the 
Gerrhi, the farthest distant of all tribes under their 
rule, and at the place of burial Then, having laid 
the dead in the tomb on a couch, they plant spears 
all round the body and lay across them wooden 
planks, which they then roof over with hides; in the 


269 


HERODOTUS 


καταστεγάξουσι, ἐν δὲ τῇ λοιπῇ εὐρυχωρίῃ τῆς 
θήκης τῶν παλλακέων τε μίαν ἀποπνίξαντες 
θάπτουσι καὶ τὸν οἰνοχόον καὶ μάγειρον καὶ 
ἱπποκόμον καὶ διήκονον καὶ ἀγγελιηφόρον καὶ 
ἵππους καὶ τῶν ἄλλων πάντων ἀπαρχὰς καὶ 
φιάλας χρυσέας" ἀργύρῳ δὲ οὐδὲν οὐδὲ χαλκῷ 
χρέωνται. ταῦτα δὲ ποιήσαντες χοῦσι πάντες 
χῶμα μέγα, ἁμιλλώμενοι καὶ προθυμεόμενοι ὡς 
μέγιστον ποιῆσαι. 

72. ᾿Ενιαυτοῦ δὲ περιφερομένου αὖτις ποιεῦσι 
τοιόνδε' λαβόντες τῶν λοιπῶν θεραπόντων τοὺς 
ἐπιτηδεοτάτους (οἳ δὲ εἰσὶ Σκύθαι ἐγγενέες' οὗτοι 
γὰρ θεραπεύο υσι τοὺς ἂν αὐτὸς ὁ βασιλεὺς κελεύσῃ, 
ἀργυρώνητοι δὲ οὐκ. εἰσί σφι θεράποντες), τούτων 
ὧν τῶν διηκόνων ἐ ἐπεὰν ἀποπνίξωσι πεντήκοντα καὶ 
ἵππους τοὺς καλλίστους πεντήκοντα, ἐξελόντες 
αὐτῶν τὴν κοιλίην καὶ καθήραντες ἐμπιπλᾶσι 
ἀχύρων καὶ συρράπτουσι. ἁψῖδος δὲ ἥμισυ ἐπὶ 
δύο ξύλα στήσαντες ὕπτιον καὶ τὸ ἕτερον ἥμισυ 
τῆς ἀψῖδος ἐπ᾿ ἕτερα δύο, καταπήξαντες τρόπῳ 
τοιούτῳ πολλὰ ταῦτα, ἔπειτα τῶν ἵππων κατὰ τὰ 
μήκεα ξύλα παχέα διελάσαντες μέχρι τῶν τραχή- 
λων ἀναβιβάξουσι αὐτοὺς ἐπὶ τὰς ἀψῖδας" τῶν 
δὲ αἱ E πρότεραι aides v ὑπέχουσι τοὺς ὤμους 
τῶν ἵππων, αἱ δὲ ὄπισθε παρὰ τοὺς μηροὺς τὰς 
γαστέρας ὑπολαμβάνουσι: σκέλεα δὲ ἀμφότερα 
κατακρέµαται μετέωρα. χαλινοὺς δὲ καὶ στόμια 
ἐμβαλόντες ἐς TOUS. ἵππους κατατείνουσι ἐς τὸ 
πρόσθε αὐτῶν καὶ ἔ ἔπειτα ἐκ πασσάλων δέουσι. 
τῶν δὲ δὴ νεηνίσκων τῶν ἀποπεπνιγμένων τῶν 
πεντήκοντα ἕνα ἕκαστον ἀναβιβάξουσι ἐπὶ τὸν 
ἵππον, ὧδε ἀναβιβάζοντες, ἐπεὰν νεκροῦ ἑκάστου 
270 


BOOK IV. 71-72 


open space which is left in the tomb they bury, after 
strangling, one of the king's concubines, his cup- 
bearer, his cook, his groom, his squire, and his 
messenger, besides horses, and first-fruits of all else, 
and golden cups; for the Scythians make no use of 
silver or bronze. Having done this they all build a 
great barrow of earth, vying zealously with one 
another to make this as great as may be. 

72. With the completion of a year they begin a 
fresh practice. Taking the trustiest of the rest of 
the king's servants (and these are native-born 
Scythians, for only those serve the king whom he. 
bids so to do, and none of the Scythians have 
servants bought by money) they strangle fifty of 
these squires and fifty of their best horses and empty 
and cleanse the bellies of all and fill them with chaff. 
Then they make fast the half of a wheel to two 
posts, so that it hangs down, and the other half to 
another pair of posts, till many posts thus furnished 
are planted in the ground, and, presently, driving 
thick stakes lengthways through the horses' bodies 
to their necks, they lay the horses aloft on the 
wheels so that the wheel in front supports the 
horse's shoulders and the wheel behind takes the 
weight of the belly by the hindquarters, and the 
forelegs and hindlegs hang free ; and putting bridles 
and bits in the horses mouths they stretch the 
bridles to the front and make them fast with pegs. 
Then they take each one of the fifty strangled young 
men and mount him on the horse; their way of 
doing it is to drive an upright stake through each 


271 


HERODOTUS 


παρὰ τὴν ἄκανθαν ξύλον ὀρθὸν διελάσωσι μέχρι 
τοῦ τραχήλου", κάτωθεν δὲ ὑπερέχει τοῦ ξύλου 
τούτου τὸ ἐς τόρμον πηγνύουσι τοῦ ἑτέρου ξύλου 
τοῦ διὰ τοῦ ἵππου. ἐπιστήσαντες δὲ κύκλῳ τὸ 
σῆμα ἱππέας τοιούτους ἀπελαύνουσι. 

73. Οὕτω μὲν τοὺς βασιλέας θάπτουσι τοὺς 
δὲ ἄλλους Σκύθας, ἐπεὰν ἀποθάνωσι, περιάγουσι 
οἱ ἀγχοτάτω προσήκοντες κατὰ τοὺς φίλους ἐν 
ἁμάξῃσι κειμένους" τῶν δὲ ἕ ἕκαστος ὑποδεκόμενος 
εὐωχέει τοὺς ἑπομένους, καὶ τῷ νεκρῷ ἁπάντων 
παραπλησίως παρατίθησι. ὅσα τοῖσι ἄλλοισι. 
ἡμέρας δὲ τεσσεράκοντα οὕτω οἱ ἰδιῶται περιά- 
Ύονται, ἔπειτα θάπτονται. θάψαντες δὲ οἱ Σκύθαι 
καθαίρονται τρόπῳ τοιῷδε. σμησάμενοι τὰς κεφα- 
λὰς καὶ ἐκπλυνάμενοι ποιεῦσι περὶ τὸ σῶμα τάδε" 
ἐπεὰν ξύλα στήσωσι τρία ἐς ἄλληλα κεκλιμένα, 
περὶ ταῦτα πίλους εἰρινέους περιτείνουσι, συμφρά- 
Eavtes δὲ ὡς μάλιστα λίθους ἐκ πυρὸς διαφανέας 
ἐσβάλλουσι és σκάφην κειμένην ἐν μέσῳ τῶν 
ξύλων τε καὶ τῶν πίλων. 

14. Ἔστι δέ σφι κάνναβις φυομένη ἐν τῇ χώρῃ 
πλὴν παχύτητος καὶ μεγάθεος τῷ λίνῳ ἐμφερε- 
στάτη" ταύτῃ δὲ πολλῷ ὑπερφέρει ἡ κάνναβις. 
αὕτη καὶ αὐτομάτη καὶ «σπειρομένη φύεται, καὶ 
ἐξ αὐτῆς Θρήικες μὲν καὶ εἵματα ποιεῦνται τοῖσι 
λινέοισι ὁμοιότατα" οὐδ᾽ ἄν, ὅστις μὴ κάρτα 
τρίβων εἴη αὐτῆς, διαγνοίη λίνου ἢ καννάβιος 
ἐστί’ ὃς δὲ μὴ εἶδέ κω τὴν κανναβίδα, λίνεον 
δοκήσει εἶναι τὸ εἷμα. 

T5. Ταύτης ὧν. οἱ Σκύθαι τῆς καννάβιος τὸ 
σπέρμα ἐπεὰν λάβωσι, ὑποδύνουσι ὑπὸ τοὺς 
πίλους, καὶ ἔπειτα ἐπιβάλλουσι τὸ σπέρμα ἐπὶ 


272 


BOOK IV. 72-75 


body passing up by the spine to the neck, and 
enough of the stake projects below to be fixed in a 
hole made in the other stake, that which passes 
through the horse. So having set horsemen of this 
fashion round about the tomb they ride away. 

13. Such is their way of burying their kings. ΑΙ 
other Scythians, when they die, are laid in waggons 
and carried about among their friends by their 
nearest of kin; each receives them and entertains 
the retinue hospitably, setting before the dead man 
about as much of the fare as he serves to the rest. 
All but the kings are thus borne about for forty 
days and then buried. After the burial the Scythians 
cleanse themselves as I will show: they anoint and 
wash their heads; as for their bodies, they set up 
three poles leaning together to a point and cover 
these over with woollen rugs; then, in the place 
so enclosed to the best of their power, they make 
a pit in the centre beneath the poles and the rugs 
and throw red-hot stones into it. 

74. They have hemp growing in their country, 
very like flax, save that the hemp is by much the 
thicker and taller. This grows both of itself and 
also by their sowing, and of it the Thracians even 
make garments which are very like linen; nor could 
any, save he were a past master in hemp, know 
whether they be hempen or linen; whoever has 
never yet seen hemp will think the garment to 
be linen. 

75. The Scythians then take the seed of. this 
hemp and, creeping under the rugs, they throw it 


273 
VOL. 11. T | 


HERODOTUS 


τοὺς διαφανέας λίθους τῷ πυρί' τὸ δὲ θυμιᾶται 
ἐπιβαλλόμενον καὶ ἀτμίδα παρέχεται τοσαύτην 
ὥστε Ἑλληνικὴ οὐδεμία ἄν μιν πυρίη ἀποκρα- 
τήσειε. οἱ δὲ Σκύθαι ἀγάμενοι τῇ πυρίῃ ὠρύονται. 
τοῦτό σφι ἀντὶ λουτροῦ ἐστι’ οὐ γὰρ δὴ λούονται 
ὕδατι τὸ παράπαν τὸ σῶμα. αἱ δὲ γυναῖκες αὐτῶν 
ὕδωρ παραχέουσαι κατασώχουσι περὶ λίθον πρη- 
χὺν τῆς κυπαρίσσου καὶ κέδρου καὶ λιβάνου ξύλου, 
καὶ ἔπειτα τὸ κατασωχόμενον τοῦτο παχὺ ἐὸν 
καταπλάσσονται πᾶν τὸ σῶμα καὶ τὸ πρόσωπον' 
καὶ ἅμα μὲν εὐωδίη Vins ἀπὸ τούτου ἴσχει, ἅμα 
δὲ ἀπαιρέουσαι τῇ δευτέρῃ ἡμέρῃ τὴν κατα- 
πλαστὺν γίνονται καθαραὶ καὶ λαμπραί. 

76. Ἐεινικοῖσι δὲ νομαίοισι καὶ οὗτοι φεύγουσι 
αἰνῶς χρᾶσθαι, μήτε τεῶν ἄλλων, Ἑλληνικοῖσι 
δὲ καὶ ἥκιστα, ὡς διέδεξαν ᾿Ανάχαρσίς τε καὶ 
δεύτερα αὖτις Σκύλης. τοῦτο μὲν yap ᾿Ανάχαρσις 
ἐπείτε γῆν πολλὴν θεωρήσας καὶ ἀποδεξάμενος 
κατ᾽ αὐτὴν σοφίην πολλὴν ἐκομίξετο ἐς ἤθεα τὰ 
Σκυθέων, πλέων δι Ελλησπόντου προσίσχει ἐς 
Κυξικον' καὶ εὗρε γὰρ τῇ μητρὶ τῶν θεῶν avd- 
yovras τοὺς Κυξικηνοὺς ὁρτὴν μεγαλοπρεπέως 
κάρτα, εὔξατο τῇ μητρὶ ὁ ᾿Ανάχαρσις, ἦν σῶς καὶ 
ὑγιὴς ἀπονοστήσῃ ἐς ἑωυτοῦ, θύσειν τε κατὰ 
ταὐτὰ κατὰ ὥρα τοὺς Κυξικηνοὺς ποιεῦντας καὶ 
παννυχίδα στήσειν. ὡς δὲ ἀπίκετο ἐς τὴν Σκυ- 
θικήν, καταδὺς ἐς τὴν καλεομένην Ὑλαίην (ἡ È 
ἔστι μὲν παρὰ τὸν ᾿Αχιλλήιον δρόμον, τυγχάνει 

é πᾶσα ἐοῦσα δενδρέων παντοίων πλέη), ἐς ταύ- 
την δὴ καταδὺς ὁ ᾿Ανάχαρσις τὴν ὁρτὴν ἐπετέλεε 
πᾶσαν τῇ θεᾷ, τύμπανόν τε ἔχων καὶ ἐκδησάμενος 
ἀγάλματα. καὶ τῶν τις Σκυθέων καταφρασθεὶς 


274 


BOOK IV. 75-76 


on the red-hot stones; and, being so thrown, it 
smoulders and sends forth so much steam that no 
Greek vapour-bath could surpass it. The Scythians 
howl in joy for the vapour-bath. This serves them 
instead of bathing, for scarce ever do they wash their 
bodies with water. But their women grind with a 
rough stone cypress and cedar and frankincense 
wood, pouring water also thereon, and with the 
thick stuff so ground they anoint all their bodies 
and faces, whereby not only does a fragrant scent 
abide upon them, but when on the second day they 
take off the ointment their skin becomes clean and 
shining. 

76. But as regards foreign usages, the Scythians 
(as others) are wondrous loth to practise those of any 
other country, and of Hellas in especial, as was 
proved in the case of Anacharsis and again also of 
Scyles. For when Anacharsis, having seen much of 
the world in his travels and given many proofs of his 
wisdom therein, was coming back to the Scythian 
country, he sailed through the Hellespont and put in 
at Cyzicus; where, finding the Cyzicenes celebrating 
the feast of the Mother of the Gods with great 
pomp, he vowed to this same Mother that, if he re- 
turned to his own country safe and sound, he would 
sacrifice to her as he saw the Cyzicenes do, and 
establish a nightly rite of worship. So when he 
came to Scythia, he hid himself in the country 
called Woodland (which is beside the Race of 
Achilles, and is all overgrown with every kind of 
wood); hiding himself there Anacharsis celebrated 
the goddess's ritual with exactness, carrying a cym- 
bal and hanging about himself images. Then some 


275 
T 2 


HERODOTUS 


αὐτὸν ταῦτα ποιεῦντα ἐσήμηνε τῷ βασιλέι Σαυλίῳ' 
ὃ δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς ἀπικόμενος ὡς εἶδε τὸν ᾿Ανάχαρσιν 
ποιεῦντα ταῦτα, τοξεύσας αὐτὸν ἀπέκτεινε. καὶ 
νῦν ἦν τις εἴρηται περὶ ᾿Αναχάρσιος, οὐ φασί μιν 
Σκύθαι γινώσκειν, διὰ τοῦτο ὅτι ἐξεδήμησέ τε ἐς 
τὴν Ἑλλάδα καὶ ξεινικοῖσι ἔθεσι διεχρήσατο. ὡς 
δ᾽ ἐγὼ ἤκουσα Ἐ ύμνεω τοῦ ᾿Αριαπείθεος ἐπιτρόπου, 
εἶναι αὐτὸν Ἰδανθύρσου τοῦ Σκυθέων βασιλέος 
πάτρων, παῖδα δὲ εἶναι Γνούρου τοῦ Λύκου τοῦ 
Σπαργαπείθεος. εἰ ὧν ταύτης ἦν τῆς οἰκύης ὁ 
᾿Ανάχαρσις, ἴστω ὑπὸ τοῦ ἀδελφεοῦ ἀποθανών" 
᾿Ιδάνθυρσος γὰρ ἣν παῖς Σαυλίου, Σαύλιος δὲ ἣν 
ὁ ἀποκτείνας ᾿Ανάχαρ σιν. 

77. Καίτοι τινὰ ἤδη ἤ ἤκουσα λόγον ἄλλον ὑπὸ 
Πελοποννησίων λεγόμενον, ὡς ὑπὸ τοῦ Σκυθέων 
βασιλέος ᾿Ανάχαρσις ἀποπεμφθεὶς τῆς Ἑλλάδος 
μαθητὴς Ὑένοιτο, ὀπίσω τε ἀπονοστήσας pain 
πρὸς τὸν ἀποπέμψαντα ' Ἓλληνας πάντας ἀσχό- 
λους εἶναι és πᾶσαν ᾿σοφίην πλὴν Λακεδαιμονίων, 
τούτοισι δὲ εἶναι μούνοισι. σωφρόνως δοῦναί τε καὶ 
δέξασθαι λόγον. ἀλλ᾽ οὗτος μὲν ὁ λόγος ἄλλως 
πέπλασται ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν Ἑλλήνων, ὁ Ò ὧν ἀνὴρ 
ὥσπερ πρότερον εἰρέθη διεφθάρη. 

78. Οὗτος μέν νυν οὕτω δὴ ἔπρηξε διὰ ξεινικά 
τε νόμαια καὶ Ἑλληνικὰς ὁμιλίας. πολλοῖσι δὲ 
κάρτα ἔτεσι ὕστερον Σκύλης ὁ ᾿Αριαπείθεος ἔπαθε 
παραπλήσια τούτῳ. ᾿Αριαπείθεϊ γὰρ τῷ Σκυθέων 
βασιλέι γίνεται μετ᾽ ἄλλων παίδων κύλης" ἐξ 
Ἱστριηνῆς δὲ γυναικὸς οὗτος γίνεται καὶ οὐδαμῶς 
ἐγχωρίης" τὸν ἡ μήτηρ αὕτη γλῶσσάν, τε Ἑλλάδα 
καὶ γράμματα ἐδίδαξε. μετὰ δὲ χρόνῳ ὕστερον 


270 


| 


BOOK IV. 76-78 


Scythian marked him doing this and told it to the 
king, Saulius ; who, coming himself to the place and 
seeing Anacharsis performing these rites, shot an 
arrow at him and slew him. And now the Scythians, 
if they are asked about Anacharsis, say they have no 
knowledge of him; this is because he left his 
country for Hellas and followed the customs of 
strangers. But according to what I heard from 
Tymnes, the deputy for Ariapithes, Anacharsis was 
uncle to Idanthyrsus king of Scythia, and he was the 
son of Gnurus, son of Lycus, son of Spargapithes. 
Now if Anacharsis was truly of this family, then I 
would have him know that he was slain by his own 
brother; for Idanthyrsus was the son of Saulius, and 
it was Saulius who slew Anacharsis. 

77. It is true that I have heard another story told 
by the Pelponnesians; namely, that Anacharsis had 
been sent by the king of Scythia and had been a 
learner of the ways of Hellas, and after his return 
told the king who sent him that all Greeks were 
zealous for every kind of learning, save only the 
Lacedaemonians; but that these were the only 
Greeks who spoke and listened with discretion. But 
this is a tale vainly invented by the Greeks them- 
selves; and be this as it may, the man was put to 
death as I have said. 

78. Such-like, then, was the fortune that befell 
Anacharsis, all for his foreign usages and his compan- 
ionship with Greeks; and a great many years after- 
wards, Scyles, son of Ariapithes, suffered-a like fate. 
Scyles was one of the sons born to Ariapithes, king of 
Scythia ; but his mother was of Istria,! and not native- 
born; and she taught him to speak and read Greek. 


1 In what is now the Dobrudja. 


277 


HERODOTUS 


᾿Αριαπείθης μὲν τελευτᾷ δόλῳ ὑπὸ Σπαργαπείθεος 
^ 9 4 / 4 . 7 
τοῦ ᾿Αγαθύρσων βασιλέος, Σκύλης δὲ τήν τε 
βασιληίην παρέλαβε καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα τοῦ πατρός, 
- y . , / . e e , , /, 
τῇ οὔνομα ἦν Ὀποίη' ἦν δὲ αὕτη ἡ Ὀποίη ἀστή, 
ἐξ ἧς ἦν Ὄρικος ᾿Αριαπείθεϊ παῖς. βασιλεύων 
δὲ Σκυθέων 0 Σκύλης διαίτῃ οὐδαμῶς ἠρέσκετο 
cA ^ € ^ 
Σκυθικῇ, ἀλλὰ πολλὸν πρὸς τὰ ᾿Ελληνικὰ μᾶλλον 
τετραμμένος ἦν ἀπὸ παιδεύσιος τῆς ἐπεπαίδευτο, 
ἐποίεέ τε τοιοῦτο' εὖτε ἀγάγοι τὴν στρατιὴν τὴν 
’ } N ο. / y e . 
Σκυθέων ἐς τὸ Βορυσθενεϊτέων ἄστυ (οἱ δὲ Βορυ- 
σθενεῖται ὀὗτοι λέγουσι σφέας αὐτοὺς εἶναι Μιλη- 
΄ ε 
σίους), ἐς τούτους ὅκως ἔλθοι ὁ Σκύλης, τὴν μὲν 
^ 4 
στρατιὴν καταλίπεσκε ἐν τῷ προαστείῳ, αὐτὸς δὲ 
ὅκως ἔλθοι ἐς τὸ τεῖχος καὶ τὰς πύλας ἐγκληίσειε, 
τὴν στολὴν ἀποθέμενος τὴν Σκυθικὴν λάβεσκε ἂν 
ε / 9 ^ y 3 A s , , 
Ελληνίδα ἐσθῆτα, ἔχων & ἂν ταύτην ἠγόραζε 
οὔτε δορυφόρων ἑπομένων οὔτε ἄλλου οὐδενός: τὰς 
δὲ πύλας ἐφύλασσον, μή τίς μιν Σκυθέων ἴδοι 
ἔχοντα ταύτην τὴν στολήν" καὶ τά τε ἄλλα ἐχρᾶτο 
διαίτῃ Ελληνικῇ καὶ θεοῖσι ἱρὰ ἐποίεε κατὰ νόμους 
. ε 7 σ . / ^ A 4 
τοὺς Ελλήνων. ὅτε δὲ διατρίψειε μῆνα ἢ πλέον 
τούτου, ἁπαλλάσσετο ἐνδὺς τὴν Σκυθικὴν στολήν. 
ταῦτα ποιέεσκε πολλάκις καὶ οἰκία τε ἐδείματο ἐν 
Βορυσθένεϊ καὶ γυναῖκα ἔγημε ἐς αὐτὰ ἐπιχωρίην. 
79. ᾿Επείτε δὲ ἔδεέ οἱ κακῶς γενέσθαι, ἐγίνετο 
ἀπὸ προφάσιος τοιῆσδε. ἐπεθύμησε Διονύσῳ 
Βακχείῳ τελεσθῆναι: μέλλοντι δέ οἱ ἐς χεῖρας 
ἄγεσθαι τὴν τελετὴν ἐγένετο φάσμα μέγιστον. ἣν 
οἱ ἐν Βορυσθενεϊτέων τῇ πόλι οἰκίης μεγάλης καὶ 
πολυτελέος περιβολή, τῆς καὶ ὀλίγῳ τι πρότερον 
4 ^ 
τούτων μνήμην εἶχον, τὴν πέριξ λευκοῦ λίθου 
ld - ε 
σφίγγες τε καὶ γρῦπες ἕστασαν" ἐς ταύτην ὁ θεὸς 


278 


BOOK IV. 7879 


As time passed, Ariapithes was treacherously slain 
by Spargapithes, king of the Agathyrsi, and Scyles 
inherited the kingship and his father's wife, whose 
name was Opoea, a Scythian woman, and she bore to 
Scyles a son, Oricus. SoScyles was king of Scythia ; 
but he was in no wise content with the Scythian 
manner of life, and was much more inclined to Greek 
ways, from the bringing up which he had received ; 
so this is what he did: having led the Scythian army 
to the city of the Borysthenites (who say that they 
are Milesians)—having, I say, come thither, he would 
ever leave his army in the suburb of the city, but he 
himself, entering within the walls and shutting the 
gates would doff his Scythian apparel and don a 
Greek dress ; and in it he went among the towns- 
men unattended by spearmen or any others (the 
people guarding the gates, lest any Scythian should 
see him wearing this apparel) and in every way 
followed the Greek manner of life, and worshipped 
the gods according to Greek usage. Then having 
so spent a month or more, he put on Scythian 
dress and left the city. This he did often; and he 
built him a house in. Borysthenes, and married 
and brought thither a wife of the people of the 
country. 

19. But when the time came that evil should 
befall him, this was the cause of it: he conceived a 
desire to be initiated into the rites of the Bacchic 
Dionysus; and when he was about to begin the 
sacred mysteries, he saw a wondrous vision. He 
had in the city of the Borysthenites a spacious 
house, great and costly (that same house whereof I 
have just made mention), all surrounded by sphinxes 
and griffins wrought in white stone ; this house was 


279 


" 
t 


HERODOTUS 


ἐνέσκηψε βέλος. καὶ 1) μὲν κατεκάη πᾶσα, Σκύλης 
δὲ οὐδὲν τούτου εἵνεκα ἧσσον ἐπετέλεσε τὴν τελε- 
τήν. Σκύθαι δὲ τοῦ βακχεύειν πέρι “Ελλησι 
ὀνειδίξουσι" οὐ γὰρ φασὶ οἰκὸς εἶναι θεὸν ἐξευρί- 
σκειν τοῦτον ὅστις μαίνεσθαι ἐνάγει ἀνθρώπους. 
ἐπείτε δὲ ἐτελέσθη τῷ Βακχείῳ ὁ ὁ Σκύλης, διεπρή- 
στευσε τῶν τις Βορυσθενεϊτέων πρὸς τοὺς Σκύθας 
λέγων “ Ἡμῖν γὰρ καταγελᾶτε, @ Σκύθαι, ὅτι 
βακχεύομεν καὶ ἡμέας; ὁ θεὸς λαμβάνει" νῦν οὗτος 

ὁ δαίμων καὶ τὸν ὑμέτερον Βασιλέα λελάβηκε, 
καὶ βακχεύει τε καὶ ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ μαίνεται. e 
δέ μοι ἀπιστέετε, ἕπεσθε, καὶ ὑμῖν ἐγὼ δέξω.” 
εἵποντο τῶν Σκύθεων οἱ προεστεῶτες, καὶ αὐτοὺς 
ἀναγαγὼν ὁ Ῥορυσθενεΐτης λάθρῃ ἐπὶ πύργον 
κατεῖσε. ἐπείτε δὲ παρήιε σὺν τῷ θιάσῳ ὁ Σκύ- 
λης καὶ εἶδόν μιν βακχεύοντα οἱ Σκύθαι, κάρτα 
συμφορὴν μεγάλην ἐποιήσαντο, ἐξελθόντες δὲ 
ἐσήμαινον πάσῃ τῇ στρατιῇ τὰ ἴδοιεν. 

80. Ὡς δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα ἐξήλαυνε ὁ Σκύλης ἐς 
ἤθεα τὰ ἑωυτοῦ, οἱ Σκύθαι προστησάμενοι τὸν 
ἀδελφεὸν αὐτοῦ Ὀκταμασάδην, γεγονότα ἐκ τῆς 
Τήρεω θυγατρός, ἐπανιστέατο τῷ Σκύλῃ. ὃ δὲ 
μαθὼν τὸ γινόμενον ἐπ᾽ ἑωυτῷ καὶ τὴν αἰτίην δι 
ἣν ἐποιέετο, καταφεύγει ἐς τὴν Θρηίκην. πυθό- 
μενος δὲ ὁ Ὀκταμασάδης ταῦτα ἐστρατεύετο ἐπὶ 
τὴν Θρηίκην. ἐπείτε δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ Ἴστρῳ ἐγένετο, 
ἠντίασάν μιν οἱ (Θρήικες, μελλόντων δὲ αὐτῶν 
συνάψειν ἔπεμψε Σιτάλκης παρὰ τὸν Ὄκταμα- 
σάδην λόγων τοιάδε. “Ti δεῖ ἡμέας ἀλλήλων 
πειρηθῆναι; εἷς μέν pev τῆς ἀδελφεῆς παῖς, ἔχεις 
δέ μευ ἀδελφεόν. σὺ δέ μοι ἀπόδος τοῦτον, καὶ ἐγὼ 
σοὶ τὸν σὸν Σκύλην παραδίδωμι στρατιῇ δὲ μήτε 


280 


yes 
BOOK IV. 79-80 


smitten by a thunderbolt and wholly destroyed by 
fire. But none the less for this did Scyles perform 
the rite to the end. Now the Scythians make this 
Bacchic revelling a reproach against the Greeks, 
saying that it is not reasonable to set up a god who 
leads men on to madness. So when Scyles had been 

—initiated into the Bacchic rite, some one of the 
Borysthenites scoffed at the Scythians: “ Why," 
said he, “you Scythians mock us for revelling and 
being possessed by the god ; but now this deity has 
taken possession of your own king, so that he is 
revelling and is maddened by the god. If you 
will not believe me, follow me now and I will 
show him to you.” The chief men among the 
Scythians followed him, and the Borysthenite 
brought them up secretly and set them on a tower; 
whence presently, when Scyles passed by with 
his company of worshippers, they saw him among 
the revellers; whereat being greatly moved, they 
left the city and told the whole army what they 
had seen. 

80. After this Scyles rode away to his own place ; 
but the Scythians rebelled against him, setting up 
for their king his brother Octamasades, son of the 
daughter of Teres. Scyles, learning how they dealt 
with him and the reason of their so doing, fled into 
Thrace ; and when Octamasades heard this he led 
his army thither. But when he was beside the Ister, 
the Thracians barred his way ; and when the armies 
were like to join battle Sitalces sent this message to 
Octamasades: * Wherefore should we essay each 
other's strength? You are my sister's son, and you 
have with you my brother; do you give him back to 
me, and I give up your Scyles to you; and let 


281 


HERODOTUS 


σὺ κινδυνεύσῃς μήτ᾽ ἐγώ." ταῦτά οἱ πέμψας 
ὁ Σιτάλκης ἐπεκηρυκεύετο ἣν γὰρ παρὰ τῷ 
Ὀκταμασάδῃ ἀδελφεὸς Σιτάλκεω πεφευγώς. o 
δὲ Ὀκταμασάδης καταινέει ταῦτα, ἐκδοὺς δὲ 
τὸν ἑωυτοῦ μήτρωα Σιτάλκῃ ἔλαθε τὸν ἀδελ.- 
φεὸν Σκύλην. καὶ Σιτάλκης μὲν παραλαβὼν τὸν 
ἀδελφεὸν -ἀπήγετο, Σκύλεω δὲ Ὀκταμασάδης 
αὐτοῦ ταύτῃ ἀπέταμε τὴν κεφαλήν. οὕτω μὲν 
περιστέλλουσι͵ τὰ σφέτερα νόμαια, Σκύθαι, τοῖσι 
δὲ παρακτωμένοισι ξεινικοὺς νόμους τοιαῦτα 
ἐπιτίμια διδοῦσι. 

81, Πλῆθος δὲ τὸ Σκυθέων οὐκ οἷός τε ἐγενόμην 
ἀτρεκέως πυθέσθαι, ἀλλὰ διαφόρους λόγους περὶ 
τοῦ ἀριθμοῦ ἤ ἤκουον" καὶ γὰρ κάρτα ' πολλοὺς εἶναι 
σφέας καὶ ὀλίγους ὡς Σκύθας εἶναι. τοσόνδε 
μέντοι ἀπέφαινόν μοι ἐς ὄψιν. ἔστι μεταξὺ Bopv- 
σθένεός τε ποταμοῦ καὶ Ὑπάνιος χῶρος, οὔνομα 
δέ οἱ ἐστὶ ᾿Εξαμπαῖος' τοῦ καὶ ὀλίγῳ τι πρότερον 
τούτων μνήμην εἶχον, φάμενος ἐν αὐτῷ κρήνην 
ὕδατος πικροῦ εἶναι, ἀπ᾽ ἧς τὸ ὕδωρ ἆ ἀπορρέον τὸν 

Trav ἄποτον ποιέειν. ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χώρῳ 
κέεται χαλκήιον, μεγάθεϊ καὶ ἑξαπλήσιον τοῦ ἐπὶ 
στόματι τοῦ Πόντου κρητῆρος, τὸν Παυσανίης ὁ 
Κλεομβρότου ἀνέθηκε. ὃς δὲ μὴ εἶδέ κω τοῦτον, 
ὧδε δηλώσω: ἑξακοσίους ἀμφορέας εὐπετέως 
χωρέει τὸ ἐν Σκύθῃσι χαλκήιον, πάχος δὲ τὸ 
Σκυθικὸν τοῦτο χαλκήιον ἐστὶ δακτύλων ἕξ. τοῦτο 
ὧν ἔλεγον οἱ ἐπιχώριοι ἀπὸ ἀρδίων γενέσθαι. 
βουλόμενον γὰρ τὸν σφέτερον βασιλέα, τῷ οὔνομα 
εἶναι ᾿Αριάνταν, τοῦτον εἰδέναι τὸ πλῆθος τὸ 
Σκυθέων κελεύειν μιν πάντας Σκύθας ἄρδιν ἕκα- 


282 


BOOK IV. 8o-81 


neither of us endanger our armies." Such was the 
offer sent to him by Sitalces ; for Sitalces’ brother 
had fled from him and was with Octamasades. The 
Scythian agreed to this, and received his brother 
Scyles, giving up his own uncle to Sitalces. Sitalces 
then took his brother and carried him away, but 
Octamasades beheaded Scyles on the spot. So 
closely do the Scythians guard their usages, and 
such penalties do they lay on those who add foreign 
customs to their own. 

81. How many the Scythians are I was not able 
to learn with exactness, but the accounts which I 
heard concerning the number did not tally, some 
saying that they are very many, and some that they 
are but few, counted as Scythians. But thus much 
they made me to see for myself :— There is a region 
between the rivers Borysthenes and Hypanis, the 
name of which is Exampaeus; this is the land 
whereof I lately made mention when I said that 
there is a spring of salt water in it, the water from 
which makes the Hypanis unfit to drink. In this 
region stands a bronze vessel, as much as six times 
greater than the cauldron dedicated by Pausanias son 
of Cleombrotus at the entrance of the Pontus.! To 
any who has not yet seen this latter I will thus make 
my meaning plain: the Scythian bronze vessel easily 
contains five thousand and four hundred gallons, and 
it is of six fingers’ thickness. This vessel (so said 
the people of the country) was made out of arrow- 
heads. For their king, whose name was Ariantas, 
desiring to know the numbers of the Scythians, 
commanded every Scythian to bring him the point 


! Pausanias, the victor of Plataea, set up this cauldron in 
477 B.C. to commemorate the taking of Byzantium. 


283 


HERODOTUS 


στον μίαν ἀπὸ τοῦ ὀιστοῦ 1 κομίσαι" ὃς δ᾽ ἂν μὴ 
κομίσῃ, θάνατον ἀπείλεε, κομισθῆναί τε δὴ χρῆμα 
πολλὸν ἀρδίων καί οἱ δόξαι ἐξ αὐτέων μνημόσυ- | 
vov ποιήσαντι λιπέσθαι. ἐκ τουτέων δή μιν τὸ | 

αλκήιον ποιῆσαι τοῦτο καὶ ἀναθεῖναι ἐς τὸν 

Εξαμπαῖον τοῦτον. ταῦτα δὲ περὶ τοῦ πλήθεος 
τ ου diu ἤκουον. 

2. Θωμάσια δὲ ἡ χώρη αὕτη οὐκ ἔχει, χωρὶς 

ἢ ὅτι ποταμούς τε πολλῷ μεγίστους καὶ ἀριθμὸν 
πλείστους. τὸ δὲ ἀποθωμάσαι ἄξιον καὶ πάρεξ 
τῶν ποταμῶν καὶ τοῦ μεγάθεος τοῦ πεδίου παρέ- 
χεται, εἰρήσεται: ἴχνος Ἡρακλέος φαίνουσι ἐν 
πέτρῃ ἐνεόν, τὸ ἔοικε μὲν Βήματι ἀνδρός, € ἔστι δὲ 
τὸ μέγαθος δίπηχυ, παρὰ τὸν Τύρην ποταμόν. 
τοῦτο. μέν νυν τοιοῦτο ἐστί, ἀναβήσομαι δὲ ἐς τὸν 
κατ ἀρχὰς hia λέξων λόγον. 

83. Παρασκευαξομένου Δαρείου ἐπὶ τοὺς Σκύ-] 
θας καὶ ἐπιπέμποντος ἀγγέλους ἐπιτάξοντας τοῖσι! 
μὲν πεξὸν στρατόν, τοῖσι δὲ νέας παρέχειν, τοῖσι] 
δὲ ξεύγνυσθαι τὸν Θρήΐκιον Βόσπορον, ᾿Αρτάη 
βανος ὁ Ὑστάσπεος, ἀδελφεὸς ἐὼν Δαρείου) 
ἐχρήιξε μηδαμῶς αὐτὸν στρατηίην ἐπὶ Σκύθας 
ποιέεσθαι, καταλέγων τῶν Σκυθέων τὴν ἀπορίην) 
ἀλλ᾽ οὐ γὰρ ἔπειθε συμβουλεύων οἱ χρηστάι 
ὃ μὲν ἐπέπαυτο, ὃ δέ, ἐπειδή οἱ τὰ ἅπαντ. " 
παρεσκεύαστο, ἐξήλαυνε τὸν στρατὸν ἐν» 
Σούσων. 

84. ᾿Ενθαῦτα τῶν Περσέων Οἱόβαζος ἐδεήθ'. 
Δαρείου τριῶν ἐόντων oí παίδων καὶ πάντωὰ 
στρατευομένων ἕνα αὐτῷ καταλειφθῆναι. ὃ δι 


1 Γἀπὸ τοῦ ὀϊστοῦ] Stein. i 


284 i 


BOOK IV. 81-84 


from an arrow, threatening all who should not so do 
with death. So a vast number of arrow-heads was 
brought, and he resolved to make and leave a 
memorial out of them; and he made of these this 
bronze vessel, and set it up in this country Exam- 
paeus. Thus much I heard concerning the number 
of the Scythians. 

82. As for marvels, there are none in the land, 
save that it has rivers by far the greatest and the 
most numerous in the world; and over and above 
the rivers and the great extent of the plains there 
is one most wondrous thing for me to tell of: they 
show a footprint of Heracles by the river Tyras 
stamped on rock, like the mark of a man's foot, 
but two cubits in length. Having so described this 
I will now return to the story which I began to 
relate.! . 

83. While Darius was making preparations? against 
|the Scythians, and sending messengers to charge 
isome to furnish an army and some to furnish ships, 
|and others again to bridge the Thracian Bosporus, 
Artabanus, son of Hystaspes and Darius’ brother, 
desired of him by no means to make an expedition 
against the Scythians, telling him how hard that 
ipeople were to deal withal. But when he could not 
move the king for all his good counsel, Artabanus 
eased to advise, and Darius, all his preparations 
yeing now made, led his army from Susa. 

84. Then Oeobazus a Persian, who had three 
ons, all with the army, entreated Darius that one 
ight be left behind. “Nay,” said the king, “ you 


| 


1 In ch. 1. 


2 The date of Darius’ expedition is uncertain. Grote 
hinks it probable that it took place before 514 B.c. 


285 


HERODOTUS 


ἔφη ὡς φίλῳ ἐόντι καὶ μετρίων δεομένῳ πάντας 
τοὺς παῖδας καταλείψειν. ὁ μὲν δὴ Οἰόβαξος 
περιχαρὴς ἦν, ἐλπίζων. τοὺς υἱέας στρατηίης 
ἀπολελύσθαι" ὃ δὲ ἐκέλευσε τοὺς ἐπὶ τούτων 
ἐπεστεῶτας ἀποκτεῖναι πάντας τοὺς Οἰοβάξου 
παῖδας. 

85. Καὶ οὗτοι μὲν ἀποσφαγέντες αὐτοῦ ταύτῃ 
ἐλείποντο: Δαρεῖος δὲ ἐπείτε πορευόμενος ἐκ 
Σούσων ἀπίκετο τῆς Καλχηδονίης ἐπὶ τὸν Βόσ- 
πορον iva ἔζευκτο 7) γέφυρα, ἐνθεῦτεν ἐσβὰς ἐς 
νέα ἔπλεε ἐπὶ τὰς Kvavéas καλευμένας, τὰς πρό- 
τερον. πλαγκτὰς ' Ἕλληνες φασὶ εἶναι, ἑζόμενος δὲ 
ἐπὶ ῥίῳ ἐθηεῖτο, τὸν Πόντον ἐόντα ἀξιοθέητον. 
πελαγέων γὰρ ἁπάντων πέφυκε θωμασιώτατος" 
τοῦ τὸ μὲν μῆκος στάδιοι εἰσὶ ἑκατὸν καὶ χίλιοι 
καὶ μύριοι, τὸ δὲ εὗρος, τῇ εὐρύτατος αὐτὸς ἑωυτοῦ, 
στάδιοι τριηκόσιοι καὶ «τρισχίλιοι. τούτου τοῦ 
πελάγεος τὸ στόμα ἐστὶ. εὖρος τέσσερες στάδιοι" 
μῆκος δὲ τοῦ στόματος, ὁ αὐχήν, τὸ δὴ Βόσπορος 
κέκληται, Kar ὃ δὴ ἔξευκτο ἡ γέφυ a, ἐπὶ 
σταδίους εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατόν ἐστι. τείνει. ἐς τὴν 
Προποντίδα ὁ Βόσπορος: ἡ δὲ Προποντὶς ἐοῦσα 
εὖρος μὲν σταδίων πεντακοσίων, μῆκος δὲ τετρα- 
κοσίων καὶ χιλίων, καταδιδοῖ ἐ ἐς τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον 
ἐόντα στεινότητα μὲν ἑπτὰ σταδίους, μῆκος δὲ 
τετρακοσίους. ἐκδιδοὶ δὲ ὁ Ἑλλήσποντος ἐς 
χάσμα πελάγεος τὸ δὴ Αἰγαῖον καλέεται. 

86. Μεμέτρηται δὲ ταῦτα ὧδε. νηῦς ἐπίπαν 


1 Rocks (the ** Wandering ” or ‘‘Clashing ” Rocks of Greek 
legend) off the northern end of the Bosporus. 
* Herodotus is wrong. The Black Sea is 720 miles long 


286 


BOOK IV. 84-86 


| are my friend, and your desire is but reasonable ; I 
will leave all your sons." Oeobazus rejoiced greatly, 
supposing that his sons were released from service ; 
but Darius bade those whose business it was to put 
all Oeobazus' sons to death. 

85. So their throats were cut, and they were all 
left there ; but Darius, wheu in his march from Susa 
he came to that place in the territory of Calchedon 
where the Bosporus was bridged, took ship and 
sailed to the Dark Rocks! (as they are called) which 
the Greeks say did formerly move upon the waters ; 
there he sat on a headland and viewed the Pontus, 
a marvellous sight. For it is of all seas the 
most wonderful. Its length is eleven thousand one 
hundred furlongs, and its breadth, at the place 
where it is widest, three thousand three hundred.? 
The channel at the entrance of this sea is four 
furlongs broad ; and the length of the channel, the 
narrow neck called Bosporus, across which the bridge 
was thrown, is as much as an hundred and twenty 
furlongs. The Bosporus reaches as far as to the 
Propontis; and the Propontis is five hundred fur- 
longs wide and fourteen hundred long; its outlet 
is the Hellespont, which is no wider than seven 
furlongs, and four hundred in length. The Helles- 
pont issues into a gulf of the sea which we call 
Aegaean. 

86. These measurements have been made after 


(about 6280 stades), and, at the point of Herodotus’ measure- 
ment, about 270 miles broad; its greatest breadth is 380 
miles. His estimates for the Propontis and Hellespont 
are also in excess, though not by much; the Bosporus 
is a little longer than he says, but its breadth is correctly 
given. 


287 


ΠΕΒΟΡΟΤΟΡ 


μάλιστά kp κατανύει ἐν μακρημερίῃ ὀργυιὰς 
ἑπτακισμυρίας, νυκτὸς δὲ ἑξακισμυρίας. ἤδη ὧν 
ἐς μὲν Φᾶσιν ἀπὸ τοῦ στόματος (τοῦτο γὰρ ἐστὶ 
τοῦ Πόντου μακρότατον) ἡμερέων ἐννέα πλόος 
ἐστὶ καὶ νυκτῶν ὀκτώ: αὗται ἕνδεκα μυριάδες καὶ 
ἑκατὸν ὀργυιέων γίνονται, ἐκ δὲ τῶν ὀργυιέων 
τουτέων στάδιοι ἑκατὸν καὶ χίλιοι καὶ μύριοι 
> / 9 . ιά M ; \ lA 
εἰσί. ἐς δὲ Θεμισκύρην τὴν ἐπὶ Θερμώδοντι 
ποταμῷ ἐκ τῆς Σινδικῆς (κατὰ τοῦτο γὰρ ἐστὶ 
τοῦ Πόντου εὐρύτατον) τριῶν τε ἡμερέων καὶ δύο 
νυκτῶν πλόος" αὗται δὲ τρεῖς μυριάδες καὶ.τριή- 
κοντα ὀργυιέων γίνονται, στάδιοι δὲ τριηκόσιοι 

A 4 M / / e / 

καὶ τρισχίλιοι. ὁ μέν νυν Πόντος οὗτος καὶ Βόσ- 
« 
πορός τε καὶ ᾿Ελλήσποντος οὕτω TÉ μοι μεμετρέ- 
αται καὶ κατὰ τὰ εἰρημένα πεφύκασι, παρέχεται 
A M / ε / . 2 ^ , > A 
δὲ καὶ λίμνην ὁ Π]όντος οὗτος ἐκδιδοῦσαν ἐς αὐτὸν 
oU πολλῷ TED ἐλάσσω ἑωυτοῦ, 4 Μαιῆτίς τε 
καλέεται καὶ μήτηρ τοῦ Πόντου. 

87. Ὁ δὲ Δαρεῖος ὡς ἐθεήσατο τὸν Πόντον, 
ἔπλεε ὀπίσω ἐπὶ τὴν γέφυραν, τῆς ἀρχιτέκτων 
> 7 Μ ὃ / - / δὲ N 
ἐγένετο Μανδροκλέης Σάμιος" θεησάμενος δὲ καὶ 

A / F 2 ΄ , 9 9 ^ / 
τὸν Βόσπορον στήλας ἔστησε δύο én’ αὐτοῦ λίθου 
λευκοῦ, ἐνταμὼν γράμματα ἐς μὲν τὴν ᾿Ασσύρια 
3 M M ΄ » 4 e 

ἐς δὲ τὴν Ελληνικά, ἔθνεα πάντα ὅσα περ ἦγε' 
ἦγε δὲ πάντα τῶν ἦρχε. τούτων μυριάδες ἐξηρι- 
θμήθησαν, χωρὶς τοῦ ναυτικοῦ, ἑβδομήκοντα σὺν 
ἱππεῦσι, νέες δὲ ἑξακόσιαι συνελέχθησαν. τῇσι 
μέν νυν στήλῃσι ταύτῃσι Βυξάντιοι κομίσαντες ἐς 
τὴν πόλιν ὕστερον τούτων ἐχρήσαντο πρὸς τὸν 


288 


BOOK IV. 86-87 


this manner: a ship will for the most part accom- 
plish seventy thousand fathoms in a long day's. 
voyage, and sixty thousand by night. This being 
granted, seeing that from the Pontus’ mouth to the 
Phasis (which is the greatest length of the sea) it is 
a voyage of seven days and eight nights, the length 
of it will be an hundred and ten thousand and 
one hundred fathoms, which make eleven thousand 
one hundred furlongs. From the Sindic region to 
Themiscura on the river Thermodon (for here is the: 
greatest width of the Pontus) it is a voyage of two 
days and three nights, that is of thirty thousand and 
thirty fathoms, or three thousand and thirty furlongs. 

Thus have I measured this Pontus and the Bosporus 

and Hellespont, and they are such as I have said. 

Moreover there is seen a lake issuing into the 
Pontus and not much smaller than the sea itself; it 
is called the Maeetian lake, and the mother of the 
Pontus. 

87. Having viewed the Pontus, Darius sailed back 
to the bridge, of which Mandrocles of Samos was the 
chief builder ; and when he had viewed the Bosporus 
also, he set up by it two pillars of white stone, 
engraving on the one in Assyrian and on the other 
in Greek characters the names of all the nations that 
` were in his army; in which were all the nations 
subject to him. The full tale of these, over and 
above the fleet, was seven hundred thousand men, 
reckoning therewith horsemen, and the number of 
ships that mustered was six hundred. These pillars 
were afterwards carried by the Byzantines into their 
city and there used to build the altar of Orthosian ! 


1 A deity worshipped especially at Sparta ; the meaning of 
the epithet is uncertain. 


289 
VOL. II. U 


HERODOTUS 


βωμὸν τῆς ᾿Ὀρθωσίης ᾿Αρτέμιδος, χωρὶς ἑνὸς 
λίθου" οὗτος δὲ κατελείφθη παρὰ τοῦ Διονύσου 
τὸν νηὸν ἐν Βυζαντίῳ, γραμμάτων ᾿Ασσυρίων 
πλέος. τοῦ δὲ Βοσπόρου ὁ ὁ χῶρος τὸν ἔζευξε βα- 
σιλεὺς Δαρεῖος, ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκέει συμβαλλομένῳ, 
μέσον ἐστὶ Βυξαντίου τε καὶ τοῦ ἐπὶ στόματι 
ἱροῦ. 

88. Δαρεῖος δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα ἡσθεὶς τῇ σχεδίῃ 
τὸν ἀρχιτέκτονα αὐτῆς Μανδροκλέα τὸν Σάμιον 
ἐδωρήσατο πᾶσι δέκα' ἀπ᾽ ὧν δὴ Μανδροκλέης 
ἀπαρχὴν ζῷα γραψάμενος πᾶσαν τὴν ζεῦξιν τοῦ 
Βοσπόρου καὶ βασιλέα τε Δαρεῖον ἐν προεδρίῃ 
κατήμενον καὶ τὸν στρατὸν αὐτοῦ. διαβαίνοντα 
ταῦτα JEU ΕΘ ἀνέθηκε ἐς τὸ "Ηραιον, èr- 


γράψας τάδε. 


Βόσπορον ἰχθυόεντα γεφυρώσας ἀνέθηκε 
'Μανδροκλέης᾽ "Heg μνημόσυνον σχεδίης, 

αὑτῷ μὲν στέφανον περιθείς, Σαμίοισι δὲ κῦδος, 
Δαρείου βασιλέος ἐκτελέσας κατὰ νοῦν. 


89. Ταῦτα μέν νυν τοῦ ζεύξαντος τὴν γέφυραν 
μνημόσυνα ἐγένετο' Δαρεῖος δὲ δωρησάμενος 
Μανδροκλέα διέβαινε € ἐς τὴν Εὐρώπην, τοῖσι Ἴωσι 
παραγγείλας πλέειν ἐς τὸν Π]όντον μέχρι Ἴστρου 
ποταμοῦ, ἐπεὰν δὲ ἀπίκωνται ἐς τὸν Ἴστρον, ἐν- 
θαῦτα αὐτὸν περιμένειν ξευγνύντας τὸν ποταμόν. 
τὸ γὰρ δὴ ναυτικὸν ἦγον ᾿]ωνές τε καὶ Αἰολέες 
καὶ ᾿Ελλησπόντιοι. ὁ μὲν δὴ ναυτικὸς στρατὸς 
Κυανέας διεκπλώσας ἔπλεε ἰθὺ τοῦ, Ἴστρου, 
ἀναπλώσας δὲ ἀνὰ ποταμὸν. δυῶν ἡ ἡμερέων πλόον 
ἀπὸ θαλάσσης, τοῦ ποταμοῦ τὸν αὐχένα, ἐκ τοῦ 


290 


BOOK IV. 87-89 


Artemis, save for one column covered with Assyrian 
writing that was left beside the temple of Dionysus 
at Byzantium. Now if my reckoning be true, the 
place where king Darius bridged the Bosporus was 
midway between Byzantium and the temple at the 
entrance of the sea. 

88. After this, Darius, being well content with his 
bridge of boats, made to Mandrocles the Samian a 
gift of ten of every kind;! wherefrom Mandrocles 
took the firstfruits and therewith had a picture made 
showing the whole bridge of the Bosporus, and 
Darius sitting aloft on his throne and his army cross- 
ing; this he set up in the temple of RETO with this 
inscription : 


‘This Picture Mandrocles to Here gives, 
Whereby for ever his Achievement lives ; 
A Bridge of Boats o'er Bosp' rus. fishful Flood 
He built ; Darius saw, and judg'd it good ; 
Thus for himself won Mandrocles a Crown, 
And for his isle of Samos high Renown." 


89. This then was done to preserve the name of 
the builder of the bridge. Darius, having rewarded 
Mandrocles, crossed over to Europe; he had bidden 
the Ionians to sail into the Pontus as far as the 
river Ister, and when they should come thither to 
wait for him there, bridging the river meanwhile ; 
for the fleet was led by Ionians and Aeolians and 
men of the Hellespont. So the fleet passed between 
the Dark Rocks and made sail straight for the Ister, 
and, having gone a two days’ voyage up the river 
from the sea, set about bridging the narrow channel 

1 Apparently a proverbial expression for great abundance ; 
cp. a similar phrase in ix. 81. 

201 
u 2 


HERODOTUS 


σχίζεται τὰ στόματα τοῦ Ἴστρου, ἐξεύγνυε. 
Δαρεῖος δὲ ὡς διέβη τὸν Βόσπορον κατὰ τὴν 
σχεδίην, ἐπορεύετο διὰ τῆς Θρηίκης, ἀπικόμενος 
δὲ ἐπὶ Tedpov ποταμοῦ τὰς πηγὰς ἐστρατοπεδεύ- 
σατο ἡμέρας τρεῖς. 

90. ʻO δὲ .Τέαρος λέγεται ὑπὸ τῶν περιοίκων 
εἶναι ποταμῶν ἄριστος τά τε ἄλλα Ta ἐς ἄκεσιν 
φέροντα καὶ δὴ καὶ ἀνδράσι καὶ ἵπποισι ψ ώρην 
ἀκέσασθαι. εἰσὶ δὲ αὐτοῦ αἱ πηγαὶ δυῶν δέουσαι 
τεσσεράκοντα, ἐκ πέτρης τῆς αὐτῆς ῥέουσαι, καὶ 
αἳ μὲν αὐτέων εἰσὶ ψυχραὶ, at δὲ Üeppaí. ὁδὸς δ᾽ 
ἐπ᾽ αὐτάς ἐστι ἴση eE“ Ἡραίου τε πόλιος τῆς παρὰ 
Περίνθῳ καὶ ἐξ ᾿Απολλωνίης τῆς ἐν τῷ Εὐξείνῳ 
πόντῳ, δυῶν ἡμερέων ἑκατέρη. ἐκδιδοῖ δὲ 0 
Τέαρος οὗτος ἐς τὸν Κοντάδεσδον ποταμόν, ὁ δὲ 
Κοντάδεσδος ἐς τὸν ᾿Αγριάνην, ὁ δὲ ᾿Αγριάνης ἐς 
τὸν "Efpov, ὃ δὲ ἐς θάλασσαν τὴν παρ᾽. Aive 
τ 

. E A A . \ . , / € 
i τοῦτον ὧν TOv ποταμὸν ἀπικόμενος ὁ 
κ... ὡς ἐστρατοπεδεύσατο, ἡσθεὶς τῷ ποταμῷ 
στήλην ἔστησε καὶ ἐνθαῦτα, γ γράμματα nat Sep 
λέγοντα τάδε. “ Tedpov ποταμοῦ κεφαλαὶ ὕδωρ 
ἄριστόν τε καὶ κάλλιστον παρέχονται πάντων 
ποταμῶν: καὶ ἐπ᾽ αὐτὰς ἀπίκετο ἐλαύνων ἐπὶ 
Σκύθας στρατὸν ἀνὴρ ἄριστός τε καὶ κάλλιστος 
πάντων ἀνθρώπων, Δαρεῖος δ: Ὑστάσπεος, Περ- 
σέων τε καὶ πάσης τῆς ἠπείρου βασιλεύς.᾽ ταῦτα 
δὲ ἐνθαῦτα ἐγράφη. 

92. Δαρεῖος δὲ ἐνθεῦτεν ὁρμηθεὶς ἀπίκετο ἐπ' 
ἄλλον ποταμὸν τῷ οὔνομα ᾿Αρτησκός ἐστι, ὃς διὰ 
Ὀδρυσέων ῥ ῥέει. ἐπὶ τοῦτον δὴ τὸν ποταμὸν Tt- 
κόμενος ἐποίησε τοιόνδε: ἀποδέξας χωρίον τῇ 


203 


BOOK IV. 89-92 


of the river where its divers mouths part asunder. 
But Darius, having passed over the Bosporus on the 
bridge of ships, journeyed through Thrace to the 
sources of the river Tearus, where he encamped for 
three days. 

90. The Tearus is said in the country round to 
be the best of all rivers for all purposes of healing, 
but especially for the healing of the scab in men 
and horses. Its springs are thirty-eight in number, 
some cold and some hot, all flowing from the same 
rock. There are two roads to the place, one from 
the town of Heraeum near to Perinthus, one from 
Apollonia on the Euxine sea; each is a two days’ 
journey. This Tearus is a tributary of the river 
Contadesdus, and that of the Agrianes, and that 
again of the Hebrus, which issues into the sea near 
the city of Aenus. 

91. Having then come to this river and there 
encamped, Darius was pleased with the sight of it, 
and set up yet another pillar there, graven with this 
inscription, * From the sources of the river Tearus 
flows the best and fairest of all river waters; hither 
came, leading his army against the Scythians, the 
best and fairest of all men, even Darius son of 
Hystaspes and king of Persia and all the mainland." 
Such was the inscription. 

92. Thence Darius set forth and came to another 
river called Artescus, which flows through the 
country of the Odrysae; whither having come, he 
marked a place for the army to see, and bade every 


293 


HERODOTUS 


στρατιῇ ἐκέλευε πάντα ἄνδρα λίθον ἕνα παρεξ- 
ιόντα τιθέναι ἐς τὸ ἀποδεδεγμένον τοῦτο χωρίον. 
ὡς δὲ ταῦτα ἡ στρατιὴ ἐπετέλεσε, ἐνθαῦτα κολω- 
νοὺς μεγάλους τῶν λίθων καταλιπὼν ἀπήλαυνε 
τὴν στρατιήν. 

93. Πρὶν δὲ ἀπικέσθαι ἐπὶ τὸν Ἴστρον, πρώ- 
τους αἱρέει Γέτας τοὺς ἀθανατίζοντας. οἱ μὲν 
γὰρ τὸν Σαλμυδησσὸν ἔχοντες Θρήικες καὶ ὑπὲρ 
᾿Απολλωνίης τε καὶ Μεσαμβρίης πόλιος oien- 
μένοι, καλεύμενοι δὲ Κυρμιάναι καὶ Νιψαῖοι, 
ἀμαχητὶ σφέας αὐτοὺς παρέδοσαν Δαρείῳ' οἱ δὲ 
Γέται πρὸς ἀγνωμοσύνην τραπόμενοι: αὐτίκα 
ἐδουλώθησαν, Θρηίκων ἐόντες ἀνδρηιότατοι καὶ 
δικαιότατοι. i 

94. ᾿Αθανατίξουσι δὲ τόνδε τὸν τρόπον' οὔτε 
ἀποθνήσκειν ἑωυτοὺς νομίξουσι ἰέναι τε τὸν ATON- 
λύμενον παρὰ Σάλμοξιν Saipova: of δὲ αὐτῶν τὸν 
αὐτὸν τοῦτον ὀνομάζουσι Γεβελέιξιν: διὰ πεντε- 
τηρίδος τε τὸν πάλῳ λαχόντα αἰεὶ σφέων αὐτῶν 
ἀποπέμπουσι ἄγγελον παρὰ τὸν Σάλμοξιν, ἐντελ- 
λόμενοι τῶν ἂν ἑκάστοτε δέωνται, πέμπουσι δὲ 
ὧδε' oi μὲν αὐτῶν ταχθέντες ἀκόντια τρία ἔχουσι, 
ἄλλοι δὲ διαλαβόντες τοῦ ἀποπεμπομένου παρὰ 
τὸν Σάλμοξιν τὰς χεῖρας καὶ τοὺς πόδας, ἀνακινή- 
σαντες αὐτὸν μετέωρον ῥίπτουσι ἐς τὰς λόγχας. 
ἣν μὲν δὴ ἀποθάνῃ ἀναπαρείς, τοῖσι δὲ ἴλεος ὁ 
θεὸς δοκέει εἶναι' ἣν δὲ μὴ ἀποθάνῃ, αἰτιῶνται 
αὐτὸν τὸν ἄγγελον, φάμενού μιν ἄνδρα κακὸν εἶναι, 
αἰτιησάμενοι δὲ τοῦτον ἄλλον ἀποπέμπουσι" ἐν- 
τέλλονται δὲ ἔτι ζῶντι. οὗτοι οἱ αὐτοὶ Θρήικες 
καὶ πρὸς βροντήν τε καὶ ἀστραπὴν τοξεύοντες 


294 


BOOK IV. 92-94 


man as he passed by lay one stone in this place 
which he had shown. His army having so done, he 
made and left great hillocks of the stones and led 
his army away. 

93. But before he came to the Ister, he first sub- 
dued the Getae, who pretend to be immortal. The 
Thracians of Salmydessus and of the country above 
the towns of Apollonia and Mesambria, who are 
called Cyrmianae and Nipsaei, surrendered them- 
selves unresisting to Darius; but the Getae, who are 
the bravest and most law-abiding of all Thracians, 
resisted with obstinacy, and were enslaved forthwith. 

94. As to their claim to be immortal, this is how 
_ they show it: they believe that they do not die, 
but that he who perishes goes to the god Salmoxis, 
or Gebeleizis, as some of them call him. Once in 
every five years they choose by lot one of their 
people and send him as a messenger to Salmoxis, 
charged to tell of their needs; and this is their 
manner of sending: Three lances are held by men 
thereto appointed; others seize the messenger to 
Salmoxis by his hands and feet, and swing and 
hurl him aloft on to the spear-points. If he be 
killed by the cast, they believe that the god regards 
them with favour; but if he be not killed, they 
blame the messenger himself, deeming him a bad 
man, and send another messenger in place of him 
whom they blame. It is while the man yet lives 
that they charge him with the message. Moreover 
when there is thunder and lightning these same 


295 


HERODOTUS 


ἄνω πρὸς τὸν οὐρανὸν ἀπειλέουσι τῷ θεῷ, οὐδένα 
ἄλλον θεὸν νοµίζοντες εἶναι εἰ μὴ τὸν σφέτερον. 

95. Ὡς δὲ ἐγὼ πυνθάνομαι τῶν τὸν Ἑλλήσ- 
ποντον οἰκεόντων Ἑλλήνων καὶ Ἰόντον, τὸν 
Σάλμοξιν τοῦτον ἐόντα ἄνθρωπον δουλεῦσαι ἐν 
Σάμῳ, δουλεῦσαι δὲ Πυθαγόρῃ τῷ Μνησάρχου, 
ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ αὐτὸν γενόμενον ἐλεύθερον χρήματα 
κτήσασθαι μεγάλα, κτησάμενον δὲ ἀπελθεῖν ἐς 
τὴν ἑωυτοῦ. ἅτε δὲ κακοβίων τε ἐόντων τῶν 
Θρηίκων καὶ ὑπαφρονεστέρων, τὸν Σάλμοξιν 
τοῦτον ἐπιστάμενον δίαιτάν τε ᾿Ἰάδα καὶ ἤθεα 
βαθύτερα ἢ κατὰ Θρήικας, οἷα "Ελλησί τε ὁμιλή- 
σαντα καὶ Ἑλλήνων οὐ τῷ ἀσθενεστάτῳ σοφιστῇ 
Πυθαγόρη, κατασκευάσασθαι ἀνδρεῶνα, ἐς τὸν 
πανδοκεύοντα τῶν ἀστῶν τοὺς πρώτους καὶ εὖω- 
χέοντα ἀναδιδάσκειν ὡς οὔτε αὐτὸς οὔτε οἱ 
συμπόται αὐτοῦ οὔτε οἱ ἐκ τούτων αἰεὶ γινόμενοι 
ἀποθανέονται, ἀλλ᾽ ἥξουσι ἐς χῶρον τοῦτον ἵνα 
αἰεὶ περιεόντες ἕξουσι τὰ πάντα ἀγαθά. ἐν ᾧ δὲ 
ἐποίεε τὰ καταλεχθέντα καὶ ἔλεγε ταῦτα, ἐν 
τούτῳ κατάγαιον οἴκημα ἐποιέετο. ὡς δέ οἱ 
παντελέως εἶχε τὸ οἴκημα, ἐκ μὲν τῶν Θρηίκων 
ἠφανίσθη, καταβὰς δὲ κάτω ἐς τὸ κατάγαιον 
οἴκημα διαιτᾶτο ἐπ᾿ ἔτεα τρία" of δέ μιν ἐπό- 
θεόν τε καὶ ἐπένθεον ὡς τεθνεῶτα. τετάρτῳ δὲ 
ἔτεϊ ἐφάνη τοῖσι Θρήιξι, καὶ οὕτω πιθανά σφι 
ἐγένετο τὰ ἔλεγε ὁ Σάλμοξις. ταῦτα φασί μιν 
ποιῆσαι. 

96. ᾿Εγὼ δὲ περὶ μὲν τούτου καὶ τοῦ κατα- 
γαίου οἰκήματος οὔτε ἀπιστέω οὔτε ὧν πιστεύω 
τι λίην, δοκέω δὲ πολλοῖσι ἔτεσι πρότερον τὸν 
Σάλμοξιν τοῦτον γενέσθαι Πυθαγόρεω εἴτε δὲ 


206 


BOOK IV. 94-96 


Thracians shoot arrows skyward as a threat to the 
god, believing in no other god but their own. 

95. For myself, I have been told by the Greeks 
who dwell beside the Hellespont and Pontus that 
this Salmoxis was a man who was once a slave 
in Samos, his master being Pythagoras son of 
Mnesarchus ; presently, after being freed and gain- 
ing great wealth, he returned to his own country. 
Now the Thracians were a meanly-living and simple- 
witted folk, but this Salmoxis knew Ionian usages 
and a fuller way of life than the Thracian; for he 
had consorted with Greeks, and moreover with one of 
the greatest Greek teachers, Pythagoras; wherefore 
he made himself a hall, where he entertained and 
feasted the chief among his countrymen, and taught 
them that neither he nor his guests nor any of their 
descendants should ever die, but that they should go 
to a place where they would live for ever and have 
all good things. While he was doing as I have said 
and teaching this doctrine, he was all the while 
making him an underground chamber. When this 
was finished, he vanished from the sight of the 
Thracians, and descended into the underground 
chamber, where he lived for three years, the 
Thracians wishing him back and mourning him for 
dead; then in the fourth year he appeared to the 
Thracians, and thus they came to believe what 
Salmoxis had told them. Such is the Greek story 
about him. 

96. For myself, I neither disbelieve nor fully 
believe the tale about Salmoxis and his underground 
chamber ; but I think that he lived many years before 
Pythagoras; and whether there was a man called 


297 


HERODOTUS 


ἐγένετό τις Σάλμοξις ἄνθρωπος, εἴτ᾽ ἐστὶ δαύμων 
τις Γέτῃσι οὗτος ἐπιχώριος, χαιρέτω. 

97. Οὗτοι μὲν δὴ τρόπῳ τοιούτῳ χρεώμενοι ὡς 
ἐχειρώθησαν ὑπὸ Περσέων, εἵποντο τῷ ἄλλῳ 
στρατῷ. Δαρεῖος δὲ ὡς ἀπίκετο καὶ ὁ πεζὸς ἅμ᾽ 
αὐτῷ στρατὸς ἐπὶ τὸν Ἴστρον, ἐνθαῦτα διαβάντων 
πάντων Δαρεῖος ἐκέλευσε τούς τε Ἴωνας τὴν 
σχεδίην λύσαντας ἕπεσθαι, κατ ἤπειρον ἑωυτῷ 
καὶ τὸν ἐκ τῶν νεῶν στρατόν. μελλόντων δὲ τῶν 
Ἰώνων λύειν καὶ ποιέειν τὰ κελευόμενα, Κώης ὁ 
᾿Ερξάνδρου στρατηγὸς ἐὼν Μυτιληναίων ἔλεξε 
Δαρείῳ τάδε, πυθόμενος πρότερον εἴ οἱ φίλον εἴη 
γνώμην ἀποδέκεσθαι παρὰ τοῦ βουλομένου, ἀπο- 
δείκνυσθαι. “COQ βασιλεῦ, ἐπὶ γῆν γὰρ μέλλεις 
στρατεύεσθαι τῆς οὔτε ἀρηρομένον φανήσεται 
οὐδὲν οὔτε πόλις .οἰκεομένη: σύ νυν γέφυραν ταύ- 
την ἔα κατὰ χώρην ἑστάναι, φυλάκους αὐτῆς 
λιπὼν τούτους οἵπερ μιν ἔξευξαν. καὶ ἤν τε κατὰ 
νόον πρήξωμεν εὑρόντες Σκύθας, ἔ ἔστι ἄποδος ἡ ἡμῖν, 
ἤν τε καὶ μή, σφεας εὑρεῖν δυνώμεθα, 1j ἥ γε ἄποδος 
ἡμῖν ἀσφαλής" οὐ γὰρ ἔδεισά κω μὴ ἑσσωθέωμεν 
ὑπὸ Σκυθέων μάχῃ, ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον μη ov δυνά- 
μενοι σφέας εὑρεῖν πάθωμὲν τι ἀλώμενοι. καὶ 
τάδε λέγειν φαίη τις ἄν µε ἐμεωυτοῦ εἵνεκεν, ὡς 
καταμένω". ἐγὼ δὲ γνώμην μὲν τὴν εὕρισκον ἀρί- 
στην σοί, βασιλεῦ, ἐς μέσον φέρω, αὐτὸς μέντοι 
ἕψομαί τοι καὶ οὐκ ἂν λειφθείην." κάρτα τε 
ἥσθη τῇ γνώμῃ Δαρεῖος καί μιν ἀμείψατο τοῖσιδε. 
" Ἐεῖνε Λέσβιε, σωθέντος ἐ ἐμεῦ ὀπίσω ἐς οἶκον τὸν 
ἐμὸν ἐπιφάνηθί μοι πάντως, ἵνα σε ἀντὶ χρηστῆς 
συμβουλίης χρηστοῖσι ἔργοισι ἀμείψωμαι." 

98. Ταῦτα δὲ εἴπας καὶ ἀπάψας ἅμματα ἑξή- 


208 


BOOK IV. 96-98 


Salmoxis, or this be à name among the Getae for a 
god of their country, I have done with him. 

97. Such were the ways of the Getae, who were 
now subdued by the Persians and followed their 
army. When Darius and the land army with him 
had come to the Ister, and all had crossed, he 
bade the Ionians break the bridge and follow him 
and the men of the fleet in their march across 
the mainland. So the Ionians were preparing 
to break the bridge and do Darius behest ; 
but Cóes son of Erxander, the general of the 
Mytilenaeans, having first enquired if Darius were 
willing to receive counsel from any man desiring to 
give it, said, “Seeing, O king! that you are about to 
march against a country where you will find neither 
tilled lands nor inhabited cities, do you now suffer 
this bridge to stand where it is, leaving those who 
made it tobe its guards. Thus, if we find the 
Scythians and accomplish our will, we have a way of 
return; and even if we find them not, yet at least 
our way back is safe; for my fear has never yet 
been lest we be overcome by the Scythians in the 
field, but rather lest we should not be able to find 
them, and so wander astray to our hurt. Now 
perchance it may be said that I speak thus for my 
own sake, because I desire to remain behind; but it 
is not so; I do but declare before all that counsel 
which I judge best, and for myself would not be left 
here but will follow you." With this counsel Darius 
was greatly pleased, and he answered Cées thus ; 
* My good Lesbian, fail not to show yourself to me 
when I return safe to my house, that so I may make 
you a good return for your good advice." 

98. Having thus spoken, he tied sixty knots in a 


299 


HERODOTUS 


κοντα ἐν ἱμάντι, καλέσας ἐς λόγους τοὺς Ἰώνων 
τυράννους ἔλεγε τάδε. “Ανδρες Ἴωνες, ἡ μὲν 
πρότερον γνώμη ἀποδεχθεῖσα ἐς τὴν γέφυραν 
μετείσθω μοι, ἔχοντες δὲ τὸν ἱμάντα τόνδε ποιέετε 
τάδε: ἐπεὰν ἐμὲ ἴδητε τάχιστα πορευόμενον ἐπὶ 
Σκύθας, ἆ ἀπὸ τούτου ἀρξάμενοι τοῦ χρόνου λύετε 
ἅμμα ἓν ἑκάστης ἡμέρης" ἣν δὲ ἐν τούτῳ τῷ 
χρόνῳ μὴ παρέω ἀλλὰ διεξέλύωσι Ú ὑμῖν αἱ ἡμέραι 
τῶν ἁμμάτων, ἀποπλέετε és τὴν ὑμετέρην αὐτῶν. 
μέχρι δὲ τούτου, ἐπείτε οὕτω μετέδοξε, φυλάσ- 
σετε τὴν σχεδίην, πᾶσαν προθυμίην σωτηρίης τε 
καὶ φυλακῆς παρεχόμενοι. ταῦτα δὲ ποιεῦντες 
ἐμοὶ μεγάλως χαριεῖσθε."” Δαρεῖος μὲν ταῦτα 
εἴπας ἐς τὸ πρόσω ἐπείγετο. 

99. Τῆς δὲ Σκυθικῆς γῆς ἡ Θρηίκη τὸ ἐς θά- 
λασσαν πρόκειται’ κόλπου δὲ ἀγομένου τῆς γῆς 
ταύτης, ἡ Σκυθική τε ἐκδέκεται καὶ ὁ Ἴστρος 
ἐκδιδοῖ ἐς αὐτήν, πρὸς εὗρον ἄνεμον τὸ στόμα 
τετραμμένος. τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ Ἴστρου ἔρχομαι onpa- 
νέων τὸ πρὸς θάλασσαν αὐτῆς τῆς Σκυθικῆς 
χώρης ἐς μέτρησιν. ἀπὸ Ἴστρου αὕτη ἤδη ý 
ἀρχαίη Σκυθίη ἐστί, πρὸς μεσαμβρίην τε καὶ 
νότον ἄνεμον κειμένη, μέχρι πόλιος Καρκινίτιδος 
καλεομένης. τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ ταύτης τὴν μὲν ἐπὶ θά- 
λασσαν τὴν αὐτὴν φέρουσαν, ἐοῦσαν ὀρεινήν τε 
χώρην καὶ προκειμένην τὸ ἐς Πόντον, νέμεται τὸ 
Ταυρικὸν ἔθνος μέχρι χερσονήσου τῆς τρηχέης 
καλεομένης" αὕτη δὲ ἐ ἐς θάλασσαν τὴν πρὸς ἀπη- 
λιώτην ἄνεμον κατήκει. ἔστι γὰρ τῆς Σκυθικῆς 
τὰ δύο μέρεα τῶν οὔρων ἐς θάλασσαν φέροντα, 
τήν τε πρὸς μεσαμβρίην καὶ τὴν πρὸς τὴν ἠῶ, 
κατά περ τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς χώρης" καὶ παραπλήσια 
300 


BOOK IV. 98-99 


thong, and calling the despots of the Ionians to 
an audience he said to them: ** lonians, I renounce 
the opinion which I before declared concerning the 
bridge ; do you now take this thong and do as I 
command you. Begin to reckon from the day when 
you shall see me march away against the Scythians, 
and loose one knot each day : and if the days marked 
by the knots have all passed and I have not returned 
ere then, take ship for your own homes. But till 
then, seeing that my counsel is thus changed, I bid 
you guard the bridge, using all zeal to save and 
defend it. This do, and you will render me a most 
acceptable service." Having thus spoken, Darius 
made haste to march further. 

99. Thrace runs farther out into the sea than 
Scythia; and where a bay is formed in its coast, 
Scythia begins, and the mouth of the Ister, which 
faces to the south-east, is in that country. Now I 
will describe the coast of the true Scythia from the 
Ister, and give its measurements. At the Ister 
begins the ancient Scythian land, which lies facing 
thé south and the south wind, as far as the city 
called Carcinitis. Beyond this place, the country 
fronting the same sea is hilly and projects into the 
Pontus; it is inhabited by the Tauric nation as far 
as what is called the Rough Peninsula ; and this ends 
in the eastern sea.! For the sea to the south and the | 
sea to the east are two of the four boundary lines of 
Scythia, even asthe seas are boundaries of Attica ; and 


1 Here = the Sea of Azov. 
301 


HERODOTUS 


ταύτῃ καὶ οἱ Ταῦροι νέμονται τῆς Σκυθικῆς, ὡς 
εἰ τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς ἄλλο ἔθνος καὶ μὴ ᾿Αθηναῖοι 
νεμοίατο τὸν γουνὸν τὸν Σουνιακόν, μᾶλλον ἐς τὸν 
πόντον τὴν ἄκρην 1 ἀνέχοντα, τὸν ἀπὸ Θορικοῦ 
μέχρι ᾿Αναφλύστου δήμου' λέγω δὲ ὡς εἶναι ταῦ- 
τα σμικρὰ μεγάλοισι συμβάλλειν: τοιοῦτον: ἡ 
Ταυρική ἐστι. ὃς δὲ τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς ταῦτα μὴ 
παραπέπλωκε, ἐγὼ δὲ ἄλλως δηλώσω: ὡς εἰ τῆς 
Ἰηπυγίης ἄλλο ἔθνος καὶ μὴ Ἰήπυγες ἀρξάμενοι 
ἐκ Βρεντεσίου λιμένος ἀποταμοίατο μέχρι Τά- 
pavros καὶ νεμοίατο τὴν -ἄκρην. δύο δὲ λέγων 
ταῦτα πολλὰ λέγω παρόμοια, τοῖσι ἄλλοισι ἔοικε 
ἡ Γαυρική. 

100. Τὸ & ἀπὸ τῆς Ταυρικῆς ἤδη Σκύθαι τὰ 
κατύπερθε τῶν Ταύρων καὶ τὰ πρὸς θαλάσσης 
τῆς ἠοίης νέμονται, τοῦ τε Βοσπόρου τοῦ Kip- 
μερίου τὰ πρὸς ἑσπέρης καὶ τῆς λίμνης τῆς Μαιή- 
τιδος μέχρι Τανάιδος ποταμοῦ, ὃς ἐκδιδοῖ ἐς μυχὸν 
τῆς λίμνης ταύτης. ἤδη wv ἀπὸ μὲν Ἴστρου τὰ 
κατύπερθε ἐς τὴν μεσόγαιαν φέροντα ἀποκληίεται 
ἡ Σκυθικὴ ὑπὸ πρώτων ᾿Αγαθύρσων, μετὰ δὲ 
Νευρῶν, ἔπειτα δὲ ᾿Ανδροφάγων, τελευταίων δὲ 
Μελαγχλαίνων. 

101. "Ἔστι ὧν τῆς Σκυθικῆς ὡς ἐούσης τετρα- 
γώνου, τῶν δύο μερέων κατηκόντων ἐς θάλασσαν, 
πάντῃ ἴσον τό τε ἐς τὴν μεσόγαιαν φέρον καὶ τὸ 
παρὰ τὴν θάλασσαν. ἀπὸ γὰρ Ἴστρου ἐπὶ Βορυ- 

1 τὴν ἄκρην is bracketed by Stein, ἀνέχειν being generally 
(in the required sense) intransitive. 

302 | 


BOOK IV. 99-1or 


the Tauri dwelling as they do in a part of Scythia 
which is like Attica, it is as though some other people, 
not Attic, were to inhabit the heights of Sunium from 
Thoricus to the township of Anaphlystus, did Sunium 
but jut farther out into the sea. 1 say this in so far 
as one may compare small things with great. Such 
a land is the Tauric country. But those who have 
not coasted along that part of Attica may understand 
from this other way of showing: it is as though in 
Iapygia some other people, not lapygian, were to 
dwell on the promontory within a line drawn from 
the harbour of Brentesium to Taras. Of these two 
countries I speak, but there are many others of a 
like kind which Tauris resembles.! 

100. Beyond the Tauric country the Scythians 
begin, dwelling north of the Tauri and beside the 
eastern sea, westward of the Cimmerian Bosporus 
and the Maeetian lake, as far as the river Tanais, 
which issues into the end of that lake. Now it has: 
been seen that on its northern and inland side, which 
runs from the Ister, Scythia is bounded first by the 
Agathyrsi, next by the Neuri, next by the Man-eaters, 
and last by the Black-cloaks. 

101. Scythia, then, being a four-sided country, 
whereof two sides are sea-board, the frontiers run- 
ning inland and those that are by the sea make it a 
perfect square; for it is a ten days' journey from the 


1 All this is no more than to say that the Tauri live on a 
promontory (the Tauric Chersonese), which is like the south- 
eastern promontory of Attica (Sunium) or the ** heel” of 
Italy, i.e. the country east of a line drawn between the 
modern Brindisi and Taranto. The only difference is, says 
Herodotus, that the Tauri inhabit à part of Scythia yet are 
not Scythians, while the inhabitants of the Attic and Italian 
promontories are of the same stock as their neighbours. 


393 


HERODOTUS 


σθένεα δέκα ἡμερέων ὁδός, ἀπὸ Βορυσθένεός τε 
ἐπὶ τὴν λίμνην τὴν Μαιῆτιν ἑτερέων δέκα' καὶ 
τὸ ἀπὸ θαλάσσης ἐς μεσόγαιαν ἐς τοὺς Μελαγ- 
χλαίνους τοὺς κατύπερθε Σκυθέων οἰκημένους 
εἴκοσι ἡμερέων ὁδὸς. ἡ δὲ ὁδὸς ἡ ἡμερησίη ἀνὰ 
διηκόσια στάδια συμβέβληταί μοι. οὕτω ἂν 
εἴη τῆς Σκυθικῆς τὰ ἐπικάρσια τετρακισχιλίων 
σταδίων καὶ τὰ ὄρθια τὰ ἐς τὴν μεσόγαιαν φέ- 
povra, ἑτέρων τοσούτων σταδίων. ἡ μέν νυν γῆ 
us ἐστὶ μέγαθος τοσαύτη. 

. Οἱ δὲ Σκύθαι δόντες σφίσι λόγον ὡς οὐκ 
οἷοί τ τε εἰσὶ τὸν Δαρείου στρατὸν ἰθυμαχίῃ͵ διώ- 
σασθαι μοῦνοι, ἔπεμπον ἐς τοὺς πλησιοχώρους 
ἀγγέλους" τῶν δὲ καὶ δὴ οἱ βασιλέες συνελθὀντες 
ἐβουλεύοντο ὡς στρατοῦ ἐπελαύνοντος μεγάλου. 
ἦσαν δὲ οἱ συνελθόντες βασιλέες Ταύρων καὶ 
᾽Αγαθύρσων καὶ Νευρῶν καὶ ᾿Ανδροφάγων καὶ 
᾿ Μελαγχλαίνων καὶ 1 ελωνῶν καὶ Βουδίνων καὶ 
Σαυροματέων. 

105, Τούτων Ταῦροι μὲν νόμοισι. τοιοῖσιδε 
χρέωνται" θύουσι μὲν τῇ Παρθένῳ τούς τε ναυη- 
γοὺς καὶ τοὺς ἂν λάβωσι Ἑλλήνων ἐπαναχθέντες 
τρόπῳ τοιῷδε ο... ῥοπάλῳ. παίουσι τὴν 
κεφαλήν. οἳ μεν λέγουσι ὡς τὸ σῶμα ἀπὸ 
τοῦ κρημνοῦ ἀθέουσι κάτω (ἐπὶ γὰρ κρημνοῦ 
ἵδρυται τὸ ἱρόν), τὴν δὲ κεφαλὴν ἀνασταυροῦσι" 
ob δὲ κατὰ μὲν τὴν κεφαλὴν. ὁμολογέουσι, τὸ 
μέντοι σῶμα οὐκ ὠθέεσθαι ἀπὸ τοῦ κρημνοῦ λέ- 
γουσι ἀλλὰ γῆ κρύπτεσθαι. τὴν δὲ δαίμονα ταύ- 
την τῇ θύουσι λέγουσι αὐτοὶ Ταῦροι Ἰφιγένειαν 
τὴν ᾿Αγαμέμνονος εἶναι. πολεμίους δὲ ἄνδρας τοὺς 
ἂν χειρώσωνται ποιεῦσι τάδε: ἀποταμὼν ἕκα- 


394 


BOOK 1V. 101-103 


Ister to the Borysthenes, and the same from the 
Borysthenes to the Maeetian lake ; and it is a twenty 
days' journey from the sea inland to the country of 
the Black-cloaks who dwell north of Scythia. Now 
as I reckon a day's journey at two hundred furlongs, 
the cross-measurement of Scythia would be a distance 
of four thousand furlongs, and the line drawn straight 
up inland the same. Such then is the extent of this 
land. 

102. The Scythians, reckoning that they were 
not able by themselves to repel Darius army in 
open warfare, sent messengers to their neighbours, 
whose kings had already met and were taking 
counsel, as knowing that a great army was march- 
ing against them. Those that had so met were 
the kings of the Tauri, Agathyrsi, Neuri, Man- 
eaters, Black-cloaks, Geloni, Budini, and Sauro- 
matae. 

103. Among these, the Tauri have the following 
customs: all ship-wrecked men, and any Greeks 
whom they take in their sea-raiding, they sacrifice 
to the Virgin goddess! as 1 will show : after the first 
rites of sacrifice, they smite the victim on the head 
with a club; according to some, they then throw 
down the body from the cliff whereon their temple 
stands, and impale the head; others agree with this 
as to the head, but say that the body is buried, not 
thrown down from the cliff. This deity to whom 
they sacrifice is said by the Tauri themselves to be 
Agamemnon's daughter Iphigenia. As for the 
enemies whom they overcome, each man cuts off 


! A deity locally worshipped, identified by the Greeks 
with Artemis. 


395 
VOL. 1I. X 


HERODOTUS 


a Tos ! κεφαλὴν ἀποφέρεται és τὰ οἰκία, ἔπειτα ἐπὶ 
ξύλου μεγάλου ἀναπείρας ἱστᾷ ὑπὲρ τῆς οἰκίης 
ὑπερέχουσαν πολλόν, μάλιστα δὲ ὑπὲρ τῆς καπνο- 
δόκης. φασὶ δὲ τούτους φυλάκους τῆς οἰκίης 
πάσης ὑπεραιωρέεσθαι. ζῶσι δὲ ἀπὸ ληίης τε 
καὶ πολέμου. 

104. ᾿Αγάθυρσοι δὲ ἁβρότατοι ἀνδρῶν εἰσι καὶ 
χρυσοφόροι τὰ μάλιστα, ἐπίκοινον δὲ τῶν yuvar- 
κῶν τὴν μῖξιν ποιεῦνται, ἵνα κασίγνητοί τε ἀλλή- 
λων ἔωσι καὶ οἰκήιοι ἐόντες πάντες μήτε φθόνῳ 

’ y ο. , ? , 4 » 
μήτε ἔχθεῖ χρέωνται ἐς ἀλλήλους. τὰ δὲ ἄλλα 
νόμαια Θρήιξι προσκεχωρήκασι. 

105. Νευροὶ δὲ νόμοισι μὲν χρέωνται Σκυθι- 
κοῖσι, γενεῇ δὲ μιῇ πρότερον σφέας τῆς Δαρείου 
στρατηλασίης κατέλαβε ἐκλιπεῖν τὴν χώρην πᾶ- 
σαν ὑπὸ ὀφίων: ὄφιας γάρ σφι πολλοὺς μὲν ἡ 
χώρη ἀνέφαινε, οἱ δὲ πλεῦνες ἄνωθέν σφι ἐκ τῶν 
ἐρήμων ἐπέπεσον, ἐς ὃ πιεξόμενοι οἴκησαν μετὰ 
Βουδίνων τὴν ἑωυτῶν ἐκλιπόντες. κινδυνεύουσι 
δὲ οἱ ἄνθρωποι οὗτοι γόητες εἶναι. λέγονται γὰρ 
ὑπὸ Σκυθέων καὶ Ελλήνων τῶν ἐν τῇ Σκυθικῇ 
κατοικημένων ὡς ἔτεος ἑκάστου ἅπαξ τῶν Νευρῶν 
ἕκαστος λύκος γίνεται ἡμέρας ὀλίγας καὶ αὖτις 
ὀπίσω ἐς τὠυτὸ κατίσταται. ἐμὲ μέν νυν ταῦτα 
λέγοντες οὐ πείθουσι, λέγουσι δὲ οὐδὲν ἧσσον, καὶ 
ὀμνῦσι δὲ λέγοντες. 

106. ᾿Ανδροφάγοι δὲ ἀγριώτατα πάντων av- 
θρώπων ἔχουσι ἤθεα, οὔτε δίκην νομίξοντες οὔτε 
νόμῳ οὐδενὶ χρεώμενοι νομάδες δὲ εἰσί, ἐσθῆτά 
τε φορέουσι τῇ Σκυθικῇ ὁμοίην, γλῶσσαν δὲ ἰδίην, 
ἀνδροφαγέουσι δὲ μοῦνοι τούτων. 

1 [ἕκαστος] Stein. 


306 


BOOK IV. 103-106 


his enemy's head and carries it away to his house, 
where he impales it on a tall pole and sets it standing 
high above the dwelling, above the smoke-vent for 
the most part. These heads, they say, are set aloft 
to guard the whole house. The Tauri live by 
plundering and war. 

104. The Agathyrsi live more delicately than all 
other men, and are greatly given to wearing gold. 
Their intercourse with women is promiscuous, that 
so they may be brothers and kinsfolk to each other 
and thus neither envy nor hate their fellows. In 
the rest of their customs they are like to the 
Thracians. 

105. The Neuri follow Scythian usages; but one 
generation before the coming of Darius' army it fell 
out that they were driven from their country by 
snakes ; for their land brought forth great numbers of 
these, and yet more came down upon them out of 
the desert, till at last the Neuri were so hard pressed 
that they left their own country and dwelt among 
the Budini. It may be that they are wizards; for 
the Scythians, and the Greeks settled in Scythia, 
say that once a year every one of the Neuri is turned 
into a wolf, and after remaining so for a few days 
returns again to his former shape. For myself, I 
cannot believe this tale; but they tell it nevertheless, 
yea, and swear to its truth. 

106. The Maireaters are of all men the most 
savage in their manner of life; they know no justice 
and obey no law. They are nomads, wearing a dress 
like the Scythian, but speaking a language of their 
own; they are the only people of all these that eat 
men. 


307 
x 2 


HERODOTUS 


107. Μελάγχλαινοι δὲ εἵματα μὲν μέλανα 
φορέουσι πάντες, éT ὧν καὶ τὰς ἐπωνυμίας 
ἔχουσι, νόμοισι δὲ Σκυθικοῖσι χρέωνται. 

108. Βουδῖνοι δὲ ἔθνος ἐὸν μέγα καὶ πολλὸν 
γλαυκόν τε πᾶν ἰσχυρῶς ἐστι καὶ πυρρόν. πόλις 
δὲ ἐν αὐτοῖσι πεπόλισται ξυλίνη, οὔνομα δὲ τῇ 
πόλι ἐστὶ Γελωνός" τοῦ δὲ τείχεος μέγαθος κῶλον 
ἕκαστον τριήκοντα. σταδίων ἐστί, ὑψηλὸν δὲ καὶ 
πᾶν ξύλινον, καὶ αἱ οἰκίαι αὐτῶν ξύλιναι καὶ τὰ 
ἱρά. ἔστι γὰρ δὴ αὐτόθι Ἑλληνικῶν θεῶν í ἱρὰ 
“Ελληνικῶς κατεσκευασμένα ἀγάλμασί τε καὶ 
βωμοῖσι καὶ νηοῖσι ξυλίνοισι, καὶ τῷ Διονύσφ 
τριετηρίδας ἀνάγουσι καὶ βακχεύουσι. εἰσὶ γὰρ 
οἱ Γελωνοὶ τὸ ἀρχαῖον “Ελληνες, ἐκ τῶν δὲ ἐμ- 
πορίων ἐξαναστάντες οἴκησαν ἐν τοῖσι Βουδίνοισι' 
καὶ γλώσσῃ τὰ μὲν Σκυθικῇ τὰ δὲ Ἑλληνικῇ 
χρέωνται. Βουδῖνοι δὲ οὐ τῇ αὐτῇ γλώσσῃ χρέ- 
ωνται καὶ Γελωνοί, οὐδὲ δίαιτα ἡ 5 αὐτή. 

109. Οἱ μὲν γὰρ Βουδῖνοι ἐόντες αὐτόχθονες 
νομάδες τε εἰσὶ καὶ -φθειροτραγέουσι μοῦνοι τῶν 
ταύτῃ, Γελωνοὶ δὲ γῆς Te ἐργάται καὶ .σιτοφάγοι 
καὶ κήπους ἐκτημένοι, οὐδὲν τὴν ἰδέην ὅ ὅμοιοι οὐδὲ 
τὸ χρῶμα. ὑπὸ μέντοι Ἑλλήνων καλέονται καὶ 
οἱ Βουδῖνοι l'ekovoí, οὐκ ὀρθῶς καλεόμενοι. 5 δὲ 
χώρη σφέων πᾶσα ἐστὶ δασέα ἴδῃσι παντοίῃσι: 
ἐν δὲ τῇ ἴδῃ τῇ πλείστῃ ἐστὶ λίμνη μεγάλη τε καὶ 
πολλὴ καὶ ἕλος καὶ κάλαμος περὶ αὐτήν. ἐν δὲ 
ταύτῃ ἐνύδριες ἁλίσκονται καὶ κάστορες καὶ ἄλλα 
θ ηρία τετραγωνοπρόσωπα, τῶν τὰ δέρματα παρὰ 
τὰς σισύρνας παραρράπτεται, καὶ οἱ ὄρχιες av- 
τοῖσι εἰσὶ χρήσιμοι ἐς ὑστερέων ἄκεσιν. 

110. Σαυροματέων δὲ πέρι ὧδε λέγεται. ὅτε 


308 


BOOK ΤΝ. 107-110 


107. The Black-cloaks all wear black raiment, 
whence they take their name; their usages are 
Scythian. 

108. The Budini are a great and numerous 
nation ; the eyes of all of them are very bright, and 
they are ruddy. They have a city built of wood, 
called Gelonus. The wall of it is thirty furlongs in 
length on each side of the city; this wall is high 
and all of wood ; and their houses are wooden, and 
their temples; for there are among them temples 
of Greek gods, furnished in Greek fashion with 
images and altars and shrines; and they honour 
Dionysus every three years with festivals and 
revels. For the Geloni are by their origin Greeks, 
who left their trading ports to settle among the 
Budini; and they speak a language half Greek and 
half Scythian. But the Budini speak not the same 
language as the Geloni, nor is their manner of 
life the same. 

109. The Budini are native to the soil; they are 
nomads, and the only people in these parts that eat 
fir-cones; the Geloni are tillers of the soil, eating 
grain and possessing gardens ; they are wholly unlike 
the Budini in form and in complexion. Yet the 
Greeks cal the Budini too Geloni; but this is 
wrong. All their country is thickly wooded with 
every kind of tree; in the depth of the forests there 
is a great and wide lake and marsh surrounded by 
reeds; otters are caught in it, and beavers, besides 
certain square-faced creatures whose skins serve for 
the trimming of mantles, and their testicles are used 
by the people to heal hysteric sicknesses. 

110. The history of the Sauromatae is as I will 


399 


HERODOTUS 


"Ελληνες ᾿Αμαξόσι ἐμαχέσαντο (τὰς δὲ ᾽Αμαξζόνας 
καλέουσι Σκύθαι Οἰόρπατα, δύναται δὲ τὸ οὔνομα 
τοῦτο κατὰ Ἑλλάδα γλῶσσαν ἀνδροκτόνοι οἱὸρ 
γὰρ καλέουσι ἄνδρα, τὸ δὲ mata κτείνειν), τότε 
λόγος τοὺς "Ελληνας νικήσαντας τῇ ἐπὶ Θερμώ- 
δοντι μάχῃ ἀποπλέειν ἄγοντας τρισὶ πλοίοισι 
τῶν ᾿Αμαζόνων ὅσας ἐδυνέατο ζωγρῆσαι, τὰς ὃ 
ἐν τῷ πελάγεϊ ἐπιθεμένας ἐκκόψαι τοὺς ἄνδρας. 
πλοῖα δὲ οὐ γινώσκειν αὐτὰς οὐδὲ πηδαλίοισι 
χρᾶσθαι οὐδὲ ἱστίοισι οὐδὲ εἰρεσίῃ' ἀλλ᾽ ἐπεὶ 
ἐξέκοψαν τοὺς ἄνδρας ἐφέροντο κατὰ κῦμα καὶ 
ἄνεμον, καὶ ἀπικνέονται τῆς λίμνης τῆς Μαιήτιδος 
ἐπὶ Κρημνούς' οἱ δὲ Κρημνοὶ εἰσὶ γῆς τῆς Σκυ- 
θέων τῶν ἐλευθέρων. ἐνθαῦτα ἀποβᾶσαι ἀπὸ 
τῶν πλοίων αἱ ᾽Αμαζόνες ὁδοιπόρεον ἐς τὴν ol- 
κεομένην. . ἐντυχοῦσαι δὲ πρώτῳ ἱπποφορβθίῳ 
τοῦτο διήρπασαν, καὶ ἐπὶ τούτων ἱππαξόμεναι 
ἐληίξοντο τὰ τῶν Σκυθέων. 

111. Οἱ δὲ Σκύθαι οὐκ εἶχον συμβαλέσθαι τὸ 
πρῆγμα' οὔτε γὰρ φωνὴν οὔτε ἐσθῆτα οὔτε τὸ 
ἔθνος ἐγίνωσκον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν θώματι ἦσαν ὁκόθεν 
ἔλθοιεν, ἐδόκεον δ᾽ αὐτὰς εἶναι ἄνδρας τὴν αὐτὴν 
ἡλικίην ἔχοντας, μάχην τε δὴ πρὸς αὐτὰς ἐποι- 
εὔντο. ἐκ δὲ τῆς μάχης τῶν νεκρῶν ἐκράτησαν οἱ 
Σκύθαι, καὶ οὕτω ἔγνωσαν ἐούσας γυναῖκας. βου- 
λευομένοισι ὧν αὐτοῖσι ἔδοξε κτείνειν μὲν οὐδενὶ 
τρόπῳ ἔτι αὐτάς, ἑωυτῶν δὲ τοὺς νεωτάτους amo- 
πέμψαι ἐς αὐτάς, πλῆθος εἰκάσαντας ὅσαι περ 
ἐκεῖναι ἦσαν, τούτους δὲ στρατοπεδεύεσθαι TAN- 
σίον ἐκεινέων καὶ ποιέειν τά περ ἂν καὶ ἐκεῖναι 
ποιέωσι' ἣν δὲ αὐτοὺς διώκωσι, μάχεσθαι μὲν μή, 
ὑποφεύγειν δέ: ἐπεὰν δὲ παύσωνται, ἐλθόντας 
310 


BOOK IV. r1o-111 


now show. When the Greeks warred with the 
Amazons (whom the Scythians call Oiorpata, a name 
signifying in our tongue killers of men, for in 
Scythian a man is otor, and to kill is pata) after their 
victory on the Thermodon they sailed away carrying 
in three ships as many Amazons as they had been 
able to take alive; and out at sea the Amazons set 
upon the crews and threw them overboard. But they 
knew nothing of ships, nor how to use rudder or sail 
or oar; and the men being thrown overboard they 
were borne at the mercy of waves and winds, till 
they came to the Cliffs by the Maeetian lake; this 
place is in the country of the free Scythians. There 
the Amazons landed, and set forth on their journey 
to the inhabited country. But at the beginning of 
their journey they found a place where horses were 
reared; and carrying these horses away they raided 
the Scythian lands on horseback. 

111. The Scythians could not understand the 
matter ; for they knew not the women's speech nor 
their dress nor their nation, but wondered whence 
they had come, and supposed them to be men all of 
the same age; and they met the Amazons in battle. 
The end of the fight was, that the Scythians got 
possession of the dead, and so came to know that 
their foes were women. Wherefore taking counsel 
they resolved by no means to slay them as here- 
tofore, but to send to them their youngest men, 
of a number answering (as they guessed) to the 
number of the women. They bade these youths 
encamp near to the Amazons and to imitate all that 
they did; if the women pursued them, then not to 
fight, but to flee; and when the pursuit ceased, to 


311 


HERODOTUS 


αὖτις πλησίον στρατοπεδεύεσθαι. ταῦτα ἐβου- 
λεύσαντο οἱ Σκύθαι βουλόμενοι ἐξ αὐτέων παῖδας 
ἐκγενήσεσθαι. ἀποπεμφθέντες δὲ οἱ νεηνίσκοι 
ἐποίευν τὰ ἐντεταλμένα. 

119. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ ἔμαθον αὐτοὺς αἱ ᾿Αμαξόνες ἐπ᾽ 
οὐδεμιῇ δηλήσι ἀπιγμένους, ἔων χαίρειν" προσε- 
χώρεον δὲ πλησιαιτέρω τὸ στρατόπεδον τῷ 
στρατοπέδῳ. ἐπ᾽ ἡμέρῃ ἑκάστῃ. εἶχον δὲ οὐδὲν 
οὐδ᾽ οἱ νεηνίσκοι, ὥσπερ αἱ ᾿Αμαξόνες, εἰ μὴ τὰ 
ὅπλα καὶ τοὺς ἵππους, ἀλλὰ conv ἔζωον τὴν αὖ- 
τὴν ἐκείνῃσι, θηρεύοντές τε καὶ Ἀηιξόμενοι. 

119. Ἐποίευν δὲ αἱ ᾿Αμαξόνες ἐς τὴν μεσαμ- 
βρίην τοιόνδε" ἐγίνοντο σποράδες κατὰ μίαν τε 
καὶ δύο, πρόσω δὴ at’ ἀλληλέων ἐς εὐμαρείην 
ἀποσκιδνάμεναι. μαθόντες δὲ καὶ οἱ Σκύθαι 
ἐποίευν τὠυτὸ τοῦτο. καί τις μουνωθεισέων τινὶ 
αὐτέων ἐνεχρίμπτετο, καὶ ἡ ᾽Αμαξὼν | οὐκ ἆπω- 
θέετο ἀλλὰ περιεῖδε χρήσασθαι. καὶ φωνῆσαι 
μὲν οὐκ εἶχε, οὐ γὰρ. συνίεσαν ἀλλήλων, TH δὲ 
χειρὶ ἔφραξε ἐς τὴν ὑστεραίην ἐλθεῖν ἐς τωὐτὸ 
χωρίον καὶ ἕτερον ἄγειν, σημαίνουσα δύο γενέσθαι, 
καὶ αὐτὴ ἑτέρην ἄξειν. ὁ δὲ νεηνίσκος, ἐπεὶ 
ἀπῆλθε, ἔλεξε ταῦτα πρὸς τοὺς λοιπούς" τῇ δὲ 
δευτεραίῃ ἦλθε ἐς τὸ χωρίον αὐτός τε οὗτος καὶ 
ἕτερον ἦγε, καὶ τὴν ᾿Αμαξόνα εὗρε δευτέρην αὐτὴν 
ὑπομένουσαν. οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ νεηνίσκοι ὡς ἐπύθοντο 
ταῦτα, καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐκτιλώσαντο τὰς λοιπὰς τῶν 
᾽Αμαζόνων. 

114. Μετὰ δὲ συμμίξαντες τὰ στρατόπεδα 
οἴκεον ὁμοῦ, γυναῖκα ἔχων ἕκαστος ταύτην. τῇ τὸ 
πρῶτον συνεμίχθη. τὴν δὲ φωνὴν τὴν μὲν τῶν 
γυναικῶν οἱ ἄνδρες οὐκ ἐδυνέατο μαθεῖν, τὴν δὲ 
312 


BOOK IV. 111-114 


come and encampneartothem. This was the plan of 
the Scythians, for they desired that children should 
be born of the women. The young men, being sent, 
did as they were charged. 

112. When the Amazons perceived that the youths 
meant them no harm, they let them be; but every 
day the two camps drew nearer to each other. Now 
the young men, like the Amazons, had nothing but 
their arms and their horses, and lived as did the 
women, by hunting and plunder. 

113. At midday the Amazons would scatter and go 
singly or in pairs away from each other, roaming thus 
apart for greater comfort. The Scythians marked 
this and did likewise; and as the women wandered 
alone, a young man laid hold of one of them, and the 
woman made no resistance but suffered him to do 
his will ; and since they understood not each other’s 
speech and she could not speak to him, she signed 
with the hand that he should come on the next day 
to the same place bringing another youth with him 
(showing by signs that there should be two), and she 
would bring another woman with her. The youth 
went away and told his comrades ; and the next day 
he came himself with another to the place, where he 
found the Amazon and another with her awaiting 
him. When the rest of the young men learnt of this, 
they had intercourse with the rest of the Amazons. 

114. Presently they joined their camps and dwelt 
together, each man having for his wife the woman 
with whom he had had intercourse at first. Now the 
men could not learn the women's language, but the 


313 


HERODOTUS 


τῶν ἀνδρῶν αἱ γυναῖκες συνέλαβον. ἐπεὶ δὲ 
συνῆκαν ἀλλήλων, ἔλεξαν πρὸς τὰς ᾿Αμαξόνας 
τάδε οἱ ἄνδρες. i Ἡμῖν εἰσὶ μὲν τοκέες, εἰσὶ 
δὲ κτήσιες" νῦν ὧν μηκέτι πλεῦνα χρόνον ζόην 
τοιήνδε ἔχωμεν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπελθόντες ἐς τὸ πλῆθος 
διαιτώµεθα. γυναῖκας δὲ ἕξομεν T καὶ 
οὐδαμὰς ἄλλας.᾽ al δὲ πρὸς ταῦτα ἔλεξαν 
τάδε. “Ἡμεῖς οὐκ ἂν δυναίμεθα οἰκέειν μετὰ 
τῶν ὑμετερέων γυναικῶν" οὐ γὰρ τὰ αὐτὰ νόμαια 
ἡμῖν τε κἀκείνησι ἐστί. ἡμεῖς μὲν τοξεύομέν τε 
καὶ ἀκοντίξομεν καὶ ἱππαξόμεθα, ἔργα δὲ γυναι- 
κήια οὐκ ἐμάθομεν' αἱ δὲ ὑμέτεραι γυναῖκες τού- 
των μὲν οὐδὲν τῶν ἡμεῖς κατελέξαμεν ποιεῦσι, 
ἔργα δὲ γυναικήια ἐργάξονται μένουσαι ἐν τῆσι 
ἁμάξήσι, οὔτ᾽ ἐπὶ θήρην i ἰοῦσαι οὔτε ἄλλῃ οὐδαμῇ. 
οὐκ ἂν ὧν δυναίμεθα ἐ ἐκείνῃσι συμφέρεσθαι. ἀλλ. 
ei Βούλεσθε γυναῖκας ἔχειν ἡμέας καὶ δοκέειν 
εἶναι δίκαιοι, ἐλθόντες παρὰ τοὺς τοκέας ἀπολά- 
χετε τῶν κτημάτων τὸ μέρος, καὶ ἔπειτα ἐλθόντες 
οἰκέωμεν ἐπὶ ἡμέων αὐτῶν. ἐπείθοντο καὶ ἐποί- 
ήσαν ταῦτα οἱ νεηνίσκοι. 

115. Ἐπείτε δὲ ἀπολαχόντες τῶν κτημάτων τὸ 
ἐπιβάλλον ἦλθον ὀπίσω παρὰ τὰς ᾿Αμαξόνας, 
ἔλεξαν αἱ γυναῖκες πρὸς αὐτοὺς τάδε. z Ἡμέας 
ἔχει φόβος τε καὶ δέος ὅ ὅκως χρὴ οἰκέειν ἐν τῷδε 
τῷ χώρῳ, τοῦτο μὲν ὑμέας ἀποστερησάσας πατέ- 
pov, τοῦτο δὲ γῆν τὴν ὑμετέρην δηλησαμένας 
πολλά. ἀλλ᾽ ἐπείτε ἀξιοῦτε ἡ ἡμέας γυναῖκας ἔχειν, 
τάδε ποιέετε ἅμα ἡμῖν' φέρετε ἐξαναστέωμεν ἐκ 
τῆς γῆς τῆσδε καὶ περήσαντες Τάναϊν ποταμὸν 
οἰκέωμεν. 

116. ᾿Επείθοντο καὶ ταῦτα οἱ νεηνίσκοι, δια- 


314 


BOOK IV. 114-116 


women mastered the speech of the men; and when 
they understood each other, the men said to the 
Amazons, “ We have parents and possessions; now 
therefore let us no longer live as we do, but return 
to the multitude of our people and consort with 
them ; and we will still have you, and no others, for 
our wives.” To this the women replied: “ Nay, we 
could not dwell with your women; for we and they 
have not the same customs. We shoot with the bow 
and throw the javelin and ride, but the crafts of 
women we have never learned ; and your women do 
none of the things whereof we speak, but abide in 
their waggons working at women's crafts, and never 
go abroad a-hunting or for aught else. We and 
they therefore could never agree. Nay, if you 
desire to keep us for wives and to have the name of 
just men, go to your parents and let them give you 
the allotted share of their possessions, and after that 
let us go and dwell by ourselves,” The young men 
agreed and did this. 

115. So when they had been given the allotted 
share of possessions which fell to them, and returned 
to the Amazons, the women said to them: “We 
are in fear and dread, to think how we should dwell 
in this country; seeing that not only have we be- 
reaved you of your parents, but we have done much 
hurt to your land. Nay, since you think right to 
have us for wives, let us all together, we and you, 
remove out of this country and dwell across the river 
Tanais." 


116. Tothistoothe youths consented ; and crossing 
315 


HERODOTUS 


βάντες δὲ τὸν Távaiv ὁδοιπόρεον πρὸς ἥλιον 
ἀνίσχοντα τριῶν μὲν ἡμερέων ἀπὸ τοῦ Τανάιδος 
ὁδόν, τριῶν δὲ ἀπὸ τῆς λίμνης τῆς Μαιήτιδος 
πρὸς βορέην à ἄνεμον. ἀπικόμενοι δὲ ἐς τοῦτον τὸν 
χῶρον ἐν τῷ νῦν ,κατοΐκηνται, οἴκησαν τοῦτον. 
καὶ διαίτῃ ἀπὸ τούτου χρέωνται τῇ παλαιῇ τῶν 
Σαυροματέων αἱ γυναῖκες, καὶ ἐπὶ θήρην em 
ἵππων ἐκφοιτῶσαι ἅμα τοῖσι ἀνδράσι καὶ χωρὶς 
τῶν ἀνδρῶν, καὶ ἐς E φοιτῶσαι καὶ στολὴν 
τὴν αὐτὴν τοῖσι ἀνδράσι φορέουσαι. 

117. Φωνῇ δὲ οἱ fanden νομίξουσι Σκυθικῇ, 
σολοικίξοντες αὐτῇ ἀπὸ τοῦ ἀρχαίου, ἐπεὶ οὗ 
χρηστῶς ἐξέμαθον αὐτὴν αἱ ᾽Αμαξόνες. TQ περὶ 
γάμων δὲ ὧδέ σφι διακέεται: οὐ γαμέεται παρ- 
θένος οὐδεμία πρὶν ἂν τῶν πολεμίων ἄνδρα ἀπο- 
κτείνῃ’ ai δὲ τινὲς αὐτέων καὶ τελευτῶσι γηραιαὶ 
πρὶν γήμασθαι, ov δυνάμεναι τὸν νόμον ἐκπλῆσαι. 

118. ᾿Επὶ τούτων ὧν τῶν 'καταλεχθέντων ἐθνέων 
τοὺς βασιλέας ἁλισμένους ἀπικόμενοι τῶν Σκυθέων 
οἱ ἄγγελοι ἔλεγον ἐκδιδάσκοντες ὡς ὁ Πέρσης, 
ἐπειδή οἱ τὰ ἐν τῇ ἠπείρῳ τῇ ἑτέρῃ πάντα κατέ- 
στραπται, γέφυραν ζεύξας ἐπὶ τῷ αὐχένι τοῦ 
Βοσπόρου διαβέβηκε ἐς τήνδε τὴν ἤπειρον, διαβὰς 
δὲ καὶ καταστρεψάμενος Θρήικας γεφυροῦ ποταμὸν 

Ἴστρον, βουλόμενος καὶ τάδε πάντα. vr ἑωυτῷ 
ποιήσασθαι. “Ὑμεῖς ὧν μηδενὶ τρόπῳ ἐκ τοῦ 
μέσου κατήμενοι περιίδητε ἡμέας διαφθαρέντας, 
ἀλλὰ τὠυτὸ νοήσαντες ἀντιάξωμεν τὸν ἐπιόντα. | 
οὔκων ποιήσετε ταῦτα" ἡμεῖς μὲν πιεζόμενοι 5 
ἐκλείψομεν τὴν χώρην 7) μένοντες ὁμολογίῃ χρησό- 
µεθα. τί γὰρ πάθωμεν μὴ ᾿Βουλομένων ὑμέων 
τιμωρέειν; ὑμῖν δὲ οὐδὲν ἐπὶ τούτῳ ἔσται ἐλα- 


316 


BOOK IV. 116-118 


the Tanais they went athree days' journey from the 
river eastwards, and a three days' journey from the 
Maeetian lake northwards ; and when they came to 
the region in which they now dwell, they made their 
abode there. Ever since then the women of the 
Sauromatae have followed their ancient usage ; they 
ride a-hunting with their men or without them; they 
goto war, and wear the same dress as the men. 

117. The language of the Sauromatae is Scythian, 
but not spoken in its ancient purity, seeing that the 
Amazons never rightly learnt it. In regard to 
marriage, it is the custom that no virgin weds till 
she has slain a man of the enemy; and some of 
them grow old and die unmarried, because they 
cannot fulfil the law. 

118. The kings then of these aforesaid nations 
being assembled, the Scythian messengers came and 
laid all exactly before them, telling how the Persian, 
now that the whole of the other continent was 
subject to him, had crossed over to their continent 
by a bridge thrown across the gut of the Bosporus, 
and how having crossed it and subdued the Thracians 
he was now bridging the Ister, that he might make 
all that region subject like the others to himself. 
* Do you, then," said they, *by no means sit apart 
and suffer us to be destroyed; rather let us unite and 
encounter this invader. If you will not do this, then 
shall we either be driven perforce out of our country, 
or abide and make terms. For what is to become of 
us if you will not aid us? And thereafter it will be no 


317 


HERODOTUS 


$pórepov: ἥκει γὰρ ὁ 0 Πέρσης οὐδέν TL μᾶλλον em 
ἡμέας ἢ οὐ καὶ ἐπ᾿ ὑμέας, οὐδέ οἱ καταχρήσει 
ἡμέας -καταστρεψαμένῳ ὑμέων ἀπέχεσθαι. μέγα 
δὲ .ὑμῖν λόγων τῶνδε μαρτύριον ἐρέομεν. εἰ γὰρ 
ἐπ᾽ ἡμέας μούνους ἐστρατηλάτεε ó Πέρσης τίσα- 
σθαι τῆς πρόσθε δουλοσύνης βουλόμενος, χρῆν 
αὐτὸν πάντων τῶν ἄλλων ἀπεχόμενον. ἰέναι οὕτω 
ἐπὶ τὴν ἡμετέρην, καὶ ἂν ἐδήλου πᾶσι ὡς ἐπὶ 
Σκύθας ἐλαύνει καὶ οὐκ ἐπὶ τοὺς ἄλλους. νῦν δὲ 
ἐπείτε τά ora διέβη ἐς τήνδε. τὴν ἤπειρον, τοὺς 
αἰεὶ ἐμπο ὧν γινομένους ἡμεροῦται πάντας" τούς 
τε δὴ ἄλλους ἔ ἔχει ὑπ᾽ ἑωυτῷ Θρήικας καὶ δὴ καὶ 
τοὺς ἡμῖν ἐόντας πλησιοχώρους Γέτας.” 

119, Ταῦτα Σκυθέων ἐπαγγελλομένων ἐβουλεύ- 
οντο οἱ βασιλέες οἱ ἀπὸ τῶν ἐθνέων ij ἥκοντες, καί 
σφεων ἐσχίσθησαν αἱ γνῶμαι" ὁ μὲν γὰρ Γελωνὸς 
καὶ ὁ Βουδῖνος καὶ ὁ Σαυρομάτης κατὰ τὠυτὸ 
γενόμενοι ὑπεδέκοντο Σκύθῃσι τιμωρήσειν, ὁ δὲ 
᾿Αγάθυρσος καὶ Νευρὸς καὶ ᾿Ανδροφάγος καὶ οἱ 
τῶν Μελαγχλαίνων καὶ Ταύρων τάδε Σκύθῃσι 
ὑπεκρίναντο. “ Εἰ μὲν μὴ ὑμεῖς ἔατε οἱ πρότεροι 
ἀδικήσαντες Πέρσας καὶ ἄρξαντες πολέμου, τού- 
των δεόμενοι τῶν νῦν δέεσθε λέγειν τε ἂν 
ἐφαίνεσθε ἡμῖν ὀρθά, καὶ ἡμεῖς ὑπακούσαντες 
τὠυτὸ ἂν .ὑμῖν ἐπρήσσομεν. νῦν δὲ ὑμεῖς τε 
ἐς τὴν ἐκείνων ἐσβαλόντες γῆν ἄνευ ἡμέων ἐπε- 
κρατίετε Περσέων ὅσον χρόνον ὑμῖν 6 θεὸς 
παρεδίδου, καὶ ἐκεῖνοι, ἐπεί σφεας ὠυτὸς θεὸς 
ἐγείρει, τὴν ὁμοίην ὑμῖν ἀποδιδοῦσι. ἡμεῖς δὲ 
οὔτε TL TÓTE ἠδικήσαμεν τοὺς ἄνδρας τούτους 
οὐδὲν οὔτε νῦν πρότεροι πειρησόμεθα ἀδικέειν. ἣν 
μέντοι ἐπίῃ καὶ ἐπὶ τὴν ἡμετέρην ἄρξῃ τε ἀδικέων, 


318 


BOOK IV. 118-119 


light matter for you yourselves; for the Persian is come 
to attack you no whit less than us, nor when he has 
subdued us will he be content to leave you alone. 
We can give you full proof of what we say: were it 
we alone against whom the Persian is marching, to be 
avenged on us for'our former enslaving of his country, 
it is certain that he would leave others alone and 
make straight for us, thus making it plain to all that 
Scythia and no other country is his goal. But now, 
from the day of his crossing over to this continent, 
he has been ever taming all that come in his way, 
and he holds in subjection, not only the rest of 
Thrace, but also our neighbours the Getae." 

119. Such being the message of the Scythians, the 
kings who had come from their nations took counsel, 
and their opinions were divided. The kings of the 
Geloni and the Budini and the Sauromatae made 
common cause and promised to help the Scythians; 
but the kings of the Agathyrsi and Neuri and Man- 
eaters and Black-cloaks and Tauri made this answer 
«το the messengers: “Had it not been you who did 
unprovoked wrong to the Persians and so began the 
war, this request that you proffer would seem to us 
right, and we would consent and act jointly with you. 
But now, you and not we invaded their land and 
held it for such time as the god permitted ; and the 
Persians, urged on by the same god, are but re- 
quiting you in like manner. But we did these men no 
wrong in that former time, nor will we essay to harm 
them now unprovoked; natheless if the Persian 
come against our land too and do the first act of 


319 


HERODOTUS 


καὶ ἡ ἡμεῖς οὐ πεισόμεθα, μέχρι δὲ τοῦτο ἴδωμεν, 
μενέομεν. παρ᾽ ἡμῖν αὐτοῖσι" ἥκειν γὰρ δοκέομεν 
οὐκ ἐπ᾿ ἡμέας Πέρσας ἀλλ᾽ ἐπὶ τοὺς αἰτίους τῆς 
ἀδικίης γενομένους." 

120. Ταῦτα ὡς ἀπενειχθέντα ἐπύθοντο οἱ 
Σκύθαι, ἐβουλεύοντο ἰθυμαχίην μὲν μηδεμίαν 
ποιέεσθαι ἐς τοῦ ἐμφανέος, ὅ ὅτε δή σφι οὗτού γε 
σύμμαχοι οὐ προσεγίνοντο, ὑπεξιόντες δὲ καὶ 
ὑπεξελαύνοντες τὰ φρέατα τὰ παρεξίοιεν αὐτοὶ 
καὶ τὰς κρήνας συγχοῦν, τὴν ποίην τε ἐκ τῆς γῆς 
ἐκτρίβειν, διχοῦ σφέας διελόντες. καὶ πρὸς μὲν 
τὴν μίαν τῶν μοιρέων, τῆς ἐβασίλευε Σκώπασις, 
προσχωρέειν αυρομάτας" τούτους μὲν δὴ ὑπά- 
yew, T ἐπὶ τοῦτο τράπηται ὁ Πέρσης, ἰθὺ 
Τανάιδος ποταμοῦ παρὰ τὴν Μαιῆτιν λίμνην͵ ὑπο- 
φεύγοντας, ἀπελαύνοντός τε τοῦ Πέρσεω ἐπιόντας 
διώκειν. αὕτη μὲν σφι μία ἦν μοῖρα τῆς βα- 
σιληίης, τεταγμένη ταύτην τὴν ὁδὸν Ñ Ñ περ. εἴρηται" 
τὰς δὲ δύο τῶν βασιληίων, τήν τε μεγάλην τῆς 
ἦρχε Ἰδάνθυρσος καὶ τὴν τρίτην τῆς ἐβασίλευε 
Τάξακις, συνελθούσας ἐς τὠυτὸ καὶ Γελωνῶν τε 
καὶ Βουδίνων προσγενομέν ων, ἡμέρης καὶ τούτους 
ὁδῷ προέχοντας τῶν Περσέων ὑπεξάγειν, ú ὑπιόντας 
τε καὶ ποιεῦντας τὰ βεβουλευμένα. πρῶτα μέν 
νυν ὑπάγειν σφέας ἰθὺ τῶν ωρέων τῶν ἀπειπα- 
μένων τὴν σφετέρην συμμαχίην, ἵνα καὶ τούτους 
ἐκπολεμώσωσι" εἰ γ ρ μὴ ἑκόντες ye. ὑπέδυσαν 
τὸν πόλεμον τὸν πρὸς Πέρσας, ἆλλ᾽ ἀέκοντας 
ἐκπολεμώσειν' μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο ὑποστρέφειν ἐς τὴν 
σφετέρην καὶ ἐπιχειρέειν, ἦν δὴ βουλενομένοισι 


δοκέῃ. 


1 πεισόμεθα MSS. ; Stein prefers κεισόμεθα, ‘lie inactive." 


320 


BOOK IV. II9-I20 


wrong, then we two will not consent to it; but till we 
see that, we will abide where we are by ourselves. 
For in our judgment the Persians are attacking not us 
but those at whose door the offence lies." 

120. This answer being brought back and made 
known to the Scythians, they resolved not to meet 
their enemy in the open field, seeing that they could 
not get the allies that they sought, but rather to with- 
draw and drive off their herds, choking the wells and 
springs on their way and rooting up the grass from 
the earth; and they divided themselves into two 
companies. It was their will that to one of their 
divisions, over which Scopasis was king, the Sauro- 
matae should be added; this host should, if the 
Persian marched that way, retire before him and 
draw off towards the river Tanais, by the Maeetian 
lake, and if the Persian turned to depart then they 
should attack and pursue him. This was one of the 
divisions of the royal people, and it was appointed to 
follow the way aforesaid ; their two other divisions, 
namely, the greater whereof the ruler was Idan- 
thyrsus, and the third whose king was Taxakis, were 
to unite, and taking to them also the Geloni and 
Budini, to draw off like the others at the Persian 
approach, ever keeping one day's march in front of 
the enemy, avoiding a meeting and doing what had 
been resolved. First, then, they must retreat in a 
straight course towards the countries which refused 
their alliance, so that these too might be compelled 
to fight; for if they would not of their own accord 
enter the lists against the Persians, they must be 
driven to war willy-nilly ; and after that, the host 
must turn back to its own country, and attack the 
enemy, if in debate this should seem good. 


321 
VOL. II. Y 


HERODOTUS 


121. Ταῦτα οἱ Σκύθαι βουλευσάμενοι ὑπηντία- 
δον τὴν Δαρείου στρατιήν, προδρόμους ἀποστεί- 
λαντες τῶν ἱππέων τοὺς ἀρίστους. τὰς δὲ ἁμάξας 
ἐν τῇσύ σφι διαιτᾶτο τὰ τέκνα καὶ αἱ γυναῖκες 
πάσας καὶ τὰ πρόβατα πάντα, πλὴν ὅσα σφι ἐς 
φορβὴν ἱκανὰ ἦν τοσαῦτα ὑπολιπόμενοι, τὰ ἄλλα 
ἅμα τῆσι ἁμάξῃσι προέπεμψαν, ἐντειλάμενοι αἰεὶ 
τὸ πρὸς βορέω ἐλαύνειν. 

129, Ταῦτα μὲν δὴ προεκοµίζετο' τῶν δὲ Σκυ- 
θέων οἱ πρόδρομοι ὡς εὗρον τοὺς Πέρσας ὅσον τε 
τριῶν ἡμερέων ὁδὸν ἀπέχοντας ἀπὸ τοῦ Ἴστρου, 
οὗτοι μὲν τούτους εὑρόντες, ἡμέρης ὁδῷ προέχοντες, 
ἐστρατοπεδεύοντο τὰ ἐκ τῆς γῆς φυόμενα λεαί- 
νοντες. οἱ δὲ Πέρσαι ὡς εἶδον ἐπιφανεῖσαν τῶν 
Σκυθέων τὴν ἵππον, ἐπήισαν κατὰ στίβον αἰεὶ 
ὑπαγόντων' καὶ ἔπειτα (πρὸς γὰρ τὴν μίαν τῶν 
μοιρέων ἴθυσαν) οἱ Πέρσαι ἐδίωκον πρὸς ἠῶ τε 
καὶ ἰθὺ Τανάιδος: διαβάντων δὲ τούτων τὸν 
Τάναϊν ποταμὸν οἱ Πέρσαι ἐπιδιαβάντες ἐδίωκον, 
ἐς ὃ τῶν Σαυροματέων τὴν χώρην διεξελθόντες 
ἀπίκοντο ἐς τὴν τῶν Βουδίνων. 

123. "Όσον μὲν δὴ χρόνον οἱ Πέρσαι ἤισαν διὰ 
τῆς Σκυθικῆς καὶ τῆς Σαυρομάτιδος χώρης, οἳ δὲ 
εἶχον οὐδὲν σίνεσθαι ἅτε τῆς χώρης ἐούσης 
χέρσου" ἐπείτε δὲ ἐς τὴν τῶν Βουδίνων χώρην 
ἐσέβαλλον, ἐνθαῦτα δὴ ἐντυχόντες τῷ ξυλίνῳ 
τείχεϊ, ἐκλελοιπότων τῶν Βουδίνων καὶ κεκενω- 
μένου τοῦ τείχεος πάντων, ἐνέπρησαν αὐτό. τοῦτο 
δὲ ποιήσαντες εἵποντο αἰεὶ τὸ πρόσω κατὰ στίβον, 
ἐς ὃ διεξελθόντες ταύτην ἐς τὴν ἔρημον ἀπίκοντο. 
ἡ δὲ ἔρημος αὕτη ὑπὸ οὐδαμῶν νέμεται ἀνδρῶν, 
κέεται δὲ ὑπὲρ τῆς Βουδίνων χώρης ἐοῦσα πλῆθος 
322 


BOOK IV. 121—123 


121. Being resolved on this plan, the Scythians 
sent an advance guard of the best of their horse- 
men to meet Darius’ army. As for the waggons in 
which their children and wives lived, all these they 
sent forward, charged to drive ever northward ; and 
with the waggons they sent all their flocks, keeping 
none back save such as were sufficient for their food. 

122. This convoy being first sent on its way, the 
advance guard of the Scythians found the Persians 
about a three days' march distant from the Ister; 
and having found them they encamped a day's march 
ahead of the enemy and set about clearing the land 
of all growing things. When the Persians saw the 
Scythian cavalry appearing, they marched on in its 
tracks, the horsemen ever withdrawing before them ; 
and then, making for the one Scythian division, the 
Persians held on in pursuit towards the east and the 
river Tanais; which when the horsemen had crossed 
the Persians crossed also, and pursued till they had 
marched through the land of the Sauromatae to the 
land of the Budini. — 

- 123. As long as the Persians were traversing the 
Scythian and Sauromatic territory there was nothing 
for them to harm, as the land was dry and barren. But 
when they. entered the country of the Budini, they 
found themselves before the wooden-walled town; 
the Budini had deserted it and left nothing therein, 
and the Persians burnt the town. Then going still 
forward in the horsemen's tracks they passed through 
this country into the desert, which is inhabited by 
no men; it lies to the north of the -Budini and its 


323 
y 2 


HERODOTUS. 


ἑπτὰ ἡμερέων ὁδοῦ. ὑπὲρ δὲ τῆς ἐρήμου Ovo- 
σαγέται οἰκέουσι, ποταμοὶ δὲ ἐξ αὐτῶν τέσσερες 
μεγάλοι ῥέοντες διὰ Μαιητέων ἐκδιδοῦσι ἐς τὴν 
λίμνην τὴν καλεομένην Μαιῆτιν, τοῖσι οὐνόματα 
κέεται τάδε, Λύκος Ὄαρος Τάναϊς Σύργις. 

124. ᾿Επεὶ ὧν ὁ Δαρεῖος ἦλθε ἐς τὴν ἔρημον, 
παυσάμενος τοῦ δρόμου ἵδρυσε τὴν στρατιὴν ἐπὶ 
ποταμῷ Ὀάρῳ. τοῦτο δὲ ποιήσας ὀκτὼ τείχεα 
ἐτείχεε μεγάλα, ἴσον am ἀλλήλων ἀπέχοντα, 
σταδίους ὡς ἑξήκοντα μάλιστά kp τῶν ἔτι ἐς ἐμὲ 
τὰ ἐρείπια σόα ἦν. ἐν ᾧ δὲ οὗτος πρὸς ταῦτα 
ἐτράπετο, οἱ διωκόμενοι Σκύθαι περιελθόντες τὰ 
κατύπερθε ὑπέστρεφον ἐς τὴν Σκυθικήν. ἀφανι- 
σθέντων δὲ τούτων τὸ παράπαν, ὡς οὐκέτι ἐφαν- 
τάζοντὀ σφι, οὕτω δὴ ὁ Δαρεῖος τείχεα μὲν ἐκεῖνα 
ἡμίεργα μετῆκε, αὐτὸς δὲ ὑποστρέψας ἤιε πρὸς 
ἑσπέρην, δοκέων τούτους τε πάντας τοὺς Σκύθας 
εἶναι καὶ πρὸς ἑσπέρην σφέας φεύγειν. 

126. ᾿Βλαύνων δὲ τὴν ταχίστην τὸν στρατὸν 
ὡς ἐς τὴν Σκυθικὴν ἀπίκετο, ἐνέκυρσε ἀμφοτέρῃσι 


^ /, ^ 


/ , A . 207 
τῇσι μοίρησι τῶν Σκυθέων, ἐντυχὼν δὲ ἐδίωκε 
IANA 
ὑπεκφέροντας ἡμέρης ὁδῷ. καὶ ov γὰρ ἀνίει 
ἐπιὼν ὁ Δαρεῖος, οἱ Σκύθαι κατὰ τὰ βεβουλευ- 
μένα ὑπέφευγον ἐς τῶν ἀπειπαμένων τὴν σφετέ- 
pnv συμμαχίην, πρώτην δὲ ἐς τῶν Μελαγχλαίνων 
τὴν γῆν. ὡς δὲ ἐσβαλόντες τούτους ἐτάραξαν οὗ 

/ . ε / / ε lA 
τε Σκύθαι καὶ οἱ Πέρσαι, κατηγέοντο οἱ Σκύθαι 
, 

ἐς τῶν ᾿Ανδροφάγων τοὺς χώρους" ταραχθέντων 
δὲ καὶ τούτων ὑπῆγον ἐπὶ τὴν Nevpióa: ταρασσο- 
, e 

μένων δὲ καὶ τούτων ἤισαν ὑποφεύγοντες οἱ 
/ 9 \ , ΄ » , \ 
Σκύθαι ἐς τοὺς ᾿Αγαθύρσους. ᾿Αγαθύρσοι δὲ 

ε 
ὁρέοντες καὶ τοὺς ὁμούρους φεύγοντας ὑπὸ Σκυ- 


324 


BOOK IV. 123-125 


breadth is a seven days’ march. Beyond this desert 
dwell the Thyssagetae; four great rivers flow from 
their country through the land of the Maeetians, 
and issue into the lake called the Maeetian ; their 
names are Lycus, Oarus, Tanais, Syrgis. 

124. When Darius came into the desert, he 
halted in his race and encamped on the river Oarus, 
where he built eight great forts, all at an equal 
distance of about sixty furlongs from each other, the 
ruins of which were standing even in my lifetime. 
While he was busied with these, the Scythians whom 
he pursued fetched a compass northwards and turned 
back into Scythia. When they had altogether 
vanished and were no longer within the Persians’ 
sight, Darius then left those forts but half finished, 
and he too turned about and marched westward, 
thinking that those Scythians were the whole army, 
and that they were fleeing towards the west. 

125. But when he came by forced marches into 
Scythia, he met both the divisions of the Scythians, 
and pursued them, they keeping ever a day’s march 
away from him; and because he would not cease 
from pursuing them, the Scythians, according to the 
plan they had made, fled before him to the countries 
of those who had refused their alliance, and first to 
the land of the Black-cloaks. Into their land the 
Scythians and Persians burst, troubling their peace; 
and thence the Scythians led the Persians into the 
country of the Man-eaters, troubling them too; 
whence they drew off with a like effect into the 
country of the Neuri, and troubling them also, fled 
to the Agathyrsi. But these, seeing their very neigh- 
bours fleeing panic-stricken at the Scythians’ approach, 


325 


HERODOTUS 


θέων καὶ τεταραγμένους, πρὶν 7 σφι ἐμβαλεῖν 
τοὺς Σκύθας πέμψαντες κήρυκα ἀπηγόρευον 
Σκύθῃσι μὴ ἐπιβαίνειν τῶν σφετέρων οὔρων, 
προλέγοντες ὡς εἰ πειρήσονται ἐσβαλόντες, σφίσι 
πρῶτα διαμαχήσονται. ᾿Αγάθυρσοι μὲν προεί- 
παντες ταῦτα ἐβοήθεον ἐπὶ τοὺς οὔρους, ἐρύκειν 
ἐν νόῳ ἔχοντες τοὺς ἐπιόντας: Μελάγχλαινοι δὲ 
καὶ ᾿Ανδροφάγοι καὶ Νευροὶ ἐσβαλόντων τῶν 
Περσέων ἅμα Σκύθῃσι οὔτε πρὸς ἀλκὴν ἐτρά- 
ποντο ἐπιλαθόμενοί τε τῆς ἀπειλῆς ἔφευγον αἰεὶ 
τὸ πρὸς βορέω ἐ ἐς τὴν ἔρημον τεταραγμένοι. οἱ δὲ 
Σκύθαι ἐς μὲν τοὺς ᾿Αγαθύρσους οὐκέτι ἀπεί- 
παντας ἀπικνέοντο, οἳ δὲ ἐκ τῆς Νευρίδος χώρης 
ἐς τὴν σφετέρην κατηγέοντο | τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι. 

126. Ὡς δὲ πολλὸν τοῦτο , Sytvero καὶ οὖκ 
ἐπαύετο, πέμψας Δαρεῖος ἱππέα παρὰ τὸν Σκυ- 
θέων βασιλέα ᾿Ιδάνθυρσον ἔλεγε τάδε. “Δαιμό- 
νιε ἀνδρῶν, τί φεύγεις aici, ἐξεόν τοι τῶνδε τὰ 
ἕτερα ποιέειν; εἰ μὲν γὰρ ἀξιόχρεος δοκέεις εἶναι 
σεωυτῷ τοῖσι ἐμοῖσι πρήγμασι ἀντιωθῆναι, σὺ δὲ 
στάς τε καὶ παυσάμενος πλάνης μάχεσθαι" εἰ δὲ 
συγγινώσκεαι εἶναι ἥσσων, σὺ δὲ ax οὕτω Tav- 
σάμενος τοῦ δρόμου δεσπότῃ τῷ σῷ δῶρα φέρων 
γῆν τε καὶ ὕδωρ ἐλθὲ é és λόγους," 

127. Πρὸς ταῦτα ὁ Σκυθέων Βασιλεὺς ἼἸδάν- 
θυρσος λέγει τάδε. ““Οὕτω τὸ ἐμὸν ἔχει, à 
Πέρσα. ἐγὼ οὐδένα κω ἀνθρώπων δείσας ἔφυγον 
οὔτε πρότερον οὔτε νῦν σὲ φεύγω, οὐδέ TL νεώ- 
Τερον eip} ποιήσας νῦν ἢ καὶ ἐν εἰρήνῃ ἐώθεα 
ποιέειν. ὅ τι δὲ οὐκ αὐτίκα , μάχομαί τοι, ἐγὼ 
καὶ τοῦτο σημανέω. ἡμῖν οὔτε ἄστεα οὔτε γῆ 
πεφυτευμένη ἐστί, τῶν πέρι δείσαντες μὴ ἁλῷ ἢ 


326 


* 


BOOK IV. 125-127 


before the Scythians could break into their land sent 
a herald to fotbid them to set foot on their borders, 
warning the Scythians that if they essayed to break 
through they must first fight with the Agathyrsi. 
With this warning they mustered on their borders, 
with intent to stay the invaders. But the Black- 
cloaks and Man-eaters and Neuri, when the Persians 
and the Scythians broke into their lands, made no 
resistance, but forgot their threats and fled panic- 
stricken ever northward into the desert. The 
Scythians, being warned off by the Agathyrsi, made 
no second attempt on that country, but led the 
-Persians from the lands of the Neuri into Scythia. 
126. All this continuing long, and there being no 
end to it, Darius sent a horseman to Idanthyrsus the 
Scythian king, with this message: “Sir, these are 
strange doings. Why will you ever flee? You can 
choose which of two things you will do: if you deem 
yourself strong enough to withstand my power, 
wander no further, but stand and fight; but if you 
know yourself to be the weaker, then make an end 
of this running to and fro, and come to terms with 
your master, sending him gifts of earth and water.” 
127. To this Idanthyrsus the Scythian king made 
answer: * Know this of me, Persian, that I have 
never fled for fear of any man, nor do I now flee 
from you; this that I have done is no new thing or 
other than my practice in peace. But as to the 
reason why I do not straightway fight with you, this 
too I will tell you. For we Scythians have no towns 
or planted lands, that we might meet you the sooner 


327 


HERODOTUS 


καρῇ ταχύτερον ἂν ὑμῖν συμμίσγοιµεν ἐς μάχην. 
εἰ δὲ δέοι πάντως ἐς τοῦτο κατὰ τάχος ἀπικνέ- 
εσθαι, τυγχάνουσι. ἡμῖν ἐόντες τάφοι πατρώιοι' 
φέρετε, τούτους ἀνευρόντες συγχέειν πειρᾶσθε 
αὐτούς, καὶ γνώσεσθε τότε εἶτε ὑμῖν μαχησόμεθα 
περὶ τῶν τάφων. εἴτε καὶ οὐ μαχησόμεθα. πρό- 
τερον δέ, ἣν μὴ ἡμέας λόγος αἱρέῃ, οὐ συμμίξομέν 
τοι. ἀμφὶ μὲν μάχῃ τοσαῦτα εἰρήσθω, δεσπότας 
δὲ -ἐμοὺς ἐγὼ Δία τε νομίζω τὸν ἐμὸν πρόγονον 
καὶ Ἱστίην τὴν Σκυθέων βασίλειαν μούνους εἶναι. 
σοὶ δὲ ἀντὶ μὲν δώρων γῆς τε καὶ ὕδατος δῶρα 
πέμψω τοιαῦτα οἷα σοὶ πρέπει ἐλθεῖν, ἀντὶ δὲ 
τοῦ ὅτι δεσπότης ἔφησας εἶναι ἐμός, Aalen, 
λέγω.” τοῦτο ἐστὶ ἡ ἀπὸ Σκυθέων f ῥῆσις.. 

138. Ὁ ' μὲν δὴ κῆρυξ οἰχώκεε ἀγγελέων ταῦτα 
Δαρείῳ, οἱ δὲ Σκυθέων βασιλέες ἀκούσαντες τῆς 
δουλοσύνης τὸ οὔνομα ὀργῆς. ἐπλήσθησαν. τὴν 
μὲν δὴ μετὰ Σαυροματέων μοῖραν ταχθεῖσαν, τῆς 
ἦρχε Σκώπασις, πέμπουσι "lect κελεύοντες ἐς 
λόγους ἀπικέσθαι, τούτοισι οἳ τὸν Ἴστρον ἐξευ- 
γμένον ἐφρούρεον" αὐτῶν δὲ τοῖσι ὑπολειπομέ- 
νοισι ἔδοξε πλανᾶν μὲν μηκέτι Πέρσας, σῖτα δὲ 
ἑκάστοτε ἀναιρεομένοισι ἐπιτίθεσθαι. νωμῶντες 
ὧν σῖτα ἀναιρεομένους τοὺς Δαρείου ἐποίευν τὰ 
βεβουλευμένα. ἡ μὲν δὴ í ἵππος τὴν ἵππον αἰεὶ 
τράπεσκε ἡ τῶν Σκυθέων, οἱ δὲ τῶν Περσέων 
ἱππόται φεύγοντες ἐσέπιπτον ἐς τὸν πεξόν, ὁ δὲ 
πεζὸς. ἂν ἐπεκούρεε' οἱ δὲ Σκύθαι ἐσαράξαντες 
τὴν ἵππον ὑπέστρεφον τὸν πεζὸν φοβεόμενοι. 
ἐποιέοντο δὲ καὶ τὰς νύκτας παραπλησίας προσ- 
βολὰς οἱ Σκύθαι. 


! This sentence is bracketed by Stein, but there seems to 
be no conclusive reason for rejecting it. 


328 


BOOK IV, 127-128 


in battle, fearing lest the one be taken or the other 
be wasted. But if nothing will serve you but fighting 
straightway, we have the graves of our fathers ; come, 
find these and essay to destroy them; then shall you 
know whether we will fight you for those graves or 
no. Till then we will not join battle unless we think 
good. Thus much I say of fighting ; for my masters, 
I hold them to be Zeus my forefather and Hestia 
queen of the Scythians, and none other. Gifts I will 
send you, not earth and water, but such as you 
should rightly receive; and for your boast that you 
are my master, take my malison for it." This was 
the speech returned by the Scythians. 

128. So the herald went to carry this message to 
Darius; but the Scythian kings were full of anger 
when they heard the name of slavery. They sent 
then the division of Scythians and Sauromatae, which 
was led by Scopasis, to speak with those Ionians who 
guarded the bridge over the Ister; as for those of 
the Scythians who were left behind, it was resolved 
that they should no longer lead the Persians astray, 
but attack them whenever they were foraging for 
provision. «9ο they watched for the time when 
Darius men were foraging, and did according to 
their plan. The Scythian horse ever routed the 
Persian horse, and the Persian horsemen falling back 
in flight on their footmen, the foot would come to 
their aid; and the Scythians, once they had driven 
in the horse, turned about for fear of the foot. The 
Scythians attacked in this fashion by night as well as 
by day. 


329 


HERODOTUS 


129. Τὸ δὲ τοῖσι Πέρσῃσί τε ἦν σύμμαχον καὶ 
τοῖσι Σκύθῃσι ἀντίξοον ἐπιτιθεμένοισι τῷ Δαρείου 
στρατοπέδῳ, θῶμα μέγιστον ἐρέω, τῶν τε ὄνων ἡ 
φωνὴ καὶ τῶν ἡμιόνων τὸ εἶδος. οὔτε γὰρ ὄνον 
οὔτε ἡμίονον γῆ ἡ Σκυθικὴ φέρει, ὡς καὶ πρότερόν 
μοι δεδήλωται, οὐδὲ ἔστι ἐν τῇ Σκυθικῇ πάση 
χώρῃ τὸ παράπαν οὔτε ὄνος οὔτε ἡμίονος διὰ τὰ 
ψύχεα. ὑβρίξοντες ὧν οἱ ὄνοι ἐτάρασσον τὴν 
ἵππον τῶν Σκυθέων. πολλάκις δὲ ἐπελαυνόντων 
ἐπὶ τοὺς Πέρσας μεταξὺ ὅκως ἀκούσειαν οἱ ἵπποι 
τῶν ὄνων τῆς φωνῆς, ἐταράσσοντό τε ὑποστρεφό- 
μενοι καὶ ἐν θώματι ἔσκον, ὀρθὰ ἱστάντες τὰ ὦτα, 
ἅτε οὔτε ἀκούσαντες πρότερον φωνῆς τοιαύτης 
οὔτε ἰδόντες τὸ εἶδος. 

130. Ταῦτα μέν νυν ἐπὶ σμικρόν τι ἐφέροντο 
τοῦ πολέμου. οἱ δὲ Σκύθαι ὅκως τοὺς Πέρσας 
ἴδοιεν τεθορυβηµένους, ἵνα παραμένοιέν τε ἐπὶ 
πλέω χρόνον ἐν τῇ Σκυθικῇ καὶ παραμένοντες 
ἀνιῷατο τῶν πάντων ἐπιδευέες ἐόντες, ἐποίεον 
τοιάδε" ὅκως τῶν προβάτων τῶν σφετέρων αὐτῶν 
καταλίποιεν μετὰ τῶν νομέων, αὐτοὶ ἂν ὑπεξή- 
λαυνον ἐς ἄλλον χῶρον' οἱ δὲ ἂν Πέρσαι ἐπελ- 
θόντες λάβεσκον τὰ πρόβατα καὶ λαβόντες 
ἐπηείροντο ἂν τῷ πεποιημένῳ. | 

131. Πολλάκις δὲ τοιούτου γινομένου, τέλος 
Δαρεῖός τε ἐν ἀπορίῃσι εἴχετο, καὶ οἱ Σκυθέων 
βασιλέες μαθόντες τοῦτο ἔπεμπον κήρυκα δῶρα 
Δαρείῳ φέροντα ὄρνιθά τε καὶ μῦν καὶ βάτραχον 
καὶ ὀιστοὺς πέντε. Πέρσαι δὲ τὸν φέροντα τὰ 
δῶρα ἐπειρώτεον τὸν νόον τῶν διδομένων' ὃ δὲ 
οὐδὲν ἔφη οἱ ἐπεστάλθαι ἄλλο ἢ δόντα τὴν ταχί- 
στην ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι: αὐτοὺς δὲ τοὺς Πέρσας 


339 


BOOK IV. 129-131 


. 129. Most strange it is to relate, but what aided 
the Persians and thwarted the Scythians in their 
attacks on Darius' army was the braying of the asses 
and the appearance of the mules. For, as I have 
before shown, Scythia bears no asses or mules; nor 
is there in the most of Scythia any ass or mule, by 
reason of the cold. "Therefore the asses, when they 
waxed wanton, alarmed the Scythian horses; and often, 
when they were in the act of charging the Persians, 
if the horses heard the asses bray they would turn 
back in affright or stand astonished with ears erect, 
never having heard a like noise or seen a like 
creature. | 

130. This then played some small part in the war. 
When the Scythians saw that the Persians were 
shaken, they formed a plan whereby they might 
remain longer in Scythia and so remaining might be 
distressed by lack of all things needful: they would 
leave some of their flocks behind with the shepherds, 
themselves moving away to another place; and the 
Persians would come and take the sheep, and be 
uplifted by this achievement. 

131. This having often happened, Darius was in a 
quandary ; which when they perceived, the Scythian 
kings senta herald bringing Darius the gift of a bird, 
a mouse, a frog, and five arrows. The Persians asked 
the bringer of these gifts what they might mean; 
but he said that no charge had been laid on him save 
to give the gifts and then depart with all speed ; let 


331 


HERODOTUS 


ἐκέλευε, εἰ σοφοί εἰσι, γνῶναι τὸ θέλει τὰ δῶρα 
λέγειν. 

199. Ταῦτα ἀκούσαντες οἱ Πέρσαι ἐβουλεύοντο. 
Δαρείου μέν νυν ἡ γνώμη ἦν Σκύθας ἑ ἑωυτῷ διδό- 
ναι σφέας τε αὐτοὺς καὶ γῆν τε καὶ ὕδωρ, εἰκάξων 
τῇδε, ὡς μῦς μὲν ἐν γῆ γίνεται καρπὸν τὸν αὐτὸν 
ἀνθρώπῳ συτεύµενος, βάτραχος δὲ ἐ ἐν ὕδατι, 6 ὄρνις 
δὲ μάλιστα ἔοικε ἵππῳ, τοὺς δὲ ,ὀιστοὺς ὡς τὴν 
ἑωυτῶν ἀλκὴν παραδιδοῦσι. αὕτη μὲν Δαρείῳ 
ἀπεδέδεκτο ἡ γνώμη. συνεστήκεε δὲ ταύτῃ͵ τῇ 
γνώμῃ ἡ Γοβρύεω, τῶν ἀνδρῶν τῶν ἑπτὰ ἑνὸς 
τῶν τὸν Μάγον κατελόντων, εἰκάξοντος τὰ δῶρα 
λέγειν τ Ἦν μὴ ὄρνιθες γενόμενοι ἀναπτῆσθε ἐς 
τὸν οὐρανόν, ὦ Πέρσαι, ἢ μύες γενόμενοι. κατὰ 
τῆς γῆς καταδύητε, ἢ Βάτραχοι γενόμενοι ἐς τὰς 
λίμνας ἐσπηδήσητε, οὐκ ἀπονοστήσετε ὀπίσω ὑπὸ 
τῶνδε τῶν τοξευμάτων βαλλόμενοι," 

133. Πέρσαι μὲν δὴ τὰ δῶρα εἴκαξον. 7) δὲ 
Σκυθέων µία μοῖρα ἡ ταχθεῖσα πρότερον μὲν 
παρὰ τὴν Μαιῆτιν λύμνην φρουρέειν, τότε δὲ ἐπὶ 
τὸν Ἴστρον Ἴωσι ἐς λόγους ἐλθεῖν, ὡς ἀπίκετο 
ἐπὶ τὴν γέφυραν, ἔλεγε τάδε. “ "Ανδρες Ἴωνες, 
ἐλευθερίην ἥκομεν ὑμῖν φέροντες, ἦν πέρ ye ἐθέ- 
λητε ἐσακούειν. πυνθανόµεί α γὰρ Δαρεῖον ἐντεί- 
λασθαι ὑμῖν ἑξήκοντα. ἡμέρας μούνας φρουρή- 
σαντας τὴν γέφυραν, αὐτοῦ μὴ παραγενομένου ἐν 
τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ, ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι € ἐς τὴν ὑμετέρην. 
νῦν. ὧν ὑμεῖς τάδε ποιεῦντες ἐκτὸς μὲν ἔσεσθε πρὸς 
ἐκείνου αἰτίης, ἐκτὸς δὲ πρὸς ἡμέων" τὰς προκει- 
μένας ἡμέρας παραμείναντες τὸ ἀπὸ τούτου ATAN- 
λάσσεσθε. οὗτοι μέν νυν ὑποδεξαμένων Ἰώνων 
ποιήσειν ταῦτα ὀπίσω τὴν ταχίστην ἐπείγοντο. 


332 


BOOK IV. 131-133 


the Persians (he said), if they were clever enough, 
discover the signification of the presents. 

132. The Persians hearing and taking counsel, 
Darius’ judgment was that the Scythians were sur- 
rendering to him themselves and their earth and 
their water; for he reasoned that a mouse is a 
creature found in the earth and eating the same 
produce as men, aud a frog is a creature of the 
water, and a bird most like to a horse; and the 
arrows (said he) signified that the Scythians sur- 
rendered their weapon of battle. This was the 
opinion declared by Darius; but the opinion of 
Gobryas, one of the seven who had slain the Magian, 
was contrary to it. He reasoned that the mean- 
ing of the gifts was, * Unless you become birds, 
Persians, and fly up into the sky, or mice and 
hide you in the earth, or frogs and leap into the 
lakes, you will be shot by these arrows and never 
return home." 

133. Thus the Persians reasoned concerning the 
gifts. But when the first division of the Scythians 
came to the bridge —that division which had first been 
appointed to stand on guard by the Maeetian lake 
and had now been sent to the Ister to speak with the 
Ionians—they said, * Ionians, we are come to bring 
you freedom, if you will but listen to us. We learn 
that Darius has charged you to guard the bridge for 
sixty days only, and if he comes not within that time 
then to go away to your homes. Now therefore do 
that whereby you will be guiltless in his eyes as in 
ours: abide here for the days appointed, and after 
that depart." So the Ionians promised to do this, 
and the Scythians made their way back with all 
speed. 


333 


HERODOTUS 


134. Πέρσῃσι δὲ μετὰ τὰ δῶρα ἐλθόντα Δαρείῳ 
ἀντετάχθησαν οἱ ὑπολειφθέντες Σκύθαι πεζῷ καὶ 
ἵπποισι ὡς συμβαλέοντες.. τεταγμένοισι. δὲ τοῖσι 
Σκύθῃσι ayes | ἐς τὸ μέσον διήιξε τῶν δὲ ὡς 
ἕκαστοι ὥρων τὸν λαγὸν ἐδίωκον. ταραχθέντων 
δὲ τῶν Σκυθέων καὶ βοῇ χρεωμένων, εἴρετο ὃ 
Δαρεῖος τῶν ἀντιπολεμίων τὸν θόρυβον: mubo- 
pevos δὲ σφέας τὸν λαγὸν διώκοντας, εἶπε ἄρα 
πρὸς τούς περ ἐώθεε καὶ τὰ ἄλλα λέγειν. “Οὗτοι 
ὦνδρες ἡ ἡμέων πολλὸν καταφρονέουσι, καί μοι νῦν. 
φαίνεται Γοβρύης εἶπαι περὶ τῶν Σκυθικῶν δώρων 
ὀρθῶς. ὡς ὧν οὕτω ἤδη δοκεόντων καὶ αὐτῷ μοι 
ἔχειν, βουλῆς ἀγαθῆς δεῖ, ὅ ὅκως ἀσφαλέως ἡ 7) κομιδῆ 
ἡμῖν ἔσται τὸ ὀπίσω." πρὸς ταῦτα T οβρύη» 
εἶπε ‘CQ βασιλεῦ, è ἐγὼ σχεδὸν μὲν. καὶ λόγῳ ἦπι- 
στάμην τούτων τῶν ἀνδρῶν τὴν ἀπορίην, ἐλθὼν 
δὲ μᾶλλον ἐξέμαθον, ὀρέων. αὐτοὺς ἐμπαίξοντας 
ἡμῖν. νῦν ὧν μοι δοκέει, ἐπεὰν τάχιστα νὺξ ἐπέλ- 
θῃ, é ἐκκαύσαντας τὰ πυρὰ ὡς ἑώθαμεν καὶ ἄλλοτε. 
ποιέειν, τῶν στρατιωτέων τοὺς ἀσθενεστάτους ἐξ 
τὰς ταλαιπωρίας ἐξαπατήσαντας καὶ τοὺς ὄνους 
πάντας καταδήσαντας ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι, πρὶν KE 
καὶ ἐπὶ τὸν Ἴστρον. ἐθῦσαι Σκύθας λύσοντας τὴν 
γέφυραν, ἢ καί τι "Ἴωσι δόξαι τὸ ἡμέας οἷόν τε. 
ἔσται ἐξεργάσασθαι." 

135. Γοβρύης μὲν ταῦτα συνεβούλευε. μετὰ 
δὲ νύξ τε ἐγίνετο καὶ Δαρεῖος ἐχρᾶτο τῇ γνώμη 
ταύτῃ" τοὺς μὲν καματηροὺς τῶν ἀνδρῶν καὶ τῶ; 
ἦν ἐλάχιστος ἀπολλυμένων λόγος, καὶ τοὺς ὄνους 
πάντας καταδήσας κατέλιπε αὐτοῦ ἐν τῷ στρατοὶ 
πέδῳ. κατέλιπε δὲ τούς τε ὄνους καὶ TOUS άσθε- 
νέας τῆς στρατιῆς τῶνδε εἵνεκεν, ἵνα οἱ μὲν ὄνοι 


334 


BOOK IV. 134-135 


134. But after the sending of the gifts to Darius, 
the Scythians who had remained there came out with 
foot and horse and offered battle to the Persians. 
But when the Scythian ranks were arrayed, a hare 
ran out between the armies; and every Scythian 
that saw it gave chase. So there was confusion and . 
shouting among the Scythians; Darius asked what 
the enemy meant by this clamour; and when he 
heard that they were chasing the hare, then said he (it 
would seem) to those wherewith he was ever wont to 
speak, * These fellows hold us in deep contempt ; and 
I think now that Gobryas' saying concerning the Scy- 
thian gifts was true. Seeing therefore that my own 
judgment of the matter is like his, we need to take 
sage counsel, whereby we shall have a safe return out 
of the country." To thissaid Gobryas: “Sire, reason 
showed me well enough how hard it would be to deal 

with these Scythians; and when I came I was made 
the better aware of it, seeing that they do but make 
.asport of us. Now therefore my counsel is, that at 
nightfall we kindle our camp-fires according to our 
wont, that we deceive those in our army who are 
least strong to bear hardship, and tether here all our 
asses, and so ourselves depart, before the Scythians 
‘ean march straight to the Ister to break the bridge, 
‘or the Ionians take some resolve whereby we may 
well be ruined." 
ὁ 135. This was Gobryas’ advice, and at nightfall 
Darius followed it. He left there in the camp the 
men who were weary, and those whose loss imported 
,east to him, and all the asses too tethered. The 
reason of his leaving the asses, and the infirm among 
ibis soldiers, was, as regarding the asses, that they 


i+ 
| 335 


HERODOTUS 


βοὴν παρέχωνται' οἱ δὲ ἄνθρωποι ἀσθενείης μὲν 
εἵνεκεν κατελεύποντο, προφάσιος δὲ τῆσδε δηλαδή, 
ὡς αὐτὸς μὲν σὺν τῷ καθαρῷ τοῦ στρατοῦ ἐπιθή- 
σεσθαι μέλλοι τοῖσι Σκύθῃσι, οὗτοι δὲ τὸ στρατό- 
πεδον τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον ῥυοίατο. ταῦτα τοῖσι 
ὑπολελειμμένοισι ὑποθέμενος ὁ Δαρεῖος καὶ πυρὰ 
ἐκκαύσας τὴν ταχίστην ἐπείγετο ἐπὶ τὸν Ἴστρον. 
οἱ δὲ ὄνοι ἐρημωθέντες τοῦ ὁμίλου οὕτω δὴ μᾶλλον 
πολλῷ ἵεσαν τῆς φωνῆς: ἀκούσαντες δὲ οἱ Σκύθαι 
τῶν ὄνων πάγχυ κατὰ χώρην ἤλπιζον τοὺς IIép- 
σας εἶναι. 

136. 'Ημέρης δὲ γενομένης γνόντες οἱ ὑπολει- 
φθέντες ὡς προδεδοµένοι εἶεν ὑπὸ Δαρείου, χεῖράς 
τε προετείνοντο τοῖσι Σκύθῃσι καὶ ἔλεγον τὰ 
κατήκοντα' oi δὲ ὡς ἤκουσαν ταῦτα τὴν ταχίστην 
συστραφέντες, ai τε δύο μοῖραι τῶν Σκυθέων καὶ 
ἡ μία καὶ Σαυρομάται καὶ Βουδῖνοι καὶ Γελωνοί, 
ἐδίωκον τοὺς Πέρσας ἰθὺ τοῦ Ἴστρου. ἅτε δὲ τοῦ 
Περσικοῦ μὲν τοῦ πολλοῦ ἐόντος πεζοῦ στρατοῦ 
καὶ τὰς ὁδοὺς οὐκ ἐπισταμένου, ὥστε οὐ τετµη- 
μενέων τῶν ὁδῶν, τοῦ δὲ Σκυθικοῦ ἱππότεω καὶ 
τὰ σύντομα τῆς ὁδοῦ ἐπισταμένου, ἁμαρτόντες 
ἀλλήλων, ἔφθησαν πολλῷ οἱ Σκύθαι τοὺς Πέρσας 
ἐπὶ τὴν γέφυραν ἀπικόμενοι. μαθόντες δὲ τοὺς 
Πέρσας οὔκω ἀπιγμένους ἔλεγον πρὸς τοὺς Ἴωνας 
ἐόντας ἐν that νηυσί '' Άνδρες Ἴωνες, ai τε ἡμέ- 
ραι ὑμῖν τοῦ ἀριθμοῦ διοίχηνται καὶ οὐ ποιέετε 
δίκαια ἔτι παραμένοντες. ἀλλ᾽ ἐπεὶ πρότερον 
δειμαίνοντες ἐμένετε, νῦν λύσαντες τὸν πόρον 
τὴν ταχίστην ἄπιτε χαίροντες ἐλεύθεροι, θεοῖσί 
τε καὶ Σκύθῃσι εἰδότες χάριν. τὸν δὲ πρότερον 
ἐόντα ὑμέων δεσπότην ἡμεῖς παραστησόμεθα 


336 


BOOK IV. 135-136 


might bray; as to the men, they were left by reason 
of their infirmity, but his pretext was, forsooth, that 
they should guard the camp while he attacked the 
Scythians with the sound part of his army. Giving 
this charge to those who were left behind, and light- 
ing camp-fires, Darius made all speed to reach the 
Ister. When the asses found themselves deserted 
by the multitude, they brayed much the louder 
for that; and the Scythians by hearing them were 
fully persuaded that the Persians were still in the 
same place. 

136. But when day dawned the men left behind 
perceived that Darius had played them false, and 
they held out their hands to the Scythians and told 
them the truth; who, when they heard, gathered 
their power with all speed, both the two divisions of 
their host and the one division that was with the 
Sauromatae and Budini and Geloni, and made 
straight for the Ister in pursuit of the Persians. But 
seeing that the Persian army was for the most part 
of footmen and knew not the roads (these not being 
marked), whereas the Scythians were horsemen and 
knew the short cuts, they kept wide of each other, 
and the Scythians came to the bridge much before 
the Persians. There, perceiving that the Persians 
were not yet come, they said to the Ionians, who 
were in their ships, ** Now, Ionians, the numbered 
days are past and you do wrongly to remain still 
here. Nay—for it is fear which has ere now kept 
you from departing—now break the bridge with all 
speed and go your ways in freedom and happiness, 
thanking the gods and the Scythians. As for him 
that was once your master, we will leave him in such 


337 


VOL. II. 2 


HERODOTUS 


οὕτω ὥστε ἐπὶ μηδαμοὺς ἔτι ἀνθρώπους αὐτὸν 
στρατεύσασθαι.” 

131. Πρὸς ταῦτα Ἴωνες ἐβουλεύοντο. Μιλ- 
τιάδεω μὲν τοῦ ᾿Αθηναίου, στρατηγέοντος καὶ 
τυραννεύοντος Χερσονησιτέων τῶν ἐν Ἑλλησπόν- 
τῷ, ἦν γνώμη πείθεσθαι Σκύθῃσι καὶ ἐλευθεροῦν 
Ἰωνίην, Ἱστιαίου δὲ τοῦ Μιλησίου ἐναντίη ταύ- 
τῇ, λέγοντος ὡς νῦν μὲν διὰ Δαρεῖον ἕκαστος 
αὐτῶν τυραννεύει πόλιος" τῆς Δαρείου δὲ δυνά- 
. ptos καταιρεθείσης οὔτε αὐτὸς Μιλησίων olds τε 
ἔσεσθαι à ἄρχειν οὔτε ἄλλον οὐδένα οὐδαμῶν: βου- 
λήσεσθαι γὰρ ἑκάστην τῶν πολίων δηµοκρατέ. 
εσθαι μᾶλλον ἡ τυραννεύεσθαι. "Ἱστιαίου δὲ 
γνώμην ταύτην ἀποδεικνυμένου αὐτίκα πάντες 
ἦσαν τετραμμένοι πρὸς ταύτην τὴν γνώμην, πρό- 
τερον τὴν Μιλτιάδεω αἱρεόμενοι. 

138. Ἠσαν δὲ οὗτοι οἱ διαφέροντές τε τὴν 
ψῆφον καὶ ἐόντες λόγου πρὸς βασιλέος, Ἕλλησ- 
ποντίων μὲν τύραννοι Δάφνις τε ᾿Αβυδηνὸς καὶ 
” Ιπποκλος Λαμψακηνὸς καὶ Ἡρόφαντος Παριη- 
νὸς καὶ Μητρόδωρος Προκοννήσιος καὶ ᾿Ἄριστα- 
γόρης Κυξικηνὸς καὶ ᾿Αρίστων Βυξάντιος. οὗτοι 
μὲν ἦσαν οἱ ἐξ Ἑλλησπόντου, ἀπ᾽ Ἰωνίης δὲ 
Στράττις τε Χῖος καὶ Αἰάκης Σάμιος καὶ Λαοδά- 
μας Φωκαιεὺς καὶ Ἱστιαῖος Μιλήσιος, τοῦ ἦν 
γνώμη 7) προκειμένη ἐναντίη τῇ. Μιλτιάδεω. Aito- 
λέων δὲ παρῆν λόγιμος μοῦνος ᾿Αρισταγόρης 
Κυμαῖος. 

139. Οὗτοι ὧν ἐπείτε τὴν Ἱστιαίου αἱρέοντο 
γνώμην, ἔδοξέ σφι πρὸς ταύτῃ τάδε ἔργα τε καὶ 
ἔπεα προσθεῖναι, τῆς μὲν γεφύρης λύειν τὰ κατὰ 
τοὺς Σκύθας ἐόντα, λύειν δὲ ὅσον τόξευμα ἐξικνέ- 


338 


BOOK IV. 136-139 


plight that never again will he lead his army against 
any nation." 

137. Thereupon the Ionians held a council. 
Miltiades the Athenian, general and despot of 
the Chersonesites of the Hellespont, gave counsel 
that they should do as the Scythians said and set 
Ionia free. But Histiaeus of Miletus held a contrary 
opinion. “ Now,” said he, “ it is by help of Darius 
that each of us is sovereign of his city; if Darius' 
power be overthrown, we shall no longer be able to 
rule, neither I in Miletus nor any of you elsewhere ; 
for all the cities will choose democracy rather than 
despotism.” When Histiaeus declared this opinion, 
all of them straightway inclined to it, albeit they 
had first sided with Miltiades. 

138. Those standing high in Darius' favour who 
gave their vote were Daphnis of Abydos, Hippoclus 
of Lampsacus, Herophantus of Parium, Metrodorus 
of Proconnesus, Aristagoras of Cyzicus, Ariston of 
Byzantium, all from the Hellespont and despots 
of cities there; and from Ionia, Strattis of Chios, 
Aiaces of Samos, Laodamas of Phocaea, and Histiaeus 
of Miletus who opposed the plan of Miltiades. As 
for the Aeolians, their only notable man present was 
Aristagoras of Cymae. 

139. These then chose to follow Histiaeus’ 
counsel, and resolved to make it good by act and 
word: to break as much of the bridge as reached a 
bowshot from the Scythian bank, that so they might 


339 
z 2 


HERODOTUS 


εται, ἵνα καὶ ποιέειν τι δοκέωσι ποιεῦντες μηδὲν 
καὶ οἱ Σκύθαι μὴ πειρῴατο βιώμενοι καὶ βουλό- 
μενοι διαβῆναι τὸν Ἴστρον κατὰ τὴν γέφυραν, 
εἰπεῖν τε λύοντας τῆς γεφύρης τὸ ἐς τὴν Σκυθικὴν 
ἔχον ὡς πάντα ποιήσουσι τὰ Σκύθῃσι ἐστὶ ἐν 
ο ον; ταῦτα μὲν προσέθηκαν τῇ γνώµη" μετὰ 
δὲ ἐκ πάντων ὑπεκρίνατο Ἱστιαῖος τάδε λέγων. 
di "Ανδρες Σκύθαι, χρηστὰ ἥκετε «φέροντες καὶ ἐς 
καιρὸν ἐπείγεσθε: καὶ Tá TE ἀπ' ὑμέων ἡμῖν χρη- 
στῶς ὁδοῦται καὶ τὰ ἀπ) ἡμέων ἐς ὑμέας ἐπιτη- 
δέως ἡ ὑπηρετέεται. ὡς γὰρ ὁρᾶτε, καὶ λύομεν τὸν 
πόρον καὶ προθυμίην πᾶσαν ἕξομεν θέλοντες εἶναι 
ἐλεύθεροι. ἐν ᾧ δὲ ἡ ἡμεῖς τάδε λύομεν, ὑμέας. και- 
pos ἐστι δίζησθαι ἐκείνους, εὑρόντας δὲ ὑπέρ τε 
ἡμέων καὶ ὑμέων αὐτῶν τίσασθαι οὕτω ὡς κεἰνους 
πρέπει.᾽ 

140. Σκύθαι μὲν τὸ δεύτερον Ἴωσι πιστεύ- 
σαντες λέγειν ἀληθέα ὑπέστρεφον ἐπὶ ζήτησιν 
τῶν Ἡερσέων, καὶ ἡμάρτανον πάσης τῆς ἐκείνων 
διεξόδου. αἴτιοι δὲ τούτου αὐτοὶ οἱ Σκύθαι ἐγέ- 
νοντο, τὰς νομὰς τῶν ἵππων τὰς ταύτῃ διαφθεί- 
pavres καὶ τὰ ὕδατα συγχώσαντες. εἰ γὰρ ταῦτα 
μὴ ἐποίησαν, παρεῖχε ἄν σφι, εἰ ἐθούλοντο, εὖ- 
πετέως ἐξευρεῖν τοὺς Πέρσας. νῦν δὲ τά σφι 
ἐδόκεε ἄριστα βεβουλεῦσθαι, κατὰ ταῦτα ἐσφά- 
Ansav. Σκύθαι μέν νυν τῆς σφετέρης χώρης τῇ 
χιλός τε τοῖσι ἵπποισι καὶ ὕδατα ἦν, ταύτῃ 
ἐξιόντες ἐδίζηντο τοὺς ἀντιπολεμίους, δοκέοντες 
καὶ ἐκείνους διὰ τοιούτων τὴν ἀπόδρησιν ποιέ- 
εσθαι: οἱ δὲ δὴ Πέρσαι τὸν πρότερον ἑωυτῶν 
γενόμενον στίβον, τοῦτον φυλάσσοντες ἤισαν, καὶ 
οὕτω μόγις εὗρον τὸν πόρον. οἷα δὲ νυκτός τε 


349 


BOOK IV. 139-140 


seem to do somewhat when in truth they did 
nothing, and that the Scythians might not essay to 
force a passage across the Ister by the bridge ; and 
to say while they broke the portion of the bridge on 
the Scythian side, that they would do all that the 
Scythians desired. This resolve they added to their 
decision ; and presently Histiaeus answered for them 
all, and said, ** You have brought us good, Scythians, 
and your zeal is well timed; you do your part in 
guiding us aright and we do ours in serving your 
ends as need requires; for as you see, we are break- 
ing the passage, and will use all diligence, so much 
do we desire our freedom. But while we break this 
bridge, now is the time for you to seek out the 
Persians, and when you have found them to take 
such vengeance on our and your behalf as they 
deserve." 

140. So the Scythians trusted the Ionians’ word 
once more, and turned back to seek the Persians ; 
but they mistook the whole way whereby their 
enemies passed. For this the Scythians themselves 
were to blame, inasmuch as they had destroyed the 
horses' grazing-grounds in that region and choked 
the wells. Had they not so done, they could 
readily have found the Persians if they would. But 
as it was, that part of their plan which they had 
thought the best was the very cause of their ill- 
success. So the Scythians went searching for their 
enemies through the parts of their own country 
where there was provender for horses and water, 
supposing that they too were aiming at such places 
in their flight; but the Persians ever kept to their 
own former tracks, and so with much ado they found 
the passage of the river. But inasmuch as they 


341 


HERODOTUS 


ἀπικόμενοι καὶ λελυμένης τῆς γεφύρης ἐντυ- 
χόντες, ἐς πᾶσαν ἀρρωδίην ἀπίκοντο μή σφεας οἱ 
Ἴωνες ἔωσι ἀπολελοιπότες. 

141. Ἦν δὲ περὶ Δαρεῖον ἀνὴρ Αἰγύπτιος 
φωνέων μέγιστον ἀνθρώπων" τοῦτον τὸν ἄνδρα 
καταστάντα ἐπὶ τοῦ χείλεος τοῦ Ἴστρου ἐκέλευε 
Δαρεῖος καλέειν “Ἱστιαῖον Μιλήσιον. ὃ μὲν 
δὴ ἐποίεε ταῦτα, “Ἱστιαῖος δὲ ἐπακούσας τῷ 
πρώτῳ κελεύσματι τάς τε νέας ἁπάσας παρεῖχε 
διαπορθμεύειν τὴν στρατιὴν καὶ τὴν γέφυραν 
ἔξευξε. 

149. Πέρσαι μὲν ὧν οὕτω ἐκφεύγουσι. Σκύ- 
θαι δὲ διζήμενοι καὶ τὸ δεύτερον ἥμαρτον τῶν 
Περσέων, καὶ τοῦτο μὲν ὡς ἐόντας Ἴωνας éXev- 
θέρους κακίστους τε καὶ ἀνανδροτάτους κρίνουσι. 
εἶναι ἁπάντων ἀνθρώπων, τοῦτο δέ, ὡς δούλων 
ἐόντων τὸν λόγον ποιεύμενοι, ἀνδράποδα φιλοδέ- 
σποτα φασὶ εἶναι καὶ ἄδρηστα. ταῦτα μὲν δὴ 
Σκύθῃσι ἐς Ἴωνας ἀπέρριπται. 

143. Δαρεῖος δὲ διὰ τῆς Θρηίκης πορευόμενος 
ἀπίκετο ἐς Σηστὸν τῆς Χερσονήσου' ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ 
αὐτὸς μὲν διέβη τῇσι νηυσὶ ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίην, λείπει 

ὲ στρατηγὸν ἐν τῇ Εὐρώπη Μεγάβαζον ἄνδρα 
Iléponv: τῷ Δαρεῖος κοτὲ ἔδωκε γέρας, τοιόνδε 
εἴπας ἐν Πέρσῃσι ἔπος. ὁρμημένου Δαρείου 
ῥοιὰς τρώγειν, ὡς ἄνοιξε τάχιστα τὴν πρώτην 
τῶν ῥοιέων, εἴρετο αὐτὸν ὁ ἀδελφεὸς " Apráflavos 
ὅ τι βούλοιτ᾽ ἄν οἱ τοσοῦτο πλῆθος γενέσθαι 
ὅσοι ἐν τῇ ῥοιῇ κόκκοι: Δαρεῖος δὲ εἶπε Μεγαβά- 
ζους ἄν οἱ τοσούτους ἀριθμὸν γενέσθαι βούλεσθαι 
μᾶλλον ἢ τὴν Ἑλλάδα ὑπήκοον. ἐν μὲν δὴ 
Πέρσῃσι ταῦτά μιν εἴπας ἐτίμα, τότε δὲ αὐτὸν 


342 


BOOK IV. 140-143 


came to it at night and found the bridge broken, 
they were in great terror lest the Ionians had 
abandoned them. 

141. There was with Darius an Egyptian, whose 
voice was the loudest in the world ; Darius bade this 
man stand on the Ister bank and call to Histiaeus 
the Milesian. This the Egyptian did; Histiaeus 
heard and obeyed the first shout, and sent all the 
ships to ferry the army over, and made the bridge 
anew. | 
142. Thus the Persians escaped. The Scythians 
sought the Persians, but missed them again. Their 
judgment of the Ionians is that if they are free 
men they are the basest cravens in the world; but 
if they are to be reckoned as slaves, none would 
love their masters more, or less desire to escape. 
Thus have the Scythians taunted the Ionians. 

143. Darius marched through Thrace to Sestos on 
the Chersonesus; thence he crossed over with his 
ships to Asia, leaving as his general in Europe 
Megabazus, a Persian, to whom he once did honour 
by saying among Persians what I here set down. 
Darius was about to eat pomegranates ; and no sooner 
had he opened the first of them than his brother 
Artabanus asked him of what thing he would wish to 
have as many as there were seeds in his pomegranate ; 
whereupon Darius said, that he would rather have 
that number of men like Megabazus than make all 
Hellas subject to him. By thus speaking among 
Persians the king did honour to Megabazus; and 


343 


HERODOTUS 


ὕπελιπε στρατηγὸν ἔχοντα τῆς στρατιῆς τῆς 
ἑωυτοῦ ὀκτὼ μυριάδας. 

144. Οὗτος δὲ ὁ Μεγάβαξος εἴπας τόδε τὸ ἔπος 
ἐλίπετο ἀθάνατον μνήμην πρὸς Ἑλλησποντίων. 
γενόμενος γὰρ ἐν Βυξαντίῳ ἐπύθετο ἑπτακαίδεκα 
ἔτεσι πρότερον Καλχηδονίους κτίσαντας τὴν χώ- 
ρην Βυζαντίων, πυθόμενος δὲ ἔφη Καλχηδονίους 
τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον τυγχάνειν ἐόντας τυφλούς; οὐ 
γὰρ ἂν τοῦ καλλίονος ὧπαρεόντος κτίξειν χώρου 
τὸν αἰσχίονα ἑλέσθαι, εἰ μὴ ἦσαν τυφλοί. οὗτος 
δὴ ὦ ὧν τότε ὁ Μεγάβαξος στρατηγὸς ee ἐν 
τῇ χώρῃ Ἑλλησποντίων τοὺς μὴ μηδίξοντας 
κατεστρέφετο. 

145. Οὗτος μέν. νυν ταῦτα ἔπρησσε. τὸν aù- 
τὸν δὲ τοῦτον χρόνον ἐγίνετο ἐπὶ Λιβύην ἄλλος 
: στρατιῆς μέγας στόλος, διὰ πρόφασιν τὴν ἐγὼ 
ἀπηγήσομαι προ ιηγησάμενος πρότερον τάδε. τῶν 
ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αργοῦς ἐπιβατέων παίδων παῖδες ἐξελα- 
σθέντες ἱὶ ὑπὸ Πελασγῶν τῶν ἐκ Βραυρῶνος Anisa- 
µένων τὰς ᾿Αθηναίων γυναῖκας, ὑπὸ τούτων éte- 
λασθέντες ἐκ Λήμνου οἴχοντο πλέοντες ἐς Λακε- 
δαίμονα, ἱζόμενοι δὲ ἐν τῴ Τηὐγέτῳ πῦρ ἀνέκαιον. 
Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ ἰδόντες. ἄγγελον ἔπεμπον πευσό- 
μενοι τίνες τε καὶ ὁκόθεν εἰσί’ of δὲ τῷ ἀγγέλῳ 
εἰρωτῶντι ἔλεγον ὡς εἴησαν μὲν Μινύαι, παῖδες 
δὲ εἶεν τῶν ἐν τῇ ᾿Αργοῖ πλεόντων ἡρώων, προσ- 
σχόντας δὲ τούτους ἐς .Μῆμνον φυτεῦσαι σφέας. 
οἱ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἀκηκοότες τὸν λόγον τῆς 
γενεῆς τῶν Μινυέων, πέμψαντες τὸ δεύτερον 
εὐρώτων τί θέλοντες ἥκοιέν τε ἐς τὴν χώρην καὶ 
πῦρ αἴθοιεν. ot δὲ ἔφασαν ὑπὸ Πελασγῶν 
ἐκβληθέντες ἥκειν ἐς τοὺς πατέρας" δικαιότατον 


344 . 


BOOK IV. 143-145 


now he left him behind as his general, at the head 
of eighty thousand of his army. 

144. This Megabazus is for ever remembered by 
the people of the Hellespont for his saying—when, 
being at Byzantium, he was told that the people of 
Calchedon had founded their town seventeen years 
before the Byzantines had founded theirs—that the 
Calchedonians must at that time have been blind; 
for had they not been so, they would never have 
chosen the meaner site for their city when they 
might have had the fairer. This Megabazus, being 
now left as general in the country, subdued all the 
people of the Hellespont who did not take the side 
of the Persians. 

145. Thus Megabazus did. About this time a 
great armament was sent against Libya also, for 
a reason which I will show after this story which 
I will now relate. The descendants of the crew 
of the Argo had been driven out by those Pelas- 
gians who carried off the Athenian women from 
Brauron ; being driven out of Lemnos by these, they 
sailed away to Lacedaemon, and there encamped on 
Taygetum and kindled a fire. Seeing this, the 
Lacedaemonians sent a messenger to enquire who 
they were and whence they came. They answered 
the messenger that they were Minyae, descendants 
of the heroes who had sailed in the Argo, and had 
put in at Lemnos and there begotten their race. 
Hearing the story of the lineage of the Minyae, the 
Lacedaemonians sent a second time and asked to 
what end they had come into Laconia and kindled a 
fire. They replied, that being expelled by the 
Pelasgians they had come to the land of their fathers, 


345 


HERODOTUS 


γὰρ εἶναι οὕτω τοῦτο γίνεσθαι" δέεσθαι δὲ οἰκέειν 
ἅμα τούτοισι μοῖράν τε τιµέων μετέχοντες καὶ τῆς 

- 2 , L4 \ υ lA 
γῆς ἀπολαχόντες. Λακεδαιμονίοισι δὲ ἕαδε δέ- 

. 4 » 9 / > ld 

κεσθαι τοὺς Μινύας én’ οἷσι θέλουσι αὐτοί. 
μάλιστα δὲ ἐνῆγε σφέας ὥστε ποιέειν ταῦτα τῶν 
Τυνδαριδέων ἡ ναυτιλίη ἐν τῇ ᾿Αργοῖ. δεξάμενοι 
δὲ τοὺς Μινύας γῆς τε μετέδοσαν καὶ ἐς φυλὰς 
διεδάσαντο. of δὲ αὐτίκα μὲν γάμους ἔγημαν, 
τὰς δὲ ἐκ Λήμνου ἤγοντο ἐξέδοσαν ἄλλοισι. 

146. Χρόνου δὲ οὐ πολλοῦ διεξελθόντος αὐτίκα 
οἱ Μινύαι ἐξύβρισαν, τῆς τε βασιληίης µεταιτέ- 

» / , Ld ^ 9 

οντες καὶ ἄλλα ποιέοντε οὐκ ὅσια. τοῖσι ὧν 
Λακεδαιμονίοισι ἔδοξε αὐτοὺς ἀποκτεῖναι, συλ. 
λαβόντες δὲ σφέας κατέβαλον ἐς ἑρκτήν. κτεί- 
νουσι δὲ τοὺς ἂν κτείνωσι Λακεδαιμόνιοι νυκτός, 
μετ᾽ ἡμέρην δὲ οὐδένα. ἐπεὶ ὧν ἔμελλον σφέας 
καταχρήσασθαι, παραιτήσαντο αἱ γυναῖκες τῶν 
Μινυέων, ἐοῦσαι ἀσταί τε καὶ τῶν πρώτων Σπαρ- 
τιητέων θυγατέρες, ἐσελθεῖν τε ἐς τὴν ἑρκτὴν καὶ 
9 , 3 ^ e 4 ^ e ^ 3 , A . 
ἐς λόγους ἐλθεῖν ἑκάστη τῷ ἑωυτῆς ἀνδρί. οἳ δὲ 

’ - 2/07 4 , > , r 
σφέας παρῆκαν, οὐδένα δόλον δοκέοντες ἐξ αὐτέων 
vy A \ 9 , H ^ , ΄ 
ἔσεσθαι. ai δὲ ἐπείτε ἐσῆλθον, ποιέουσι τοιάδε" 
πᾶσαν τὴν εἶχον ἐσθῆτα παραδοῦσαι τοῖσι ἀν- 
δράσι αὐταὶ τὴν τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἔλαβον, οἱ δὲ Μινύαι 
ἐνδύντες τὴν γυναικηίην ἐσθῆτα ἅτε γυναῖκες 
3 la »y 3 , . , ΄ [rd 
ἐξήισαν ἔξω, ἐκφυγόντες δὲ τρόπῳ τοιούτῳ ἵζοντο 
αὖτις ἐς τὸ Τηὔγετον. 

141. Tov δὲ αὐτὸν τοῦτον χρόνον Θήρας ὁ 
346 


BOOK IV. 145-147 


as (they said) was most just; and for their desire, it 
was that they might dwell with their father's people, 
sharing in their rights and receiving allotted parcels 
of land. It pleased the Lacedaemonians to receive 
the Minyae 1 on the terms which their guests desired ; 
the chief cause of their so consenting was that the 
Tyndaridae ? had been in the ship's company of the 
Argo; so they received the Minyae and gave them 
of their land and divided them among their own 
tribes. The Minyae forthwith wedded wives, and 
gave in marriage to others the women they had 
brought from Lemnos. 

146. But in no long time these Minyae waxed 
over-proud, demanding an equal right to the king- 
ship, and doing other things unlawful; wherefore 
the Lacedaemonians resolved to slay them, and they 
seized and cast them into prison. (When the Lace- 
daemonians kill, they do it by night, never by day.) 
Now when they were about to kill the prisoners, 
the wives of the Minyae, who were native to the 
country, daughters of the chief among the Spartans, 
entreated leave to enter the prison and have speech 
each with her husband; the Lacedaemonians 
granted this, supposing that the women would deal 
honestly with them. But when the wives came into 
the prison, they gave to their husbands all their 
own garments, and themselves put on the men's 
dress; so the Minyae donned the female dress and 
so passed out in the guise of women, and having 
thus escaped once more encamped on '"l'aygetum. 

147. Now about this same time Theras (who was 


1 As descendants of the Argonauts, who were Minyae of 
Thessaly, living near the Pagasaean gulf. 
* Castor and Polydeuces. 


347 


HERODOTUS 


Αὐτεσίωνος τοῦ Τισαμενοῦ τοῦ Θερσάνδρου τοῦ 
/ P d 9 , / 3 / 
Πολυνείκεος ἔστελλε ἐς ἀποικίην ἐκ Λακεδαί- 
Φ δὲ e e / a / 3*4 K ὃ - 
μονος. ἦν δὲ ὁ Θήρας οὗτος, γένος ἐὼν Καδμεῖος, 
τῆς μητρὸς ἀδελφεὸς τοῖσι ᾿Αριστοδήμου παισὶ 
Εὐρυσθένεϊῖ καὶ Προκλέι. ἐόντων δὲ ἔτι τῶν 
, M , 
παίδων τούτων νηπίων ἐπιτροπαίην εἶχε ὁ Θήρας 
τὴν ἐν Σπάρτη βασιληίην. αὐξηθέντων δὲ τῶν 
A 
ἀδελφιδέων kai παραλαβόντων τὴν ἀρχήν, οὕτω 
δὴ ὁ Θήρας δεινὸν ποιεύμενος ἄρχεσθαι ὑπ᾽ ἄλ- 
λων ἐπείτε ἐγεύσατο ἀρχῆς, οὐκ ἔφη μένειν ἐν τῇ 
. 
Λακεδαίμονι ἀλλ᾽ ἀποπλεύσεσθαι ἐς τοὺς cvy- 
γενέάς. ἦσαν δὲ ἐν τῇ νῦν Θήρη καλεομένῃ 
νήσῳ, πρότερον δὲ Καλλίστῃ τῇ αὐτῆ ταύτῃ, 
- ^^ A 
ἀπόγονοι Μεμβλιάρου τοῦ Ποικίλεω ἀνδρὸς Poi- 
ϱ 9 , 
νικος. Κάδμος γὰρ ὁ ᾿Αγήνορος Εὐρώπην διζή- 
μενος προσέσχε ἐς τὴν νῦν Θήρην καλεομένην" 
προσσχόντι δὲ εἴτε δή οἱ ἡ χώρη ἤρεσε, εἴτε καὶ 
ἄλλως ἠθέλησε ποιῆσαι τοῦτο' καταλείπει γὰρ 
ἐν τῇ νήσῳ ταύτῃ ἄλλους τε τῶν Φοινίκων καὶ δὴ 
καὶ τῶν ἑωυτοῦ συγγενέων Μεμβλίαρον. οὗτοι 
ἐνέμοντο τὴν Καλλίστην καλεομένην ἐπὶ γενεάς, 
ΔΝ A , 3 ^ 3 / , \ 3 Lol 
πρὶν ἢ Θήραν ἐλθεῖν ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος, ὀκτὼ ἀνδρῶν. 
3 \ / \ = / . y 
148. “Eat τούτους δὴ ὧν ὁ Θήρας λεὼν ἔχων 
ἀπὸ τῶν φυλέων ἔστελλε, συνοικήσων τούτοισι 
» ^ , ^ , 4 , \ 4 , ΄ 
καὶ οὐδαμῶς ἐξελῶν αὐτοὺς ἀλλὰ κάρτα οἰκηιεύ- 
μενος. ἐπείτε δὲ καὶ οἱ Μινύαι ἐκδράντες ἐκ τῆς 
ἑρκτῆς ἴξοντο ἐς τὸ Τηύγετον, τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων 
Βουλευομένων σφέας ἀπολλύναι παραιτέεται ὁ 
Θήρας, ὅκως μήτε φόνος γένηται, αὐτός τε ὑπε- 
δέκετο σφέας ἐξάξειν ἐκ τῆς χώρης. συγχω- 
ρησάντων δὲ τῇ γνώμῃ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων, τρισὶ 
τριηκοντέροισι ἐς τοὺς Μεμβλιάρου ἀπογόνους 


348 


BOOK IV. 147-148 


a descendant of Polynices, through Thersander, 
Tisamenus, and Autesion) was preparing to lead out 
colonists from Lacedaemon. This Theras was of the 
lineage of Cadmus and an uncle on the mother's side 
of Aristodemus' sons Eurysthenes and Procles; and 
while these boys were yet children he held the royal 
power of Sparta as regent; but when his nephews 
grew up and became kings, then Theras could not 
brook to be a subject when he had had a taste of 
supreme power, and said he would abide no longer 
in Lacedaemon but sail away to his kinsfolk. There 
were in the island now called Thera, but then Calliste, 
descendants of Membliarus the son of Poeciles, a 
Phoenician ; for Cadmus son of Agenor, in his search 
for Europa, had put in at the place now called Thera ; 
and having put in, either because the land pleased 
him, or because for some other reason he desired so 
to do, he left in this island, among other Phoenicians, 
his own kinsman Membliarus. These dwelt in the 
island Calliste for eight generations before Theras 
came from Lacedaemon. 

148. It was these whom Theras was preparing to 
join, taking with him a company of people from the 
tribes; it was his intent to settle among the folk of 
Calliste,and not to drive them out but to claim them as 
verily his own people. So when the Minyae escaped 
out of prison and encamped on Taygetum, and the 
Lacedaemonians were taking counsel to put them to 
death, Theras entreated for their lives, that there 
might be no killing, promising himself to lead them 
out of the country. The Lacedaemonians consenting 
to this, Theras sailed with three fifty-oared ships to 
join the descendants of Membliarus, taking with him 


349 


HERODOTUS 


ἔπλωσε, οὔτι πάντας ἄγων τοὺς Μινύας ἀλλ᾽ 
ὀλίγους τινάς. οἱ γὰρ πλεῦνες αὐτῶν ἐτράποντο 
ἐς τοὺς Ἡαρωρεάτας καὶ Καύκωνας, τούτους δὲ 
ἐξελάσαντες ἐ ἐκ τῆς χώρης σφέας αὐτοὺς ἓξ μοίρας 
διεῖλον, καὶ ἔπειτα ἔκτισαν πόλιας τάσδε ἐν aù- 
τοῖσι, Λέπρεον; Μάκιστον Φρίξας Ἠύργον Ἔπιον 
Νούδιον. τουτέων δὲ τὰς πλεῦνας em ἐμέο ᾿Ηλεῖοι 
ἐπόρθησαν. 6 τῇ δὲ νήσῳ ἐπὶ τοῦ οἰκιστέω Θήρα 
ἡ ἐπωνυμίη ἐγένετο. 

149. Ὁ δὲ παῖς οὐ γὰρ ἔφη οἱ συμπλεύσεσθαι, 
τοιγαρῶν. ἔφη αὐτὸν καταλείψειν ὄιν ἐν λύκοισι. 
ἐπὶ τοῦ ἔπεος τούτου. οὔνομα τῷ νεηνίσκῳ τούτῳ 
-Ὀϊόλυκος ἐγένετο, καί κως τὸ οὔνομα τοῦτο ἐπε- 
κράτησε. Οἰολύκου δὲ γίνεται Αἰγεύς, ἐπ᾽ οὗ 
Αἰγεῖδαι καλέονται φυλὴ μεγάλη ἐν Σπάρτῃ. 
τοῖσι δὲ ἐν τῇ φυλῇ, ταύτη ἀνδράσι οὐ γὰρ ὑπέ- 
μειναν τὰ τέκνα, ἱδρύσαντο é ἐκ θεοπροπίου Ἐρινύων 
τῶν Λαΐου. τε καὶ Οἰδιπόδεω i -ὁρόν" καὶ μετὰ τοῦτο 
ὑπέμειναν: m τὠυτὸ τοῦτο καὶ ἐν Θήρῃ τοῖσι 
ἀπὸ τῶν ἀνδρῶν τούτων γεγονόσι. 

150. Μέχρι μέν νυν τούτου τοῦ λόγου Λακε- 
δαιμόνιοι Θηραίοισι κατὰ ταὐτὰ λέγουσι, τὸ δὲ 
ἀπὸ τούτου μοῦνοι Θηραῖοι ὧδε γενέσθαι λέγουσι. 
Trot pivvos ὁ Αἰσανίου ἐὼν Θήρα τούτου ἀπόγονος 
καὶ βασιλεύων Θήρης τῆς νήσου ἀπίκετο ἐς Δελ- 
φούς, ἄγων ἀπὸ τῆς πόλιος ἑκατόωβην' εἴποντο 
δέ οἱ καὶ ἄλλοι τῶν πολιητέων καὶ δὴ καὶ Βάττος 


1 Something is obviously lost, συνέβη δέ or the like. 


1 These six towns were in the western Peloponnese, in 
Triphylia, a district between Elis and Messenia. 
2 Literally ‘‘ sheep-wolf.” 


35° 


BOOK IV. 148-150 


not all the Minyae but a few only; for the greater 
part of them made their way to the lands of the 
Paroreatae and Caucones, whom having driven out 
of the country they divided themselves into six 
companies and founded in the land they had won 
the cities of Lepreum, Macistus, Phrixae, Pyrgus, 
Epium, Nudium;! most of which were in my time 
taken and sacked by the Eleans. As for the island 
Calliste, it was called Thera after its colonist. 

149. But as Theras’ son would not sail with him, 
his father therefore said that he would leave him 
behind as a sheep among wolves; after which saying 
the stripling got the nickname of Oeolycus,? and it 
so fell out that this became his customary name. He 
had a son born to him, Aegeus, from whom the 
Aegidae, a great Spartan clan, take their name. 
The men of this clan, finding that none of their 
children lived, set up, by the instruction of an 
oracle, a temple of the avenging spirits of Laius 
and Oedipus,’ after which the children lived. Thus 
it fared also with the children of the Aegidae at 
Thera. | 

150. Thus far in my story the Lacedaemonian 
and Theraean records agree; for the rest we have 
only the word of the Theraeans.  Grinnus son of 
Aesanius, king of Thera, a descendant of this same 
Theras, came to Delphi bringing an hecatomb from 
his city ; there came with him, among others of his 


? Oedipus, son of Laius king of Thebes and his wife 
Iocasta, was exposed in infancy, but rescued and carried 
away to a far country. Returning in manhood, ignorant of 
his lineage, he killed his father and married his mother; 
after which the truth was revealed to him, too late. The 
story is first told by Homer, and is the subject of the 
Oedipus Tyrannus of Sophocles 


351 


HERODOTUS 


ὁ ᾿Ἠολυμνήστου, ἐὼν γένος Εὐφημίδης τῶν Μιν- 
υέων. χρεωμένῳ δὲ τῷ Γρίννῳ τῷ βασιλέι τῶν 
ea περὶ ἄλλων χρᾷ 7 Πυθίη κτίξειν ἐν 

Λιβύη πόλιν. ὃ δὲ apei ετο λέγων «᾿Εγὼ μὲν 
ὦναξ πρεσβύτερός τε ἤδη εἰμὶ καὶ Papis ἀεί- 
ρεσθαι" σὺ δὲ τινὰ τῶνδε τῶν νεωτέρων κέλευε 
ταῦτα ποιέειν.᾽ ἅμα τε ἔλεγε ταῦτα καὶ ἐδείκνυε 
ἐς τὸν Βάττον. τότε μὲν τοσαῦτα. μετὰ δὲ 
ἀπελθόντες ἀλογίην εἶχον τοῦ χρηστηρίου, οὔτε 
Λιβύην εἰδότες ὅκου γῆς εἴη οὔτε τολμῶντες ἐς 
ἀφανὲς χρῆμα ἀποστέλλειν ἀποικίην. 

151. Ἑπτὰ δὲ ἐτέων μετὰ ταῦτα οὐκ ve τὴν 
Θήρην, ἐν τοῖσι τὰ δένδρεα πάντα σφι τὰ ἐν τῇ 
νήσῳ πλὴν ἑνὸς ἐξαυάνθη. χρεωμένοισι δὲ τοῖσι 
Θηραίοισι προέφερε 7) Πυθίη τὴν ἐς Λιβύην à ἀποι- 
κίην. ἐπείτε δὲ κακοῦ οὐδὲν ἦν σφι μῆχος, πέμ- 
πουσι ἐς .Κρήτην ἀγγέλους διξηµένους εἴ τις 
Κρητῶν ἢ μετοίκων ἀπιγμένος εἴη. ἐς Λιβύην. 
περιπλανώμενοι δὲ αὐτὴν οὗτοι ἀπίκοντο καὶ ἐς 
"Iravov πόλιν, ἐν ταύτῃ δὲ συμμίσγουσι ἀνδρὶ 
πορφυρέι τῷ οὔνομα ἦν Κορώβιος, ὃς ἔφη ὑπ' 
ἀνέμων ἀπενειχθεὶς ἀπικέσθαι ἐς Λιβύην καὶ 
Λιβύης ἐς Πλατέαν νῆσον. μισθῷ δὲ τοῦτον 
πείσαντες ἦγον ἐς Θήρην, ἐκ δὲ Θήρης ἔπλεον 
κατάσκοποι ἄνδρες τὰ πρῶτα οὐ πολλοί" κατη- 
γησαμένου δὲ τοῦ Κο ωβίου ἐ ἐς τὴν νῆσον ταύτην 
δὴ τὴν Πλατέαν, τὸν μὲν Κορώβιον λείπουσι, 
σιτία καταλιπόντες ὅσων δὴ μηνῶν, αὐτοὶ δὲ 
ἔπλεον τὴν ταχίστην ἀπαγγελέοντες Θηραίοισι 
περὶ τῆς νήσου. 

153. ᾽Αποδημεόντων δὲ τούτων πλέω χρόνον 
τοῦ συγκειμένου τὸν Κορώβιον ἐπέλιπε τὰ πάντα. 


352 


BOOK IV. 150-152 


people, Battus son of Polymnestus, a descendant of 
Euphemus of the Minyan clan. When Grinnus king 
of Thera inquired of the oracle concerning other 
matters, the priestess answer was that he should 
found a city in Libya. “Nay, Lord," answered 
Grinnus, “I am grown old and heavy to stir; do 
thou lay this command on some one of these younger 
men," pointing as he spoke to Battus. No more 
was then said. But when they had departed, they 
neglected to obey the oracle, seeing that they knew 
not where Libya was, and feared to send a colony 
out to an uncertain goal. 

151. Then for seven years after this there was no 
rain in Thera ; all their trees in the island save one 
were withered. The Theraeans inquired again at 
Delphi, and the priestess made mention of the 
colony they should send to Libya. So since there 
was no remedy for their ills, they sent messengers 
to Crete to seek out any Cretan or sojourner there 
who had travelled to Libya. These, in their journeys 
about the island, came to the town of Itanus, where 
they met a trader in purple called Corobius, who 
told them that he had once been driven out of his 
course by winds to Libya, to an island there called. 
Platea.! This man they hired to come with them to 
Thera; thence but a few men were first sent on 
shipboard to spy out the land, who, being guided by 
Corobius to the aforesaid island Platea, left him there 
with provision for 1 know not how many months, and 
themselves sailed back with all speed to Thera to 
bring news of the island. 

152. But when they had been away for longer 
than the agreed time, and Corobius had no provision 


1 The island now called Bomba, east of Cyrene. 


353 


VOL. 11. A A 


HERODOTUS 


μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα νηῦς Σαμίη, τῆς ναύκληρος ἦν 
Κωλαῖος, πλέουσα ἐπ᾽ Αἰγύπτου ἀπηνείχθη ἐς 
τὴν Πλατέαν ταύτην' πυθόμενοι δὲ οἱ Σάμιοι 
παρὰ τοῦ Κορωβίου τὸν πάντα λόγον, σιτία οἱ 
ἐνιαυτοῦ καταλείπουσι. αὐτοὶ δὲ ἀναχθέντες ἐκ 
τῆς νήσου καὶ γλιχόμενοι Αἰγύπτου ἔπλεον, ἀπο. 
φερόμενοι ἀπηλιώτη ἀνέμῳ' καὶ οὐ γὰρ ἀνίει τὸ 
πνεῦμα, Ἡρακλέας στήλας διεκπερήσαντες ἀπί- 
κοντο ἐς Ταρτησσόν, θείῃ πομπῇ .Χρεώμενοι.͵ τὸ 
δὲ € ἐμπόριον τοῦτο ἦν ἆ ἀκήρατον . τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον, 
ὥστε ἀπονοστήσαντες οὗτοι ὀπίσω μέγιστα δὴ 
Ἑλλήνων πάντων τῶν ἡμεῖς ἀτρεκείην ἴδμεν ἐκ 
φορτίων ἐκέρδησαν, μετά γε Σώστρατον τὸν 
Λαοδάμαντος Αὐγινήτην: τούτῳ γὰρ οὐκ οἷά τε 
ἐστὶ ἐρίσαι ἄλλον. οἱ δὲ Σάμιοι τὴν δεκάτην τῶν 
ἐπικερδίων ἐξελόντες e£ τάλαντα ἐποιήσαντο 
χαλκήιον κρητῆρος ᾿Αργολικοῦ τρόπον" πέριξ δὲ 
αὐτοῦ γρυπῶν. κεφαλαὶ. πρόκροσσοι εἰσί" καὶ 
ἀνέθηκαν ἐς rò” H patov, ὑποστήσαντες αὐτῷ τρεῖς 
χαλκέους κολοσσοὺς ἑπταπήχεας τοῖσι γούνασι 
ἐρηρεισμένους. Κυρηναίοισι δὲ καὶ Θηραίοισι € ἐς 
αμίους ἀπὸ τούτου τοῦ ἔργου πρῶτα. φιλίαι 
μεγάλαι συνεκρήθησαν. 

155. Οἱ δὲ Θηραῖοι. ἐπείτε τὸν Κορώβιον At- 
πόντες ἐν τῇ νήσῳ ἀπίκοντο ἐς τὴν Θήρην, à ἁπήγ- 
γελλον ὥς σφι εἴη νῆσος ἐπὶ Λιβύῃ. ἐκτισμένη. 
Θηραίοισι δὲ ἕαδε ἀδελφεόν τε ἀπ᾽ ἀδελφεοῦ 
πέμπειν πάλῳ λαγχάνοντα καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν χώρων 
ἁπάντων ἑπτὰ ἐόντων ἄνδρας, εἶναι δὲ σφέων καὶ 
ἡγεμόνα καὶ βασιλέα Βάττον. οὕτω δὴ στέλ- 
λουσι δύο πεντηκοντέρους ἐς τὴν Πλατέαν. 

154, Ταῦτα δὲ Θηραῖοι λέγουσι, τὰ δ᾽ ἐπίλοιπα 


354 


BOOK IV. 152-154 


left, a Samian ship sailing for Egypt, whereof the 
captain was Colaeus, was driven out of her course to 
Platea, where the Samians heard the whole story 
from Corobius and left him provision for a year; 
they then put out to sea from the island and would 
have voyaged to Egypt, but an easterly wind drove 
them from their course, and ceased not till they had 
passed through the Pillars of Heracles and came (by 
heaven's providence) to Tartessus. Now this was at 
that time a virgin! port; wherefore the Samians 
brought back from it so great a profit on their wares 
as no Greeks ever did of whom we have any exact 
knowledge, save only Sostratus of Aegina, son of 
Laodamas ; with him none could vie. The Samians 
took six talents, the tenth part of their profit, and 
made therewith a bronze vessel, like an Argolic 
cauldron, with griffins’ heads projecting from the rim 
all round; this they set up in their temple of Here, 
supporting it with three colossal kneeling figures 
of bronze, each seven cubits high. This that the 
Samians had done was the beginning of a close 
friendship between them and the men of Cyrene and | 
Thera. | 

153. As for the Theraeans, when they came to 
Thera after leaving Corobius on the island, they 
brought word that they had founded a settlement 
on an island off Libya. The Theraeans resolved to 
send out men from their seven regions, taking by 
lot one of every pair of brothers, and making Battus 
leader and king of all Then they manned two 
fifty-oared ships and sent them to Platea. | 

154. This is what the Theraeans say; and now 


.1 That is, as yet unvisited by Greeks. It was at or near 
the mouth of the Guadalquivir; cp. 1. 163. | 


355 


AA 2 


HERODOTUS 


τοῦ λόγου συμφέρονται ἤδη Θηραῖοι Κυρηναίοισι. 
Κυρηναῖοι γὰρ τὰ περὶ Βάττον οὐδαμῶς ὁμολο- 
γέουσι Θηραίοισι' λέγουσι γὰρ οὕτω. ἔστι τῆς 
Κρήτης ᾿Οαξὸς πόλις, ἐν τῇ ἐγένετο ᾿Ετέαρχος 
βασιλεύς, ὃς ἐπὶ θυγατρὶ ἀμήτορι τῇ οὔνομα ἦν 
Φρονίμη, ἐπὶ ταύτῃ ἔγημε ἄλλην γυναῖκα. ἢ δὲ 
ἐπεσελθοῦσα ἐδικαίου καὶ τῷ ἔργῳ εἶναι μητρυιὴ 
τῇ Φρονύμη, παρέχουσά τε κακὰ καὶ πᾶν ἐπ᾽ αὐτῇ 
μηχανωμένη, καὶ τέλος μαχλοσύνην ἐπενείκαο:ι 
οἱ πείθει τὸν ἄνδρα ταῦτα ἔχειν οὕτω. ὃ δὲ 
ἀναγνωσθεὶς" ὑπὸ τῆς γυναικὸς ἔργον οὐκ ὅσιον 
ἐμηχανᾶτο ἐπὶ τῇ θυγατρί. ἦν γὰρ δὴ Θεμίσων 
ἀνὴρ Θηραῖος ἔμπορος ἐν τῇ Ὀαξῷ' τοῦτον 0 
᾿Ετέαρχος παραλαβὼν ἐπὶ ξείνια ἐξορκοῖ ἡ μέν οἱ 
διηκονήσειν ὅ τι ἂν δεηθῇ. ἐπεύτε δὴ ἐξώρκωσε, 
ἀγαγών οἱ παραδιδοῖ τὴν ἑωυτοῦ θυγατέρα καὶ 
ταύτην ἐκέλευε καταποντῶσαι ἀπαγαγόντα. 0 
δὲ Θεμίσων περιημεκτήσας τῇ ἀπάτῃ τοῦ ὅρκου 
καὶ διαλυσάμενος τὴν ξεινίην ἐποίεε τοιάδε' Tapa- 
λαβὼν τὴν παῖδα ἀπέπλεε: ὡς δὲ ἐγίνετο ἐν τῷ 
πελάγεϊ, ἀποσιεύμενος τὴν ἐξόρκωσιν τοῦ 'Ere- 
ápxov, σχοινίοισι αὐτὴν διαδήσας κατῆκε ἐς τὸ 
πέλαγος, ἀνασπάσας δὲ ἀπίκετο ἐς τὴν Θήρην. 
155. ᾿Ενθεῦτεν δὲ τὴν Φρονίμην παραλαβὼν: 
Πολύμνηστος, ἐὼν τῶν Θηραίων ἀνὴρ δόκιμος, 
ἐπαλλακεύετο. χρόνου δὲ περιιόντος ἐξεγένετ 
οἱ παῖς ἰσχόφωνος καὶ τραυλός, τῷ οὔνομα ἐτέθ, 
Βάττος, ὡς Onpatoi τε καὶ Κυρηναῖοι λέγουσι, ὦ 
μέντοι ἐγὼ δοκέω, ἄλλο τι Βάττος δὲ µετωνο 


356 


BOOK ΙΥ. 154-155 


begins the part in which the Theraean and Cyre- 
naean stories agree, but not till now, for the Cyre- 
naeans tell a wholly different tale of Battus, which 
is this. There is a town in Crete called Oaxus, 
of which one Etearchus became ruler. He had a 
motherless daughter called Phronime, but he must 
needs marry another wife too. When the second 
wife came into his house, she thought fit to be in 
very deed a stepmother to Phronime, ill-treating her 
and devising all evil against her; at last she accused 
the girl of lewdness, and persuaded her husband 
that the charge was true. So Etearchus was over- 
persuaded by his wife and devised a great sin against 
his daughter. There was at Oaxus a Theraean trader, 
one Themison; Etearchus made this man his guest 
and friend, and took an oath of him that he would 
do him whatever service he desired ; which done, he 
gave the man his own daughter, bidding him take 
her away and throw her into the sea. But Themison 
was very angry at being so tricked with the oath 
and renounced his friendship with Etearchus; pre- 
sently he took the girl and sailed away, and that he 
might duly ‘fulfil the oath that he had sworn to 
Etearchus, when he was on the high seas he bound 
her about with ropes and let her down into the 
sea and drew her up again, and presently came 
to Thera. - 

155. There Polymnestus, a notable Theraean, took 
Phronime and made her his concubine. .In time 
there was born to him a son of weak and stammering 
speech, to whom he gave the name Battus,! as the 
Theraeans and Cyrenaeans say ; but to my thinking 
the boy was given some other name, and changed it 


1 That is, the Stammerer. 


357 


HERODOTUS 


/ 9 / 3 ΄ , / 3 / ^ 
μάσθη, ἐπείτε ἐς Λιβύην ἀπίκετο, ἀπό τε τοῦ 
χρηστηρίου τοῦ γενομένου ἐν Δελφοῖσι αὐτῷ καὶ 
ἀπὸ τῆς τιμῆς τὴν ἔσχε τὴν ἐπωνυμίην ποιεύ- 

/ \ / / / 
μενος. Λίβυες γὰρ βασιλέα βάττον καλέουσι, 

. / ο / / 4 / 
καὶ τούτου εἵνεκα δοκέω θεσπίξουσαν τὴν Πυθίην 
καλέσαι μιν Λιβυκῇ γλώσσῃ, εἰδυῖαν ὡς βασιλεὺς 
ἔσται ἐν Λιβύη. ἐπείτε γὰρ ἠνδρώθη οὗτος, ἦλθε 
3 4 . - A 3 A / e 
ἐς Δελφοὺς περὶ τῆς φωνῆς: ἐπειρωτῶντι δέ οἱ 
χρᾷ ἡ Πυθίη τάδε. 


Βάττ', ἐπὶ φωνὴν ἦλθες: ἄναξ δέ σε Φοῖβος 
᾿Απόλλων .. 
ἐς Λιβύην πέμπει μηλοτρόφον οἰκιστῆρα, 


ὥσπερ εἰ εἴποι Ελλάδι γλώσσῃ χρεωμένη “"Ὦ 
βασιλεῦ, ἐπὶ φωνὴν Abes.” ὃ δ᾽ ἀμείβετο τοῖ- 
ade. “Ὦναξ, ἐγὼ μὲν ἦλθον παρὰ σὲ χρησά- 
. ^ ^ M /, y 3 4 
μενος περὶ τῆς φωνῆς, σὺ δέ μοι ἄλλα ἀδύνατα 
^ 4 / 9 / /. 4 
χρᾶς, κελεύων Λιβύην ἀποικίξειν τέῳ δυνάμι, 
a ^| 9 ^ / , LÁ » e 
κοίῃ χειρί; ταῦτα λέγων οὐκὶ ἔπειθε ἄλλα οἱ 
χρᾶν' ὡς δὲ κατὰ ταὐτὰ ἐθέσπιξέ οἱ καὶ πρότερον, 
» \ 2 N e / 3 ν / 
οἴχετο μεταξὺ ἀπολιπών ὁ Βάττος ἐς τὴν Θήρην. 
156. Μετὰ δὲ αὐτῷ τε τούτῳ καὶ τοῖσι ἄλλοισι 
Θηραίοισι συνεφέρετο παλργκότως' ἀγνοεῦντες δὲ 
τὰς συμφορὰς οἱ Θηραῖοι ἔπεμπον ἐς Δελφοὺς 
περὶ τῶν παρεόντων κακῶν. ἡ δὲ Πυθίη σφι 
» , ΄ ld A P4 
ἔχρησε συγκτίζουσι Βάττῳ Κυρήνην τῆς Λιβύης 
ἄμεινον πρήξειν. ἀπέστελλον μετὰ ταῦτα τὸν 
Βάττον οἱ (Θηραῖοι δύο πεντηκοντέροισι. TAW- 
A 3 . /, e , σ 
σαντες δὲ ἐς τὴν Λιβύην οὗτοι, οὐ γὰρ εἶχον ὅ τι 


358 


BOOK IV. 155-156 


to Battus on his coming to Libya, taking this new 
name by reason of the ‘oracle uttered at Delphi and 
the honourable office which he received. For the 
Libyan word for king is “ battus," and this (methinks) 
is why the Pythian priestess called him so in her 
prophecy, using a Libyan name because she knew that 
he was to be king in Libya. For when he came to 
man’s estate, he went to Delphi to enquire concern- 
ing his voice; and the priestess in answer gave him 
this oracle: 


* Battus, thou askest a voice; but the King, εν η 
Phoebus Apollo, 
Sends thee to make thee a home in Libya, the 
country of sheepfolds," 


even as though she said to him, using our word, 
“O King, thou askest a voice.” But he made 
answer: “Lord, I came to thee to enquire con- 
cerning my speech; but thy answer is of other 
matters, things impossible of performance; thou 
biddest me plant a colony in Libya; where shall I 
get me the power or might of hand for it?" Thus 
spoke Battus, but the god not being won to give him - 
another oracle and ever answering as before, he 
departed while the priestess yet spake, and went 
away to Thera. 

156. But afterwards matters went untowardly with 
Battus and the rest of the Theraeans; and when, 
knowing not the cause of their misfortunes, they sent 
to Delphi to enquire concerning their present ills, 
the priestess declared that they would fare better if 
they aided Battus to plant a colony at Cyrene in 
Libya. Then the Theraeans sent Battus with two 
fifty-oared ships; these sailed to Libya, but presently 


359 


HERODOTUS 


ποιέωσι ἄλλο, ὀπίσω ἀπαλλάσσοντο ἐς τὴν Θή- 
ρην. οἱ δὲ Θηραῖοι καταγομένους ἔβαλλον καὶ 
οὐκ ἔων τῇ γῇ π οσίσχειν, ἀλλ᾽ ὀπίσω TAWEL 
ἐκέλευον. οἳ δὲ ἀναγκαζόμενοι ὀπίσω ἀπέπλεον 
καὶ ἔκτισαν νῆσον ἐπὶ Λιβύῃ κειμένην, τῇ, οὔνομα, 
ὡς καὶ πρότερον εὐρέθη, ἐστὶ Πλατέα. λέγεται δὲ 
ἴση εἶναι ἡ νῆσος τῇ νῦν Κυρηναίων πόλι. 

151. Ταύτην οἰκέοντες δύο ἔ ἔτεα, οὐδὲν γάρ σφι 
χρηστὸν συνεφέρετο, ἕνα αὐτῶν καταλιπόντες οἱ 
λοιποὶ πάντες ἀπέπλεον ἐς Δελφούς, ἀπικόμενοι 
δὲ ἐπὶ τὸ χρηστήριον ἐχρέωντο, φάμενοι οἰκέειν 
τε τὴν Λιβύην καὶ οὐδὲν ἄμεινον πρήσσειν 
οἰκεῦντε. ἡ δὲ Πυθίη σφι πρὸς ταῦτα χρᾷ 
τάδε. 


ai τὺ ἐμεῦ Λιβύην μηλοτρόφον οἶδας à ἄμεινον, 
μὴ ἐλθὼν ἐλθόντος, ἄγαν ἄγαμαι σοφίην σεῦ. 


ἀκούσαντες δὲ τούτων οἱ ἀμφὶ TOV Βάττον ἀπέ- 
πλωον ὀπίσω: οὐ γὰρ δή σφεας ἀπίει ὁ θεὸς τῆς 
ἀποικίης, πρὶν δὴ ἀπίκωνται ἐς αὐτὴν Λιβύην. 
ἀπικόμενοι δὲ ἐς τὴν νῆσον καὶ ἀναλαβόντες τὸν 
ἔλιπον, € ἔκτισαν αὐτῆς τῆς Λιβύης χῶρον. ἀντίον 
τῆς νήσου τῷ οὔνομα ἦν "Αξιρις' τὸν νάπαι τε 
κάλλισται ἐπ᾿ ἀμφότερα συγκληίουσι καὶ ποτα- 
μὸς τὰ ἐπὶ θάτερα παραρρέει.. 

158. Τοῦτον οἴκεον τὸν χῶρον ἐξ ἔ ἔτεα, pom 
δὲ σφέας ἔτεϊ παραιτησάμενοι οἱ Λίβυες ὡς ἐς 
ἀμείνονα χῶρον ἄξουσι, | ἀνέγνωσαν ἐκλιπεῖν. 
ἦγον δὲ σφέας ἐνθεῦτεν οἱ Λίβυες ἀναστήσαντες 
πρὸς ἑσπέρην, καὶ τὸν κάλλιστον τῶν χώρων ἵνα 
διεξιόντες οἱ "Έλληνες μὴ ἴδοιεν, συμμετρησά- 
μενοι τὴν ὥρην τῆς ἡμέρης νυκτὸς παρῆγον. ἔστι 


360 


BOOK IV. 156-158 


not knowing what else.to do returned back to Thera. 
There the Theraeans shot at them as they came to 
land and would not suffer the ship to put in, bidding 
them sail back ; which under stress of necessity they 
did, and planted a colony in an island off the Libyan 
coast called (as I have said already) Platea. This is- 
land is said to be as big as the city of Cyrene is now. 
157. Here they dwelt for two years; but as all 
went wrong with them, leaving there one of them- 
selves the rest voyaged to Delphi, and on their 
coming enquired of the oracle, and said that they 
were dwelling in Libya, but that they were none the 
better off for that. Then the priestess gave them 
this reply : | 


“I have seen Libya's pastures: thine eyes have 
never beheld them. 
Knowest them better than I? then wondrous 
indeed is thy wisdom." 


Hearing this, Battus and his men sailed back again ; 
for the god would not suffer them to do aught short 
of colonising Libya itself; and having come to the 
island and taken again him whom they had left there, 
they made a settlement at a place in Libya itself, 
over against the island which was called Aziris. 
This is a place enclosed on both sides by the fairest 
of groves, and a river flows by one side of it. 

158. Here they dwelt for six years; but in the 
seventh the Libyans persuaded them by entreaty to 
leave the place, saying that they would lead them 
to a better; and they brought the Greeks from 
Aziris and led them westwards, so reckoning the 
hours of daylight that they led the Greeks by night 
past the fairest place in their country, called Irasa, 


361 


HERODOTUS 


^ / \ 
δὲ τῷ χώρῳ τούτῳ οὔνομα Ἴρασα. ἀγαγόντες δὲ 
, 9 / / Φ , [4 
σφέας ἐπὶ κρήνην λεγομένην εἶναι Απόλλωνος 
εἶπαν "Ανδρες "Ελληνες, ἐνθαῦτα ὑμῖν ἐπιτήδεον 
οἰκέειν" ἐνθαῦτα γὰρ ὁ οὐρανὸς τέτρηται.᾽ 
159. ᾿Επὶ μέν νυν Βάττου τε τοῦ οἰκιστέω τῆς 
ζόης, ἄρξαντος ἐπὶ τεσσεράκοντα ἔτεα, καὶ τοῦ 
. » A ? / y e ld 
παιδὸς αὐτοῦ ᾿Αρκεσίλεω ἄρξαντος ἑκκαίδεκα 
ἔτεα, οἴκεον οἱ Κυρηναῖοι ἐόντες τοσοῦτοι ὅσοι 
ἀρχὴν ἐς τὴν ἀποικίην ἐστάλησαν. ἐπὶ δὲ τοῦ 
, 4 ^ > , , ο 
τρίτου, Βάττου τοῦ εὐδαίμονος καλεομένου, "EA- 
ληνας πάντας ὥρμησε χρήσασα ἡ Πυθίη πλέειν 
συνοικήσοντας Κυρηναίοισι Λιβύην: ἐπεκαλέοντο 
γὰρ οἱ Κυρηναῖοι ἐπὶ γῆς ο ἔχρησε δὲ 
ὧδε ἔχοντα. 


ὃς δέ κεν ἐς Λιβύην πολυήρατον ὕστερον ἔλθῃ 
γᾶς ἀναδαιομένας, μετὰ οἱ ποκα φαμὶ μελήσειν. 


συλλεχθέντος δὲ ὁμίλου πολλοῦ ἐς τὴν Κυρήνην, 
περιταμνόμενοι γῆν πολλὴν οἱ περίοικοι Λίβυες 
Ν 6 \ 3 ^ A y . 3 ΄ 
καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς αὐτῶν τῷ οὔνομα ἦν ᾿Αδικράν, οἷα 
τῆς τε χώρης στερισκόμενοι καὶ περιυβριξόμενοι 
ὑπὸ τῶν Κυρηναίων, πέμψαντες ἐς Αἴγυπτον ἔδο- 
΄ > .. 2 / ^ πα. / à 
σαν σφέας αὐτοὺς ᾿Απρίη τῷ Αἰγύπτου βασιλέι. ὃ 
δὲ συλλέξας στρατὸν Αἰγυπτίων πολλὸν ἔπεμψε 
ἐπὶ τὴν Κυρήνην. οἱ δὲ Κυρηναῖοι ἐκστρατευσά- 
μενοι ἐς Ἴρασα χῶρον καὶ ἐπὶ κρήνην Θέστην 
cvvéBaXóv τε τοῖσι Αἰγυπτίοισι καὶ ἐνίκησαν τῇ 
συμβολῇ. ἅτε γὰρ οὐ πεπειρημένοι πρότερον οἱ 
Αἰγύπτιοι Ελλήνων καὶ παραχρεώμενοι διεφθάρ- 
362 


BOOK IV. 158-159 


lest the Greeks should see it in their passage. 
Then they brought the Greeks to what is called 
the Fountain of Apollo, and said to them: * Here, 
ye Greeks, it befits you to dwell; for here is a hole 
in the sky." 1 

159. Now in the time of Battus the founder of 
the colony, who ruled for forty years, and of his son 
Arcesilaus who ruled for seventeen, the dwellers in 
Cyrene were no more in number than when they had 
first gone forth to the colony. But in the time ‘of 
the third ruler, that Battus who was called the For- 
tunate, the Pythian priestess admonished all Greeks 
by an oracle to cross the sea and dwell in Libya with 
the Cyrenaeans; for the Cyrenaeans invited them, 
promising a new division of lands; and this was the 
oracle : 


* Whoso delayeth to go till the fields be fully 
divided | 

Unto the Libyan land, that man shall surely 
repent it." 


So a great multitude gathered together at Goteni; 
and cut off great tracts of land from the territory of 
the neighbouring Libyans. Then these with their 
king, whose name was Adicran, being robbed of 
their lands and violently entreated by the Cyre- 
naeans, sent to Egypt and put themselves in the 
hands of Apries, the king of that country. Apries 
mustered a great host of Egyptians and sent it 
against Cyrene; the Cyrenaeans marched out to the 
place Irasa and the spring Thestes, and there battled 
with the Egyptians and overcame them; for the 
Egyptians had as yet no knowledge of Greeks, and 


1 That is, there is abundance of rain. 


363 


HERODOTUS 


ήσαν οὕτω ὥστε ὀλίγοι τινὲς αὐτῶν ἀπενόστησαν 
ἐς Αἴγυπτον. ἀντὶ τούτων Αἰγύπτιοι καὶ ταῦτα 
ἐπιμεμφόμενοι ᾿Απρίῃ ἀπέστησαν ἀπ] αὐτοῦ. 

160. Τούτου δὲ τοῦ Βάττου παῖς Ὑίνεται ᾿Αρκε- 

σύλεως' ὃς βασιλεύσας πρῶτα τοῖσι ἑωυτοῦ ἆδελ.- 
φεοῖσι ἐστασίασε, ἐς ὅ μιν οὗτοι ἀπολιπόντες 
οἴχοντο ἐς ἄλλον ' χῶρον τῆς Λιβύης καὶ ἐπ᾽ ἑων- 
τῶν βαλόμενοι ἔκτισαν πόλιν ταύτην ἣ τότε καὶ 
νῦν Βάρκη καλέεται: κτίξοντες δὲ ἅμα αὐτὴν ἀπι- 
στᾶσι ἀπὸ τῶν Κυρηναίων τοὺς Λίβυας. μετὰ δὲ 
᾿Αρκεσίλεως € ἐς τοὺς ὑποδεξαμένους τε τῶν Λιβύων 
καὶ ἀποστάντας τοὺς αὐτοὺς τούτους ἐστρατεύετο" 
οἱ δὲ Λίβυες δείσαντες αὐτὸν οἴχοντο φεύγοντες 
πρὸς τοὺς ἠοίους τῶν Λιβύων. ὁ δὲ ᾿Αρκεσίλεως 
εἵπετο φεύγουσι, ἐς οὗ ἐν Λεύκωνί τε τῆς Λιβύης 
ἐγίνετο ἐπιδιώκων καὶ ἔδοξε τοῖσι Λίβυσι ἐπιθέ- 
σθαι οἱ. συμβαλόντες δὲ ἐνίκησαν τοὺς Κυρη- 
ναίους τοσοῦτο ὥστε ἑπτακισχιλίους ὁπλίτας 
Κυρηναίων ἐνθαῦτα πεσεῖν. μετὰ δὲ τὸ τρῶμα 
τοῦτο ᾿Αρκεσίλεων μὲν κάμνοντά τε καὶ φάρμακον 
πεπωκότα ὁ ἀδελφεὸς ᾿Αλίαῤχος ἀποπνίγει, Ἁλί- 
ἄρχον δὲ ἡ γυνὴ ἡ ᾿Αρκεσίλεω δόλῳ κτείνει, τῇ 
οὔνομα ἦν ᾿Ερυξώ. 

161. Διεδέξατο δὲ τὴν βασιληίην τοῦ ᾿Αρκεσί- 
λεω 0 παῖς Βάττος, χωλός τε ἐὼν καὶ οὐκ ἀρτί- 
πους. οἱ δὲ Κυρηναῖοι πρὸς τὴν καταλαβοῦσαν 
συμφορὴν ἔπεμπον ἐς Δελφοὺς ἐπειρησομένους 
ὄντινα τρόπον καταστησάμενοι ᾿κάλλιστα ἂν oi- 
κέοιεν. ἡ δὲ Πυθίη ἐκέλευε ἐκ Μαντινέης τῆς 
᾿Αρκάδων καταρτιστῆρα ἀγαγέσθαι. αἴτεον ὧν 
οἱ Κυρηναῖοι, καὶ οἱ Μαντινέες ἔδοσαν ἄνδρα τῶν 
ἀστῶν δοκιμώτατον, τῷ οὔνομα ἦν Δημῶναξ. 


364 


BOOK IV. 159-161 


despised their enemy; whereby they were so utterly 
destroyed that few of them returned to Egypt. For 
this mishap, and because they blamed Apries for it, 
the Egyptians revolted from him.! 

160. This Battus had a son Arcesilaus; he at his 
first coming to reign quarrelled with his own brothers, 
till they left him and went away to another place in 
Libya, where they founded a city for themselves, 
which was then and is now called Barce; and while 
they were founding it, they persuaded the Libyans 
to revolt from the Cyrenaeans. Then Arcesilaus 
came with an army into the country of the Libyans 
who had received his brothers and had also revolted ; 
and these fled in fear of him to the eastern Libyans. 
Arcesilaus followed their flight until he came in his 
pursuit to Leucon in Libya, where the Libyans 
resolved to attack him; they joined battle and so 
wholly overcame the Cyrenaeans that seven thousand 
Cyrenaean men-at-arms were there slain. After this 
disaster Arcesilaus, being sick and having drunk 
medicine, was strangled by his brother Haliarchus; 
Haliarchus was craftily slain by Arcesilaus’ wife Eryxo. 

161. Arcesilaus’ kingship passed to his son Battus, 
who was lame and infirm on his feet. The Cyre- 
naeans, in their affliction, sent to Delphi to en- 
quire what ordering of their state should best give 
them prosperity; the priestess bade them bring a 
peacemaker from Mantinea in Arcadia. The Cyre- 
naeans then sending their request, the Mantineans 
gave them their most esteemed townsman, whose 

In 570 B.c. ; cp. ii. 161. 


365 


HERODOTUS 


οὗτος ὧν ὡνὴρ ἀπικόμενος ἐς τὴν Κυρήνην καὶ 
μαθὼν ἕκαστα τοῦτο μὲν τριφύλους ἐ ἐποίησε σφέας, 
τῇδε διαθείς' Θηραίων μὲν καὶ τῶν περιοίκων μίαν 
μοῖραν ἐποίησε, ἄλλην δὲ Πελοποννησίων καὶ 
Κρητῶν, τρίτην δὲ νησιωτέων πάντων. τοῦτο δὲ 
τῷ βασιλέι Barre τεμένεα ἐξελὼν καὶ ἱρωσύνας, 
τὰ ἄλλα πάντα τὰ πρὀτερον εἶχον οἱ βασιλέες ἐς 
μέσον τῷ δήμῳ ἔθηκε. 

169. Ἐπὶ μὲν δὴ τούτου τοῦ Βάττου οὕτω διε- 
τέλεε ἐόντα, ἐπὶ δὲ τοῦ τούτου παιδὸς "A ρκεσίλεω 
πολλὴ ταραχὴ περὶ τῶν τιμέων ἐγένετο. ᾿Άρκε- 
σίλεως γὰρ ὁ Βάττου τε τοῦ χωλοῦ καὶ Φερετίμης 
οὐκ ἔφη ἀνέξεσθαι κατὰ τὰ ὁ ο Μαντινεὺς Δημῶναξ 
ἔταξε, ἀλλὰ ἀπαίτεε τὰ τῶν προγόνων γέρεα. 
ἐνθεῦτεν στασιάξων ἑσσώθη καὶ ἔφυγε ἐς Σάμον, 
ἡ δὲ μήτηρ οἱ ἐς Σαλαμῖνα τῆς Κύπρου ἔφυγε. 
τῆς δὲ Σαλαμῖνος τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον ἐπεκράτεε 
Εὐέλθων, ὃς τὸ ἐν Δελφοῖσι θυμιητήριον ἐὸν 
ἀξιοθέητον ἀνέθηκε, τὸ ἐν τῷ Κορινθίων θησαυρῷ 
κέεται. ἀπικομένη δὲ παρὰ τοῦτον ἡ Φερετίμη 
ἐδέετο στρατιῆς ἣ κατάξει σφέας ἐς τὴν Κυρήνην. 
ὁ δὲ Εὐέλθων πᾶν μᾶλλον ἢ στρατιήν οἱ ἐδίδου" 
ἣ δὲ λαμβάνουσα τὸ διδόμενον καλὸν μὲν ἔφη καὶ 
τοῦτο εἶναι, κάλλιον δὲ ἐκεῖνο, τὸ δοῦναί οἱ δεο- 
μένῃ στρατιήν. τοῦτο ἐπὶ παντὶ γὰρ τῷ διδομένῳ 
ἔλεγε, τελευταῖόν οἱ ἐξέπεμψε δῶρον ὁ Εὐέλθων 
ἄτρακτον χρύσεον καὶ ἠλακάτην, προσῆν δὲ καὶ 
εἴριον" ἐπειπάσης δὲ αὖτις τῆς Φερετίμης τὠυτὸ 
ἔπος, ὁ Εὐέλθων ἔφη. τοιούτοισι γυναῖκας δωρέ- 
εσθαι ἀλλ᾽ οὐ στρατιῇ. 

163. Ὁ δὲ ᾿Αρκεσίλεως τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον ἐὼν 


366 


BOOK IV. 161-163 


name was Demonax. When this man came to Cyrene 
and learnt all, he divided the people into three 
tribes ;! of which divisions the Theraeans and dis- 
possessed Libyans were one, the Peloponnesians and 
Cretans the second, and all the islanders the third ; 
moreover he set apart certain domains and priest- 
hoods for their king Battus, but gave all the rest, 
which had belonged to the kings, to be now held by 
the people in common. 

162. During the life of this Battus aforesaid these 
ordinances held good, but in the time of his son 
Arcesilaus there arose much contention concerning 
the king's rights. Arcesilaus, son of the lame Battus 
and Pheretime, would not abide by the ordinances 
of Demonax, but demanded back the prerogative of 
his forefathers, and made himself head of a faction ; 
but he was worsted and banished to Samos, and his 
mother fled to Salamis in Cyprus. Now Salamis at 
this time was ruled by Evelthon, who dedicated that 
marvellous censer at Delphi which stands in the 
treasury of the Corinthians. To him Pheretime came, 
asking him for an army which should bring her and 
her son back to Cyrene; but Evelthon being willing 
to give her all else, only not an army, when she took 
what he gave her she said that this was well, but it 
were better to give her an army at her request. 
This she would still say, whatever was the gift; at 
the last Evelthon sent her a golden spindle aud 
distaff, and wool therewith; and Pheretime uttering 
the same words as before, he answered that these, 
and not armies, were gifts for women. 

163. Meanwhile Arcesilaus was in Samos, gather- 


! According to the principle of division customary in a 
Dorian city state. 


367 


HERODOTUS 


ἐν Σάμφ συνήγειρε πάντα ἄνδρα ἐπὶ γῆς ἀναδα- 
σμφ' συλλεγομένου δὲ στρατοῦ πολλοῦ, ἐστάλη 
ἐς Δελφοὺς ᾿Αρκεσίλεως χρησόμενος τῷ χρη- 
στηρίῳ περὶ κατόδου. ἡ δὲ Πνυδίη οἱ χρᾷ τάδε. 
“ Ἐπὶ μὲν τέσσερας Βάττους καὶ ᾿Αρκεσίλεως 
τέσσερας, ὀκτὼ ἀνδρῶν γενεάς» διδοῖ ὁ ὑμῖν Λοξίης 
βασιλεύειν Κυρήνης, πλέον μέντοι τούτου οὐδὲ 
πειρᾶσθαι παραινέει. σὺ μέντοι ἥσυχος εἶναι 
κατελθὼν ἐς τὴν σεωυτοῦ. ἦν δὲ τὴν κάμινον 
εὕρῃς πλέην ἀμφορέων, μὴ ἐξοπτήσῃς τοὺς ἀμ- 
φορέας ἀλλ᾽ ἀπόπεμπε κατ᾽ οὗρον: εἰ δὲ ἐξοπτή- 
ons τὴν κάμινον, μὴ ἐσέλθῃς ἐς τὴν ἀμφίρρυτον: 
εἰ δὲ μὴ ἀποθανέαι καὶ αὐτὸς κα ταῦρος 0 
καλλιστεύων. ταῦτα ἡ Πυθίη ᾿Αρκεσίλεῳ χρά. 

164. Ὃ δὲ παραλαβὼν τοὺς ἐκ τῆς Σάμου 
κατῆλθε ἐς τὴν Κυρήνην, καὶ ἐπικρατήσας τῶν 
πρηγμάτων τοῦ μαντηίου οὐκ ἐμέμνητο, ἀλλὰ 
δίκας τοὺς ἀντιστασιώτας αἴτεε τῆς ἑωυτοῦ φυγῆς. 
τῶν δὲ οἳ μὲν τὸ παράπαν ἐκ τῆς χώρης ἀπαλλάσ- 
σοντο, τοὺς δὲ τινὰς χειρωσάμενος o ᾿Αρκεσίλεως 
ἐς Κύπρον ἀπέστειλε ἐπὶ διαφθορῇ. τούτους μέν 
νυν Κνίδιοι ἀπενειχθέντας πρὸς τὴν .σφετέρην 
ἐρρύσαντο καὶ ἐς Θήρην ἀπέστειλαν" ἑτέρους δὲ 
τινὰς τῶν Κυρηναίων ἐς πύργον μέγαν ᾿Αγλωμά- 
χου καταφυγόντας ἰδιωτικὸν ὕλην περινήσας 0 
᾿Αρκεσίλεως ἐνέπρησε. μαθὼν δὲ ἐπ’ ἐξεργασμέ- 
νοισι τὸ μαντήιον ἐὸν τοῦτο, ὅτι μιν ἡ Πυθίη οὐκ 
ἔα εὑρόντα ἐν τῇ καμίνῳ τοὺς ἀμφορέας ἐξοπτῆ- 
σαι, ἔργετο ἑκὼν τῆς τῶν Κυρηναίων πόλιος, 
δειμαίνων τε τὸν κεχρησμένον θάνατον καὶ δοκέων 
ἀμφίρρυτον τὴν Κυρήνην εἶναι. εἶχε δὲ γυναῖκα 


368 


BOOK ΙΥ. 163-164 


ing all men that he could and promising them a 
new division of land; and while a great army was 
thus mustering, he made a journey to Delphi, to 
enquire of the oracle concerning his return. The 
priestess gave him this answer: * For the lives of 
four named Battus and four named Arcesilaus, to wit, 
for eight generations of men, Loxias grants to your 
house the kingship of Cyrene; more than this he 
counsels you not so much as to essay. But thou, 
return to thy country and dwell there in peace. But 
if thou findest the oven full of earthen pots, bake 
not the pots, but let them go unscathed. And if 
thou bakest them in the oven, go not into the sea- 
girt place; for if thou dost, then shalt thou thyself 
be slain, and the bull too that is fairest of the herd.” 
This was the oracle given by the priestess to 
Arcesilaus. 

164. But he with the men from Samos returned to 
Cyrene, whereof having made himself master he 
forgot the oracle, and demanded justice upon his 
enemies for his banishment. Some of these departed 
altogether out of the country ; others Arcesilaus 
seized and sent away to Cyprus to be there slain. 
These were carried out of their course to Cnidus, 
where the Cnidians saved them and sent them to 
Thera. Others of the Cyrenaeans fled for refuge 
into a great tower that belonged to one Aglomachus, 
a private man, and Arcesilaus piled wood round it 
and burnt them there. Then, perceiving too late 
that this was the purport of the Delphic oracle which 
forbade him to bake the pots if he found them in 
the oven, he refrained of set purpose from going 
into the city of the Cyrenaeans, fearing the death 
prophesied and supposing the sea-girt place to be 


369 
VOL. 1I. B B 


HERODOTUS 


συγγενέα ἑωυτοῦ, θυγατέρα δὲ τῶν Βαρκαίων τοῦ 
βασιλέος, τῷ οὔνομα ἦν ᾿Αλάξειρ' παρὰ τοῦτον 
ἀπικνέεται, καί µιν Βαρκαῖοί τε ἄνδρες καὶ τῶν 
ἐκ Κυρήνης φυγάδων τινὲς καταμαθόντες ἀγορά- 
ζοντα κτείνουσι, πρὸς δὲ καὶ τὸν πενθερὸν αὐτοῦ 
᾿Αλάξειρα. ᾿Αρκεσίλεως μέν. νυν εἴτε ἑκὼν εἴτε 
ἀέκων ἁμαρτὼν τοῦ χρησμοῦ ἐξέπλησε μοῖραν 
τὴν ἑωυτοῦ. 

165. “H δὲ μήτηρ Φερετίμη, ἕ ἕως μὲν ὁ Αρκεσί- 
λεως ἐν τῇ Βάρκη ιαιτᾶτο ἐξεργασμένος᾽ ἑωυτῷ 
κακόν, 4) δὲ εἶχε αὐτὴ τοῦ παιδὸς τὰ γέρεα ἐν 
Κυρήνῃ. καὶ τἆλλα νεμομένη καὶ ἐν βουλῇ παρί- 
δουσα' ἐπείτε δὲ ἔμαθε ἐν τῇ Βάρκῃ ἀποθανόντα 
οἱ τὸν παῖδα, -φεύγουσα οἰχώκεε ἐς Αἴγυπτον. 
ἦσαν γάρ οὗ ἐκ τοῦ ᾿Αρκεσίλεω εὐεργεσίαι ἐς 
Καμβύσεα τὸν Κύρου πεποιηµέναι οὗτος γὰρ ἦν 
0 ᾿Αρκεσίλεως ὃς Κυρήνην Καμβύσῃ ἔδωκε καὶ 
Φόρον ἐτάξατο. ἀπικομένη δὲ ἐς τὴν Αἴγυπτον 
7 Φερετίμη, ᾿Αρυάνδεω ἱκέτις (tero, τιμωρῆσαι 
ἑωυτῇ κελεύουσα, προϊσχομένη πρόφασιν ὡς διὰ 
τὸν μηδισμὸν ὁ ὁ παῖς οἱ τέθνηκε, 

166. Ὁ δὲ ᾿Αρυάνδης ἦν οὗτος τῆς Αἰγύπτου 
ὕπαρχος ὑπὸ Καμβύσεω κατεστεώς, ὃς ὑστέρ 
χρόνῳ τούτων παρισούμενος Δαρείῳ διεφθάρη. 
πυθόμενος γὰρ καὶ ἰδὼν Δαρεῖον ἐπιθυμέοντα 
μνημόσυνον ἑωυτοῦ λιπέσθαι τοῦτο τὸ μὴ ἄλλῳ 
εἴη βασιλέι κατεργασμένον, ἐμιμέετο τοῦτον, ἐς 
οὗ ἔλαβε τὸν μισθόν. Δαρεῖος μὲν γὰρ χρυσίον 
καθαρώτατον ἀπεψήσας ἐς τὸ δυνατώτατον νό- 
popa ἐκόψατο, ᾿Αρυάνδης δὲ ἄρχων Αἰγύπτου 
ἀργύριον τὠυτὸ τοῦτο ἐποίεε, καὶ νῦν ἐστὶ ἀργύ- 
ριον καθαρώτατον τὸ Αρυανδικόν. μαθὼν δέ μιν 


379 


BOOK IV. 164-166 


Cyrene. Now his wife was his own kinswoman, 
daughter of Alazir king of the Barcaeans, and Arce- 
silaus betook himself to Alazir; but men of Barce 
and certain of the exiles from Cyrene were aware of 
him and slew him as he walked in the town, and 
Alazir his father-in-law likewise. So Arcesilaus 
whether with or without intent missed the meaning 
of the oracle and fulfilled his destiny. 

165. As long as Arcesilaus, after working his own 
destruction, was living at Barce, his mother Pheretime 
held her son's prerogative at Cyrene, where she 
administered all his business and sat with others in 
council. But when she learnt of her son's death at 
Barce, she made her escape away to Egypt, trusting 
to the good service which Arcesilaus had done 
Cambyses the son of Cyrus; for this was the 
Arcesilaus who gave Cyrene to Cambyses and agreed 
to pay tribute. So on her coming to Egypt 
Pheretime made supplication to Aryandes, demand- 
ing that he should avenge her, on the plea that her 
son had been killed for allying himself with the 
Medes. 

166. This Aryandes had been appointed by Cam- 
byses viceroy of Egypt ; at a later day he was put to 
death for making himself equal to Darius. For learn- 
ing and seeing that Darius desired to leave such a 
memorial of himself as no king had ever wrought, 
Aryandes imitated him, till he got his reward ; for 
Darius had coined money out of gold refined to an 
extreme purity,! and Aryandes, then ruling Egypt, 


. made a like silver coinage; and now there is no 


[ 


silver money so pure as is the Aryandic. But when 


! The gold coins called δαρεικοί are said to contain only 


; 3 per cent. of alloy. 


371 
Bb2 


HERODOTUS 


Δαρεῖος ταῦτα ποιεῦντα, αἰτίην of ἄλλην ἐπενεί- 
κας ὥς οἱ ἐπανίσταιτο, ἀπέκτεινε. 

167. Τότε δὲ οὗτος ὁ ᾿Αρυάνδης κατοικτείρας 
Φερετίμην διδοῖ αὐτῇ στρατὸν τὸν ἐξ Αἰγύπτου 
ἅπαντα καὶ τὸν πεζὸν καὶ τὸν ναυτικόν" στρατη- 
yov δὲ τοῦ μὲν πεζοῦ ᾿Αμασιν ἀπέδεξε ἄνδρα 
Μαράφιον, τοῦ δὲ ναυτικοῦ Βάδρην ἐ ἐόντα Hasap- 
γάδην γένος. πρὶν δὲ ἢ 3 ἀποστεῖλαι τὴν στρατιήν, 
o ᾿Αρυάνδης πέμψας ἐς τὴν Βάρκην κήρυκα ἐπυν- 
θάνετο τίς εἴη ὁ ᾿Δρκεσίλεων ἀποκτείνας. οἱ δὲ 
Βαρκαῖοι αὐτοὶ ὑπεδέκοντο πάντες πολλά TE γὰρ 
καὶ κακὰ πάσχειν, ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ. πυθόμενος δὲ ταῦ- 
τα ὁ ᾿Αρυάνδης οὕτω δὴ τὴν στρατιὴν ἀπέστειλε 
ἅμα τῇ Φερετίμῃ. αὕτη μέν νυν αἰτίη πρόσχημα 
τοῦ στόλου ἐγίνετο, ἀπεπέμπετο ὲ ἡ στρατεή, 
ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκέειν, ἐπὶ Λιβύης καταστροφῇ. Λιβύων | 
γὰρ δὴ ἔθνεα πολλὰ καὶ παντοῖα ἐστί, καὶ τὰ ' 
μὲν αὐτῶν ὀλίγα βασιλέος ἦν ὑπήκοα, τὰ δὲ πλέω : 
ἐφρόντιζε Δαρείου 1 οὐδέν. 

168. Οἰκέουσι δὲ κατὰ τάδε Λίβυες. ar 
Αἰγύπτου ἀρξάμενοι πρῶτοι ᾿Αδυρμαχίδαι Λιβύ- 
ων κατοίκηνται, o? νόμοισι μὲν τὰ πλέω. Αἰγυπτί- 
οισι χρέωνται, ἐσθῆτα δὲ φορέουσι οἵην περ οἱ 
ἄλλοι Λίβυες. αἱ δὲ γυναῖκες αὐτῶν ψέλιον περὶ ; 
ἑκατέρῃ τῶν κνημέων «Φορέουσι χάλκεον" τὰς! 
κεφαλὰς δὲ κομῶσαι, τοὺς φθεῖρας ἐπεὰν λάβωσι. 
τοὺς ἑωυτῆς ἑκάστη ἀντιδάκνει καὶ οὕτω ῥύπτει.. 
οὗτοι δὲ μοῦνοι Λιβύων τοῦτο ἐργάξονται, καὶ τῷ 
βασιλέι μοῦνοι τὰς παρθένους μελλούσας συνοι- 
κέειν ἐπιδεικνύουσι: ἣ δὲ ἂν τῷ βασιλέι ἀρεστὴ 
γένηται, ὑπὸ τούτου διαπαρθενεύεται. παρήκουσι 

1 [Δαρείου] Stein. 


372 


BOOK IV. 166-168 


Darius heard that Aryandes was so doing, he put 
him to death, not on this plea but as a rebel. 

167. At this time Aryandes, of whom I speak, took 
pity on Pheretime and gave her all the Egyptian 
land and sea forces, appointing Amasis, a Maraphian, 
general of the army, and Badres of the tribe of the 
Pasargadae admiral of the fleet. But before despatch- 
ing the host Áryandes sent a herald to Barce to enquire 
who it was who had killed Arcesilaus. The Barcaeans 
answered that it was the deed of the whole city, for 
the many wrongs that Arcesilaus had done them ; 
which when he heard, Aryandes then sent his arma- 
ment with Pheretime. This was the alleged pretext; 
but, as I myself think, the armament was sent to 
subdue Libya. For the Libyan tribes are many and 
of divers kinds, and though a few of them were the 
king’s subjects the greater part cared nothing for 
Darius. 

168. Now as concerning the lands inhabited by 
Libyans, the Adyrmachidae are the people that 
dwell nearest to Egypt; they follow Egyptian 
usages for the most part, but wear a dress like that 
of other Libyans. Their women wear bronze torques 
on both legs; their hair is long; they catch each 
her own lice, then bite and throw them away. They 
are the only Libyans that do this, and that show the 
king all virgins that are to be wedded; the king 
takes the virginity of whichever of these pleases 


373 


HERODOTUS 


δὲ οὗτοι οἱ ᾿Αδυρμαχίδαι ἀπ᾿ Αἰγύπτου μέχρι 
λιμένος τῷ οὔνομα Ἠλυνός ἐ ἐστι. 

169. Τούτων δὲ ἔχονται Γιλιγάμαι, νεμόμενοι 
τὸ πρὸς ἑσπέρην χώρην; μέχρι ᾿Αφροδισιάδος 
νήσου. ἐν δὲ τῷ μεταξὺ τούτου χώρῳ" ἥ τε 
Πλατέα νῆσος ἐπικέεται, τὴν ἔκτισαν οἱ Κυρη- 
ναῖοι, καὶ ἐν τῇ ἠπείρῳ Μενέλαος λιμήν. ἐστι καὶ 
Abus, τὴν. οἱ Κυρηναῖοι οἴκεον, καὶ τὸ σίλφιον 
ἄρχεται ἀπὸ τούτου" παρήκει δὲ ἀπὸ .Πλατέης 
νήσου μέχρι τοῦ στόματος τῆς Σύρτιος τὸ σίλφιον. 
νόμοισι δὲ χρέωνται οὗτοι παραπλησίοισι τοῖσι 
ἑτέροισι. 

110. Γ ἑλιγαμέων δὲ ἔχονται τὸ πρὸς ἑσπέρης 
᾿Ασβύσται' οὗτοι ὑπὲρ Κυρήνης οἰκέουσι. ἐπὶ 
θάλασσαν δὲ οὐ κατήκουσι ᾿Ασβύσται- τὸ γὰρ 
παρὰ θάλασσαν Κυρηναῖοι νέμονται. τεθριπ- 
ποβάται δὲ οὖκ ἥκιστα ἀλλὰ μάλιστα Λιβύων 
εἰσί, νόμους δὲ τοὺς πλεῦνας μιμέεσθαι ἐπιτηδεύ- 
ουσι τοὺς Κυρηναίων. 

171. ᾿Ασβυστέων δὲ ἔ ἔχονται τὸ πρὸς ἑσπέρης 
Αὐσχίσαι" οὗτοι ὑπὲρ Βάρκης οἰκέουσι, κατή- 
κοντες ἐπὶ θάλασσαν κατ᾽ Εὐεσπερίδας. Αὐσχι- 
σέων δὲ κατὰ μέσον τῆς χώρης οἰκέουσι Βάκαλες, 
ὀλίγον ἔθνος, κατήκοντες ἐπὶ θάλασσαν κατὰ 
Ταύχειρα πόλιν τῆς Βαρκαίης' νόμοισι δὲ τοῖσι 
αὐτοῖσι χρέωνται τοῖσι καὶ οἱ ὑπὲρ Kv ήνης. 

112. Αὐσχισέων δὲ τούτων τὸ πρὸς ἑσπέρης 
ἔχονται Νασαμῶνες, ἔθνος ἐὸν πολλόν, οἳ τὸ 
θέρος καταλείποντες ἐπὶ τῇ θαλάσσῃ τὰ πρόβατα 
ἀναβαίνουσι ἐς Αὔγιλα χῶρον ὀπωριεῦντες τοὺς 
φοίνικας. οἳ δὲ πολλοὶ καὶ ἀμφιλαφέες πεφύκασι, 
πάντες ἐόντες καρποφόροι. τοὺς δὲ ἀττελέβους 


374 


BOOK IV. 168-172 


him. These Adyrmachidae reach from Egypt to the 
harbour called Plynus. 

169. Next to them are the Giligamae, who in- 
habit the country to the west as far as the island 
Aphrodisias; ere this is reached the island Platea 
lies off the coast, and on the mainland is the haven 
called Menelaus, and that Aziris which was a settle- 
ment of the Cyrenaeans. Here begins the country 
of silphium, which reaches from the island Platea 
to the entrance of the Syrtis. This people is like 
the others in its usages. 

170. The next people westward of the Giligamae 
are the Asbystae, who dwell inland of Cyrene, not 
coming down to the sea-coast ; for that is Cyrenaean 
territory. These are drivers of four-horse chariots 
not less but more than any other Libyans; it is their 
practice to imitate most of the Cyrenaean usages. 

171. Next westward of the Asbystae are the 
Auschisae, dwelling inland of Barce, and touching 
the sea-coast at Euhesperidae. About the middle 
of the land of the Auschisae dwells the little tribe 
of the Bacales, whose territory comes down to the 
sea at Tauchira, a town in the Barcaean country ; 
their usages are the same as those of the dwellers 
inland of Cyrene. 

172. Next westward of these Auschisae is the 
populous country of the Nasamones, who in summer 
leave their flocks by the sea and go up to the land 
called Augila to gather dates from the palm-trees 
which grow there in great abundance, and all bear 
fruit. They hunt locusts, which when taken they 


— 


1 [χώρην] Stein. 
? [χώρφ] Stein. 


375 


- 


HERODOTUS. 


ἐπεὰν θηρεύσωσι, αὐήναντες πρὸς τὸν ἥλιον κατα- 
λέουσι καὶ ἔπειτα ἐπὶ γάλα ἐπιπάσσοντες πί- 
νουσι. γυναῖκας δὲ νομίξοντες πολλὰς ἔχειν 
ἕκαστος ἐπίκοινον αὐτέων τὴν μῖξιν ποιεῦνται 
τρόπῳ παραπλησίῳ τῷ καὶ Μασσαγέται: ἐπεὰν 
σκίπωνα προστήσωνται, μίσγονται. πρῶτον δὲ 
γαμέοντος Νασαμῶνος ἀνδρὸς νόμος ἐστὶ τὴν 
νύμφην νυκτὶ τῇ πρώτῃ διὰ πάντων διεξελθεῖν 
τῶν δαιτυμόνων μισγομένην' τῶν δὲ ὡς ἕκαστός 
οἱ μιχθῇ, διδοῖ δῶρον. τὸ ἂν ἔχῃ φερόμενος ἐξ 
οἴκου. ὁρκίοισι δὲ καὶ μαντικῇ χρέωνται τοιῆδε' 
ὀμνύουσι μὲν τοὺς παρὰ σφίσι ἄνδρας δικαιοτά- 
τους καὶ ἀρίστους λεγομένους γενέσθαι, τούτους, 
τῶν τύμβων ἁπτόμενοι" μαντεύονται δὲ ἐπὶ τῶν 
προγόνων φοιτέοντες τὰ σήματα, καὶ .κατευξά- 
μενοι ἐπικατακοιμῶνται" τὸ ὃ àv ἴδῃ ἐν τῇ ὄψι 
ἐνύπνιον, τούτῳ χρᾶται. πίστισι δὲ τοιῇσιδε 
χρέωνται: ἐκ τῆς. χειρὸς διδοῖ πιεῖν καὶ αὐτὸς ἐκ 
τῆς τοῦ ἑτέρου πίνει" ἣν δὲ μὴ ἔχωσι ὑγρὸν μηδέν, 
οἳ δὲ τῆς χαμᾶθεν σποδοῦ λαβόντες λείχουσι. 
173. Νασαμῶσι δὲ προσόµουροι εἰσὶ Ψύλλοι. 
οὗτοι -ἐξαπολώλασι τρόπῳ τοιῷδε’ ὁ νότος σφι 
πνέων ἄνεμος τὰ ἔλυτρα τῶν ὑδάτων ἐξηύηνε, ἡ 
δὲ χώρη σφι ἅπασα ἐντὸς ἐοῦσα τῆς Σύρτιος ἡ ήν 
ἄνυδρος" οἳ δὲ βουλευσάμενοι κοινῷ λόγῳ ἐστρα- 
τεύοντο ἐπὶ τὸν νότον (λέγω δὲ ταῦτα τὰ λέγουσι 
Λίβυες), καὶ ἐπείτε ἐγίνοντο ἐν τῇ ψάμμῳ, πνεύ- 


σας 0 νότος κατέχωσε σφέας. ἐξαπολομένων δὲ 


τούτων ἔχουσι τὴν χώρην οἱ Νασαμῶνες. 

114, Τούτων δὲ κατύπερθε πρὸς νότον ἄνεμον 
ἐν τῇ θηριώδεϊ οἰκέουσι l'apápavres, ot πάντα 
ἄνθρωπον φεύγουσι καὶ παντὸς ὁμιλίην, καὶ οὔτε 


376 


BOOK IV. 172-174 


dry in the sun, and after grinding sprinkle them into 
milk and so drink it. It is their custom for every 
man to have many wives; their intercourse with 
women is promiscuous, in like manner as among 
the Massagetae ; a staff is planted before the dwell- 
ing and then they have intercourse. When a man 
of the Nasamones first weds, on the first night the 
' bride must by custom lie with each of the whole 
company in turn; and each man after intercourse 
gives her whatever gift he has brought from his 
house. As for their manner of swearing and divin- 
ation, they lay their hands on the graves of the men 
reputed most just and good among them, and by 
these men they swear; their practice of divination 
is to go to the tombs of their ancestors, where after 
making prayers they lie down to sleep, and take 
whatever dreams come to them for oracles. They ` 
give and receive pledges by drinking each from 
the hand of the other party; and if they have 


nothing liquid they take of the dust of the earth - | 


and lick it up. 

173. On the borders of the Nasamones is the 
country of the Psylli, who perished in this wise : the 
force of the south wind dried up their water-tanks, 
and all their country, lying within the region of the 
Syrtis, was waterless. Taking counsel together they 
marched southward (I tell the story as it is told by 
the Libyans), and when they came into the sandy 
desert a strong south wind buried them. So they 
perished utterly, and the Nasamones have their 
country. 

174. Inland of these to the southward the Gara- 
mantes dwell in the wild beasts' country. They shun 
the sight and fellowship of men, and have no 


377 


HERODOTUS 


ὅπλον ἐκτέαται ἀρήιον οὐδὲν οὔτε ἀμύνεσθαι 
ἐπιστέαται. 

175. Οὗτοι μὲν δὴ κατύπερθε οἰκέουσι Νασα- 
μώνων" τὸ δὲ παρὰ τὴν θάλασσαν ἔχονται τὸ 
πρὸς ἑσπέρης Μάκαι, οἳ λόφους κείρονται, τὸ μὲν 
µέσον τῶν τριχῶν ἀνιέντες αὔξεσθαι, τὰ δὲ ἔνθεν 
καὶ ἔνθεν κείροντες ἐν wpol, ἐς δὲ τὸν πόλεμον 
στρουθῶν καταγαίων δορὰς φορέουσι προβλή- 
ματα. διὰ δὲ αὐτῶν Kivu ποταμὸς ῥέων ἐκ 
λόφου καλευμένου Χαρίτων ἐς θάλασσαν ἐκδιδοῖ. 
ὁ δὲ λόφος οὗτος ὁ Χαρίτων δασὺς ἴδῃσι ἐστί, 
ἐούσης τῆς ἄλλης τῆς προκαταλεχθείσης Λιβύης 
ψιλῆς: ἀπὸ θαλάσσης δὲ ἐς αὐτὸν στάδιοι διηκό- 
σιοι εἰσί. 

116. Μακέων δὲ τούτων ἐχόμενοι Γινδᾶνες εἰσί, 
τῶν αἱ γυναῖκες περισφύρια δερμάτων πολλὰ 
ἑκάστη φορέει κατὰ τοιόνδε τι, ὡς λέγεται: κατ᾿ 
ἄνδρα ἕκαστον μιχθέντα περισφύριον περιδέεται' 
f) δὲ ἂν πλεῖστα ἔχῃ, αὕτη ἀρίστη δέδοκται εἶναι 
ὡς ὑπὸ πλεύστων ἀνδρῶν φιληθεῖσα. 

177. ᾽Ακτὴν δὲ προέχουσαν ἐς τὸν πόντον 
τούτων τῶν Γινδάνων νέμονται Λωτοφάγοι, οἳ 
τὸν καρπὸν μοῦνον τοῦ λωτοῦ τρώγοντες ζώουσι. 
ὁ δὲ τοῦ λωτοῦ καρπὸς ἐστὶ μέγαθος ὅσον τε τῆς 
σχίνου, γλυκύτητα δὲ τοῦ φοίνικος τῷ καρπῷ 
προσείκελος. ποιεῦνται δὲ ἐκ τοῦ καρποῦ τούτου 
οἱ Λωτοφάγοι καὶ οἶνον. 

118. Λωτοφάγων δὲ τὸ παρὰ θάλασσαν ἔχονται 
Μάχλυες, τῷ λωτῷ μὲν καὶ οὗτοι χρεώμενοι, 
ἀτὰρ ἡσσόν γε τῶν πρότερον λεχθέντων, κατή- 
κουσι δὲ ἐπὶ ποταμὸν μέγαν τῷ οὔνομα Τρίτων 


| 378 


BOOK IV. 174-178 


weapons of war, nor know how to defend them- 
selves. 

175. These dwell inland of the Nakanioneed ; the 
neighbouring seaboard to the west is the country of 
the Macae, who shave their hair to a crest, leaving 
that on the top of their heads to grow and shaving 
clean off what is on either side; they carry in war 
bucklers made of ostrich skins. The river Cinyps 
flows into their sea through their country from a hill 
called the Hill of the Graces. This hill is thickly 
wooded, while the rest of Libya whereof I have 
spoken is bare of trees; it is two hundred furlongs 
distant from the sea. 

176. Next to these Macae are the Gindanes, 
where every woman wears many leathern anklets, 
because (so it is said) she puts on an anklet for every 
man with whom she has had intercourse; and she 
who wears most is reputed the best, because she has 
been loved by most men. 

177. There is a headland jutting out to sea from 
the land of the Gindanes; on it dwell the Lotus- 
eaters, whose only fare is the lotus.! The lotus fruit 
is of the bigness of a mastich-berry: it has a sweet 
taste like the fruit of a date-palm ; the lotus-eaters 
not only eat it but make wine of it. 

178. Next to these along the coast are the Mach- 
lyes, who also use the lotus, but less than the people 
aforesaid. Their country reaches to a great river 

1 The fruit of the Rhamnus Lotus, which grows in this 


part of Africa, is said to be eatable, but not so delicious as to 
justify its Homeric epithet ** honey-sweet." 


379 


HERODOTUS 


éa Ti- ἐκδιδοῖ δὲ οὗτος ἐς λίμνην μεγάλην Ἔρι- 
τωνίδα᾽ ἐν δὲ αὐτῇ νῆσος ἔνι τῇ οὔνομα PAd. 
ταύτην δὲ τὴν νῆσον Λακεδαιμονίοισι φασὶ λόγιον 
εἶναι κτίσαι. 

119. Ἔστι δὲ καὶ ὅδε λόγος λεγόμενος. 'Ἰήσονα, 
ἐπείτε οἱ ἐξεργάσθη ὑπὸ τῷ Πηλίφ 7) ᾿Αργώ, 
ἐσθέμενον ἐς αὐτὴν ἄλλην τε ἑκατόμβην καὶ δὴ 
καὶ τρίποδα χάλκεον περιπλώειν Πελοπόννησον, 
βουλόμενον ἐς Δελφοὺς ἀπικέσθαι. καί μιν, ὡς 
πλέοντα γενέσθαι. κατὰ Μαλέην, ὑπολαβεῖν d ἄνεμον 
Βορέην καὶ ἀποφέρειν. πρὸς τὴν Λιβύην: πρὶν δὲ 
κατιδέσθαι γῆν, ἐν τοῖσι βράχεσι γενέσθαι λίμνης 
τῆς Τριτωνίδος. καί οἱ ἀπορέοντι τὴν ἐξαγωγὴν 
λόγος ἐστὶ φανῆναι Τρίτωνα καὶ κελεύειν τὸν 
Ἰήσονα ἑωυτῷ δοῦναι τὸν -τρίποδα, φάμενόν σφι 
καὶ τὸν πόρον δέξειν καὶ ἀπήμονας ἀποστελέειν. 
πειθομένου δὲ τοῦ Ἰήσονος, οὕτω δὴ τόν τε διέκ- 
πλοον τῶν βραχέων δεικνύναι τὸν Τρίτωνά σφι 
καὶ τὸν τρίποδα θεῖναι ἐν τῷ. ἑωυτοῦ ip@, ἐπιθεσ- 
πίσαντά τε τῷ τρύποδι καὶ τοῖσι σὺν Ἰήσονι 
σημήναντα τὸν πάντα λόγον, ὡς ἐπεὰν τὸν τρί- 
ποδα κομίσηται τῶν ἐκγόνων τις τῶν ἐν τῇ ᾿Αργοῖ 
συμπλεόντων, τότε ἑκατὸν πόλιας οἰκῆσαι περὶ 
τὴν Τριτωνίδα λίμνην Ἑλληνίδας πᾶσαν εἶναι 
ἀνάγκην. ταῦτα ἀκούσαντας τοὺς ἐπιχωρίους 
τῶν Λιβύων κρύψαι τὸν τρύποδα. 

180. Tovrwy δὲ € ἔχονται τῶν Μαχλύων Αὐσέες' 
οὗτοι δὲ καὶ οἱ Μάχλυες πέριξ τὴν Τριτωνίδα 
λίμνην οἰκέουσι, τὸ μέσον δέ σφι οὐρίζει ὁ 
Τρίτων. καὶ οἱ μὲν Μάχλυες τὰ ὀπίσω κομῶσι 
τῆς κεφαλῆς, οἱ δὲ Αὐσέες τὰ ἔμπροσθε. ὁρτῇ 
δὲ ἐνιαυσίῃ ᾿Αθηναίης αἱ παρθένοι αὐτῶν δίχα 


380 


BOOK IV. 178-180 


called Triton,! which issues into the great Tritonian 
lake, wherein is an island called Phla. It is said that 
the Lacedaemonians were bidden by an oracle to 
plant a settlement on this island. 

179. The following story is also told :—Jason (it is 
said) when the Argo had been built at the foot of 
Pelion, put therein besides a hecatomb a bronze 
tripod, and set forth to sail round Peloponnesus, that 
he might come to Delphi. But when in his course 
he was off Malea, a north wind caught and carried him 
away to Libya; and before he could spy land he 
came into the shallows of the Tritonian Jake. There, 
while yet he could find no way out, Triton (so goes 
the story) appeared to him and bade Jason give him 
the tripod, promising so to show the shipmen the 
channel and send them on their way unharmed. 
Jason did his bidding, and Triton then showed them 
the passage out of the shallows and set the tripod in 
his own temple; but first he prophesied over it, de- 
claring the whole matter to Jason’s comrades: to wit, 
that when any descendant of the Argo’s crew should 
take away the tripod, then needs must a hundred 
Greek cities be founded on the shores of the Triton- 
ian lake. Hearing this (it issaid) the Libyan people 
of the country hid the tripod. 

180. Next to these Machlyes are the Ausees ; ; these 
and the Machlyes, divided by the Triton, dwell on 
the shores of the Tritonian lake. The Machlyes 
wear the hair of their heads long behind, the Ausees 
in front. They make a yearly festival to Athene, 


! The “Triton” legend may arise from the Argonauts 
finding a river which reminded them of their own river 
Triton in Boeotia, and at the same time identifying the local 
goddess (cp. 180) with Athene, one of whose epithets was 
Τριτογένεια (whatever that means). 


381 


HERODOTUS 


διαστᾶσαι μάχονται πρὸς ἀλλήλας λίθοισί τε καὶ 
ξύλοισι, τῷ αὐθιγενέι θεῷ λέγουσαι τὰ πάτρια 
ἀποτελέειν, τὴν ᾿Αθηναίην καλέομεν. τὰς δὲ 
ἀποθνησκούσας τῶν παρθένων ἐκ τῶν τρωμάτων 
ψευδοπαρθένους καλέουσι. πρὶν δὲ ἀνεῖναι αὐτὰς 
μάχεσθαι, τάδε ποιεῦσι «oui παρθένον τὴν 
καλλιστεύουσαν ἑκάστοτε κοσμήσαντες κυνέῃ τε 
Κορινθίῃ καὶ πανοπλίῃ Ἑλληνικῇ καὶ ἐπ᾽ ἅρμα 
ἀναβιβάσαντες περιάγουσι τὴν λίμνην κύκλῳ. 
ὁτέοισι δὲ τὸ πάλαι ἐκόσμεον τὰς παρθένους πρὶν 
ἤ ἤ σφι Ἕλληνας παροικισθῆναι, οὐκ ἔχω εἰπεῖν, 
δοκέω δ᾽ ὧν «Αἰγυπτίοισι ὅπλοισι κοσμέεσθαι 
αὐτάς ἀπὸ γὰρ Αἰγύπτου καὶ τὴν ἀσπίδα καὶ τὸ 
κράνος φημὶ ἀπῖχθαι ἐς τοὺς Ἕλληνας. τὴν δὲ 
᾿Αθηναίην φασὶ Ἡοσειδέωνος εἶναι θυγατέρα καὶ 
τῆς Τριτωνίδος λίμνης, καί μιν μεμφθεῖσάν τι 
τῷ πατρὶ δοῦναι ἑωυτὴν τῷ Au, τὸν δὲ Δία ἑ ἑωυτοῦ 
μιν ποιήσασθαι θυγατέρα. ταῦτα μὲν λέγουσι, 
μῖξιν δὲ ἐπίκοινον τῶν γυναικῶν ποιέονται, οὔτε 
συνοικέοντες κτηνηδὀν τε μισγόμενοι. ἐπεὰν δὲ 
γυναικὶ τὸ παιδίον ἁδρὸν γένηται, συμφοιτῶσι 
ἐς τὠυτὸ οἱ ἄνδρες τρίτου µηνός, καὶ τῷ ἂν οἴκῃ 
τῶν ἀνδρῶν τὸ παιδίον, τούτου παῖς νομίζεται. 
181. Οὗτοι μὲν οἱ | παραθαλάσσιοι τῶν νομάδων 
Λιβύων εἰρέαται, ὑπὲρ δὲ τούτων ἐς μεσόγαιαν 7) 
0 ηριώδης ἐστὶ Λιβύη, ὑπὲρ δὲ τῆς θηριώδεος 
ὀφρύη ψάµµης κατήκει παρατείνουσα ἀπὸ 87- 
Βέων τῶν Αἰγυπτιέων € ἐπ᾿ Ἡρακλέας στήλας. ἐν 


1 Herodotus’ description is truc in so far as it points to the 
undoubted fact of 8 caravan route from Egypt to N.W. 
Africa; the starting-point of which, however, should be 
Memphis and not Thebes. But his distances between identi- 


382 


BOOK IV. 180-181 


whereat their maidens are parted into two bands 
and fight each other with stones and staves, thus (as 
they say) honouring after their people’s manner that 
native goddess whom we call Athene. Maidens 
that die of their wounds are called false virgins. 
Before the girls are set fighting, the whole people 
choose ever the fairest maiden, and equip her with 
a Corinthian helmet and Greek panoply, to be then 
mounted on a chariot and drawn all along the lake 
shore. With what armour they equipped their 
maidens before Greeks came to dwell near them, I 
cannot say; but I suppose the armour to have been 
Egyptian; for I hold that the Greeks got their 
shield and helmet from Egypt. As for Athene, 
they say that she was daughter of Poseidon and the 
Tritonian lake, and that, being for some cause wroth 
with her father, she gave herself to Zeus, who made 
her his own daughter. Such is their tale. The. 
intercourse of men and women there is promiscuous ; 
they do not cohabit but have intercourse like cattle. 
When a woman's child is well grown, within three 
months thereafter the men assemble, and the child 
is adjudged to be that man's to whom it is most 
like. 

181. I have now told of all the nomad Libyans 
that dwell on the sea-coast. Farther inland than 
these is that Libyan country which is haunted by 
wild beasts, and beyond this wild beasts land there 
runs a ridge of sand that stretches from Thebes ot 
Egypt to the Pillars of Heracles.! After about a ten 


fiable places are nearly always incorrect ; the whole descrip- 
tion will not bear criticism. The reader is referred to the 
editions of Rawlinson, Macan, and How and Wells for 
detailed discussion of difficulties. 


383 


HERODOTUS 


δὲ τῇ ὀφρύῃ ταύτῃ μάλιστα διὰ Sica ἡμερέων 
ὁδοῦ ἁλός ἐστι τρύφεα κατὰ χόνδρους μεγάλους 
ἐν κολωνοῖσι, καὶ ἐν κορυφῇσι ἑκάστου τοῦ 
κολωνοῦ ἀνακοντίξει ἐκ μέσου τοῦ ἁλὸς ὕδωρ 
ψυχρὸν καὶ γλυκύ, περὶ δὲ αὐτὸν ἄνθρωποι 
οἰκέουσι ἔσχατοι πρὸς τῆς ἐρήμου καὶ ὑπὲρ τῆς 
θηριώδεος, πρῶτοι μὲν ἀπὸ Θηβέων διὰ δέκα 
ἡμερέων ὁδοῦ ᾿Αμμώνιοι, ἔχοντες τὸ ἱρὸν ἀπὸ τοῦ 
Θηβαιέος Atos: καὶ γὰρ τὸ] ἐν Θήβησι, ὡς καὶ 
πρότερον εἴρηταί pot, κριοπρόσωπον τοῦ Διὸς 
τῶγαλμα ἐστί. τυγχάνει δὲ καὶ ἄλλο σφι ὕδωρ 
κρηναῖον ἐόν, τὸ τὸν μὲν ὄρθρον γίνεται χλιαρόν, 
yada aie δὲ πληθυούσης ψυχρότερον, μεσαμβρίη τε 
ἐστὶ καὶ τὸ κάρτα γίνεται ψυχρόν' τηνικαῦτα ὲ 
ἄρδουσι τοὺς κήπους" ἀποκλινομένης δὲ τῆς 
ἡμέρης ὑπίεται τοῦ ψυχροῦ, ἐς οὗ δύεταί τε ὦ 
ἥλιος καὶ τὸ ὕδωρ γίνεται χλιαρόν" ἐπὶ δὲ μᾶλλον 
ἰὸν ἐς τὸ θερμὸν ἐς μέσας νύκτας πελάζει, τηνι- 
καῦτα δὲ ξέει ἀμβολάδην" παρέρχονταί, τε μέσαι 
νύκτες καὶ ψύχεται μέχρι ἐς ἠῶ. ἐπίκλησιν δὲ 
ud κ κρήνη καλέεται ἡλίου. 

. Μετὰ δὲ ᾿Αμμωνίους διὰ τῆς ὀφρύης τῆς 
ἐν. δι᾽ ἀλλέων δέκα ἡ ἡμερέων ὁδοῦ κολωνός τε 
ἁλός ἐστι ὅμοιος τῷ ᾿Αμμωνίῳ καὶ ὕδωρ, καὶ ἄν- 
θρωποι περὶ αὐτὸν οἰκέουσι: τῷ δὲ χώρῳ τούτῳ 
οὔνομα Λὔγιλα ἐστί. ἐς τοῦτον τὸν χῶρον οἱ 
Νασαμῶνες ὁ ὁπωριεῦντες τοὺς φοίνικας φοιτῶσι. 

189. ᾿Απὸ δὲ Αὐγίλων διὰ δέκα ἡμερέων 
ἀλλέων ὁδοῦ ἕτερος ἁλὸς κολωνὸς καὶ ὕδωρ καὶ 
φοίνικες καρποφόροι πολλοί, κατά περ καὶ ἐν 
τοῖσι ἑτέροισι καὶ ἄνθρωποι οἰκέουσι ἐν αὐτῷ 


1 [τὸ] Stein; and the article certainly makes the grammar 
difficult. 


384 


| 
| 
| 


BOOK IV. 181-183 


days' journey along this ridge there are masses of 
great lumps of salt in hillocks ; on the top of every 
hillock a fountain of cold sweet water shoots up 
from the midst of the salt; men dwell round it who 
are farthest away towards the desert and inland from 
the wild beasts' country. The first on the journey 
from Thebes, ten days distant from that place, are 
the Ammonians, who follow the worship of the 
Zeus of Thebes; for, as I have before said, the 
image of Zeus at Thebes has the head of a ram. 
They have another spring of water besides, which 
is warm at dawn, and colder at market-time, and 
very cold at noon ; and it is then that they water their 
gardens; as the day declines the coldness abates, 
till at sunset the water grows warm. It becomes 
ever hotter and hotter till midnight, and then it 
boils and bubbles; after midnight it becomes ever 
cooler till dawn. This spring is called the spring of 
the sun. 

182. At a distance of ten days' journey again 
from the Ammonians along the sandy ridge, there is 
a hillock of salt like that of the Ammonians, and 
springs of water, where men dwell; this place is 
called Augila ; it is to this that the Nasamones are 
wont to come to gather palm-fruit. 

183. Afterten days' journey again from Augila th ere 
is yet another hillock of salt and springs of water 
and many fruit-bearing palms, as at the other places; 


385 


VOL. II. í C C 


HERODOTUS 


τοῖσι οὔνομα Γαράμαντες ἐστί, ἔθνος μέγα to- 
χυρῶς, οἳ ἐπὶ τὸν ἅλα γῆν ἐπιφορέοντες οὕτω 
σπείρουσι. συντομώτατον ὃ ἐστὶ ἐς τοὺς Λωτο- 
φάγους, ἐκ τῶν τριήκοντα ἡμερέων ἐς αὐτοὺς ὀδός 
ἐστι ἐν τοῖσι καὶ οἱ ὀπισθονόμοι βόες γίνονται" 
ὀπισθονόμοι δὲ διὰ τόδε εἰσί. τὰ κέρεα ἔχουσι 
κεκυφότα ἐς τὸ ἔμπροσθε: διὰ τοῦτο ὀπίσω ἀναχω- 
ρέοντες νέμονται" ἐς γὰρ τὸ ἔμπροσθε οὐκ οἷοί τε 
εἰσὶ προεμβαλλόντων ἐς τὴν γῆν τῶν κερέων. 
ἄλλο δὲ οὐδὲν διαφέρουσι τῶν ἄλλων βοῶν ὅτι μὴ 
τοῦτο καὶ τὸ δέρμα ἐς παχύτητά τε καὶ τρῖψιν. 
οἱ Γαράμαντες δὴ οὗτοι τοὺς τρωγλοδύτας Αἰθίο- 
πας θηρεύουσι τοῖσι τεθρίπποισι: οἱ γὰρ τρω- 
γλοδύται Αἰθίοπες πόδας τάχιστοι ἀνθρώπων 
πάντων εἰσὶ τῶν ἡμεῖς πέρι λόγους ἀποφερομένους 
ἀκούομεν. σιτέονται δὲ οἱ τρωγλοδύται ὄφις καὶ 
σαύρους καὶ τὰ τοιαῦτα τῶν ἑρπετῶν' γλῶσσαν 
δὲ οὐδεμιῇ ἄλλη παρομοίην νενομίκασι, ἀλλὰ 
τετρίγασι κατά περ αἱ νυκτερίδες. 

184. ᾿Απὸ δὲ Γαραμάντων δι ἀλλέων δέκα 
ἡμερέων ὁδοῦ ἄλλος ἁλός τε κολωνὸς καὶ ὕδωρ, 
καὶ ἄνθρωποι περὶ αὐτὸν οἰκέουσι τοῖσι οὔνομα 
ἐστὶ ᾿Ατάραντες, of ἀνώνυμοι εἰσὶ μοῦνοι av- 
θρώπων τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν: ἁλέσι μὲν γάρ σφι ἐστὶ 
᾿Ατάραντες οὔνομα, ἑνὶ δὲ ἑκάστῳ αὐτῶν οὔνομα 
οὐδὲν κέεται. οὗτοι τῷ ἡλίῳ ὑπερβάλλοντι κατα- 
ρῶνται καὶ πρὸς τούτοισι πάντα τὰ αἰσχρὰ 
λοιδορέονται, ὅτι σφέας καίων ἐπιτρίβει, αὐτούς 
τε τοὺς ἀνθρώπους καὶ τὴν χώρην αὐτῶν. μετὰ 
δὲ δι᾽ ἀλλέων δέκα ἡμερέων ἄλλος, κολωνὸς ἁλὸς 
καὶ ὕδωρ, καὶ ἄνθρωποι περὶ αὐτὸν οἰκέουσι. 
ἔχεται δὲ τοῦ ἁλὸς τούτου ὄρος τῷ οὔνομα ἐστὶ 
386 


BOOK IV. 183-184 


men dwell there called Garamantes, an exceeding 
great nation, who sow in earth which they have laid 
on the salt. Hence is the shortest way to the Lotus- 
eaters’ country, thirty days’ journey distant. Among 
the Garamantes are the oxen that go backward as 
they graze; whereof the reason is that their horns 
curve forward; therefore they walk backward in 
their grazing, not being able to go forward, seeing - 
that the horns would project into the ground. In 
all else they are like other oxen, save that their hide 
is thicker, and different to the touch. These Gara- 
mantes go in their four-horse chariots chasing the 
cave-dwelling Ethiopians: for the Ethiopian cave- 
dwellers are swifter of foot than any men of whom 
tales are brought to us. They live on snakes, and 
lizards, and such-like creeping things. Their speech 
is like none other in the world; it is like the 
squeaking of bats. 

184. After another ten days’ journey from the 
Garamantes there is again a salt hillock and water; 
men dwell there called Atarantes. These are the 
only men known to us who have no names; for the 
whole people are called Atarantes, but no man has a 
name of his own. These when the sun is exceeding 
hot curse and most foully revile him, for that his 
burning heat afflicts their people and theirland. After 
another ten days' journey there is again a hillock 
of salt, and water, and men dwelling there. Near 
to this salt is à mountain called Atlas, the shape 


387 
cc 2 


HERODOTUS 


LÁ y \ λ M \ / 
Ατλας, ἔστι δὲ στεινὸν καὶ κυκλοτερὲς πάντη, 
e Ν . e / / ο 
ὑψηλὸν δὲ οὕτω δή τι λέγεται ὡς τὰς κορυφὰς 
αὐτοῦ οὐκ οἷά τε εἶναι ἰδέσθαι: οὐδέκοτε γὰρ 

, 
αὐτὰς ἀπολείπειν νέφεα οὔτε θέρεος οὔτε χει- 
^ ^ N ld ^ ^ , 
μῶνος. «τοῦτο τὸν κίονα τοῦ οὐρανοῦ λέγουσι 
, ^ 
οἱ ἐπιχώριοι εἶναι. ἐπὶ τούτου τοῦ ὄρεος οἱ ἄν- 
/ 
θρωποι οὗτοι ἐπώνυμοι ἐγένοντο' καλέονται γὰρ 
δὴ LÁ / δὲ kad » δὲ 
n Ατλαντες. λέγονται δὲ οὔτε ἔμψυχον οὐδὲν 
, 6 ^ 
σιτέεσθαι οὔτε ἐνύπνια ὁρᾶν. 
^ , / 
185. Μέχρι μὲν δὴ τῶν ᾿Ατλάντων τούτων ἔχω 
»" "^ 9 . 

τὰ οὐνόματα τῶν ἐν τῇ ὀφρύῃ κατοικημένων 
καταλέξαι, τὸ ὃ ἀπὸ τούτων οὐκέτι. διήκει δ 
4 ε 2 ,c , ε , ) ν ` 
ὧν ἡ ὀφρύη μέχρι Ἡρακλέων στηλέων καὶ τὸ 
ἔξω τουτεων. ἔστι δὲ ἁλός τε μέταλλον ἐν αὐτῇ 

[4 A y * 

διὰ δέκα ἡμερέων ὁδοῦ καὶ ἄνθρωποι οἰκέοντες. 

τὰ δὲ οἰκία τούτοισι πᾶσι ἐκ τῶν ἀλίνων χόνδρων 
, ^ A ^ 

οἰκοδομέαται. ταῦτα yap ἤδη τῆς Λιβύης 

, , 

dvouspa ἐστί' οὐ γὰρ ἂν ἠδυνέεατο μένειν οἱ 

^ 37 σ > e e δὲ ^ , )0 ὶ 

τοῖχοι ἐόντες ἄλινοι, εἰ ὗε. ὁ δὲ AAS αὐτόθι κα 

ν ΄ 
λευκὸς καὶ πορφύρεος τὸ εἶδος ὀρύσσεται. ὑπὲρ 
- ’ 

δὲ τῆς ὀφρύης τὸ πρὸς νότου καὶ ἐς μεσόγαιαν 
m ; m \ xy \ y 

τῆς Λιβύης ἔρημος καὶ avudpos καὶ ἄθηρος καὶ 

\ 

ἄνομβρος καὶ ἄξυλος ἐστὶ ἡ χώρη, καὶ ἰκμάδος 
ἐστὶ ἐν αὐτῇ οὐδέν. 

186. Οὕτω μὲν μέχρι τῆς Τριτωνίδος λίμνης 


, , 3 / 
ἀπ Αἰγύπτου νομάδες εἰσὶ κρεοφάγοι τε καὶ: 


γαλακτοπόται Λίβυες, καὶ θηλέων τε βοῶν οὔτι 
/ 

γευόμενοι, διότι περ οὐδὲ Αἰγύπτιοι, καὶ Ùs οὐ 
/ ^ , / » v9 4 

τρέφοντες. βοῶν μεν νυν θηλέων οὐδ᾽ αἱ Κυρη- 


’ ^ ^ , \ M > cá 
ναίων γυναῖκες δικαιεῦσι πατέεσθαι διὰ τὴν ἐν 


Αἰγύπτῳ Ἶσιν, ἀλλὰ καὶ νηστηίας αὐτῇ καὶ 


388 ` 


BOOK IV. 184-186 


whereof is slender and a complete circle ; and it is said 
to be so high that its summits cannot be seen, for 
cloud is ever upon them winter and summer. The 
people of the country call it the pillar of heaven. 
These men have got their name, which is Atlantes, 
from this mountain. It is said that they eat no 
living creature, and see no dreams in their sleep. 

185. I know and can tell the names of all the 
peoples that dwell on the ridge as far as the Atlantes, 
but no farther than that. But this I know, that the 
ridge reaches as far as the Pillars of Heracles and 
" beyond them. There is a mine of salt on it a ten 
days' journey distant from the Atlantes, and men 
dwell there. Their houses are all built of the blocks 
of salt; here begins the part of Libya where no rain 
falls; for the walls, being of salt, could not stand 
firm if there were rain. The salt which is dug from 
this mine is both white and purple. Beyond this 
ridge the southern and inland parts of Libya are 
desert and waterless; no wild beasts are there, nor 
rain, nor forests ; this region is wholly without 
. moisture. 

186. Thus from Egypt to the Tritonian lake, the 
Libyans are nomads that eat meat and drink milk; 
for the same reason as the Egyptians too pro- 
fess, they will not touch the flesh of cows; and they 
rear no swine. The women of Cyrene too deem it 
wrong to eat cows' flesh, because of the Isis of 
Egypt; nay, they even honour her with fasts and 


389 


HERODOTUS, 


ὁρτὰς ἐπιτελέουσι: αἱ δὲ τῶν Βαρκαίων γυναῖκες 
οὐδὲ ὑῶν πρὸς τῇσι Bovoi γεύονται. 

181. Ταῦτα μὲν δὴ οὕτω ἔχει. τὸ δὲ πρὸς 
ἑσπέρης τῆς Τριτωνίδος λίμνης οὐκέτι νομάδες 
εἰσὶ Λίβυες οὐδὲ νόμοισι τοῖσι αὐτοῖσι χρεώμενοι, 
οὐδὲ κατὰ τὰ παιδία ποιεῦντες οἷόν τι καὶ οἱ 
νομάδες ἐώθασι ποιέειν. οἱ γὰρ δὴ τῶν Λιβύων 
νομάδες, εἰ μὲν πάντες, οὐκ ἔχω ἀτρεκέως τοῦτο 
εἰπεῖν, ποιεῦσι δὲ αὐτῶν συχνοὶ τοιάδε: τῶν 
παιδίων τῶν σφετέρων, ἐπεὰν τετραέτεα γένηται, 
οἴσπῃ προβάτων καίουσι τὰς ἐν τῇσι κορυφῇσι 
φλέβας, μετεξέτεροι δὲ αὐτῶν τὰς ἐν τοῖσι κροτά- 
φοισι, τοῦδε εἵνεκα ὡς μή. σφεας ἐς τὸν πάντα 
χρόνον καταρρέον φλέγμα ἐκ τῆς κεφαλῆς δηλέ- 
ηται. καὶ διὰ τοῦτο σφέας λέγουσι εἶναι ὑγιηρο- 
τάτους" εὐσὶ γὰρ ὡς ἀληθέως οἱ Λίβυες ἀνθρώπων 
πάντων ὑγιηρότατοι τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν, εἰ .μὲν διὰ 
τοῦτο, οὐκ ἔχω ἀτρεκέως εἰπεῖν, ὑγιηρότατοι δ᾽ 


ὧν εἰσί. ἦν δὲ καίουσι τὰ παιδία σπασμὸς emu 


γένηται, ἐξεύρηταί σφι ἄκος' τράγου γὰρ οὗρον 
σπείσαντες ῥύονται σφέα. λέγω δὲ τὰ λέγουσι 
αὐτοὶ Λίβυες. 

188. Θυσίαι δὲ τοῖσι νομάσι εἰσὶ aide: ἐπεὰν 
τοῦ ὠτὸς ἀπάρξωνται τοῦ κτήνεος, ῥιπτέουσι 
ὑπὲρ τὸν δόμον, τοῦτο δὲ ποιήσαντες ἀποστρέ- 
φουσι τὸν αὐχένα αὐτοῦ" θύουσι δὲ ἡλίῳ καὶ 
σελήνη μούνοισι, τούτοισι μέν νυν πάντες Λί- 
βυες θύουσι, ἆ ἀτὰρ οἱ περὶ τὴν Τριτωνίδα λίμνην 
νέμοντες τῇ ᾿Αθηναίῃ μάλιστα, μετὰ δὲ τῷ Τρί- 
τωνι καὶ τῷ Ποσειδέωνι. 

189. Τὴν δὲ ἄρα ἐσθῆτα καὶ τὰς αἰγίδας τῶν 
ἀγαλμάτων τῆς ᾿Αθηναίης ἐκ τῶν Λιβυσσέων 


390 


BOOK IV. 186-189 


festivals; and the Barcaean women refuse to eat ΄ 
swine too as well as cows. 

187. Thus it is with this region. But westward of 
the Tritonian lake the Libyans are not nomads; they 
follow not the same usages, nor treat their children 
as the nomads are wont to do. For the practice of 
many Libyan nomads (I cannot with exactness say 
whether it be the practice of all) is to take their 
children when four years old, and with grease of 
sheep's wool to burn the veins of their scalps or 
sometimes of their temples, that so the children may 
be never afterwards afflicted by phlegm running 
down from the head. They say that this makes their 
children most healthy. In truth no men known to 
us are so healthy as the Libyans; whether it be by 
reason of this practice, I cannot with exactness say ; 
but most healthy they certainly are. When the 
children smart from the pain of the burning the 
Libyans have found a remedy, which is, to heal them 
by moistening with goats’ urine. This is what the 
Libyans themselves say. 

188. The nomads' manner of sacrificing is to cut a 
piece from the victim's ear for first-fruits and throw 
it over the house; which done they wring the 
victim's neck. They sacrifice to no gods save the 
sun and moon; that is, this is the practice of the 
whole nation ; but the dwellers by the Tritonian lake 
sacrifice to Athene chiefly, and next to Triton and 
Poseidon. l 

189. It would seem that the robe and aegis of the 

„images of Athene were copied by the Greeks from 


391 


HERODOTUS 


ἐποιήσαντο οἱ Ελληνες πλὴν γὰρ ἢ ὅτι σκυτίνη 
7 ἐσθὴς τῶν Λιθυσσέων ἐστὶ καὶ οἱ θύσανοι οἱ ἐκ 
τῶν αἰγίδων αὐτῇσι οὐκ ὄφιες εἰσὶ ἀλλὰ ἱμάντινοι, 
τά Aye 1 ἄλλα πάντα κατὰ τὠυτὸ ἔσταλται. καὶ δὴ 
καὶ τὸ οὔνομα κατηγορέει ὅτι ἐκ Λιβύης ἥκει ἡ 
στολὴ τῶν Παλλαδίων' αἰγέας γὰρ περιβάλ- 
λονται ψιλὰς περὶ τὴν ἐσθῆτα θυσανωτὰς αἱ 
Λίβυσσαι κεχριμένας ἐρευθεδάνῳ, ἐκ δὲ τῶν 
αἰγέων τουτέων αἰγίδας οἱ "Ελληνες μετωνόμασαν. 
δοκέει Ò ἔμοιγε καὶ ὀλολυγὴ ἐν ἱροῖσι ἐνθαῦτα 
πρῶτον γενέσθαι" κάρτα γὰρ ταύτῃ χρέωνται 
καλῶς ai Λίβυσσαι. καὶ τέσσερας ἵππους συζευ- 
γνύναι παρὰ Λιβύων οἱ “Ελληνες μεμαθήκασι, 

190. Θάπτουσι δὲ τοὺς ἀποθνήσκοντας οἱ νο- 
μάδες κατά περ ot” EXXqves, πλὴν Νασαμώνων' 
οὗτοι δὲ -κατηµμένους θάπτουσι, φυλάσσοντες, 
ἐπεὰν ἀπιῇ τὴν ψυχήν, ὅ ὅκως μιν κατίσουσι μηδὲ 
ὕπτιος ἀποθανέεται. οἰκήματα δὲ σύμπηκτα ἐξ 
ἀνθερίκων ἐνειρμένων | περὶ σχοίνους ἐστί, καὶ 
ταῦτα περιφορητά. νόμοισι μὲν τοιούτοισι οὗτοι 
χρέωνται. 

191. Τὸ δὲ πρὸς ἑσπέρης τοῦ Τρίτωνος ποταμοῦ 
Αὐσέων ἔχονται ἀροτῆρες ἤδη Λίβυες καὶ οἰκίας 
νομίξοντες ἐκτῆσθαι, τοῖσι οὔνομα κέεται Μάξυες" 
οἳ τὰ ἐπὶ δεξιὰ τῶν κεφαλέων κομόωσι, τὰ ὃ ἐπ 
ἀριστερὰ κείρουσι, τὸ δὲ σῶμα χρίονται μίλτῳ. 
φασὶ δὲ οὗτοι εἶναι τῶν ἐκ Τροίης ἀνδρῶν. ἡ δὲ 


1 The aegis is the conventional buckler of Pallas. Pro- 
bably the conservatism of religious art retained for the 
warrior goddess the goatskin buckler which was one of the 
earliest forms of human armour. 

3 The ὀλολυγή (says Dr. Macan) was proper to the worship 


392 


BOOK IV. 189-19: 


the Libyan women ; for save that the dress of Libyan 
women is leathern, and that the tassels of their goat- 
skin bucklers are not snakes but made of thongs of 
hide, in all else their equipment is the same. Nay, 
the very name bewrays that the raiment of the 
statues of Pallas has come from Libya; for Libyan 
women wear bairless tasselled goatskins over their 
dress, coloured with madder, and the Greeks have 
changed the name of these into their “ aegis.” 1 
Further, to my thinking the ceremonial chant? first 
took its rise in Libya: for the women of that country 
chant very tunefully. And it is from the Libyans 
that the Greeks have learnt to drive four-horse 
chariots. | 

190. The dead are buried by the nomads in Greek 
fashion, save by the Nasamones. These bury their 
dead sitting, being careful to make the dying man 
sit when he gives up the ghost, and not die lying 
supine. Their dwellings are compact of asphodel- 
stalks § twined about reeds; they can be carried 
hither and thither. Such are the Libyan usages. 

191. Westward of the river Triton and next to 
the Ausees begins the country of Libyans who till 
the soil and possess houses; they are called Maxyes; 
they wear their hair long on the right side of their 
heads and shave the left, and they paint their bodies 
with vermilion. These claim descent from the men 
who came from Troy. Their country, and the rest 


of Athene; a cry of triumph or exultation, perhaps of 
Eastern origin and connected with the Semitic Hallelu 
(which survives in Hallelu-jah). 

* Asphodel is a long-stalked plant. The name has acquired 
picturesque associations; but Homer's '' asphodel meadow ” 
is in the unhappy realm of the dead, and is intended clearly 
to indicate a place of rank weeds. 


393 


HERODOTUS 


χώρη αὕτη τε καὶ ἡ λοιπὴ τῆς Λιβύης ἡ πρὸς 
ἑσπέρην πολλῷ θηριωδεστέρη τε καὶ δασυτέρη 
ἐστὶ τῆς τῶν νομάδων χώρης. ἡ μὲν γὰρ δὴ 
πρὸς τὴν ἠῶ τῆς Λιβύης, τὴν οἱ νομάδες νέμουσι, 
ἐστὶ ταπεινή τε καὶ ψαμμώδης μέχρι τοῦ Τρί- 
τωνος ποταμοῦ, ἡ δὲ ἀπὸ τούτου τὸ πρὸς ἑσπέρην 
ἡ τῶν ἀροτήρων ὀρεινή τε κάρτα καὶ δασέα καὶ 
θηριώδης: καὶ γὰρ οἱ ὄφιες οἱ ὑπερμεγάθεες καὶ οἱ 
λέοντες κατὰ τούτους εἰσὶ καὶ οἱ ἐλέφαντές τε καὶ 
ἄρκτοι καὶ ἀσπίδες τε καὶ ὄνοι οἱ τὰ κέρεα ἔχον- 
τες καὶ οἱ κυνοκέφαλοι καὶ οἱ ἀκέφαλοι οἱ ἐν 
τοῖσι στήθεσι τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς ἔχοντες, ὡς δὴ 
λέγονταί γε ὑπὸ Λιβύων, καὶ οἱ ἄγριοι ἄνδρες καὶ 
γυναῖκες ἄγριαι, καὶ ἄλλα πλήθεϊ πολλὰ θηρία 
ἀκατάψευστα. 

193, Κατὰ τοὺς νομάδας δὲ ἐστὶ τούτων οὐδέν, 
ἀλλ ἄλλα τοιάδε, πύγαργοι καὶ ζορκάδες καὶ 
βουβάλιες καὶ ὄνοι, οὐκ οἱ τὰ κέρεα ἔχοντες ἀλλ᾽ 
ἄλλοι ἄποτοι (οὐ γὰρ δὴ πίνουσι), καὶ ὄρυες, τῶν 
τὰ κέρεα τοῖσι φοΐνιξι οἱ πήχεες ποιεῦνται (μέγα- 
θος δὲ τὸ θηρίον τοῦτο κατὰ βοῦν ἐστι), καὶ βασ- 
σάρια καὶ ὕαιναι καὶ ὕστριχες καὶ κριοὶ ἄγριοι 
καὶ δίκτυες καὶ θῶες καὶ πάνθηρες καὶ Bopves, 
καὶ κροκόδειλοι ὅσον τε τριπήχεες χερσαῖοι, τῆσι 
σαύρησι ἐμφερέστατοι, καὶ στρουθοὶ κατάγαιοι, 
καὶ ὄφιες μικροί, κέρας èv ἕκαστος ἔχοντες" ταῦτά 
τε δὴ αὐτόθι ἐστὶ θηρία καὶ τά περ τῇ ἄλλη, 
πλὴν ἐλάφου τε καὶ ὑὸς ἀγρίου: ἔλαφος δὲ καὶ ὃς 
ἄγριος ἐν Λιβύη πάμπαν οὐκ ἔστι. μυῶν δὲ 
γένεα τριξὰ αὐτόθι ἐστί: of μὲν δίποδες καλέον- 
ται, οἳ δὲ ζεγέριες (τὸ δὲ οὔνομα τοῦτο ἐστὶ μὲν 
Λιβυστικόν, δύναται δὲ κατ᾽ Ἑλλάδα γλῶσσαν 


394 


BOOK IV. 191-192 


of the western part of Libya, is much fuller of wild 
beasts and more wooded than the country of the 
nomads. For the eastern region of Libya, which 
the nomads inhabit, is low-lying and sandy as far as 
the river Triton; but the land westward of this, 
where dwell the tillers of the soil, is exceeding 
hilly and wooded and full of wild beasts. In that 
country are the huge snakes, and the elephants and 
bears and asps, the horned asses, the dog-headed 
men and the headless that have their eyes in their 
breasts, as the Libyans say, and the wild men and 
women, besides many other creatures not fabulous. 
192. But in the nomads' country there are none 
of these; yet there are others, gazelles of divers 
kinds, asses, not the horned asses, but those that are 
called undrinking (for indeed they never drink), 
antelopes of the bigness of an ox, the horns whereof 
are made into the sides of a lyre, foxes, hyenas, 
porcupines, wild rams, the dictys and the borys, 
jackals and panthers, land crocodiles three cubits 
long, most like to lizards, and ostriches and little 
one-horned serpents; all these beasts are there be- 
sides those that are elsewhere too, save only deer 
and wild swine; of these two kinds there are none 
at all in Libya. There are in this country three 
kinds of mice, the two-footed,? the “ zegeries ” (this 
is a Libyan word, signifying in our language hills), 
1 The dictys and borys are not identifiable. (But there is 


a small African deer called the Dik-dik.) 
2 Clearly, the jerboa. 


395 


HERODOTUS 


βουνοί), ot δὲ ἐχινέες. εἰσὶ δὲ καὶ γαλαῖ ἐν τῷ 
σιλφίῳ γινόμεναι τῇσι ᾿Ταρτησσίῃσι ὁμοιόταται. 
τοσαῦτα μέν νυν θηρία ἡ ἡ τῶν νομάδων Λιθύων γῆ 
ἔχει, ὅσον ἡμεῖς ἱστορέοντες ἐπὶ μακρότατον οἷοί 
τε ἐγενόμεθα ἐξικέσθαι. 

198. Μαξύων δὲ Λιβύων Ζαύηκες ἔχονται, 
τοῖσι αἱ γυναῖκες ἡνιοχεῦσι τὰ ἅρματα ἐς τὸν 
πόλεμον. 

194. Τούτων δὲ Γύξαντες ἔχονται, ἐν τοῖσι μέλι 
πολλὸν μὲν μέλισσαι κατεργεξονται, πολλῷ δ᾽ 
ἔτι πλέον λέγεται δημιοεργοὺς ἄνδρας ποιέειν. 
μιλτοῦνται δ' ὧν πάντες οὗτοι καὶ πιθηκο- 
φαγέουσι" οἳ δέ σφι ἄφθονοι ὅσοι ἐν τοῖσι ὄρεσι 
γύνονται. 

195. Κατὰ τούτους δὲ λέγουσι Καρχηδόνιοι 
κεῖσθαι νῆσον τῇ οὔνομα εἶναι Κύραυιν, μῆκος 
μὲν διηκοσίων σταδίων, πλάτος δὲ στεινήν, δια- 
Baróv ἐκ τῆς ἠπείρου, ἐλαιέων τε μεστὴν καὶ 
ἀμπέλων. λίμνην δὲ ἐν αὐτῇ. εἶναι, ἐκ τῆς αἱ 
παρθένοι τῶν ἐπιχωρίων πτεροῖσι ὀρνίθων κεχρι- 
μένοισι πίσσῃ ἐκ τῆς ὀλύος ψηγμα ἀναφέρουσι 
χρυσοῦ. ταῦτα εἰ μὲν ἔστι ἀληθέως οὐκ οἶδα, τὰ 
δὲ λέγεται γράφω" εἴη Ò ἂν πᾶν, ὅκου καὶ ἐν 
Ζακύνθῳ ἐκ λίμνης καὶ ὕδατος πίσσαν ἀναφερο- 
μένην αὐτὸς ἐγὼ ὥ ων. εἰσὶ μὲν καὶ πλεῦνες αἱ 
λίμναι αὐτόθι, ἡ ὃ ὧν μεγίστη αὐτέων ἑβδομή- 
κοντα ποδῶν πάντῃ, Βάθος δὲ διόργυιος € ἐστί" ἐς 
ταύτην KOVTOV κατιεῖσι ἐπ᾽ ἄκρῳ μυρσίνην προσ- 
δήσαντες καὶ ἔπειτα ἀναφέρουσι τῇ μυρσίνῃ πίσ- 
σαν, ὀδμὴν μὲν ἔχουσαν ἀσφ άλπου, τὰ δ᾽ ἄλλα 
τῆς Πιερικῆς πίσσης ἀμείνω. ἐσχέουσι δὲ ἐς 
λάκκον ὀρωρυγμένον ἀγχοῦ τῆς λίμνης" ἐπεὰν δὲ 


396 


BOOK IV. 192-195 


and the hairy, as they are called. There are also 
weasels found in the silphium, very like to the 
weasels of Tartessus. So many are the wild crea- 
tures of the nomads’ country, as far as by our utmost 
enquiry we have been able to learn. 

193. Next tothe Maxyes of Libya are the Zauekes, 
whose women drive their chariots to war. 

194. Next to these are the Gyzantes, where much 
honey is made by bees, and much more yet (so it is 
said) by craftsmen.! It is certain that they all paint 
themselves with vermilion and eat apes, which do 
greatly abound in their mountains. 

195. Off their coast (say the Carchedonians) there 
lies an island called Cyrauis, two hundred furlongs 
long and narrow across; there is a passage to it 
from the mainland ; it is full of olives and vines. It 
is said that there is a lake in this island wherefrom 
the maidens of the country draw up gold-dust out 
of the mud with feathers smeared with pitch. I 
know not if this be truly so; I write but what is 
said.. Yet all things are possible; for I myself saw 
pitch drawn from the water of a pool in Zacynthus. 
The pools there are many ; the greatest of them is 
seventy feet long and broad, and two fathoms deep. 
Into this they drop a pole with a myrtle branch 
made fast to its end, and bring up pitch on the 
myrtle, smelling like asphalt, and for the rest better 
than the pitch of Pieria. Then they pour it into a 
pit that they have dug near the pool; and when 


! cp. vii. 31, where men are said to make honey out of 
wheat and tamarisk. 


397 


HERODOTUS 


ἀθροίσωσι συχνήν, οὕτω ἐς τοὺς ἀμφορέας ἐκ τοῦ 
λάκκου καταχέουσι. ὅ τι Ò ἂν ἐσπέσῃ ἐς τὴν 
λύμνην, ὑπὸ γῆν ἰὸν ἀναφαίνεται ἐν τῇ θαλάσσῃ" 
ἣ δὲ ἀπέχει ὡς τέσσερα στάδια ἀπὸ τῆς λίμνης. 
οὕτω ὧν καὶ τὰ ἀπὸ τῆς νήσου τῆς ἐπὶ Λιβύη 
κειμένης οἰκότα ἐστὶ ἀληθείῃ. 

196. Λέγουσι δὲ καὶ i τάδε Καρχηδόνιοι. εἶναι τῆς 
Λιβύης χῶρόν τε καὶ ἀνθρώπους ἔξω "Ἡρακλέων 
στηλέων κατοικημένους' ἐς τοὺς ἐπεὰν ἀπίκωνται 
καὶ ἐξέλωνται τὰ .φορτία, θέντες αὐτὰ ἐπεξῆς 
παρὰ τὴν κυματώγην, ἐσβάντες ἐς τὰ πλοῖα 
τύφειν καπνόν. τοὺς δ᾽ ἐπιχωρίους ἐδομένους τὸν 
καπνὸν ἰέναι ἐπὶ τὴν θάλασσαν καὶ ἔπειτα ἀντὶ 
τῶν φορτίων -Χρυσὸν τιθέναι καὶ ἐξαναχω ωρέειν 
πρόσω ἀπὸ τῶν φορτίων. τοὺς δὲ Καρχη ονίους 
ἐκβάντας σκέπτεσθαι, καὶ ἣν μὲν αίνηταί σφι 
ἄξιος ὁ χρυσὸς τῶν φορτίων, ἀνελόμενοι ἁπαλ- 
λάσσονται, ἦν δὲ μὴ ἄξιος, ἐσβάντες ὀπίσω ἐς τὰ 
πλοῖα KATEATAL οἱ δὲ προσελθόντες ἄλλον πρὸς 
ὧν ἔθηκαν χρυσόν, ἐς οὗ ἂν πείθωσι. ἀδικέειν δὲ 
οὐδετέρους" οὔτε γὰρ αὐτοὺς τοῦ χρυσοῦ ἅπτε- 
σθαι πρὶν ἄν σφι ἀπισωθῇ τῇ ἀξίῃ τῶν φορτίων, 
οὔτ᾽ ἐκείνους τῶν φορτίων ἅπτεσθαι πρότερον ἢ 
αὐτοὶ τὸ χρυσίον λάβωσι. 

197. Οὗτοι μὲν εἰσὶ τοὺς ἡμεῖς ἔχομεν Λιβύων 
ὀνομάσαι, καὶ τούτων οἱ πολλοὶ βασιλέος τοῦ 
Μήδων οὔτε τι νῦν οὔτε τότε ἐφρόντιξον οὐδέν. 
τοσόνδε δὲ ἔτι ἔχω εἰπεῖν περὶ τῆς χώρης ταύτης, 
ὅτι τέσσερα ἔθνεα νέμεται αὐτὴν καὶ οὐ πλέω 
τούτων, ὅσον ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν, καὶ τὰ μὲν δύο αὐτό- 

χθονα τῶν ἐθνέων τὰ δὲ δύο οὔ, Λίβυες μὲν καὶ 
A tiones αὐτόχθονες, οἳ μὲν τὰ πρὸς Bopéw où δὲ 


398 


BOOK IV, 195-197 


much is collected there, they fill their vessels from 
the pit. Whatever thing falls into tlie pool is 
carried under ground and appears again in the sea, 
which is about four furlongs distant from the pool. 
Thus, then, the story coming from the island off the 
Libyan coast is like the truth. 

196. Another story too is told by the Carche- 
donians. There is a place, they say, where men 
dwell beyond the Pillars of Heracles; to this they 
come and unload their cargo; then having laid it 
orderly by the waterline they go aboard their ships 
and light a smoking fire. The people of the country 
see the smoke, and coming to the sea they lay down 
gold to pay for the cargo and withdraw away from 
the wares. Then the Carchedonians disembark and 
examine the gold; if it seems to them a fair price 
for their cargo, they take it and go their ways; but 
if not, they go aboard again and wait, and the 
people come back and add more gold till the ship- 
men are satisfied. Herein neither party (it is said) 
defrauds the other; the Carchedonians do not lay 
hands on the gold till it matches the value of their 
cargo, nor do the people touch the cargo till the 
shipmen have taken the gold. 

197. These are all the Libyans whom we can name, 
and of their kings the most part cared nothing for 
the king of the Medes at the time of which I write, 
nor do they care for him now. I have thus much 
further to say of this country: four nations and no 
more, as far as our knowledge serves, inhabit it, 
whereof two are aboriginal and two are not; the 
Libyans in the north and the Ethiopians in the 


399 


HERODOTUS 


τὰ πρὸς νότου τῆς Λιβύης οὐκέοντες, Φοίνικες δὲ 
καὶ Ἕλληνες ἐπήλυδες. 

198. Δοκέει δέ μοι οὐδ᾽ ἀρετὴν εἶναί τις ἡ 
Λιβύη σπουδαίη ὥστε ἡ ᾿Ασίῃ ὴ Εὐρώπῃ παρα- 
βληθῆναι, πλὴν Κίνυπος μούνηφ᾽ τὸ γὰρ δὴ αὐτὸ 
οὔνομα 7) γ3 τῷ ποταμῷ ἔχει. αὕτη δὲ ὁμοίη τῇ 
ἀρίστῃ γέων. Δήμητρος καρπὸν ἐκφέρειν οὐδὲ 
ἔοικε οὐδὲν. τῇ ἄλλῃ Λιθύῃ. μελάγγαιός τε γὰρ 
ἐστὶ καὶ ἔπυδρος πίδαξι, καὶ οὔτε αὐχμοῦ φροντί- 
ἕουσα οὐδὲν οὔτε ὄμβρον πλέω πιοῦσα δεδήληται' 
ὕεται γὰρ δὴ ταῦτα τῆς Λιβύης. τῶν δὲ ἐκφορίων 
τοῦ καρποῦ ταὐτὰ μέτρα τῇ Βαβυλωνί án γῆ κατί- 
σταται. ἀγαθὴ δὲ γῆ καὶ τὴν Εὐεσπερῖται νέ- 
µονται' ἐπ᾽ ἑκατοστὰ γάρ, ἐπεὰν αὐτὴ ἑωυτῆς 
ἄριστα ἐνείκῃ, ἐκφέρει, ἣ δὲ ἐν τῇ Κίνυπι ἐπὶ 
τριηκόσια. 

199. "Ἔχει δὲ καὶ ἡ Κυρηναίη Χώρη, ἐοῦσα 
ὑψηλοτάτη ταύτης τῆς Λιβύης πὴν οἱ νομάδες 
νέμονται, τρεῖς ὥρας ἐν ἑωυτῇ ἀξίας. θώματος. 
πρῶτα μὲν γὰρ τὰ παραθαλάσσια τῶν καρπῶν 
ὀργᾷ ἀμᾶσθαί τε καὶ τρυγᾶσθαι" τούτων τε δὴ 
συγκεκομισμένων. τὰ ὑπὲρ τῶν θαλασσιδίων 
χώρων τὰ μέσα ὀργᾷ συγκομίξεσθαι, τὰ βουνοὺς 
καλέουσι συγκεκόμυσταί τε οὗτος ὁ μέσος καρπὸς 
καὶ ὁ ἐν τῇ κατυπερτάτῃ τῆς γῆς πεπαίνεταί τε 
καὶ ὀργᾷ, ὥστε ἐκπέποταί τε καὶ καταβέβρωται 
ὁ πρῶτος καρπὸς καὶ ὁ τελευταῖος συμπαραγί- 
νεται. οὕτω ἐπ᾿ ὀκτὼ μῆνας Κυρηναίους ὀπώρη 
ἐπέχει. ταῦτα μέν νυν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτον εἰρήσθω. 

200. Οἱ δὲ Φερετίμης τιμωροὶ. Πέρσαι ἐπείτε 
ἐκ τῆς Αἰγύπτου σταλέντες ὑπὸ ᾿Αρυάνδεω ἀπί- 
κατο ἐς τὴν Βάρκην, ἐπολιόρκεον τὴν πόλιν 


400 


BOOK IV. 197-200 


south of Libya are aboriginal, the Phoenicians and 
Greeks are later settlers. 

198. To my thinking, there is in no part of 
Libya any great excellence whereby it should 
be compared to Asia or Europe, save only in the 
region which is called by the same name as its 
river, Cinyps. But this region is a match for the 
most fertile cornlands in the world, nor is it at all 
like to the rest of Libya. For the soil is black 
and well watered by springs, and has no fear of 
drought, nor is it harmed by drinking excessive 
showers (there is rain in this part of Libya) Its 
yield of corn is of the same measure as in the land 
of Babylon. The land inhabited by the Euhesperitae 
is also good; it yields at the most an bundred- 
fold ; but the land of the Cinyps region yields three 
hundredfold. 

199. The country of Cyrene, which is the highest 
part of that Libya which the nomads inhabit, has 
the marvellous boon of three harvest seasons. First 
on the sea-coast the fruits of the earth are ripe for 
reaping and plucking : when these are gathered, the 
middle region above the coast, that which they call 
the Hills, is ripe for gathering: and no sooner is 
this yield of the middle country gathered than the 
highest-lying crops are mellow amd ripe, so that the 
latest fruits of the earth are coming in when the 
earliest are already spent by way of food and drink. 
Thus the Cyrenaeans have a harvest lasting eight 
months. Of these matters, then, enough. l 

200. Now when the Persians sent by Aryandes 
from Egypt to avenge Pheretime came to Barce,! they 
laid siege to the city, demanding the surrender of 


1 The story broken off in ch. 167 is resumed. 


e 401 
VOL. U. D D 


HERODOTUS 


ἐπαγγελλόμενοι ἐκδιδόναι τοὺς αἰτίους τοῦ φόνου 
τοῦ ᾿Αρκεσίλεω' τῶν δὲ πᾶν γὰρ ἦν τὸ πλῆθος 
μεταίτιον, οὐκ ἐδέκοντο τοὺς λόγους. ἐνθαῦτα 
δὴ ἐπολιόρκεον τὴν Βάρκην ἐ ἐπὶ μῆνας ἐννέα, ὀρύσ- 
σοντές τε ὀρύγματα ὑπόγαια φέροντα ἐς τὸ τεῖχος 
καὶ προσβολὰς καρτερὰς ποιεύμενοι. τὰ μέν νυν 
ὀρύγματα ἀνὴρ χαλκεὺς ἀνεῦρε ἐπιχάλκῳ ἀσπίδι, 
ὧδε ἐπιφρασθείς- περιφέρων αὐτὴν ἐντὸς τοῦ 
τείχεος προσῖσχε πρὸς τὸ δάπεδον τῆς πόλιος. 
τὰ μὲν δη ἄλλα ἔσκε Kapa πρὸς τὰ προσῖσχε, 
κατὰ δὲ τὰ ὀρυσσόμενα ἡ έεσκε L χαλκὸς τῆς 
ἀσπίδος. ἀντορύσσοντες ὃ ἂν ταύτῃ οἱ Βαρκαῖοι 
ἔκτεινον τῶν Περσέων τοὺς γεωρυχέοντας. τοῦτο 
μὲν δὴ οὕτω ἐξευρέθη, τὰς δὲ προσβολὰς ἀπε- 
κρούοντο οἱ Βαρκαῖοι. 

201. Χρόνον δὲ δὴ πολλὸν τριβομένων καὶ 
πιπτόντων ἀμφοτέρων πολλῶν καὶ οὐκ ἧσσον 
τῶν Περσέων, Ἄμασις ὁ στρατηγὸς τοῦ πεξοῦ 
μηχανᾶται τοιάδε. κ μαθὼν τοὺς Βαρκαίους ὡς 
κατὰ μὲν τὸ ἰσχυρὸν οὐκ αἱρετοὶ εἶεν, δόλῳ δὲ 
αἱρετοί, ποιέει τοιάδε: νυκτὸς τάφρην. ὀρύξας 
εὐρέαν ἐπέτεινε ξύλα ἀσθενέα ὑπὲρ αὐτῆς, κατύ- 
περθε δὲ ἐπιπολῆς τῶν ξύλων χοῦν γῆς ἐπεφόρησε 
ποιέων τῇ ἄλλη γῇ ἰσόπεδον. ἅμα ἡ ἡμέρῃ. δὲ ἐς 
λόγους προεκαλέετο τοὺς Βαρκαίους" οἳ δὲ ἆ doma- 
στῶς ὑπήκουσαν, ἐς ὅ σφι éade ὁμολογίῃ χρή- 
σασθαι. τὴν δὲ ὁμολογίην: ἐποιεῦντο τοιήν ε 
τινά, ἐπὶ .τῆς κρυπτῆς τάφρου τάμνοντες ὅρκια, 
ἔστ᾽ ἂν ἡ γῆ αὕτη οὕτω ἔχῃ, μένειν τὸ ὅρκιον 
κατὰ χώρην, καὶ Βαρκαίους τε ὑποτελέειν φάναι 
ἀξίην βασιλέι καὶ Πέρδας μηδὲν ἄλλο νεοχμοῦν 
κατὰ Βαρκαίους. μετὰ δὲ τὸ ὅρκιον Βαρκαῖοι 


402 9 


BOOK IV. 200-201 


those who were guilty of the slaying of Arcesilaus: 
but the Barcaeans, whose whole people were accessory 
to the deed, would not consent. ‘Then the Persians 
besieged Barce for nine months, digging under- 
ground passages leading to the walls, and making 
violent assaults. As for the mines, a smith dis- 
covered them by the means of a shield coated 
with bronze, and this is how he found them: 
carrying the shield round the inner side of the 
walls he smote it against the ground of the city ; 
all other places where he smote it returned but a 
dull sound, but where the mines were the bronze 
of the shield rang clear. Here the Barcaeans 
made a countermine and slew those Persians who 
were digging the earth. Thus the mines were 
discovered, and the assaults were beaten off by the 
townsmen. 

20]. When much time was Spent and ever many 
on both sides (but of the Persians more) were slain, 
Amasis the general of the land army devised a plot, 
as knowing that Barce could not be taken by force 
but might be taken by guile: he dug by night a 
wide trench and laid frail planks across it, which he 
then covered over with a layer of earth level with 
the ground about it. -Then when day came he 
invited the Barcaeans to confer with him, and they 
readily consented ; at last all agreed to conditions of 
peace. This was done thus: standing on the hidden 
trench, they gave and took a sworn assurance that 
their treaty should hold good while the ground 
where they stood was unchanged; the Barcaeans 
should promise to pay a due sum to the king, 
and the Persians should do the Barcaeans no hurt. 
When the sworn agreement was made, the towns- 


403 
DDZ2 


HERODOTUS 


μὲν πιστεύσαντες τούτοισι αὐτοί τε ἐξήισαν ἐκ 
τοῦ ἄστεος καὶ τῶν πολεμίων. ἔων παριέναι ἐς 
τὸ τεῖχος τὸν βουλόμενον, τὰς πάσας πύλας 
ἀνοίξαντες οἱ δὲ Πέρσαι καταρρήξαντες τὴν κρυπ-- 
τὴν γέφυραν ἔθεον ἔ ἔσω ἐς τὸ τεῖχος. κατέρρηξαν 
δὲ τοῦδε εἵνεκα τὴν ἐποίησαν γέφυραν, i ἵνα ἐμπε- 
δο κέοιεν, ταμόντες τοῖσι Βαρκαίοισι. χρόνον 
μένειν αἰεὶ τὸ ὅρκιον ὅσον ἂν 7) γῆ μένῃ. κατὰ 
τότε eixe καταρρήξασι δὲ οὐκέτι ἔμενε τὸ ὅρκιον 
κατὰ χώρην. 

203. Τοὺς μέν νυν αἰτιωτάτους τῶν Βαρκαίων 
ή Φερετίμη, ἑ ἐπείτε οἱ ἐκ τῶν Περσέων παρεδόθη- 
σαν, ἀνεσκολόπισε κύκλῳ τοῦ τείχεος, τῶν δέ σφι 
γυναικῶν τοὺς .μαξοὺς ἀποταμοῦσα περιέστιξε 
καὶ τούτοισι τὸ τεῖχος" τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς τῶν 
Βαρκαίων ληίην ἐκέλευε θέσθαι τοὺς Πέρσας, 
πλὴν ὅσοι αὐτῶν ἦσαν Βαττιάδαι τε καὶ τοῦ 
φόνου οὐ μεταίτιοι: τούτοισι δὲ τὴν πόλιν ἐπέ- 
τρεψε ἡ Φερετίμη. 

203. Τοὺς ὧν δὴ λοιποὺς τῶν Βαρκαίων οἱ 
Πέρσαι ἀνδραποδισάμενοι ἀπήισαν ὀπίσω" καὶ 
ἐπείτε ἐπὶ τῇ Κυρηναίων πόλι ἐπέστησαν, οἱ 
Κυρηναῖοι λόγιόν τι ἀποσιεύμενοι διεξῆκαν αὐτοὺς 
διὰ τοῦ ἄστεος. διεξιούσης δὲ τῆς στρατιῆς 
Βάδρης μὲν ὁ τοῦ ναυτικοῦ στρατοῦ στρατηγὸς 
ἐκέλευε αἱρέειν τὴν πόλιν, Αμασις δὲ ὁ τοῦ πεζοῦ 
οὐκ ča: ἐπὶ Βάρκην γὰρ ἀποσταλῆναι μούνην 
Ἑλληνίδα πόλιν' ἐς ὃ διεξελθοῦσι καὶ ἱ ζομένοισι 
ἐπὶ Διὸς Λυκαίου ὄχθον μετεμέλησέ σφι οὐ 
σχοῦσι τὴν Κυρήνην. καὶ ἐπειρῶντο τὸ δεύτερον 
παριέναι ἐς αὐτήν" οἱ δὲ Κυρηναῖοι οὐ περιώρων. 
τοῖσι δὲ Πέρσῃσι οὐδενὸς μαχομένου φόβος ἐνέ- 


404 


BOOK IV. 201-203 


men, trusting in it and opening all their gates, 
themselves came out of the city, and suffered all 
their enemies who so desired to enter within the 
walls: but the Persians broke down the hidden 
bridge and ran into the city. They broke down the 
bridge that they had made, that so they might keep 
the oath which they had sworn to the Barcaeans, 
namely, that this treaty should hold good for as long 
as the ground remained as it was; but if they broke 
the bridge the treaty held good no longer. 

202. Pheretime took the most guilty of the 
Barcaeans, when they were delivered to him by the 
Persians, and set them impaled round the top of the 
wall; she cut off the breasts of their women and 
planted them round the wall in like manner. As 
for the remnant of the Barcaeans, she bade the 
Persians take them as their booty, save as many 
as were of the house of Battus and not accessory to 
the murder; to these she committed the governance 
of the city. 

203. The Persians thus enslaved the rest of the 
Barcaeans, and departed homewards. When they 
halted at Cyrene, the Cyrenaeans suffered them to 
pass through their city, that a certain oracle might 
be fulfilled. As the army was passing through, 
Badres the admiral of the fleet was for taking the 
city, but Amasis the general of the land army would 
not consent, saying that he had been sent against 
Barce and no other Greek city ; at last they passed 
through Cyrene and encamped on the hill of Lycaean 
Zeus; there they repented of not having taken the 
city, and essayed to enter it again, but the Cyren- 
aeans would not suffer them. Then, though none 
attacked them, fear fell upon the Persians, and they 


405 


HERODOTUS 


πεσε, ἀποδραμόντες Te ὅσον τε ἑξήκοντα στάδια 
(tovTo* ἱδρυθέντι δὲ τῷ στρατοπέδῳ ταύτῃ ἦλθε 
παρὰ ᾿Αρυάνδεω ἄγγελος ἀποκαλέων αὐτούς. οἱ 
δὲ Πέρσαι Κυρηναίων δεηθέντες ἐπόδιά σφι δοῦναι 
ἔτυχον, λαβόντες δὲ ταῦτα ἀπαλλάσσοντο ἐς τὴν 
Αἴγυπτον. παραλαβόντες δὲ τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν αὐτοὺς 
Λίβυες τῆς, τε ἐσθῆτος εἵνεκα καὶ τῆς σκευῆς τοὺς 
ὑπολειπομένους αὐτῶν καὶ ἐπελκομένους ἐφόνευον, 
ἐς ὃ ἐς τὴν Αἴγυπτον ἀπίκοντο. 

204. Οὗτος ὁ Περσέων στρατὸς τῆς Διβύης 
ἑκαστάτω ἐς ὐεσπερίδας ἦλθε. τοὺς δὲ ἦνδρα- 
ποδίσαντο τῶν Βαρκαίων, τούτους δὲ ἐκ τῆς 
Αἰγύπτου ἀνασπάστους ἐποίησαν παρὰ βασιλέα, 
βασιλεὺς δέ σφι Δαρεῖος ἔδωκε τῆς Βακτρίης 
χώρης κώμην ἐγκατοικῆσαι. οἳ ; δὲ τῇ κώμῃ ταύτῃ 
οὔνομα ἔθεντο. Βάρκην, ñ ἥ περ ἔτι καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ ἣν 
οἰκεομένη ἐν γῇ τῇ Βακτρίῃ. 

905. Οὐ μὲν οὐδὲ ἡ Φερετίμη εὖ τὴν (θην κατέ- 
πλεξε. ὡς γὰρ δὴ τάχιστα ἐκ τῆς Λιβύης τισα- 
μένη τοὺς Βαρκαίους ἀπενόστησε ἐς τὴν Αἴγυπτον, 
ἀπέθανε κακῶς" ζῶσα γὰρ εὐλέων ἐξέξεσε, ὡς 
ἄρα ἀνθρώποισι αἱ λίην ἰσχυραὶ τιμωρίαι πρὸς 
θεῶν ἐπίφθονοι γίνονται" ἐκ μὲν δὴ Φερετίμης 
τῆς Βάττου τοιαύτη τε καὶ τοσαύτη τιμωρίη 
ἐγένετο ἐς Βαρκαίους. 


406 


BOOK IV. 203-205 


fled to a place sixty furlongs distant and there en- 
camped ; and presently while they were there a 
messenger from Aryandes came to the camp bidding 
them return. The Persians asked and obtained of 
the Cyrenaeans provisions for their march, having 
received which they departed, to go to Egypt; but 
after that they fell into the hands of the Libyans, 
. who slew the laggards and stragglers of the host for 
the sake of their garments and possessions ; till at 
last they came to Egypt. | 

904. This/Persian armament advanced as far as 
Euhesperidae in Libya and no farther. As for the 
Barcaeans whom they had taken for slaves, they 
carried them from Egypt into banishment and 
brought them to the king, and Darius gave them 
a town of Bactria to dwell in. They gave this town 
the name Barce, and it remained an inhabited place 
in Bactria till my own lifetime. 

205. But Pheretime fared ill too, and made no 
good ending of her life. For immediately after she 
had revenged herself on the Barcaeans and returned 
to Egypt, she died a foul death; her living body 
festered and bred worms: so wroth, it would seem, 
are the gods with over-violent human vengeance. 
Such, and so great, was the vengeance which 
Pheretime daughter of Battus wrought upon the 
people of Barce. 


497 


Digitized by Google 


INDEX OF PROPER NAMES 


INDEX OF PROPER NAMES 


Abaris, iv. 36 

Aces, iii. 117 
Achaemenes, iii. 12 
Achaemenidae, fii. 65 


Ad yrmachidae, iv. 168 

Aeaces ei : 

— (2), iv. 138 s 

Aegean, iv. 85 

Aegeus, iv. 149 

Aegidae, iv. 149 

Aegina, ος ο 191 

... n üi. 1-16 et i 
egyptus, -16 et passim 

Aenus, iv. 90 

Aeolia, iii. 1, 90 ; 1v. 89, 138 

Aesanias, iv. 1 150 

Aeschrionian tribe, lii. 26 

AD OL 17, 19, 21, 25, 30, 94, 


197 
Agathyrsi, iv. "49, 100, 102, 103, 125 
Agathyrsus, iv. 
“ιν (D, iii. 64, 92 
Agenor, MT. FU 
Aglomachus, iv. 164 


Alpis, i 

Alas. d» w 1, 4, 10, 14, 16, 
40-43, 47, 1 

— (2), iv. 167, 2501, 203 

Amazones, iv. 110-117 

Ammonii, ΠΠ 25-20; iv. 181 

Amphiaraus, iil. 01 

Amphicrates, iti. 59 - 

Amphilochus, iii. 91 


HEROD. II. 


Amyrtaeus, lil. 15 

Anacharsis, iv. 46, 76, 77 

Anacreon, iti. 121 

Anaphlystus, iv. 99 

Androphagi, iv. 18, 100, 102, 106, 
119, 125 


, 33, 64 

, : dv. 15, 59, 155, 163 

A pollonia, iv. 90, 93 

A pries, fil. L iv, 159 

4, 8, 9, 88, 91, 97, 107, 
112; iv. 39, 42 

Ararus, iv. 48 

Araxes, lii. 36 ; iv. 11, 40 

Arcadia, iv. 161 

rUn (1), iv. 159 

— (2), iv. 160 

— (3), iv. 162, 164, 165, 167, 200 

Archias, iil. 55 

Ares, iv. 59, 62 

Arge, iv. 35 

Argimpasa, 1v. 59, 97. 

Argippaei, iv. 23 

Argo, iv. 145 179 


Argos, ΠΠ. 131; iv. 152 
Arian , iv. 81 
Arlapithes, iv. 76, 78 
Arii, iii. 


ον, m 116 ; iv. 19-27 
Aristagoras (1), iv. 1 138 


Ariston, iv. 138 
Arbtophllides, 1 iii. 196 
Armenia, iii. 9 


411 


INDEX OF PROPER NAMES 


Arpoxais, iv. 5, 6 

Artabanus, Ὧν 83, 143 

Artace, iv. 1 

Artanes, Nl io 

Artemis, iv. 33, 87 

Artemisium, iv. 35 

Artescus, iv. 92 

Artontes, iii. 128 

Artystone, iil. 88 

Aryandes, iv. 166, 167, 200, 203 

Asbystae, iv. 170 

Asia (continent), passim, (wife of 
Prometheus), iv. 4 

Asies, iv. 45 

Aspathines, iii. 70, 78 

Assyria, iil. ES 195; iv, 39, 87 

Astyages, lil. 6 

Athene, fii. 59; πε 180, 189 

Athrys, iv. 49 

Atlas, iv. 49, 184 

Atossa, iii. 68, 88, 133, 134 

Attica, iii. 134 

Auchatae, iv. 6 

Augila, iv. 172, 182 

Auras, iv. 49 

Auschisae, iv. 171 

Auses, iv. 180, 191 

Autesion, iv. 147 

Aziris, iv. 157, 169 


Baoy on; iii. 89, 95, 150-159; iv. 


Bactria, iii. 92, 102; iv. 204 
Badres, iv.. 167, 903. 
Bagaeus, iii. 1 
Barce (1), iii. 13, 91; 
171, 200-204 
— (2), iv. 204 
Battiadae, iv. 202 
Battus d» iv. 150, 155, 159 
— (2), iv. 159 
— (3), iv. 161, 205 
Borysthenes (river), i 5, 18, 24, 
45, 47, 53-56, 81, 
— (town), iv. 17, 18, 38, 74, 78 
ἜΠΗ (Cimmerian), iv. 12. 28. 


— (Thracian), iv. 83, 85, 86, 118 
Brauron, iv. 145. . 

Brentesium, iv. 99 

Brongus, iv. 49 

Budini, iv. 21, 108 

Byzantium, lv. 87, 144 


Cabales, iii, 90 
412 


iv. 164, 167, 


Cabiri, fil. 37 

Cadmus, iv. 147 

Cadytis, iii. 5 

Calasiries, iv. 180 

Calchedon, iv. 85, 144 
Callantiae, iii. 97 

Callatiae, iii. 38 

Callipidae, iv. 17 

Calliste, iv. 147 

Cambyses, passim ap. ili. 
Carchedon, iii. 17, ΓΣ ἰν. 43, 195 
Carcinitis, iv. 55, 
Caria, iii. 11, 90 
Carpathus, iii. 45 
Carpis, iv. 
Carystus, iv. 33 
Casian (mountain), {1 
Caspatyrus, iii. τ 
Caspian, iii. 92, 9 
Cassandane, iii. 2 
Cassiterides, iii. 115 
Catiari, iv. 6 
Caucasus, iii. 97 ; iv. 12 

Caucones, iv. 148 

Caystrobius, iv. 13 

Celtae, iv. 49 

Charilaus, lii. 145 

Ἢ Τι (1), iv. 99 

Chorasmii, iit 93, 117 

Cilicia, iii. 90 

Cimmeria, iv. 1, 11, 12, 45, 100 
Cinyps, iv. 175, 198 

Cissii, iii. A 155 

Cius, ‘iv. 4 

Cleombrotus, iv. 81 

Cleomenes, iii. 148 

Cnidus, iii. 138 ; iv. 164 

Cnossus, iii. 122 

Coés, iv. 97 

Colaeus, iv. 152 

Colaxals, Iv. 5, 7 

Colchi, iii. 97 ; v ah 40 
Contadesdus, iv. 9 

oe iil. 48, 49, oe, 134; iv. 162, 


180 
Corobius, iv. 151 
Corys, iii. 9 
Cotys, iv. 45 
Cranaspes, iii. 126 
Crete, iii. 44, 59; 


161 
Crobyzi, iv. 49 
Croesus, iii. 14, 94, 36, 47 
Croton, ili. 191, 136, 197 


iv. 44 
; iv. 40 


iv. 45, 151, 154, 


INDEX ΟΕ PROPER NAMES 


Cydonia, iii. 44, 59 

Cynetes, iv. 49 

Cyprus, iii. 19, 91; iv. 162, 164 
Cyrauis, iv. 195 

Cyrene ος lii. r^ ὃν 131; iv. 154-165, 
τρίο, ride 93 

Cyrus, passim ap. lit. 

Cyzicus, iv. 14, 76 


Dadicae, iil. 91 
Daphnis, iv. 138 
Daritae, lil. 92 
Darius, passim 
Dascyleum, iii. 120, 126 
Delos, iv. 33, 35 
iv. 15, 150, 156, 


Delphi, iii, 57; 
161-163, 179° 
Democedes, fil. 125, 129, 137 
Demonax, iv. 161 
Dictyne, iil. 59 
Dion yeun l 8, 97, 111; 


Dorians, ili. 56 


Elephantine, iii. 19, 20 
Elis, tii. 132 ; iv. 30, 148 
Epaphus, iii. 27, 28 
Epidaurus, iil. 50, 52 
Epium, iv. 148 
Erinyes, iv. 149 
Erxander, iv. 97 
Erythea, iv. 8 
Eryxo, iv. 160 
Etearchus, iv. 154 
Euboea, ili. 89 ; iv. 33 
Evelthon, iv. 162 
Euesperides, iv. 171, 204 
Euesperitae, iv. 198 
Eupalinus, iil. 60 
Euphemides, iv. 150 
Europa, ili. 96, 115; 
45, 49, 89, 143, 198 
Eurysthenes, iv. 147 
| Euxine, lii. 93; iv. 8, 10, 38, 46, 
81, 85-87, 89, 95, 99 
Exampaeus, iv. 52, 81 


Gadira, iv. 8 

Gandarii, iii. 91 

. Garamantes, iv. 174, 183 
Gebeleizis, iv. 94 

Gelonus (1), iv. 10 

— (2), iv. 102, 108, 119, 136 
Gerrhi, iv. 53, 71 


iv. 79, 87, 


iv. 36, 42, 


Gerrhus, iv. 19, 47, 53, 56 
Geryon, iv. 8 

Getae, iv. 93, 94, 96, 118 
Giligamae, iv. 169 

Gillus, iii. 138 

Gindanes, iv. 176 
Gnurus, iv. 76 

Gobryas, iii. 70, 73, 78; iv. 132, 134 
Goetosyrus, iv. 59 
Grinnus, iv. 150 

Gyges, ili. 122 

Gyzantes, iv. 194 


Haemus, iv. 49 

Hebrus, iv. 90 

Hellas (and Hellenes), passim 
TUSCE iv. 38, 76, 85, 89, 90, 
Hephaestus, iii. 37 

Heracles, iv. 8-10, 59, 82 
Heraeum, iv. 90 

Hermion, iii. 59 

Herophantus, iv. 138 

Hesiodus, iv. 32 

Hippoclus, iv. 138 

Hippolaus, iv. 53 

Histia, iv. 59, 127 

Histiaeus, iv. 137, 138, 141 
Homer, iv. 29, 32 

Hydarnes, iii. 70 

Hydrea, iii. 59 

Hylaea, iv. 9, 18, 54, 55, 76 
Hypacyris, iv. 47, 55 

Hypanis, iv. 17, 18, 47, 52, 81 
Hyperborei, iv. 13, '82, 33, "35, 36 
Hyperoche, iv. 33-35 

Hyrcani, iii. 117 

Hyrgis, iv. 57 

Hystaspes, iii. 70, 140 ; iv. 83, 01 
Hytennees, iii. 90 


Tapygia, iii. 138; iv. 99 
Iason, iv. 179 
Idanthyrsus, iv. 76, 120, 127 
Ienysus, iii. 5 
Ilithyia, iv. 35 
Illyria, iv. 49 
Inaros, iii. 12, 15 
India, "ii. 38, 94-106; iv. 40, 44 
Indus, iv. 44 
Intaphrenes, iii. 70, 78, 118, 119 
Ionians, iii. 39, 90, 122, 127; iv. 35, 
89, 95, 97, 128, 133-140, 149 
Iphigenia, iv. 103 
Irasa, iv. 158 


413 


INDEX OF PROPER NAMES 


Isis, iv. 1£6 

Issedones, iv. 13, 26, 32 

Istrus, iv. 47-51, 53, 80, 89, 93, 
97-101, 118, 122, 133-136 

Italia, lii. 136, 138 ; iv. 15 

Itanus, iv. 151 

Iyrcae, iv. 22 


Lacedaemon, iii. 39, 54-56; iv. 
147-149 

Laius, iv. 149 

Tacdemes (1 iv. 198 

— (2), iv. 

Laodice, iv 553, 35 

Lasonii, iii. 90 

Learchus, iv. 160 

Lemnos, iv. 145 

Lepreum, iv. 148 

Lesbos, iii. 39; iv. 97 

Leucon, iv. 160 

P iii. 17, 96, 115 et passim 


p. iv. 
Lipoxals, iv. 5 
Lotophagi, iv. 177, 183 
Loxias, iv. 163 
Lycaretus, fii. 143 
Lycia, iii. 4, 90; iv. 35, 45 
Lycophron, ἯΙ. δο, 53 
Lycus (river), iv. 123 
— (grandfather of Anacharsis), iv. 


76 
Lydia, iii. 90, 127; iv. 45 


Macae, iv. 175 

Machlyes, iv. us 180 

Macistus, iv. 1 

Macrones, iii. 94 

Maeandrius, iii. 123, 142-148 

Maeandrus, iii. 122 

Maeetae, iv. 123 

Maeetes (river), iv. 45 

Maeetian lake, iv. 57, 101, 120 

Magi, iii. 61-80, 88, 118, 126, 140, 
150, 153; iv. 132 

Magnesia, ili. 122 

Magnetes, iii. 90 

Mandrocles, iv. 87, 88 

Manes, iv. 45 

Mantinea, iv. 161 

Maraphii, iv. 167 

Mares, iii. 94 

Mariandyni, iii, 90 

Maris, iv. 49 

Massagetae, iii. 36 ; 

Matieni, lii. 94 


414 


iv. 11, 172 


Maxyes, iv. 191 
Medians, iii. 65, er iv. 4, 37, 40 
Megabyzus (1), iti 153, 160 : iv. 43 
— (2) il iii. 0, 8 
Melanchlaent, iv. 20, 102, 107, 119 


Melissa, iii. 50 
Membliarus, iv. 147 
Menelaus, iv. 160 
Mesambria, iv. 93 
Metrodorus, iv. 138 
Milo, iii. 137 
Miltiades, iv. 197 
Milyae, iti. 90 
Minos, iii. 122 
Minyae, iv. 145-150 


Mitrobates, iii, 120, 126, 127 ED 


Mnesarchus iv. 96 

Moeris, iii. 91 

Moschi, iil. 94 

Mossynoeci, iii. 04 

Myci, iii. 93 

Myriandric gulf, iv. 38 
Myrinaei, iv. 140 

Myrsus, iu. us 

Mysia, iii. 90 

Mytilene, fii. 13, 14 ; iv. 97 


Naparis, iv. 48 

Nasamones, iv. an 190 
Naustrophus, iii. 60 

Necos, iv. 42 

Neuri, iv. 17, 51, 100, 102, 105, 119, 


ΤῊΝ lil. 10; iv. 39, 42, 45, 60, 53. 
Ninus, ili. 155 

Nipsaei, iv. 93 

Nisaea, fii. 106 

Nitetis, iii. 1 

Noés, iv. 49 

Nudium, iv. 148 

Nysa, iil. 97 


Oarus, iv. 123 
Oasis, iii. 26 
Oaxus, iv. 154 
Octamasades, iv. 80 
Odrysae, iv. 92 
Oebares, iil. 85 
Oedipus, iv. 149 
Oeobazus, iv. 84 
Ocolycus, iv. 149 
Olbiopolitae, iv. 18 
Olen, iv. 35 


1 


INDEX OF PROPER NAMES 


Opis, iv. 35 

Opoea, iv. 78 

Ordessus, iv. 48 

Oricus, iv. 78 

Oroetes, ili. 120-129, 140 

Orotalt, iii. 8 

Orthocorybantil, iii. 92 

Otanes, iii. 67-72, 76, 80, 83, 141, 
144, 147, 149 


Pactyes, ili. 93, 102; iv. 44 

Padaei, iii. 99 

Palaestina, iii. 5, 91; iv. 39 

Pamphylia, iii. 90 

Pantagnotus, iii. 39 

Panticapes, iv. 18, 47, 54 

Pantimathi, iii. 92 

Papaeus, iv. 59 

Paphlagones, iii. 90 

Paralatae, iv. 6 i 

Paricanii, iii. 02 

Parmys, iil. 88 

Paroreatae, iv. 148 

Parthia, iii. 93, 117 

2ataici, iil. 37 

2atizeithes, iii. 61 

Pausanias, iv. 81 

Pausicae, iil. 92 

ausiris, iii. 15 

Pelion, iv. 179 

Pelusium, iii. 10 

Periander, iii. 48, 50, 53 

Perinthus, iv. 90 

Persae, passim 

Phaedyme, iii. 68, 69 

Phanes, iii. 4, 11 

Pharnaspes, iii. 2, 68 

Phasis, iv. 37, 38, 45, 86 

Pheretime, iv. 162, 165, 107, 200, 

Philes, iil. 60 

Phla, iv. 178 

Phoenicia, lii. 5, 19, 37, 107, 111, 
186; iv. 39, A 44, 147 


. 65 

Platea, iv. 151-153, 156, 159 

Plynus, iv. 168 

Poeciles, iv. 147 

Polycrates, iii. 80-46, 54, 656, 
120-126, 128, 131, 139-142 

Polymnestus, iv. 150, 155 


Polynices, iv. 147 

Porata, iv. 48 
Poseideium, iii. 91 
Poseidon, iv. 59, 180, 188 
Prexaspes, iii. 30, 33, 66, 74-76, 78 
Procles as iv. 147 

— (2), iii. 50-52 

Fe iv. 14 
Prometheus, iv. 45 
Propontis, iv. 85 
Psammenitus, iii. 10, 13, 15 
Psylli, iv. 173 

Pyretos, iv. 48 

Pyrgus, iv. 148 

Pythagoras (1), iv. 95 

— (2), iv. 95 


Rhodope, iv. 49 
Rhoecus, iii. 60 


Salamis, iv. 162 
Salmoxis, iv. 94-96 
Salmydessus iv. 93 
Samos, iii. 39 et passim 
Sarangae, lii; 93, 117 
Sardis, iii. 5, 48, 126, 128; 
Saspires, iii. "94: iv. 37, 40 
Sataspes, iv. 43° 
Sattagydae, lil. 91 
Saulius, iv. 76 
Sauromatae, iv. 21, 57, 102, 110, 
116-122, 198, 136 
Sciton, iii. 190 
Scoloti, iv. 6 
Scopasis, iv. 120, 128 
Scylax, iv. 4 44 
Soyics, iv. 76, 78-80 
Scythia, passim ap. iv. 
Serbonian marsh, iii. 5 
Sestus, iv. 143 
Sidon, iii. 136 
Sigeum, iv. 38 
Sindi, iv. 28, 86 
Sinope, iv. 12 
Siphnus, iii. 57, 58 
Sitalces, iv. 80° 
Smerdis (1), iii. 30, 65-69, 71, 74, 88 
— (2), iii. 61-80, 88 
Sogdi, iii. 93 
Soloéis, iv. 43 
Sostratus, iv. 152 
Spargapithes, iv. 73 


iv. 45 


415. 


INDEX OF PROPER NAMES 


Strattis, iv. 138 

Susa, ii iif, : δῦ 64, 70, 199, 181, 140; 
v 

λος u oo 139, 141-149 

a yrgis, v. 

Syria, lil. g τι 


Tabiti, iv. 59 
er iv. 20, 45, 47, 100, 115, 120, 


Taras, iil. 138 ; iv. 99 
Targitaus, iv. 5 
Tartessus, iv. 152, 192 
Taucheira, iv. 171 
Tauri, iv. 3, 20, 99, 103, 119 
Taxacis, iv. 120 
Taygetus, iv. 145, 148 
Tearus, iv. 90, 91 
Teaspes, iv. 43 
Telecles, iii. 42 
Telesarchus, iii. 143 
Tenus, iv. 33 
Teres, iv. 80 
Thagimasadas, iv. 59 
Thamanaei, lii. ee 117 
Thannyras, iii. 1 
Thebes (in Tey pt), iii. 10, 25; 
v 
P ELM iv. 86 
Themison, iv. 154 
Theodorus, iii. 41 


PRINTED IN 


GREAT BRITAIN BY THE CORNWALL PRESS, LTD., 
PARIS GARDEN, STAMFORD STREET, LONDON, 5.Ε. T. 


Thera, iv. 147 EU 150, 150, 164 
Theras, iv. 147, 1 

Thermodon, iv. ἐδ, 110 
Thersandrus, i v. 

Theste, iv. 150 


; iv. τν 74, 80, 80, 
08, 99, 104, 118,1 

Thyssagetae, iv. 22, 123 

Tiarantus, i 

Tibareni, li 94 

Tibisis, iv. 49 


Triopium, iv. 38 

ine (and ο ο iv. 178, 179, 
Troezen, iji. 59 
Troglodytae, iv, 183 


ἰ 


Troy, iv. 191 


Tymnes, iv. 76 
Tyndaridae, iv. 145 
Typhon, iii. 5 

Tyras, iv. 11, 47, 51, 82 
Zacynthus, iii. 59; iv. 195 
Zaueces iv. 193 

A iit. 124, 142, 158; iv. δ, 69, 


127, 1 
Zopyrus, iii. 153-158, 160; iv. 43 


This is a reproduction of a library book that was digitized 
by Google as part of an ongoing effort to preserve the 
information in books and make it universally accessible. 


Google books 


https://books.google.com 


THE LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY 


EDITED BY 


E. CAPPS, Pu.D., LL.D. T. E. PAGE, Lirr.D. W. H. D. ROUSE, Lirr.D. 


HERODOTUS 


III 


HERODOTUS 


WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY 
A. D. GODLEY 


HON, FELLOW OF MAGDALEN COLLEGE, OXFORD 


IN FOUR VOLUMES 
III 


BOOKS V—VII 


LONDON : WILLIAM HEINEMANN 


NEW YORK : G. P. PUTNAM'S SONS 
MOMXXII 


CONTENTS 


BOOK V- a ar. “ᾱ- uox νι οι ον. Xe το; dy X ος) Ὁ, x65 1 
BOOK ME. Qu. xe e x κο o Med ας ο ιτ A 
BOOK. VII. uxo. 0x de oc 2 ον OE AN X de c» 0209 
MAPS—PELOPONNESUS «. . . . . . . . . . Abend 


THE ROUTE OF XERXES 


22 


THERMOPYLAE . . . . . . . . To face p. 493 


497771 


INTRODUCTION 


IN Books V and VI, the constant intermixture of 
references to earlier history with the actual narrative 
makes chronology obscure and difficult. I have 
endeavoured to make the sequence of events clearer 
by giving dates here and there in the notes. 

Book V describes, with a great many digressions, 
the events leading to, and the beginning of, the 
Ionian revolt against Darius. The following is a 
brief analysis of its contents, based on the summary 
in Stein's edition :— 

Ch. 1-16. Megabazus' conquests in Europe. 

Ch. 17-22. Story of a Persian embassy to 
Macedonia, and its fate. 

Ch. 28-27. Histiaeus of Miletus at the Persian 
court; Otanes’ conquests in N*W. Asia Minor and 
the neighbourhood. 

Ch. 28-38. Troubles at Miletus and Naxos; 
Aristagoras temporary alliance with Artaphrenes, 
and its breach; Aristagoras instigated by Histiaeus 
to revolt. 

Ch. 39-48. Story of Anaxandrides king of Sparta 
and his sons Cleomenes and Dorieus. Dorieus’ 
death in Sicily; Cleomenes king of Sparta. 

Ch. 49-51. Aristagoras’ unsuccessful attempt to 
obtain a Spartan alliance; his map of Asia. 

Ch. 62-04. Description of the * Royal Road" 
from Ephesus to Susa. 


vli 


INTRODUCTION 


Ch. 55-96. Aristagoras’ visit to Athens; a long 
digression on Athenian history. 

(Ch. 55-61. The death of Hipparchus; origin of 
the Gephyraei by whom he was killed. 

Ch. 62-65. Expulsion of the Pisistratidae, by 
Lacedaemonian help. 

Ch. 66—69. Reforms of Cleisthenes at Athens, on 
the model of those effected by an elder Cleisthenes 
at Sicyon. 

Ch. 70-73. Counter-revolution organised by Isa- 
goras with  Lacedaemonian help; its failure; 
Athenian embassy to Persia, without result. 

Ch. 74—78. Joint attack on Athens by Lacedae- 
monians, Boeotians, and Chalcidians; its repulse. 

Ch. 79-89. Alliance of Thebes and Aegina against 
Athens; former feud between Athens and Aegina, 
arising out of relations between Athens and 
Epidaurus. 

Ch. 90, 91. Debate among the Spartans and their 
allies, as to restoring Hippias at Athens. 

Ch. 92. Protest of the Corinthians against this; 
story of the Cypselid dynasty at Corinth. 

Ch. 93-96. Hippias’ retirement to Sigeum ; story 
of how Sigeum had originally been occupied by the 
Athenians ; Hippias’ appeal to Persia for protection, 
leading to a final breach between Persia and 
Athens.] 

Ch. 97, 98. Aristagoras’ success in obtaining 
Athenian help. Escape of the Paeonians from Asia, 
at his instigation. 

Ch. 99-102. Sardis attacked and burnt by 
Athenians and Ionians; their subsequent retreat. 

Ch. 103, 104. Spread of the revolt in Caria and 
Cyprus. 


viii 


INTRODUCTION 


Ch. 105-107. Histiaeus’ mission from Susa to 
Ionia, on pretence of dealing with the revolt. 

Ch. 108-115. War in Cyprus; battles by sea and 
land; Cyprus reduced by the Persians. 

Ch. 116-128. Persian victories in western Asia 
Minor. 

Ch. 124-126. Flight and death of Aristagoras. 


Book VI continues in its earlier chapters the story 
of the next phase of the Ionian revolts. 

Ch. 1-5. Histiaeus’ return from Susa to the west, 
and the ill-success of his enterprises there. 

Ch. 5-10. Preparation of the opposing forces of 
Persians and Ionians at Miletus; Persian attempts 
to tamper with the Ionians. 

Ch. 11-17. Dionysius’ attempt to train the 
Ionians for battle.  Sea-fight off Lade, Samian 
treachery, and complete victory of the Persians. 
Bravery and misfortunes of the Chians. 

Ch. 18-21. Fall of Miletus. 

Ch. 22-24. Flight of certain Samians to Sicily, 
and their treacherous occupation of Zancle. 

Ch. 25-32. Further Persian successes; capture 
and death of Histiaeus; complete suppression of 
the Ionian revolt. 

Ch. 33-41. Persian conquest of the Thracian 
Chersonese and the towns of the Hellespont. Story 
of the rule there of the elder Miltiades; escape 
from the Persians of Miltiades the younger. 

Ch. 42. Persian administration of Ionia. 

Ch. 43-45. First expedition of Mardonius against 
Greece (492); wreck of his fleet off Athos; his 
return to Asia. 

Ch. 46, 47. Subjection of Thasos to Persia. 


INTRODUCTION 


Ch. 48-50. Darius’ demand of “ earth and water” 
from Greek states. Aeginetans accused as traitors 
for submitting to it. 

Ch. 51-60. Digression on Spartan kingship. 
Origin of dual system; position and privileges of 
kings. 

Ch. 61-70. Story of Demaratus; his birth; his 
quarrel with and deposition by Cleomenes, the 
other king. Succession of Leutychides. 

Ch. 71-84. Subsequent career of Cleomenes and 
Leutychides. Cleomenes’ war with Argos, and his 
death (491, probably). 

Ch. 85, 86. Quarrel between Leutychides and 
Aegina; Leutychides’ demand for the restoration 
by the Athenians of Aeginetan hostages; story of 
Glaucus. 

Ch. 87-93. Incidents in war between Athens and 
Aegina. 

Ch. 94-101. New Persian expedition against 
. Greece under Datis and Artaphrenes. Conquest 
of Naxos, Delos, and Eretria. 

Ch. 102-108. Persian landing at Marathon in 
Attica, with Hippias; Athenian force sent thither, 
Miltiades one of their generals. His recent history. 
Athenian messenger despatched to Sparta for help. 
Reinforcement sent by Plataea. 

Ch. 109-117. Battle at Marathon and complete 
victory of the Athenians. 

Ch. 118-120. Persian retreat; fortunes of the 
Eretrians taken prisoners by the Persians; arrival 
of Lacedaemonian reinforcements at Athens. 

Ch. 121-131. Herodotus’ argument against the 
accusation of treason brought against the Alemaeonid 
family at Athens. Story of the family. Success 


X 


INTRODUCTION 


of one of its members in being chosen as the 
husband of Agariste, daughter of Cleisthenes of 
Sicyon. | 

Ch. 132-136. Unsuccessful expedition of Miltiades 
against Paros; his condemnation by the Athenians, 
and his death. 

Ch. 137-140. Story of the Pelasgian settlements 
in Attica and subsequently in Lemnos, and the 
ultimate reduction of Lemnos by Miltiades. 


The narrative in Book VII is much easier to 
follow. There are fewer digressions from the 
course of the story, and events are described in 
their chronological order for the most part. 

Ch. 1-4. New Persian preparation against Greece. 
Dispute about the succession to the throne among 
Darius sons; death of Darius and accession of 
Xerxes (485). 

Ch. 5, 6. Influence at the Persian court in favour 
of war. 

Ch. 7-11. Suppression of the Egyptian revolt. 
Xerxes' deliberation on invasion of Greece ; speeches 
of Xerxes, Mardonius, and Artabanus. 

Ch. 12-18. Xerxes' doubts; his and Artabanus' 
visions ; eventual decision for war. 

Ch. 19-25. Preparation for the expedition; its 
magnitude; construction of a canal across the 
promontory of Athos. 

Ch. 26-32. March of Xerxes’ army from Critalla 
in Cappadocia to Sardis. Story of Pythius' offer of 
money. 

Ch. 33-36. Construction of bridges across the 
Hellespont. 

Ch. 37-43. Route of the army from Sardis to 


X1 


INTRODUCTION 


Abydos; Pythius’ request, and its punishment; 
the order of march. 

Ch. 44-56. Review of the fleet and army at 
Abydos. Xerxes’ conversation with Artabanus. 
Passage of the Hellespont. 

Ch. 57-60. From the Hellespont to Doriscus ; 
the numbering of the army. 

Ch. 61-99. Catalogue and description of the 
national contingents composing Xerxes’ army and 
fleet. 

Ch. 100-107. Xerxes’ review of his forces at 
Doriscus; his conversation with Demaratus ; notice 
of some of the governors left by Xerxes in charge 
of Thracian towns. 

Ch. 108-121. Route of the army and fleet from 
Doriscus to Acanthus. How the army was fed. 

Ch. 122-126. From Acanthus to Therma. 

Ch. 127-131. Xerxes' excursion to Tempe in 
Thessaly. 

Ch. 132-137. Reception in Greece of proposals 
sent by Xerxes to Greek states. Vengeance alleged 
to be taken by Talthybius on the Lacedaemonians 
for their killing of ambassadors; story of Sperthias 
and Bulis. 

Ch. 138-144. Athens’ services in the cause of 
Greek freedom. Oracles given to the Athenians; 
decision to increase their fleet, on the advice of 
Themistocles. 

Ch. 145-147. General reconciliation among 
Greeks; their despatch of spies to Sardis; Xerxes’ 
generosity in dealing with these. 

Ch. 148-152. Dubious attitude of Argos and 
Herodotus’ reflections thereon. 

Ch. 153-167. Greek mission to Sicily. History of 


xii 


INTRODUCTION 


the rise of Gelon. His negotiations with the Greek 
envoys. Despatch of Cadmus. Victory of Gelon 
and Theron over the Carthaginians in Sicily. 

Ch. 168. Dubious attitude of Corcyra. 

Ch. 169-171. Greek mission to Crete; Delphian 
advice to Cretans to be warned by the fate of Minos, 
and the Trojan war. 

Ch. 172-174. Greek forces in Thessaly; their 
withdrawal; attitude of the Thessalians. 

Ch. 175-178. Greek occupation of Thermopylae 
and Artemisium. Description of localities. 
Delphian advice to the Greeks to pray to the 
winds. 

Ch. 179-187. First encounter of Greek and 
Persian ships; Greek fleet at Chalcis, Persian at 
Sepias. Herodotus’ estimate of total Persian 
numbers. 

Ch. 188-195. Heavy losses of Persian fleet in a 
storm. Persians at Aphetae, Greeks at Artemisium. 
Greeks capture Persian ships. 

Ch. 196, 197. March of Xerxes’ army through 
Thessaly and Achaia. Description of religious 
custom at Alus. 

Ch. 198-201. Further description of Thermopylae 
and neighbourh ^od. 

Ch. 202-207. Composition of the Greek force 
with Leonidas; his decision to remain at 
Thermopylae. 

Ch. 208, 209. Persian scouts and the Greeks; 
Xerxes' conversation with Demaratus. 

Ch. 210-212. Fights at Thermopylae and repulse 
of the Persians. 

Ch. 213-218. Flank movement of a Persian force 
over the hills, guided by Epialtes. 


xlii 


INTRODUCTION 
. Ch. 219-225. Withdrawal of part of the Greek 


force by Leonidas' order. Final battle; annihilation 
of the Lacedaemonians and Thespians. 

Ch. 226—233. Individual instances of bravery; the 
commemorative inscriptions; fortunes of the few 
survivors; Theban surrender to Xerxes. 

Ch. 234—238. Opinions of  Demaratus and 
Achaemenes as to Xerxes’ future policy. Muti- 
lation of Leonidas’ body. 

Ch. 239. Digression as to Demaratus’ secret mes- 
sage to Sparta about Xerxes’ proposed expedition. 


Among the highly miscellaneous data for internal 
Greek history of which Books V and VI are com- 
posed, those portions are especially interesting which 
give an account of governmental changes in the 
Hellenic world. Here we have the first beginnings 
of constitutional history. The period to which 
Herodotus’ narrative generally refers was a time of 
transition. Those old vague kingships which existed 
in the Homeric age had passed away; the powers 
of ruling βάσιλῆες had passed mostly into the hands 
οἵ some sort of oligarchy, whether based on wealth 
or birth. The relations between these and the un- 
privileged weaker population produced the economic 
disorders of the seventh century ; and different states - 
solved their problems in different ways. Sometimes 
the fall of an unpopular oligarchy or group of privi- 
leged families was brought about by the establish- 
ment of “ despotism,” some member of the hitherto 
powerful caste making himself master of the 
situation by a coup d'état, with or without the 
support of the unprivileged; thus the rule of the 
Battiadae at Corinth gave place to the *tyranny " 


xiv 


INTRODUCTION 


of the Cypselid dynasty. But despotism was for 
the most part—at least in Greece Proper—only an 
interlude. Judged by its works, it became more 
unpopular than the oligarchical rule which it had 
displaced; the general estimate of it was that an 
irresponsible ruler was probably a criminal, and 
that unchecked power meant the gratification of 
the worst passions of humanity. It is true that 
as despotism decayed in Greece Proper, it took 
a fresh leave of life in the west, where it was 
justified by its practical utility. The benevolent 
despotism of Gelo in Sicily was praised as much as 
the malevolent despotism of Periander at Corinth 
was condemned; in neither case was there any 
theoretical objection to an unconstitutional usurper 
—the system was not judged on any à priori grounds, 
but simply on the record of the particular τύραννος. 
Periander was a mere oppressor, Gelo was an 
Augustus of Syracuse, whose magnificence impressed 
even the sternest champions of “ freedom," and 
whose services to the ;Hellenic world against the 
Semites of Africa, and the wild tribes of the west, 
were of proved efficacy. 

Thus despotism endured in Sicily; but in Greece 
on the whole it gave place to some form of con- 
stitutional government. Now, therefore, for the 
first time we begin to hear of that strange thing 
éAevOepia—the name of which has played so vast a 
part in the history of the world, and will continue 
to play it so long as men are the slaves of names. 

What “freedom " meant to Herodotus and to the 
Hellas of which he writes is clear enough—simply 
freedom from the personal caprice of a single despotic 
ruler. It is worth pointing out to those who appeal 


XV 


INTRODUCTION 


to Hellas when they claim a traditional connection 
between * liberty" and democracy, that they will 
find in the history of the fifth century no warrant. 
for their peculiar theory. Δημοκρατία, of course, was 
not at all like Democracy, and would in fact have 
seemed to modern democrats to be a singularly close 
and oppressive form of oligarchy; but leaving this 
patent fact out of consideration we may see that 
Herodotus at least did not connect freedom with 
popular government. Athens, the stock instance of 
a democratic state par excellence, achieved ἐλευθερία 
not by giving power to the δῆμος, but by ridding herself 
of her despots; that was the “liberating " act; had 
she established an oligarchy, as she well might have 
done, on the ruins of despotism, she would have 
equally gained her “liberty,” ἐλευθερία, or ἰσηγορία, 
which like ἐλευθερία simply means the absence of 
despotism. That to Herodotus democracy has no 
prescriptive right to “liberty,” is sufficiently shown 
by the fact that Sparta with her close and tyrannous 
oligarchy is the typically *free" state. It is a 
Spartan who points out to a Persian the blessings 
of freedom. Herodotus, seeing alternative forms of 
government, and admiring ἐλευθερία (always on the 
ground of its higher efficiency), has no particular 
liking for democracy. When he mentions it, he 
does so without respect. Gelon of Sicily is made 
to call the δῆμος a “ thankless crew." In the dis- 
cussion of various constitutions in Book III the 
Persian debaters condemn democracy even more 
than oligarchy. The Athens which Herodotus lived 
in and admired was the Periclean city-state of which 
Thucydides says that * it was a nominal democracy, 
but in reality the rule of the first man." 


xvi 


INTRODUCTION 


These digressions on constitutional changes and 
conditions occupy considerable parts of Books V 
and VI, while the main story works its way to the 
dénouement, With Marathon, the drama reaches its 
climax. From this moment we are amidst the great 
scenes of history ; and nothing can detract from the 
compelling interest of the narrative. Herodotus’ 
marvellous skill heightens the dramatic appeal 
throughout by a constantly interwoven personal 
element. We are made to see the scale of the 
conflict, and judge of the issues involved, from 
the particular standpoint of individuals; we see 
through the eyes of a present witness. Herodotus 
does not only describe the greatness of Xerxes’ 
fleet; he describes it as seen by Xerxes; just as 
Homer’s most admired similes are those where the 
imagined scene is presented to us as viewed by a 
spectator. At most of the critical moments, the 
various reflections which might occur to a thought- 
ful mind, or the alternative courses of action 
which might naturally be suggested, are presented 
. to us in a dramatised form by debate or dialogue 
illustrating the diverse points of view—after the 
manner later made familiar by Euripides and 
Thucydides. 

So much of fiction there is, obviously; but the 
trustworthiness of the narrative, apart from these 
additamenta, has not been seriously assailed. Very 
many details in this part of Herodotus’ history 
lend themselves to speculation and controversy. He 
may exaggerate to the Persian numbers ; itis natural 
that he should. He may lend too ready an ear to 
legend. But modern research has not detracted 
from his general credibility. It is not too much to 


xvii 


INTRODUCTION 


say that where Herodotus gives most local detail 
he is least assailable. The story of Marathon is 
very briefly told, and it has been left for moderns 
to fill in what was lacking or explain what brevity 
makes obscure ; but the full and detailed description 
of Thermopylae is verifiable to-day. Of course one 
cannot argue with certainty from such instances .to 
the credibility of everything. But they are at least 
encouraging; and make any candid reader, in 
respect of those parts of the narrative where 
Herodotus is the sole witness, incline rather to 
belief in the first of historians than in those who 
would reconstruct history on the precarious basis 
of a priori probability. 


xvili 


HERODOTUS 
BOOK V 


VOL. III. 


HPOAOTOY IZTOPIAI 


E 


1. Οἱ δὲ ἐν τῇ Εὐρώπῃ τῶν Περσέων KATA- 
λειφθέντες ὑπὸ Δαρείου, τῶν ὁ Μεγάβαξος 
ἦρχε, πρώτους μὲν Περινθίους Ἑλλησποντίων οὐ 
βουλομένους ὑπηκόους εἶναι Δαρείου κατεστρέ- 
ψαντο, περιεφθέντας πρότερον καὶ ὑπὸ Παιόνων 
τρηχέως. οἱ γὰρ ὧν ἀπὸ Στρυμόνος Παίονες χρή- 
σαντος τοῦ θεοῦ στρατεύεσθαι ἐπὶ Περινθίους, 
καὶ ἣν μὲν ἀντικατιξόμενοι ἐπικαλέσωνται σφέας 
οἱ Περίνθιοι ὀνομαστὶ βώσαντες, τοὺς δὲ ἐπιχει- 
ρέειν, ἦν δὲ μὴ ἐπιβώσωνται, μὴ ἐπιχειρέειν, 
ἐποίεον οἱ i Παίονες ταῦτα. ἀντικατιζομένων δὲ τῶν 
Περινθίων ἐν τῷ προαστείῳ, ἐνθαῦτα μουνομαχίη 
τριφασίη ἐκ προκλήσιός σφι ἐγένετο' καὶ γὰρ 
ἄνδρα ἀνδρὶ καὶ i ἵππον. ἵππῳ συνέβαλον καὶ κύνα 
κυνί. νικώντων δὲ τὰ δύο τῶν Περινθίων, ὡς 
ἐπαιώνιξον κεχαρηκότες, συνεβάλοντο οἱ Παίονες 
τὸ χρηστήριον αὐτὸ τοῦτο εἶναι καὶ εἶπάν κου 
παρὰ σφίσι αὐτοῖσι “' Νῦν ἂν εἴη ὁ χρησμὸς ἐπιτε- 
λεόμενος ἡμῖν, νῦν. ἡμέτερον ἔργον.. οὕτω τοῖσι 
Περινθίοισι παιωνίσασι ἐπιχειρέουσι οἱ Παίονες, 
καὶ πολλὸν τε ἐκράτησαν καὶ ἕλιπον σφέων 
ὀλίγους. 


2 


HERODOTUS 


BOOK V 


1. Tuose Persians whom Darius had left in Europe 
under the command of Megabazus, finding the 
Perinthians unwilling to be Darius' subjects, sub- 
dued them before any others of the people of the 
Hellespont. These Perinthians had already been 
roughly handled by the Paeonians. For the 
Paeonians from the Strymon had been bidden by 
an oracle of their god to march against Perinthus, 
and if the Perinthians being encamped over against 
them should call to them, crying out their name, 
then to attack them, but, if there were no such call, 
then not to attack. Thus the Paeonians did; and 
the Perinthians being encamped in front of their city, 
the armies challenged each other to a threefold duel, 
wherein man was matched against man, horse against 
horse, and dog against dog. The Perinthians won 
the victory in two of the combats and raised the cry 
of ** Paean” in their joy. The Paeonians reasoned 
that this was that whereof the oracle spoke; they 
said to each other, as I suppose, “ This is surely the 
fulfilment of the prophecy; now here is work for 
us"; and with that, the Perinthians having cried 
* Paean," the Paeonians set upon them and won a 
great victory, leaving few of their enemies alive. 

3 
B 2 


HERODOTUS 


2. Tà μὲν δὴ ἀπὸ Παιόνων πρότερον γενόμενα 
ὧδε ἐγένετο" τότε δὲ ἀνδρῶν ἀγαθῶν περὶ τῆς 
ἐλευθερίης γινομένων τῶν Ἠερινθίων οἱ Πέρσαι τε 
καὶ ὁ Μεγάβαξος ἐπεκράτησαν πλήθεϊ. ὡς δὲ 
ἐχειρώθη ἡ Πέρινθος, ἤλαυνε Μεγάβαξος τὸν 
στρατὸν διὰ τῆς Θρηίκης, πᾶσαν πόλιν καὶ πᾶν 
ἔθνος τῶν ταύτῃ οἰκημένων ἡμερούμενος βασιλέι. 
ταῦτα γάρ οἱ ἐνετέταλτο ἐκ Δαρείου, Θρηίκην 
καταστρέφεσθαι. 

8. Θρηίκων δὲ ἔθνος μέγιστον ἐστὶ μετά γε 
Ἰνδοὺς πάντων ἀνθρώπων" εἰ δὲ Ù ὑπ] ἑνὸς ἄρχοιτο 
7 φρονέοι κατὰ τὠντό, ἄμαχόν T ἂν εἴη καὶ πολ- 
AQ κράτιστον πάντων ἐθνέων κατὰ γνώμην τὴν 
ἐμήν. ἀλλὰ γὰρ τοῦτο ἄπορόν σφι καὶ ἀμήχανον 
μή κοτε ἐγγένηται, εἰσὶ δὴ κατὰ τοῦτο ἀσθενέες. 
οὐνόματα δ᾽ ἔχουσι πολλὰ κατὰ χώρας ἕκαστοι, 
νόμοισι δὲ οὗτοι παραπλησίοισι πάντες χρέωνται 
κατὰ πάντα, πλὴν l'eréov καὶ Τραυσῶν καὶ τῶν 
κατύπερθε Κρηστωναίων οἰκεόντων. 

4. Τούτων δὲ τὰ μὲν Γέται οἱ ἀθανατίξοντες 
ποιεῦσι, εἴρηταί μοι’ Τραυσοὶ δὲ τὰ μὲν ἄλλα 
πάντα κατὰ ταὐτὰ τοῖσι ἄλλοισι Θρήιξι ἐπιτε- 
λέουσι, κατὰ δὲ τὸν γινόμενόν σφι καὶ ἀπογινόμε- 
νον ποιεῦσι τοιάδε' τὸν μὲν γενόμενον περιιξόμενοι 
οἱ προσήκοντες ὀλοφύρονται, ὅσα µιν δεῖ ἐπείτε 
ἐγένετο ἀναπλῆσαι κακά, ἀνηγεόμενοι τὰ ἀνθ- 
ρωπήια πάντα maleca’ τὸν δ᾽ ἀπογενόμενον παί- 
ξοντές τε καὶ ἡδόμενοι γῇ κρύπτουσι, ἐπιλέγοντες 
ὅσων κακῶν ἐξαπαλλαχθεὶς ἐστὶ ἐν πάσῃ εὖδαι- 
μονίῃ. 

δ. Οἱ δὲ κατύπερθε Κρηστωναίων ποιεῦσι TOL- 
ade. ἔχει γυναῖκας ἕκαστος πολλά,' ἐπεὰν ὧν τις 


4 


BOOK V. 2-5 


2. The Perinthians had already been thus treated 

by the Paeonians; and now they fought like brave 
men for their liberty, but Megabazus and the Persians 
overcame them by weight of numbers. Perinthus 
being taken, Megabazus marched his army through 
Thrace, subduing to the king's will every city and 
every people of that region. For this was the charge 
given him by Darius, even the conquest of Thrace. 
. 9. The Thracians are the biggest nation in the 
world, next to the Indians; were they under one 
ruler, or united, they would in my judgment be 
invincible and the strongest nation on earth; but 
since there is no way or contrivance to bring this 
about, they are for this reason weak. They have 
many names, each tribe according to its region. All 
these Thracians are alike in all their usages, save the 
Getae, and the Trausi, and those that dwell above 
the Crestonaeans. 

4. As for the Getae who claim to be immortal, I 
have already told! what they do; the Trausi, who in 
all else fulfil the customs of other Thracians, do as I 
will show at the seasons of birth and death. When 
a child is born, the kinsfolk sit round and lament for 
all the tale of ills that it must endure from its birth 
onward, recounting all the sorrows of men ; but the 
dead they bury with jollity and gladness, for the 
reason that he is quit of so many ills and is in perfect 
blessedness. 

9. Those who dwell above the Crestonaeans have 
a custom of their own: each man having many wives, 

ΣΤΥ, 94. 


5 


HERODOTUS 


αὐτῶν ἀποθάνῃ, κρίσις γίνεται μεγάλη τῶν γυναι- 
κῶν καὶ φίλων σπουδαὶ ἰσχυραὶ περὶ τοῦδε, ἥτις 
αὐτέων ἐφιλέετο μάλιστα ὑπὸ τοῦ ἀνδρός: À ὃ ἂν 
κριθῇ καὶ τιμηθῇ, ἐγκωμιασθεῖσα ὑπό τε ἀνδρῶν 


. - / , . , e . ^. 
καὶ γυναικῶν σφάζεται és τὸν τάφον ὑπὸ τοῦ 


, / € ^ ^ \ 4 
οἰκηιοτάτου ἑωυτῆς, σφαχθεῖσα δὲ συνθάπτεται 
^ » , M xy . , ^ 
τῷ ἀνδρί. at δὲ ἄλλαι συμφορὴν μεγάλην ποιεῦν- 

Tau ὄνειδος γάρ σφι τοῦτο μέγιστον γίνεται. 

6. Τῶν δὲ δὴ ἄλλων Θρηίκων ἐστὶ ὅδε νόμος" 
πωλεῦσι τὰ τέκνα ἐπ᾿ ἐξαγωγῆ, τὰς δὲ παρθένους 
οὐ φυλάσσουσι, ἀλλ. ἐῶσι τοῖσι αὐταὶ βούλονται 
ἀνδράσι μίσγεσθαι" τὰς δὲ γυναῖκας ἰσχυρῶς pv- 
λάσσουσι καὶ ὠνέονται τὰς γυναῖκας παρὰ τῶν 
γονέων χρημάτων μεγάλων. καὶ τὸ μὲν ἐστίχθαι 
εὐγενὲς κέκριται, τὸ δὲ ἄστικτον ἀγεννές. ἀργὸν 
9 ^ N 
εἶναι κάλλιστον, γῆς δὲ ἐργάτην ἀτιμότατον' τὸ 

- , . , . 4 ΄ 
ζῆν ἀπὸ πολέμου καὶ ληιστύος κάλλιστον. 
/ / 

7. Οὗτοι μὲν σφέων οἱ ἐπιφανέστατοι νόμοι 
»/ . . / r 4 » A 
εἰσί, θεοὺς δὲ σέβονται μούνους τούσδε, Αρεα καὶ 
Διόνυσον καὶ Αρτεμιν. οἱ δὲ βασιλέες αὐτῶν, 
^ € 
πάρεξ τῶν ἄλλων πολιητέων, σέβονται "Epuéqv 
μάλιστα θεῶν, καὶ ὀμνύουσι μοῦνον τοῦτον, καὶ 

λέγουσι γεγονέναι ἀπὸ ᾿Ερμέω ἑωυτούς. 
- - ο 

8. Ταφαὶ δὲ τοῖσι εὐδαίμοσι αὐτῶν εἰσὶ aide: 
τρεῖς μὲν ἡμέρας προτιθεῖσι τὸν νεκρόν, καὶ παν- 
τοῖα σφάξαντες ἱρήια εὐωχέονται, προκλαύσαντες 
πρῷτον' ἔπειτα δὲ θάπτουσι κατακαύσαντες ἢ 
ἄλλως γῇ κρύψαντες, χῶμα δὲ χέαντες ἀγῶνα 

- ^ ^ / 
τιθεῖσι παντοῖον, ἐν τῷ τὰ μέγιστα ἄεθλα τίθεται 
6 | 


BOOK V. 5-8 


at his death there is great rivalry among his wives, 
and eager contention on their friends' part, to prove 
which wife was best loved by her husband ; and she 
to whom the honour is adjudged is praised by men 
and women, and then slain over the tomb by her 
nearest of kin, and after the slaying she is buried 
with the husband. The rest of the wives take 
this sorely to heart, deeming themselves deeply 
dishonoured. 

6. Among the rest of the Thracians, it is the 
custom to sell their children to be carried out of 
the country. They take no care of their maidens, 
allowing them to have intercourse with what men 
they will: but their wives they strictly guard, and 
buy them for a great price from the parents. To be 
tattooed is a sign of noble birth; to bear no such 
marks is for the baser sort. The idler is most 
honoured, the tiller of the soil most contemned ; he 
is held in highest honour who lives by war and foray. 

7. These are the most notable of their usages. 
They worship no gods but Ares, Dionysus, and 
Artemis.! But their princes, unlike the rest of their 
countrymen, worship Hermes above all gods and 
swear only by him, claiming him for their ancestor. 

8. Among those of them that are rich, the funeral 
rites are these:—They lay out the dead for three 
days, then after killing all kinds of victims and first 
making lamentation they feast; after that they make 
away with the body either by fire or else by burial 
in the earth, and when they have built a barrow 
they set on foot all kinds of contests, wherein the 
greatest prizes are offered for the hardest fashion 


1 Herodotus as usual identifies foreign with Greek deities : 
v. How and Wells ad loc. 


7 


HERODOTUS 


κατὰ λόγον μουνομαχίης. ταφαὶ μὲν δὴ Θρηίκων 
εἰσὶ αἴδε. 

9. Τὸ δὲ πρὸς βορέω τῆς χώρης ἔτι ταύτης 
οὐδεὶς ἔχει φράσαι τὸ ἀτρεκὲς οἵτινες εἰσὶ ἄνθρω - 
ποι οἰκέοντες αὐτήν, ἀλλὰ τὰ πέρην ἤδη τοῦ 
Ἴστρου ἔρημος χώρη φαίνεται ἐοῦσα καὶ ἄπειρος. 
μούνους δὲ δύναμαι πυθέσθαι οἰκέοντας πέρην τοῦ 
Ἴστρου ἀνθρώπους τοῖσι οὔνομα εἶναι Σιγύννας, 
ἐσθῆτι δὲ χρεωμένους Μηδικῇ' τοὺς δὲ ἵππους 
αὐτῶν εἶναι λασίους ἅπαν τὸ σῶμα ἐπὶ πέντε 
δακτύλους τὸ βάθος τῶν τριχῶν, μικροὺς δὲ καὶ 
σιμοὺς καὶ ἀδυνάτους ἄνδρας φέρειν, ξευγνυμένους 
δὲ ὑπ᾽ ἅρματα εἶναι ὀξυτώτους: ἁρματηλατέειν 
δὲ πρὸς ταῦτα τοὺς ἐπιχωρίους. κατήκειν δὲ τού- 
των τοὺς οὔρους ἀγχοῦ ᾿Ενετῶν τῶν ἐν τῷ ᾿Αδρίῃ. 
εἶναι δὲ Μήδων σφέας ἀποίκους λέγουσι. ὅκως 
δὲ οὗτοι Μήδων ἄποικοι γεγόνασι, ἐγὼ μὲν οὐκ 
ἔχω ἐπιφράσασθαι, γένοιτο ὃ ἂν πᾶν ἐν τῷ 
μακρῷ χρόνῳ. σιγύννας ὃ ὧν καλέουσι Λίγυες 
οἱ ἄνω ὑπὲρ Μασσαλίης οἰκέοντες τοὺς καπήλους, 
Κύπριοι δὲ τὰ δόρατα. 

10. Ὡς δὲ Θρήικες λέγουσι, μέλισσαι κατέχουσι 
τὰ πέρην τοῦ "Ίστρου, καὶ ὑπὸ τουτέων οὐκ εἶναι 
διελθεῖν τὸ προσωτέρω. ἐμοὶ μέν νυν ταῦτα λέ- 
Ύοντες δοκέουσι λέγειν οὐκ οἰκότα' τὰ γὰρ “ĝa 
ταῦτα φαίνεται εἶναι δύσριγα᾽ ἀλλά μοι τὰ ὑπὸ 
τὴν ἄρκτον ἀοίκητα δοκέει εἶναι διὰ τὰ ψύχεα. 
ταῦτα μέν νυν τῆς χώρης ταύτης πέρι λέγεται. τὰ 
παραθαλάσσια ὃ ὧν αὐτῆς Μεγάβαζος Περσέων 
κατήκοα ἐποίεε. 

ll. Δαρεῖος δὲ ὡς διαβὰς τάχιστα τὸν 'EX- 
λήσποντον ἀπίκετο ἐς Σάρδις, ἐμνήσθη τῆς ἐξ 
8 


BOOK V. 8-11 


of single combat. Such are the Thracian funeral 
rites. 

9. For what lies north of this country none can 

tell with certainty what men dwell there; cross the 
Ister and you shall see but an infinite tract of deserts. 
I can learn of no men dwelling beyond the Ister save 
certain that are called Sigynnae, and wear Median 
dress. Their horses are said to be covered all over 
with shaggy hair! five fingers’ breadth long, and to be 
small and blunt-nosed and unable to bear men on 
their backs, but very swift when yoked to chariots ; 
wherefore to drive chariots is the usage of the 
country. These men's borders, it is said, reach nigh 
as far as the Eneti on the Adriatic Sea. They call 
themselves colonists from Media. How this has 
come about I myself cannot understand ; but all is 
possible in the long ages of time. However that be, 
we know that the Ligyes who dwell inland of Massalia 
use the word “sigynnae’’ for hucksters, and the 
Cyprians use it for spears. 
. 10. But the Thracians say that all the land beyond 
the Ister is full of bees, and that by reason of these 
none can travel there. This is no credible tale, to 
my mind ; for those creatures are ill able to bear cold ; 
but it appears to me rather that it is by reason of 
the cold that the northern lands are not inhabited. 
Such, then, are the stories about this region. What- 
ever be the truth, Megabazus made its sea-coast 
subject to the Persians. 

11. As soon as Darius had crossed the Hellespont 
and come to Sardis,? he remembered the good service 


1 Strabo says much the same of the Sigynni, according to 
him a Caucasian tribe. 
3 Cp. IV. 143. 


HERODOTUS 


Ἱστιαίου τε τοῦ Μιλησίου εὐεργεσίης καὶ τῆς 
παραινέσιος τοῦ Μυτιληναίου Κώεω, μεταπεμψά- 
μενος δὲ σφέας ἐς Σάρδις ἐδίδου αὐτοῖσι αἵρεσιν. 
ὁ μὲν δὴ Ἱστιαῖος, ἆ ἅτε τυραννεύων τῆς Μιλήτου, 
τυραννίδος μὲν οὐδεμιῆς προσεχρήιξε, αἰτέει δὲ 
Μύρκινον τὴν ᾿Ηδωνῶν, βουλόμενος ἐν αὐτῇ πόλιν 
κτίσαι. οὗτος μὲν δὴ ταύτην αἱρέεται, ὁ I Κώης, 
οἷά τε οὐ τύραννος δημότης τε ἐών, αἰτέει Muri- 
λήνης τυραννεῦσαι. 

12. Τελεωθέντων δὲ ἀμφοτέροισι, οὗτοι μὲν 
κατὰ τὰ εἵλοντο ἐτράποντο, Δαρεῖον δὲ συνήνεικε 
πρῆγμα τοιόνδε ἰδόμενον ἐπιθυμῆσαι ἐντείλασθαι 
Μεγαβάζῳ Παίονας ἑλόντα ἀνασπάστους ποιῆσαι 
ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίην ἐκ τῆς Εὐρώπης. - ἦν Πίγρης καὶ 
Μαντύης ἄνδρες Παίονες, o? ἐπείτε Δαρεῖος διέβη 
ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίην, αὐτοὶ ἐθέλοντες Παιόνων τυραν- 
νεύειν ἀπικνέονται ἐς Σάρδις, à ἅμα ἀγόμενοι ἆδελ.- 
φεὴν μεγάλην τε καὶ εὐειδέα. φυλάξαντες δὲ 
Δαρεῖον προκατιζόµενον ἐ ἐς τὸ προάστειον τὸ τῶν 
Λυδῶν ἐποίησαν τοιόνδε' σκευάσαντες τὴν ἀδελ.- 
φεὴν ὡς εἶχον ἄριστα, ἐπ᾿ ὕδωρ ἔπεμπον ἄγγος 
ἐπὶ τῇ κεφαλῇ ἔχουσαν καὶ ἐκ τοῦ βραχίονος 
ἵππον ἐπέλκουσαν καὶ κλώθουσαν λίνον. ὡς δὲ 
παρεξήιε ἡ γυνή, ἐπιμελὲς τῷ Δαρείῳ ἐγένετο: 
οὔτε γὰρ Περσικὰ ἣν οὔτε Λύδια τὰ ποιεύμενα 
ἐκ τῆς γυναικός, οὔτε πρὸς τῶν ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ασίης 
οὐδαμῶν. ἐπιμελὲς δὲ ὥς οἱ ἐγένετο, τῶν δορυ- 
φόρων τινὰς πέμπει κελεύων φυλάξαι ὅ τι χρήσε- 
ται τῷ ἵππῳ ἡ γυνή. οἳ μὲν δὴ ὄπισθε εἵποντο᾽ 
ἣ δὲ ἐπείτε ἀπίκετο ἐπὶ τὸν ποταμόν, ἦρσε τὸν 
ἵππον, ἄρσασα δὲ καὶ τὸ ἄγγος τοῦ ὕδατος 
ἐμπλησαμένη τὴν αὐτὴν ὁδὸν παρεξήιε, φέρουσα 
IO 


BOOK V. 11-12 


done him by Histiaeus of Miletus and the counsel 
of Coes the Mytilenaean; and he sent for them to 
come to Sardis and offered them the choice of what 
they would. Then Histiaeus, seeing that he was 
despot of Miletus, desired no further sovereignty 
than that, but asked for Myrcinus! in the Edonian 
land, that hé might there build a city. This was 
Histiaeus' choice; but Coes, inasmuch as he was no 
despot but a plain citizen, asked that he might be 
made despot of Mytilene. 

12. The desire of both being granted, they went 
their ways to the places of their choice ; but Darius, 
as it fell out, saw a sight which put it in his mind to 
bid Megabazus take the Paeonians and carry them 
from their homes out of Europe into Asia. There 
were two Paeonians, Pigres and Mantyes; these 
would themselves be rulers of their countrymen, and 
when Darius had crossed into Asia came to Sardis, 
bringing with them their sister, a woman tall and 
fair. There, waiting till Darius should be sitting in 
the suburb of the Lydian city, they put on their 
sister the best adornment they bad, and sent her to 
draw water, bearing a vessel on her head and leading 
a horse by the bridle on her arm and spinning flax 
the while. Darius took note of the woman as she 
passed by him; for what she did was not in the 
manner of the Persians or Lydians or any of the 
peoples of Asia. Having taken note of the thing, 
he sent certain of his guard, bidding them watch 
what the woman would do with the horse. So they 
followed behind her; and she, coming to the river, 
watered the horse; then, having so done, and filled 
her vessel with the water, she passed back again by 


1 A district rich in timber and precious metals ; cp. 23. 
II 


HERODOTUS 


τὸ ὕδωρ ἐπὶ τῆς κεφαλῆς καὶ ἐπέλκουσα ἐκ τοῦ 
βραχίονος τὸν ἵππον καὶ στρέφουσα τὸν ἄτρα- 
κτον. 

13. Θωμάξων δὲ ὁ Δαρεῖος τά τε ἤκουσε ἐκ τῶν 
κατασκόπων καὶ τὰ αὐτὸς ὥρα, ἄγειν αὐτὴν ἐκέ- 
λενε ἑωυτῷ ἐς ὄψιν. ὡς δὲ .ἄχθη, παρῆσαν καὶ 
οἱ ἀδελφεοὶ αὐτῆς οὔ κῃ πρόσω σκοπιὴν ἔχοντες 
τούτων. el pwr ai ντος δὲ τοῦ Δαρειου ὁποδαπὴ ein, 
ἔφασαν οἱ νεηνισκοι εἶναι Παίονες καὶ ἐκείνην 
εἶναι σφέων ἀδελφεήν. ὃ Ò ἀμείβετο, τίνες δὲ οἱ 
Ἠαίονες ἄνθρωποι εἰσὶ καὶ κοῦ γῆς πμ, καὶ 
τί κεῖνοι ἐθέλοντες ἔλθοιεν ἐς Σάρδις. οἳ δέ οἱ 
ἔφραξον ὡς ἔλθοιεν μὲν ἐκείνῳ ο. σφέας 
αὐτούς, εἴη δὲ ἡ ἡ Παιονίη ἐπὶ τῷ Στρυμόνι ποταμῷ 
πεπολισμένη, ὁ δὲ Στρυμὼν οὐ πρόσω τοῦ Ἕλλη- 
σπόντου, εἴησαν δὲ Τευκρῶν τῶν ἐκ Τροίης ἄποι- 
κοι. οἳ μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ἕκαστα ἔλεγον, ὃ ὃ δὲ εἰρώτα 
εἰ καὶ πᾶσαι αὐτόθι αἱ γυναῖκες εἴησαν οὕτω 
ἐργάτιδες. οἳ δὲ καὶ τοῦτο ἔφασαν προθύμως 
οὕτω ἔχειν αὐτοῦ γὰρ ὧν τούτου εἵνεκα καὶ 
ἐποιέετο. 

14. ᾿Ενθαῦτα Δαρεῖος γράφει γράμματα Μεγα- 
Bábo, τὸν ἔλιπε ἐν τῇ Θρηίκη στρατηγόν, ἐντελ- 
λόμενος ἐξαναστῆσαι ἐξ ἠθέων Παίονας καὶ Tap 
ἑωυτὸν ἀγαγεῖν καὶ αὐτοὺς καὶ τὰ τέκνα τε καὶ 
τὰς γυναῖκας αὐτῶν. αὐτίκα δὲ ἱππεὺς ἔθεε 
φέρων τὴν ἀγγελίην ἐπὶ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον, πε- 
ραιωθεὶς δὲ διδοῦ τὸ βυβλίον τῷ Μεγαβάζῳ. ô 
δὲ ἐπιλεξάμενος, καὶ λαβὼν ἡγεμόνας ἐκ τῆς 
Θρηίκης ἐ ἐστρατεύετο ἐπὶ τὴν Παιονίην. 

15. Πνυθόμενοι δὲ οἱ Παίονες τοὺς Πέρσας ἐπὶ 
σφέας ἰέναι, ἁλισθέντες ἐξεστρατεύσαντο πρὸς 
12 


BOOK V. 12-15 


the same way, bearing the water on her head and 
leading the horse on her arm and plying her 
distaff. 

13. Marvelling at what he heard from his watchers 
and what he saw for himself, Darius bade the woman 
be brought before him. When she was brought, her 
brothers, who watched all this from a place near by, 

came too; and Darius asking of what nation she 
were, the young man told him that they were 
Paeonians, and she their sister. ‘ But who," he 
answered, *are the Paeonians, and where dwell 
they, and with what intent are you come to Sardis ? ” 
They showed him, that they were come to be his men ; 
that the towns of Paeonia were on the Strymon, 
a river not far from the Hellespont; and that they 
were colonists from the Teucrians of Troy. So they 
told him all this ; and the king asked them if all the 
women of their country were as notable workers. 
To this too they very readily answered (for it was for 
this very purpose that they had come), that it was 
indeed so. 

14. Then Darius wrote a letter to Megabazus, 
whom he had left as his general in Thrace, bidding 
him take the Paeonians from their houses, and bring 
them to him, men, women, and children. Im- 
mediately a horseman sped with this message to 
the Hellespont, and crossing it gave the letter to 
Megabazus ; who, having read it, took guides from 
Thrace and led his army to Paeonia. 

15. When the Paeonians learnt that the Persians 
were coming against them, they gathered themselves 


I3 


HERODOTUS 


θαλάσσης, δοκέοντες ταύτῃ. ἐπιχειρήσειν τοὺς 
Πέρσας ἐμβάλλοντας. οἱ μὲν δὴ Παίονες ἦσαν 
ἕτοιμοι τὸν Μεγαβάζου στρατὸν ἐπιόντα ἐρύκειν' 
οἱ δὲ Πέρσαι πυθόμενοι συναλίσθαι τοὺς Παίονας 
καὶ τὴν πρὸς θαλάσσης ἐσβολὴν φυλάσσοντας, 
ἔχοντες ἡγεμόνας τὴν ἄνω ὁδὸν τράπονται, λα- 
θόντες δὲ τοὺς Παίονας ἐσπίπτουσι ἐς τὰς πόλιας 
αὐτῶν ἐούσας ἀνδρῶν ἐρήμους" οἷα δὲ κεινῆσι 
ἐπιπεσόντες εὐπετέως κατέσχον. οἱ δὲ Παίονες 
ὡς ἐπύθοντο ἐχομένας τὰς πόλιας, αὐτίκα δια- 
σκεδασθέντες κατ᾽ ἑωυτοὺς ἕκαστοι ἐτράποντο | καὶ 
παρεδίδοσαν σφέας αὐτοὺς τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι. οὕτω 
δὴ Παιόνων Σιριοπαίονές τε καὶ Παιόπλαι καὶ οἱ 
μέχρι τῆς Πρασιάδος λέμνης ἐξ ἠθέων ἐξανα- 
στάντες ἤγοντο ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίην. 

16. Οἱ δὲ περί τε Πάγγαιον ὄρος καὶ Δόβηρας 
καὶ ᾿Αγριᾶνας καὶ Ὀδομάντους 3 καὶ αὐτὴν τὴν 
λύμνην τὴν Πρασιάδα οὐκ ἐχειρώθησαν ἀρχὴν 
ὑπὸ Μεγαβάξου: ἐπειρήθη δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἐν τῇ 
λύμνῃ κατοικημένους ἐξαιρέειν ὧδε. ἴκρια ἐπὶ 
σταυρῶν ὑψηλῶν -ἐξευγμένα ἐν μέσῃ ἕστηκε τῇ 
λέμνη, ἔσοδον ἐκ τῆς ἠπείρου στεινὴν ἔχοντα μιῇ 
γεφύρῃ. τοὺς δὲ σταυροὺς τοὺς ὑπεστεῶτας τοῖσι 
ἐκρίοισι τὸ μέν κου ἀρχαῖον ἔστησαν κοινῇ πάντες 
οἱ πολιῆται, μετὰ δὲ νόμῳ χρεώμενοι ἱστᾶσι 
τοιῷδε: κομίζοντες ἐξ ὄρεος τῷ οὔνομα ἐστὶ Ὄρ- 
βηλος, κατὰ γυναῖκα, ἑκάστην ὁ γαμέων τρεῖς 
σταυροὺς ὑπίστησι' ἄγεται δὲ ἕκαστος συχνὰς 


1.Stein brackets καὶ Δοβ. καὶ ᾿Αγρ. καὶ Οδ. ; and certainly 
it is not reasonable to speak of Paeonians living near the 
Doberes and Agrianes, who are themselves Paeonians. 


14 


BOOK V. 15-16 


together and marched away to the sea, thinking that 
the Persians would essay to attack them by that 
way. Sothe Paeonians were ready to stay the onset 
of Megabazus army; but the Persians, learning 
that the Paeonians had gathered their forces and 
were guarding the sea-coast way into their country, 
got them guides and marched instead by the high- 
land road, whereby they took the Paeonians un- 
awares and won entrance into their cities, wbich 
were left without men; and finding these empty at 
their onfall they easily gained them. The Paeonians, 
learning that their towns were taken, straightway 
broke and went each his own way and yielded them- 
selves up to the Persians. Thus of the Paeonians 
the Siriopaeones and Paeoplae and all that dwelt as 
far as the Prasiad lake were taken away from their 
homes and carried into Asia. 

16. But those near the Pangaean! mountains and 
the country of the Doberes and the Agrianes and 
the Odomanti and the Prasiad lake itself were never 
subdued at all by Megabazus; albeit he tried to take 
the lake-dwellers,? whose dwellings were such as I 
shall show :—There is set in the midst of the lake a 
platform made fast on tall piles, whereto one bridge 
gives a narrow passage from the land. The piles 
which support the platform were set there in old 
times by all the people working together, but by a 
later custom this is the manner of their setting: the 
piles are brought from a mountain called Orbelus;? 
and every man plants three for each woman that he 
weds; and each has many wives. For the manner 


1 East of the Strymon. 

* Dwellings of à similar kind have been found in North 
Italy, Ireland, and other parts of Western Europe. 

3 Between the Strymon and the Nestus. 


15 


HERODOTUS 


γυναῖκας. οἰκέουσι δὲ τοιοῦτον τρόπον, κρατέων 
ἕκαστος ἐπὶ τῶν ἰκρίων καλύβης τε ἐν τῇ διαιτᾶται 
καὶ θύρης καταπακτῆς διὰ τῶν ἱκρίων κάτω Φε- 
ρούσης ἐς τὴν λίμνην. τὰ δὲ νήπια παιδία δέουσι 
τοῦ πο ὃς σπάρτῳ, μὴ κατακυλισθῇ δειμαίνοντες. 
τοῖσι δὲ ἵπποισι καὶ τοῖσι ὑποζυγίοισι παρέχουσι 
χόρτον. ἰχθῦς" τῶν δὲ πλῆθος ἐστὶ τοσοῦτο ὥστε, 
ὅταν τὴν θύρην τὴν καταπακτὴν ἀνακλίνῃ, κατιεῖ 
σχοίνῳ σπυρίδα κεινὴν ἐς τὴν λίμνην, καὶ οὐ πολ- 
λόν τινα χρόνον ἐπισχὼν ἀνασπᾷ πλήρεα ἰχθύων. 
τῶν δὲ ἰχθύων ἐστὶ γένεα δύο, τοὺς καλέουσι 
πάπρακάς τε καὶ τίλωνας. 

17. Παιόνων μὲν δὴ οἱ χειρωθέντες ἤγοντο ἐς 
τὴν Aciq. Μεγάβαξος δὲ ὡς ἐχειρώσατο τοὺς 
Iaíovas, πέμπει ἀγγέλους ἐς Μακεδονίην ἄνδρας 
ἑπτὰ Πέρσας, οἳ μετ᾽ αὐτὸν ἐκεῖνον ἦσαν δοκιμώ- 
τατοι ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ" ἐπέμποντο δὲ οὗτοι 
παρὰ ᾽Αμύντην αἰτήσοντες γῆν τε καὶ ὕδωρ Δα- 
ρείῳ βασιλέι. ἔστι δὲ € ἐκ τῆς Πρασιάδος λίμνης 
σύντομος κάρτα ἐς τὴν Μακεδονίην" πρῶτον μὲν 
γὰρ ἔχεται τῆς λίμνης τὸ μέταλλον ἐξ οὗ ὕστερον 
τούτων τάλαντον ἀργυρίου ᾿Αλεξάνδρῳ ἡμέρης 
ἑκάστης ἐφοίτα, μετὰ δὲ τὸ μέταλλον Δύσωρον 
καλεόμενον ὄρος ὑπερβάντα εἶναι ἐν Μακεδονίῃ. 

18. Οἱ ὦ ὧν Πέρσαι οἱ πεμφθέντες οὗτοι παρὰ τὸν 
᾽Αμύντην ὡς ἀπίκοντο, αἴτεον ἐλθόντες ἐς ὄψιν 
τὴν ᾿Αμύντεω Δαρείῳ βασιλέι γῆν τε καὶ ὕδωρ. 
ὃ δὲ ταῦτά τε ἐδίδου καί σφεας ἐπὶ ξείνια καλέει, 
παρασκευασάμενος δὲ δεῖπνον μεγαλοπρεπὲς ἐδέ- 
KETO τοὺς Πέρσας φιλοφρόνως. ὡς δὲ ἀπὸ δείπνου 
ἐγένοντο, διαπίνοντες εἶπαν οἱ Πέρσαι τάδε. 


τό 


BOOK V, 16-18 


of their dwelling, each man on the platform owns 
the hut wherein he lives and a trap-door in the 
platform leading down into the lake. They make a 
cord fast to the feet of their little children, lest the 
children fall into the water. They give fish for 
fodder to their horses and beasts of burden; and of 
fish there is such abundance, that a man opens his 
trap-door and lets an empty basket down by a line 
into the lake, and it is no long time before he draws 
it up full of fish. There are two kinds of these, some 
called “ paprakes," some “ tilones.” 

17. So those of the Paeonians who were taken 
were carried into Asia. Then Megabazus, having 
made the Paeonians captive, sent as messengers into 
Macedonia! the seven Persians who (after himself) 
were the most honourable in his army ; these were 
sent to Amyntas to demand earth and water for 
Darius the king. Now there is a very straight way 
from the Prasiad lake to Macedonia ; for first and 
near to the lake is that mine wherefrom later 
Alexander drew a daily revenue of a talent of 
silver, and when. he has passed the mine a man 
need but cross the mountain called Dysorum ? to be 
in Macedonia. 

18. These Persians then who were sent, coming 
to Amyntas and being in his presence, demanded 
earth and water for Darius the king ; which he gave, 
and invited them to be his guests; and he prepared 
a dinner of great splendour and received them 
hospitably. But after dinner, the Persians said to 
Amyntas as they sat drinking together, ** Macedonian, 


1 ie. the country as extended by Alexander I. east of the 
Axius to the Strymon. 
8 Apparently not far from the lower Strymon. 


17 


VOL. ΠΙ. ς 


HERODOTUS 


r Ἐεῖνε Μακεδών, ἡμῖν νόμος ἐστὶ τοῖσι Πέρσησι, 
ἐπεὰν δεῖπνον προτιθώμεθα μέγα, τότε καὶ τὰς 
παλλακὰς καὶ τὰς κουριδίας γυναῖκας ἐσάγεσθαι 
παρέδρους. σύ νυν, ἐπεί περ προθύμως μὲν ἐδέ- 
ξαο μεγάλως δὲ ξεινίξεις, διδοῖς δὲ βασιλέι, Δα- 
ρείῳ γῆν τε καὶ ὕδωρ, ἕπεο νόμῳ τῷ ἡμετέρῳ. 
εἶπε πρὸς ταῦτα ᾿Αμύντης eo Πέρσαι, νόμος μὲν 
ἡμῖν ye ἐστὶ οὐκ οὗτος, ἀλλὰ κεχωρίσθαι ἄνδρας 
γυναικῶν" ἐπείτε δὲ ὑμεῖς ἐόντες δεσπόται προσ- 
χρηίξετε τούτων, παρέσται ὑμῖν καὶ ταῦτα. 
εἴπας τοσαῦτα ὁ Α μύντης μετεπέμπετο τὰς γυναῖ- 
kas: at Ò ἐπείτε καλεόµεναι ἦλθον, ἐπεξῆς ἀντίαι 
ἵζοντο τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι. ἐνθαῦτα οἱ Πέρσαι͵ ἰδό- 
μενοι γυναῖκας εὐμόρφους ἔλεγον πρὸς ᾽Αμύντην 
φάμενοι τὸ ποιηθὲν τοῦτο οὐδὲν εἶ εἶναι «σοφόν: κρέσ- 
σον yap εἶναι ἀρχῆθεν μὴ ἐλθεῖν τὰς -Ὑυναῖκας ἢ 
ἐλθούσας καὶ μὴ παριζομένας ἀντίας ἵξεσθαι 
ἀλγηδόνας σφίσι ὀφθαλμῶν. ἀναγκαζόμενος δὲ 
ὁ ᾽Αμύντης ἐκέλευε παρίξειν' πειθοµενέων δὲ τῶν 
γυναικῶν αὐτίκα οἱ Π]έρσαι μαστῶν τε ἅπτοντο 
οἷα πλεόνως οἰνωμένοι, καί κού τις καὶ φιλέειν 
ἐπειρᾶτο. 

19. ᾽Αμύντης μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ὁρέων ἀτρέμας eiye, 
καίπερ δυσφορέων, οἷα ὑπερδειμαίνων τοὺς Πέρ- 
gas ᾿Αλέξανδρος δὲ ὁ ᾽Αμύντεω παρεών τε καὶ 
ὀρέων ταῦτα, ἅτε νέος τε ἐὼν καὶ κακῶν ἀπαθής, 
οὐδαμῶς € ἔτι κατέχειν οἷός τε ἦν, ὥστε δὲ ᾿Βαρέως 
φέρων εἶπε πρὸς ᾽Αμύντην τάδε. “Q πάτερ, σὺ 
μὲν εἶκε τῇ ἡλικίῃ ἀπιών τε ἀναπαύεο, ᾿μηδὲ λιπά- 
pee τῇ Toot ἐγὼ δὲ προσμένων αὐτοῦ τῇδε πάντα 
τὰ ἐπιτήδεα παρέξω τοῖσι ξείνοισι.” πρὸς ταῦτα 
συνιεὶς ᾽Αμύντης ὅτι νεώτερα πρήγματα πρήσσειν 
18 


BOOK V. 18-19 


our host, it is our Persian custom after the giving of 
any great banquet to bring in also the concubines 
and wedded wives to sit by the men. Do you then 
(since you have received us heartily and are nobly 
entertaining us, and are giving Darius our king earth 
and water) follow our custom.” To this Amyntas 
replied: * No such custom, Persians, have we our- 
selves; with us, men and women sit apart; but 
seeing that you are our masters and would have this 
too, it shall be as you desire.” With that, Amyntas 
sent for the women; they came at call, and sat 
down over against the Persians. Then the Persians, 
seeing comely women before them, spoke to Amyntas 
and said that there was no sense in what he had 
done; it were better (they said) that the women had 
never come at all than that they should come and 
not sit beside the men, but sit opposite them to 
torment their eyes. Amyntas then, as needs must, 
bade the women sit beside them ; which when they 
did, at once the Persians, flushed as they were with 
excess of wine, laid hands on the women's breasts, 
and one or another would essay to kiss them. 

19. This Amyntas saw, but held his peace for all 
his anger, because he greatly feared the Persians. But 
Amyntas' son Alexander, in his youth and ignorance 
of ill deeds, could by no means bear it longer, but 
said to Amyntas in great wrath: “ My father, do you 
do as befits your age; leave us and take your rest, 
and continue not at the drinking; but I will stay 
here and give our guests all that is needful." At 
this Amyntas saw that Alexander had some wild 

I9 
c 2 


HERODOTUS 


μέλλοι ὁ ᾿Αλέξανδρος, λέγει Q παῖ, σχεδὸν γά 
σευ ἀνακαιομένου συνίημι τοὺς λόγους, ὅτι ἐθέ- 
λεις ἐμὲ ἐκπέμψας ποιέειν τι νεώτερον" ἐγὼ ὧν 
σευ χρηίξω μηδὲν νεοχμῶσαι κατ᾽ ἄνδρας. τούτους, 
ἶνα μὴ ἐξεργάσῃ ἡμέας, ἀλλὰ ἀνέχευ ὀρέων τὰ 
ποιεύμενα" ἀμφὶ δὲ ἀπόδῳ τῇ ἐμῇ πείσομαί TOL. 

20. Ὡς δὲ ὁ ᾿Αμύντης Xpniaas τούτων οἰχώκεε, 
λέγει ὁ ᾿Αλέξανδρος πρὸς τοὺς Πέρσας d Γυναικῶν 
τουτέων, ὦ ξεῖνοι, ἔστι ὑμῖν πολλὴ εὐπετείη, καὶ 
εἰ πάσῃσι βούλεσθε μίσγεσθαι καὶ ὁκόσῃσι ὧν 
αὐτέων. τούτου μὲν πέρι αὐτοὶ ἀποσημανέετε" 
νῦν δέ, σχεδὸν γὰρ ἤδη, τῆς κοίτης ὥρη ὧπροσέρχε- 
ται ὑμῖν καὶ καλῶς ἔχοντας ὑμέας. ὁρῶ μέθης, 
γυναῖκας ταύτας, εἰ ὑμῖν φίλον ἐστί, ἄπετε λούσα- 
σθαι, Ἀουσαμένας δὲ ὁ ὀπίσω προσδέκεσθε." εἴπας 
ταῦτα, συνέπαινοι γὰρ ἦσαν οὗ Πέρσαι, γυναῖκας 
μὲν «ἐξελθούσας ἀπέπεμπε ἐς τὴν γυναικηίην, 
αὐτὸς δὲ ὁ ᾿Αλέξανδρος i ἴσους τῇσι γυναιξὶ ἀριθμὸν 
ἄνδρας λειογενείους τῇ τῶν γυναικῶν ἐσθῆτι σκευά- 
σας καὶ ἐγχειρίδια δοὺς ἦγε ἔσω, παράγων δὲ τού- 
τους ἔλεγε τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι τάδε. “CQ Πέρσαι, 
οἴκατε .πανδαισίῃ τελέῃ ἱστιῆσθαι: τά τε γὰρ 
ἄλλα ὅσα εἴχομεν, καὶ πρὸς τὰ οἷά τε ἦν ἐξευ- 
ρόντας. παρέχειν, πάντα ὑμῖν πάρεστι, : καὶ δὴ καὶ 
τόδε τὸ πάντων μέγιστον, τάς τε ἑωυτῶν .μητέρας 
καὶ τὰς ἀδελφεὰς ἐπιδαψιλευόμεθα ὑμῖν, ὡς 
παντελέως μάθητε τιμώμενοι πρὸς ἡμέων τῶν περ 
ἐστὲ ἄξιοι, πρὸς δὲ καὶ βασιλέι τῷ πέμψαντι 
ἀπαγγείλητε ὡς ἀνὴρ" Ελλην ΝῊ ὕπαρ- 
χος εὖ ὑμέας ἐδέξατο καὶ τραπέζῃ καὶ κούτῃ. 
ταῦτα εἴπας ὁ ᾿Αλέξανδρος -παρίξει Πέρσῃ ἀνδρὶ 
ἄνδρα Μακεδόνα ὡς γυναῖκα τῷ λόγῳ' οἳ δέ, 
20 


BOOK V. 19-20 


deed in mind, and, * My son," he said, * you are 
angered, and if I guess your meaning aright you 
would send me away that you may do some violent 
deed; for my part, then, I entreat you—act not 
rashly by these men, lest you undo us, but bear 
patiently the sight of what they do. But if you 
would have me depart, to that I consent." 

20. Amyntas with this request having gone his 
ways, Alexander said to the Persians, “Sirs, you 
have full freedom to deal with these women, and 
may have intercourse with all or any of them. As 
to that, you will yourselves declare your pleasure ; 
but now, as the hour of your rest draws nigh and I 
see that you are all well and truly drunk, suffer 
these women, so please you, to depart and wash; 
and when they have washed, look for them to come 
to you again." Having so said, the Persians con- 
senting thereto, he sent the women, when they had 
gone out, away to their apartment ; Alexander then 
took as many smooth-chinned men as there were 
women and attired them in the women's dress and 
gave them daggers; these he brought in, and so 
doing he said to the Persians: * Methinks, men of 
Persia, you have feasted to your hearts' content ; all 
that we had and all besides that we could find to 
give you has been set before you ; and now we make 
you a free gift of our best and choicest possession, 
our own mothers and sisters. Learn thereby that we 
accord you the full meed of honour that you deserve, 
and tell your king who sent you how his Greek 
viceroy of Macedonia has received you hospitably to 
board and bed." With that, Alexander made his 
Macedonians to sit each next to a Persian, as though 
they were women; and when the Persians began to 


21 


HERODOTUS 


ἐπείτε σφέων οἱ Πέρσαι ψαύειν ἐπειρῶντο, διεργά- 
ζοντο αὐτούς. 

21, Καὶ οὗτοι - μὲν τούτῳ τῷ μόρῳ διεφθάρησαν, 
καὶ αὐτοὶ καὶ ἡ θεραπηίη αὐτῶν' εἵπετο γὰρ. δή 
σφι καὶ ὀχήματα καὶ θεράποντες καὶ ἡ πᾶσα 
πολλὴ παρασκευή: πάντα δὴ ταῦτα ἅμα πᾶσι 
ἐκείνοισι ἠφάνιστο. μετὰ δὲ χρόνῳ οὐ πολλῷ 
ὕστερον ζήτησις τῶν ἀνδρῶν τούτων µεγάλη ἐκ 
τῶν Περσέων ἐγίνετο, καί σφεας. ᾿Αλέξανδρος 
κατέλαβε σοφίῃ, χ χρήματά τε δοὺς πολλὰ καὶ τὴν 
ἑωυτοῦ ἀδελφεὴν τῇ οὔνομα ἦν Γυγαίη' δοὺς δὲ 
ταῦτα κατέλαβε ὸ ᾿Αλέξανδρος Βουβάρῃ ἀνδρὶ 
Πέρσῃ, τῶν διζημένων τοὺς ἀπολομένους τῷ 
rd 

“O μέν νυν τῶν Περσέων τούτων θάνατος 
οὕτω ᾿ καταλαμϕθεὶς ἐσιγήθη. "Ελληνας δὲ εἶναι 
τούτους τοὺς ἀπὸ Περδίκκεω γεγονότας, κατά περ 
αὐτοὶ λέγουσι, αὐτός τε οὕτω τυγχάνω ἐπιστά- 
μενος καὶ δὴ καὶ ἐν τοῖσι ὄπισθε λόγοισι ἀποδέξω 
ὡς εἰσὶ "Έλληνες, πρὸς δὲ καὶ οἱ τὸν ἐν Ὀλυμπίῃ 
διέποντες ἆ ἀγῶνα Ἑλληνοδίκαι οὕτω ἔγνωσαν εἶναι. 
᾿Αλεξάνδρου γὰρ. ἀεθλεύειν ἑλομένου καὶ καταβάν- 
τος ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸ τοῦτο, οἱ ἀντιθευσόμενοι Ἑλλήνων 
ἐξεῖργόν pw, φάμενοι ov βαρβάρων ἀγωνιστέων 
εἶναι τὸν ἀγῶνα ἀλλὰ Ἑλλήνων: ᾿Αλέξανδρος δὲ 
ἐπειδὴ ἀπέδεξε ὡς εἴη ᾿Αργεῖος, ἐκρίθη τε εἶναι 
"Ἕλλην καὶ ἀγωνιζόμενος στάδιον συνεξέπιπτε 
τῷ πρώτῳ. 

23. Ταῦτα μέν νυν οὕτω KY ἐγένετο. Μεγά- 
βαξος δὲ ἄγων τοὺς Παίονας ἀπίκετο ἐπὶ τὸν 
Ἑλλήσποντον: ἐνθεῦτεν διαπεραιωθεὶς ἆ ἀπίκετο ἐς 
τὰς Σάρδις. ἅτε δὲ τειχέοντος ἤδη Ἱστιαίου τοῦ 
22 


BOOK V. 20-23 


lay hands on them, they were despatched by the 
Macedonians. 

21. This was the fate whereby they perished, they 
and all their retinue; for carriages too had come 
with them, and servants, and all the great train they 
had ; the Macedonians made away with all that, as 
well as with all the envoys themselves. No long time 
afterwards the Persians made a great search for 
these men; but Alexander had cunning enough to 
put an end to it by the gift of a great sum and his 
own sister Gygaea to Bubares, a Persian, the general 
of those who sought for the slain men; by this gift 
he made an end of the search. 

22. Thuswas the death of these Persians suppressed 
and hidden in silence. Now that these descendants of 
Perdiccas are Greeks, as they themselves say, I my- 
self chance to know and will prove it in the later 
part of my history ; and further, the Hellenodicae! 
who have the ordering of the contest at Olympia 
determined that it is so. For when Alexander chose 
to contend and entered the lists for that purpose, 
the Greeks who were to run against him were for 
barring him from the race, saying that the contest 
should be for Greeks and not for foreigners; but 
Alexander proving himself to be an Argive, he 
was judged to be a Greek; so he contended in 
the furlong race and ran a dead heat for the first 
place. 

23. In some such wise these things fell out. But 
Megabazus came to the Hellespont, bringing with 
him the Paeonians; thence he crossed it and came 
to Sardis. Now as Histiaeus the Milesian was by 


? Elean citizens, usually ten, who presided at the Olympic 
games, Ἢ 
23 


HERODOTUS 


Μιλησίου τὴν παρὰ Δαρείου αἰτήσας ἔτυχε 
μισθὸν. δωρεὴν. φυλακῆς τῆς σχεδίης, ἐόντος f^ 
τοῦ χώρου τούτου παρ Στρυμόνα ποταμὸν τῷ 
οὔνομα ἐστὶ Μύρκινος, μαθὼν ὁ Μεγάβαξος τὸ 
ποιεύμενον ἐκ τοῦ Ἱστιαίου, ὡς ἦλθε τάχιστα ἐς 
τὰς Σάρδις ἄγων τοὺς Παίονας, ἔλεγε Δαρείῳ τάδε. 
NU βασιλεῦ, κοῖόν τι χρῆμα, ἐποίησας, ἀνδρὶ 
Ἕλληνι δεινῷ τε καὶ σοφῷ δοὺς ἐγκτίσασθαι 
πόλιν ἐν Θρηίκῃ, iva ἴδη τε ναυπηγήσιμος ἐστὶ 
ἄφθονος καὶ πολλοὶ κωπέες καὶ μέταλλα ἀργύρεα, 
ὅμιλος τε πολλὸς μὲν Ἕλλην περιοικέει πολλὸς 
δὲ βάρβαρος, οἳ προστάτεω ἐπιλαβόμενοι ποιή- 
σουσι τοῦτο τὸ ἂν κεῖνος ἐξηγέηται καὶ ἡμέρης 
καὶ νυκτός. σύ. νυν τοῦτον τὸν ἄνδρα παῦσον 
ταῦτα ποιεῦντα, ἵνα μὴ οἰκηίῳ πολέμῳ συνέχῃ᾽ 
τρόπῳ. δὲ ἠπίῳ μεταπεμψάμενος παῦσον. ἐπεὰν 
δὲ αὐτὸν περιλάβῃς, ποιέειν ὅκως μηκέτι κεῖνος ἐς 
Ελληνας ἀπίξεται." 

24. Ταῦτα -λέγων ὁ Μεγάβαξος εὐπετέως ἔπειθε 
Δαρεῖον ὡς εὖ προορῶν τὸ μέλλον γίνεσθαι. μετὰ 
δὲ πέμψας ἄγγελον ἐς τὴν Μύρκινον ὁ Δαρεῖος 
ἔλεγε τάδε. i Ἱστιαῖε, βασιλεὺς Δαρεῖος τάδε 
λέγει. ἐγὼ φροντίξων εὑρίσκω ἐμοί τε καὶ τοῖσι 
ἐμοῖσι πρήγμασι εἶναι οὐδένα σεῦ ἄνδρα εὐνοέ- 
στερον' τοῦτο. δὲ οὐ λόγοισι ἀλλ᾽ ἔργοισι. οἶδα 
μαθών. νῦν ὧν, ἐπινοέω γὰρ πρήγματα μεγάλα 
κατεργάσασθαι, ἀπίκεό μοι πάντως, ἵνα του αὐτὰ 
ὑπερθέωμαι." τούτοισι τοῖσι ἔπεσι πιστεύσας 
0 Ἱστιαῖος, καὶ ἅμα μέγα ποιεύμενος βασιλέος 
σύμβουλος γενέσθαι, ἀπίκετο ἐς τὰς Σάρδις: ἀπι- 
κομένῳ δέ οἱ ἔλεγε Δαρεῖος τάδε. * Ἱστιαῖε, ἐγώ 
σε μετεπεμψ-άμην τῶνδε εἴνεκεν. ἐπείτε τάχι- 


24 


BOOK V. 23-24 


this time fortifying the place which he had asked of 
Darius as his reward for guarding the bridge (this 
was a place called Myrcinus by the river Strymon), 
Megabazus had learnt what Histiaeus was about, and 
no sooner had he come to Sardis with the Paeonians 
than he said to Darius: **Sire, what is this that you 
have done? You have given a clever and cunning 
Greek a city to build in Thrace, where are forests in 
plenty for ship-building, and much wood for oars, 
and mines of silver, and much people both Greek 
and foreign dwelling around, who when they have a 
champion to lead them will do all his behests by day 
or by night. Do you then stay this man from these 
his doings, lest you have a war on hand with your 
own subjects ; but to this end bring him to you by 
gentle means; and when you have him safe, see to 
it that he never return to Hellas." 

24. Darius was readily persuaded by this, for he 
thought that Megabazus foresaw the future aright ; 
and presently he sent this message to Myrcinus: 
“These to Histiaeus from Darius the king:—My 
thoughts can show me no man who is a truer friend 
to me and mine ; not words but deeds have proved 
this to me. Now therefore let nothing hinder you 
from coming to me, that I may disclose to you 
certain great purposes which I have in mind." 
Trusting these words, and proud, moreover, that he 
should be the king's counsellor, Histiaeus came to 
Sardis; and when he had come Darius said to him, 
s Histiaeus, I will tell you wherefore I sent for you. 


25 


HERODOTUS 


στα ἐνόστησα ἀπὸ Σκυθέων καὶ σύ po ἐγένεο ἐξ 
ὀφθαλμῶν, οὐδέν κω ἄλλο χρῆμα οὕτω ἐν βραχέι 
ἐπεξήτησα ὡς σὲ ἰδεῖν τε καὶ ἐς λόγους μοι ἀπικέ- 
σθαι, ἐ ἐγνωκὼς ὅτι κτημάτων πάντων ἐστὶ τιμιώ- 
τατον ἀνὴρ φίλος συνετός τε καὶ εὔνοος, τά τοι 
ἐγὼ καὶ ἀμφότερα συνειδὼς ἔχω μαρτυρέειν ἐς 
πρήγματα τὰ ἐμά. νῦν ὧν, εὖ γὰρ ἐποίησας ἁπ- 
ικόµενος, τάδε τοι ἐγὼ προτείνομαι" Μίλητον μὲν 
ἔα καὶ τὴν νεόκτιστον ἐν Θρηίκῃ, πόλιν, σὺ δέ μοι 
ἑπόμενος ἐς Σοῦσα ἔ ἔχε τά περ ἂν ἐγὼ ἔχω, ἐμός 
τε σύσσιτος ἐὼν καὶ σύμβουλος." 

25. Tavra Δαρεῖος εἴπας, καὶ καταστήσας ᾿Αρ- 
ταφρένεα ἀδελφεὸν ἑωντοῦ ὁμοπάτριον ὕπαρχον 
εἶναι Σαρδίων, ἀπήλαυνε ἐς Σοῦσα ἅμα ἀγόμενος 
Ἱστιαῖον, Ὀτάνεα δὲ ἀποδέξας στρατηγὸν εἶναι 
τῶν παραθαλασσίων ἀνδρῶν" τοῦ τὸν πατέρα 
Σισάµνην βασιλεὺς Καμβύσης γενόμενον τῶν 
βασιληίων δικαστέων, ὅτι ἐπὶ χρήμασι. δίκην 
ἄδικον ἐδίκασε, σφάξας ἀπέδειρε πᾶσαν τὴν av- 
θρωπέη», σπαδίξας δὲ αὐτοῦ τὸ δέρμα ἱ ἱμάντας ἐξ 
αὐτοῦ ἔταμε καὶ ἐνέτεινε τὸν θρόνον ἐς τὸν ἴζων 
ἐδίκαξε: ἐντανύσας δὲ ὁ Καμβύσης ἀπέδεξε δικα- 
στὴν εἶναι ἀντὶ τοῦ Σισάµνεω, τὸν ἀποκτείνας 
ἀπέδειρε, τὸν παῖδα τοῦ Σισάµνεω, ἐντειλάμενός 
οἱ μεμνῆσθαι ἐ ἐν τῷ κατίζων θρόνῳ δικάζει. 

26. Οὗτος à ὧν ὁ Ὀτάνης ὁ ο ἐγκατιξόμενος ἐ ἐς τοῦ- 
τον τὸν _Opovor, τότε διάδοχος γενόμενος Μεγα- 
βάξῳ τῆς στρατηγίης, Βυζαντίους τε εἷλε καὶ 
Καλχηδονίους, εἷλε δὲ "Αντανδρον τὴν ἐν τῇ 
ες. γῇ, εἷλε δὲ Λαμπώνιον, λαβὼν δὲ παρὰ 

Λεσβίων νέας εἷλε Λῆμνόν τε καὶ Ἴμβρον, ἀμφο- 
τέρας ἔτι τότε ὑπὸ Πελασγῶν οἰκεομένας. 


26 


BOOK V. 24-26 


As soon as I returned from Scythia and you were 
gone from my sight, there was nothing whereof I 
had so immediate a desire as the seeing and speaking 
with you ; for I knew that the most precious of all 
possessions is a wise and loyal friend; and I can 
witness of my own knowledge that you have dealt 
both wisely and loyally with me. Now therefore, 
seeing that you have done well in coming hither, I 
make you this proposal:—leave Miletus and your 
newly founded Thracian city, and follow me to 
Susa, to have there all that is mine and to share 
my table and my counsels." 

25. So said Darius; and appointing Artaphrenes 
his father's son to be viceroy of Sardis, he rode 
away to Susa, taking Histiaeus with him. But first 
he made Otanes governor of the people on the 
sea-coast. Otanes’ father Sisamnes had been one 
of the royal judges;! Cambyses had cut his throat 
and flayed off all his skin because he had been bribed 
to give an unjust judgment; and he had then cut 
leather strips of the skin which had been torn away 
and covered therewith the seat whereon Sisamnes 
had sat to give judgment; which having done, 
Cambyses appointed the son of this slain and flayed 
Sisamnes to be judge in his place, admonishing him 
to remember what was the judgment-seat whereon 
he sat. 

26. This Otanes then, who sat upon that seat, was 
now made successor to Megabazus in his governor- 
ship; he took Byzantium and Calchedon, and An- 
tandrus in the Troad, and Lamponium; and he 
conquered with ships that he got from the Lesbians 
Lemnos and Imbros, both then still inhabited by 
Pelasgians. 

! Cp. III. 31. | 
2] 


HERODOTUS 


27. Οἱ μὲν δὴ Λήμνιοι καὶ ἐμαχέσαντο. εὖ καὶ 
ἀμυνόμενοι ἀνὰ χρόνον ἐκακώθησαν, τοῖσι δὲ 
περιεοῦσι αὐτῶν οἱ Πέρσαι ὕπαρχον ἐπιστᾶσι 
Λυκάρητον τὸν Μαιανδρίου τοῦ βασιλεύσαντος 
Σάμου ἀδελφεόν. οὗτος o Λυκάρητος ἄρχων ἐν 
Λήμνῳ τελευτᾷ. αἰτίη δὲ τούτου ἥδε" πάντας 
jvõparoðitero καὶ κατεστρέφετο τοὺς μὲν λιπο- 
στρατίης ἐπὶ Σκύθας αἰτιώμενος, τοὺς δὲ σίνασθαι 
τὸν Δαρείου στρατὸν ἀπὸ Σκυθέων ὀπίσω ἀποκο- 
μιζόμενον. 

98, Οὗτος δὲ τοσαῦτα ἐξεργάσατο στρατηγή- 
σας. μετὰ δὲ οὗ πολλὸν χρόνον ἄνεσις κακῶν 
ἦν, καὶ ἤρχετο τὸ δεύτερον ἐ ἐκ Νάξου τε καὶ Μιλή- 
του Ἴωσι γίνεσθαι. κακά. τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ 7) Νάξος 
εὐδαιμονίῃ τῶν νήσων προέφερε, τοῦτο δὲ κατὰ 
τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον ἡ Μίλητος αὐτή τε ἑωυτῆς 
μάλιστα δὴ τότε ἀκμάσασα καὶ δὴ καὶ τῆς ᾿Ιωνίης 
ἦν πρόσχημα, κατύπερθε δὲ τούτων ἐπὶ δύο ' γενεὰς 
ἀνδρῶν νοσήσασα ἐς τὰ μάλιστα στάσι, μέχρι οὗ 
μιν Πάριοι κατήρτισαν' τούτους γὰρ καταρτιστῆ- 
pas ἐκ πάντων Ελλήνων εἵλοντο οἱ Μιλήσιοι. 

99. Κατήλλαξαν δὲ σφέας ὧδε Πάριοι. ὡς 

ἀπίκοντο αὐτῶν ἄνδρες οἱ ἄριστοι ἐς τὴν Μίλη- 
τον, ὥρων γὰρ δή σφεας δεινῶς οἰκοφθορημένους, 
ἔφασαν αὐτῶν βούλεσθαι διεξελθεῖν τὴν χώρην" 
ποιεῦντες δὲ ταῦτα καὶ διεξιόντες πᾶσαν τὴν 
Μιλησίην, ὅκως τινὰ ἴδοιεν ἐν ἀνεστηκυίη τῇ 
χώρῃ ἀγρὸν εὖ ἐξεργασμένον, ἀπεγράφοντο τὸ 
οὔνομα ToU δεσπότεω τοῦ ἀγροῦ. διεξελάσαντες 
δὲ πᾶσαν τὴν χώρην καὶ σπανίους εὑρόντες τούτους, 
ὡς τάχισ τα κατέβησαν ἐς τὸ ἄστυ, ἁλίην ποιησάµε- 
vot ἀπέδεξαν τούτους μὲν τὴν πὀλιν νέμειν τῶν εὗρον 
28 


BOOK V. 27-29 


27. The Lemnians fought well and defended 
themselves, till at last they were brought to evil 
plight, and the Persians set a governor over those 
that were left of them, Lycaretus the brother of 
Maeandrius who had been king of Samos. This 
Lycaretus came to his end while ruling in Lemnos; 
this was because he strove to enslave and subdue all 
the people, accusing some of shunning service against 
the Scythians, and others of plundering Darius’ army 
on its way back from Scythia. 

28. All this Otanes achieved when he had been 
made governor. Thereafter, when there had been 
no long surcease of evils, trouble began to come on 
the Ionians from Naxos and Miletus once more. For 
Naxos surpassed all the other islands in prosperity, 
and at about the same time Miletus was then at the 
height of her fortunes, insomuch that she was the 
chief ornament of lonia; but for two generations 
before this she had.been very greatly troubled by 
faction, till the Parians made peace among them, 
being chosen out of all Greeks by the Milesians to 
be peace-makers. | 

29. The Parians reconciled them in this man- 
ner :—Their best men came to Miletus, and seeing 
the Milesian households sadly wasted, said that they 
desired to go about their country. Doing this, 
and visiting all the territory of Miletus, whenever 
they found any well-tilled farm in the desolation 
ef the land, they wrote down the name of the owner 
of that farm. Then, having travelled over the whole 
country and found but few such men, no sooner had 
they returned to the city than they assembled the 
people and appointed as rulers of the state those 


29 


HERODOTUS 


τοὺς ἀγροὺς εὖ ἐξεργασμένουο" δοκέειν γὰρ ἔφασαν 
καὶ τῶν δημοσίων οὕτω δή σφεας ἐπιμελήσεσθαι 
ὥσπερ τῶν σφετέρων: TOUS δὲ ἄλλους Μιλησίους 
τοὺς πρὶν στασιάξοντας τούτων ἔταξαν πείθεσθαι. 
30. Πάριοι μέν νυν Μιλησίους. οὕτω κατήρτι- 
σαν. . τότε δὲ ἐκ τουτέων τῶν πολίων ὧδε ἤρχετο 
κακὰ γίνεσθαι τῇ Ἰωνίῃ. ἐκ Νάξου ἔφυγον 
ἄνδρες τῶν παχέων ὑπὸ τοῦ δήμου, φυγόντες δὲ 
ἀπίκοντο ἐς Μίλητον. τῆς δὲ Μιλήτου ἐτύγχανε 
ἐπίτροπος ἐὼν ᾿Αρισταγόρης ὁ 0 Μολπαγόρεω, γαμ- 
β ός τε ἑὼν καὶ | ἀνεψιὸς Ἱστιαίου τοῦ Λυσαγόρεω, 
τὸν ὁ Δαρεῖος é ἐν Σούσοισι κατεῖχε' ὁ γὰρ Ἱστιαῖος 
τύραννος ἦν Μιλήτου καὶ ἐτύγχανε τοῦτον τὸν 
χρόνον ἐὼν ἐν Σούσοισι, ὅτε οἱ Νάξιοι ἦλθον 
ξεῖνοι πρὶν ἐόντες τῷ “Ἱστιαίῳ. ἀπικόμενοι δὲ οἱ 
Νάξιοι ἐ ἐς τὴν Μίλητον ἐδέοντο τοῦ ᾿Αρισταγόρεω, 
εἴ κως αὐτοῖσι παράσχοι δύναμίν τινα καὶ κατ; 
έλθοιεν € ἐς τὴν ἑωυτῶν. ὃ δὲ ἐπιλεξάμενος ὦ ὡς ἣν 6t 
αὐτοῦ κατέλθωσι ἐ ἐς τὴν πόλιν, ἄρξει τῆς Νάξου, 
σκῆψιν δὲ ποιεύμενος τὴν ξεινίην τὴν Ἱστιαίου, 
τόνδε σφι λόγον προσέφερε. “ Αὐτὸς μὲν ὑμῖν οὐ 
φερέγγυος. εὐμὶ δύναμιν παρασχεῖν τοσαύτην ὥστε 
κατάγειν ἀεκόντων τῶν τὴν πόλιν É ἐχόντων Ναξίων: 
πυνθάνομαι γὰρ ὀκτακισχιλίην ἀσπίδα Ναξίοισι 
εἶναι καὶ πλοῖα μακρὰ πολλά. μηχανήσομαι δὲ 
πᾶσαν σπουδὴν ποιεύμενος. ἐπινοέω δὲ τῆδε. 
᾿Αρταφρένης μοι τυγχάνει ἐὼν φίλος’ ὁ δὲ ᾿Αρτα- 
fiers ὑμῖν Ὕστάσπεος μὲν ἐστὶ παῖς, Δαρείου 
ἑ τοῦ βασιλέος ἀδελφεός, τῶν δ ἐπιθαλασσίων 
τῶν ἐν τῇ ᾿Ασίῃ ἄ χει πάντων, ἔχων στρατιήν Te 
πολλὴν καὶ πολλὰς νέας. τοῦτον ὧν δοκέω τὸν 
ἄνδρα ποιήσειν τῶν ἂν χρηίξζωμεν.᾽ ταῦτα ἀκού- 


30 


BOOK V. 29-30 


whose lands they had found well tilled; for these 
(they said) were like to take as good care of public 
affairs as they had of their own ; and they ordained 
that the rest of the Milesians who had been at feud 
should obey these men. 

30. Thus the Parians made peace in Miletus. 
But now these cities began to bring trouble upon 
Ionia, and thus it befel :—Certain men of substance, 
being banished from Naxos by the commonalty, 
betook themselves ‘to Miletus. Now it chanced 
that the deputy ruling Miletus was Aristagoras son 
of Molpagoras, son-in-law and cousin of that Histiaeus 
son of Lysagoras whom Darius kept with him at 
Susa; for Histiaeus was despot of Miletus, and was 
at Susa when the Naxians came; and they had been 
guests and friends of Histiaeus. The Naxians then 
on their coming to Miletus asked of Aristagoras if 
haply he could give them some power and so they 
might return to their own country. Considering 
that if by his means they were restored to their 
city he would be ruler of Naxos, and making a 
pretext of their friendship with Histiaeus, he made 
them this proposal: * For myself, it lies not in my 
rights to give you such a power as will restore you, 
against the will of the Naxians who hold your city ; 
for I am assured that the Naxians have eight thousand 
men that bear shields, and many ships of war; but 
I will use all diligence to contrive the matter. And 
this is my plan. Artaphrenes is my friend; now 
know, that Artaphrenes is Hystaspes' son and brother 
to Darius the king; he is governor of all the sea- 
coast peoples of Αξία and has a great army and many 
ships; this man then will, I think, do whatever we 


3I 


HERODOTUS 


σαντες οἱ Νάξιοι προσέθεσαν τῷ ᾿Αρισταγόρῃ 
πρήσσειν τῇ δύναιτο ἄ ἄριστα, καὶ ὑπίσχεσθαι δῶρα 
ἐκέλευον καὶ δαπάνην τῇ στρατιῇ ὡς αὐτοὶ διαλύ- 
σοντες, ἐλπίδας πολλὰς ἔ έχοντες, ὅταν ἐπιφανέωσι 
ἐς τὴν Νάξον, πάντα ποιήσειν τοὺς Ναξίους τὰ ἂν 
αὐτοὶ κελεύωσι, ἃ QS δὲ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους νησιώτας. 
τῶν γὰρ νήσων τουτέων τῶν Κυκλάδων οὐδεμία 
Kw Bi ὑπὸ Δαρείφ. 
᾿Απικόμενος δὲ ὁ ᾿Αρισταγόρης è ἐς τὰς Σάρδις 
e πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αρταφρένεα ὡς Νάξος εἴη νῆσος 
μεγάθεϊ μὲν οὐ μεγάλη, ἄλλως δὲ καλή τε καὶ 
ἀγαθὴ καὶ ἀγχοῦ. Ἰωνίης, χρήματα δὲ ἔ ἔνι πολλὰ 
καὶ ἀνδράποδα. σὺ ὧν ἐπὶ ταύτην τὴν χώρην 
στρατηλάτεε, κατάγων ἐς αὐτὴν τοὺς φυγάδας ἐξ 
αὐτῆς. καί τοι ταῦτα ποιήσαντι τοῦτο μὲν ἐστὶ 
ἕτοιμα παρ᾽ ἐμοὶ χρήματα μεγάλα πάρεξ τῶν 
ἀναισιμωμάτων τῇ στρατιῇῃ' ταῦτα μὲν γὰρ δί- 
καιον ἡμέας τοὺς ἄγοντας παρέχειν ἐστί: τοῦτο δὲ 
νήσους βασιλέι προσκτήσεαι αὐτήν τε Νάξον καὶ 
τὰς ἐκ ταύτης ἠρτημένας, Πάρον καὶ "Ανδρον καὶ 
ἄλλας τὰς Κυκλάδας καλευμένας. ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ 
ὁρμώμενος εὐπετέως ἐπιθήσεαι Εὐβοίῃ νήσῳ με- 
γάλῃ τε καὶ εὐδαίμονι, οὐκ ἐλάσσονι Κύπρου καὶ 
κάρτα εὐπετέι αἱρεθῆναι. ἀποχρῶσι δὲ ἑκατὸν 
νέες ταύτας πάσας χειρώσασθαι. ὃ δὲ ἀμείβετο 
αὐτὸν τοῖσιδε. ji Σὺ ἐ ἐς οἶκον τὸν βασιλέος ἐξηγη- 
τὴς γίνεαι πρηγμάτων ἀγαθῶν, καὶ ταῦτα εὖ 
παραινέεις πάντα, πλὴν τῶν νεῶν τοῦ ἀριθ μοῦ" 
ἀντὶ δὲ é ἑκατὸν νεῶν διηκόσιαί του ἔτοιμο ἔσονται 
ἅμα, τῷ ἔαρι. δεῖ δὲ τούτοισι καὶ αὐτὸν βασιλέα 
συνέπαινον γίνεσθαι.” 
32. Ὃ μὲν δὴ ᾿Αρισταγόρης ὡς ταῦτα ἤκουσε, 


3? 


BOOK V. 30-32 


desire." Hearing this, the Naxians left the matter 
for Aristagoras to deal with as best he could, bidding 
him promise gifts and the costs of the army, for 
which they would themselves be chargeable; for 
they had great hope that when they should appear 
off Naxos the Naxians would obey all their com- 
mands, and that the rest of the islanders would do 
likewise. For as yet none of these Cyclades islands 
was subject to Darius. 

31. Aristagoras came to Sardis and told Arta- 
phrenes that Naxos was indeed an island of no 
great size, but for the rest a fair and a good land 
and near to lonia, with much wealth withal and 
many slaves thereim “Do you therefore send an 
armament against that country, bringing back the 
men who have been banished thence. And if you 
so do, I have a great sum at your service, over and 
above the costs of the armament; for it is but just 
that we, who bring you, should be chargeable for 
that; and further, you will win new dominions for 
the king, Naxos itself and the islands which are its 
dependants, Paros, Andros, and the rest of those that 
are called Cyclades. Making these your starting- 
point, you will easily attack Euboea, which is a great 
and a wealthy island, no smaller than Cyprus and 
very easy to take. An hundred ships suffice for the 
conquest of all these." “ This plan which you set 
forth," Artaphrenes answered, “is profitable for the 
king's house, and all this your counsel is good, save 
as to the number of the ships; not one hundred but 
two hundred ships shall be ready for you when the 
spring comes. But the king too must himself con- 
sent to this." 

32. When Aristagoras heard that, he went away to 

33 

VOL. III. D 


HERODOTUS 


περιχαρὴς ἐὼν ἁπήιε ἐς Μίλητον. ὁ δὲ ᾿Αρτα- 
φρένης, ὥς οἱ πέμψαντι ἐς Σοῦσα καὶ ὑπερθέντι 
τὰ ἐκ τοῦ ᾿Αρισταγόρεω λεγόμενα συνέπαινος καὶ 
αὐτὸς Δαρεῖος ἐγένετο, παρεσκευάσατο μὲν διηκο- 
σίας τριήρεας, πολλὸν δὲ κάρτα ὅμιλον Περσέων 
τε καὶ τῶν ἄλλων συμμάχων, στρατηγὸν δὲ 
τούτων ἀπέδεξε Μεγαβάτην ἄνδρα Πέρσην τῶν 
᾿Αχαιμενιδέων, ἑωυτοῦ τε καὶ Δαρείου ἀνεψιὸν, 
τοῦ Παυσανίης ὁ Κλεομβρότου Λακεδαιμόνιος, εἰ 
δὴ ἀληθής γε ἐστὶ ὁ λόγος, ὑστέρῳ χρόνῳ τουτων 
ἡρμόσατο θυγατέρα, ἔρωτα σχὼν τῆς Ἑλλάδος 
τύραννος γενέσθαι. ἀποδέξας δὲ Μεγαβάτην 
στρατηγὸν Ἀρταφρένης ἀπέστειλε τὸν στρατὸν 
παρὰ τὸν ᾿Αρισταγὀρεα. 

33. Παραλαβὼν δὲ ὁ Μεγαβάτης τόν τε Ἂρι- 
σταγόρεα ἐκ τῆς Μιλήτου καὶ τὴν ᾿Ιάδα στρατιὴν 
καὶ τοὺς Ναξίους ἔπλεε πρόφασιν ἐπ Ἕλλη- 
σπόντου, ἐπείτε δὲ ἐγένετο ἐν Χίῳ, ἔσχε τὰς νέας 
ἐς Καύκασα, ὡς ἐνθεῦτεν βορέῃ ἀνέμῳ ἐς τὴν 
Νάξον διαβάλοι. καὶ οὐ γὰρ ἔδεε τούτῳ τῷ 
στόλῳ Ναξίους ἀπολέσθαι, πρῆγμα τοιόνδε συν- 
ηνείχθη γενέσθαι. περιιόντος Μεγαβάτεω τὰς ἐπὶ 
τῶν νεῶν φυλακάς, ἐπὶ νεὸς Μυνδίης ἔτυχε οὐδεὶς 
φυλάσσων' ὃ δὲ δεινόν τι ποιησάμενος ἐκέλευσε 
τοὺς δορυφόρους ἐξευρόντας τὸν ἄρχοντα ταύτης 
τῆς νεός, τῷ οὔνομα ἣν Σκύλαξ, τοῦτον δῆσαι διὰ 
θαλαμίης διελόντας τῆς νεὸς κατὰ τοῦτο, ἔξω μὲν 
κεφαλὴν ποιεῦντας ἔσω δὲ τὸ σῶμα. δεθέντος δὲ 
τοῦ Σκύλακος, ἐξαγγέλλει τις τῷ ᾿Αρισταγόρῃ 
ὅτι τὸν ξεῖνόν οἱ τὸν Μύνδιον Μεγαβάτης δήσας 
λυμαίνοιτο. ὃ δ᾽ ἐλθὼν παραιτέετο τὸν Πέρσην, 


34 


BOOK V. 32-33 


Miletus in great joy. Artaphrenes sent a messenger 
to Susa with the news of what Aristagoras said ; and 
Darius himself too consenting to the plan, he equipped 
two hundred triremes and a very great company of 
Persians and their allies besides, and appointed for 
their general Megabates, a Persian of the Achaemenid 
family, cousin to himself and to Darius ; this was he 
whose daughter (if indeed the tale be true) Pausanias 
the Lacedaemonian, son of Cleombrotus, at a later 
day betrothed to himself, being ambitious of the 
sovereignty of Hellas. Having appointed Mega- 
bates general, Artaphrenes sent his army away to 
Aristagoras. 

33. Then Megabates! brought Aristagoras from 
Miletus, and the Ionian army, and the Naxians, and 
pretended to make sail to the Hellespont; but when 
he came to Chios he put in with his ships at Caucasa,? 
that he might cross with a north wind to Naxos. 
But, since it was not written that the Naxians were 
to be destroyed by this armament, this befel which 
I here relate. For when Megabates went his rounds 
among the ships' watches, it chanced that on a ship 
of Myndus there was no watch kept; whereat Mega- 
bates, being very angry, bade his guards find the 
captain of this ship (whose name was Scylax) and 
thrust him partly through an oar-hole of the ship 
and bind him there, in such fashion that his head 
was outside the ship and his body inside. So Scylax 
was bound; and one brought word to Aristagoras, 
that his Myndian friend was bound and despitefully 
entreated by Megabates. Aristagoras went then 
and pleaded with the Persian for Scylax, but ob- 


1 Megabates’ expedition was in 499. . 
? Evidently a harbour on the S.W. coast of Chios. 
|| 39 
D 2 | 


HERODOTUS 


τυγχάνων δὲ οὐδενὸς τῶν ἐδέετο, αὐτὸς ἐλθὼν 
ἔλυσε. πυθόμενος δὲ κάρτα δεινὸν ἐποιήσατο ὁ 
Μεγαβάτης καὶ ἐσπέρχετο τῷ ᾿Αρισταγόρῃ, ὃ 
δὲ εἶπε “Σοὶ δὲ καὶ τούτοισι τοῖσι πρήγμασι τί 
ἐστι; οὐ σὲ ἀπέστειλε ᾿Αρταφρένης ἐμέο πείθε- 
σθαι καὶ πλέειν τῇ ἂν ἐγὼ κελεύω; τί πολλὰ 
πρήσσεις ; ταῦτα εἶπε ὁ ᾿Αρισταγόρης. ὃ δὲ 
θυμωθεὶς τούτοισι, ὡς νὺξ ἐγένετο, ἔπεμπε ἐς 
Νάξον πλοίῳ ἄνδρας φράσοντας τοῖσι Ναξίοισι 
πάντα τὰ παρεόντα σφι πρήγματα. 

94. Οἱ γὰρ ὧν Νάξιοι οὐδὲν πάντως προσεδέ- 
κοντο ἐπὶ σφέας τὸν στόλον τοῦτον ὁρμήσεσθαι. 
ἐπεὶ μέντοι ἐπύθοντο, αὐτίκα μὲν ἐσηνείκαντο τὰ 
ἐκ τῶν ἀγρῶν ἐς τὸ τεῖχος, παρεσκευάσαντο δὲ 
ὡς πολιορκησόμενοι καὶ σῖτα καὶ ποτά, καὶ τὸ 
τεῖχος ἐσάξαντο. καὶ οὗτοι μὲν παρεσκευάξοντο 
ὡς παρεσομένου σφι πολέμου' of Ò ἐπείτε cı- 
éBarov ἐκ τῆς Χίου τὰς νέας ἐς τὴν Νάξον, 
πρὸς πεφραγμένους προσεφέροντο καὶ ἐπολιόρκεον 
μῆνας τέσσερας. ὡς δὲ τά τε ἔχοντες ἦλθον χρή- 
ματα οἱ Πέρσαι, ταῦτα κατεδεδαπάνητὀ σφι, καὶ 
αὐτῷ τῷ ᾿Αρισταγόρῃ προσαναισίµωτο πολλά, 
τοῦ πλεῦνός τε ἐδέετο ἡ πολιορκίη, ἐνθαῦτα τείχεα 
τοῖσι φυγάσι τῶν Ναξίων οἰκοδομήσαντες ἀπαλ- 
λάσσοντο ἐς τὴν ἤπειρον κακῶς πρήσσοντες. 

35. ᾿Αρισταγόρης δὲ οὐκ εἶχε τὴν ὑπόσχεσιν 
τῷ ᾿Αρταφρένεϊ ἐκτελέσαι’ ἅμα δὲ ἐπίεζέ μιν ἡ 
δαπάνη τῆς στρατιῆς ἀπαιτεομένη, ἀρρώδεέ τε 
τοῦ στρατοῦ πρήξαντος κακῶς καὶ Μεγαβάτῃ 
διαβεβλημένος, ἐδόκεέ τε τὴν βασιληίην τῆς 
Μιλήτου ἀπαιρεθήσεσθαι. ἀρρωδέων δὲ τούτων 
ἕκαστα ἐβουλεύετο ἀπόστασιν: συνέπιπτε γὰρ 


36 


BOOK V. 33-35 


tained nothing that he requested ; whereupon he 
came and released the man himself. When Mega- 
bates learnt this, he was very angry, and was violent 
against Aristagoras. But Aristagoras said, “ But 
you— what have you to do with these matters? Did 
not Artaphrenes send you to obey me and to sail 
whithersoever I bid you? Why are you so meddle- 
some?" So said Aristagoras; Megabates, enraged 
by this, sent men at nightfall in a boat to Naxos, to 
tell the Naxians of the trouble in store for them. 

34. For the Naxians had no suspicion at all that it 
was they who were to be attacked by that armament. 
Howbeit, when they learnt the truth, straightway 
they brought within their walls all that was in 
their fields, and stored both meat and drink against 
a siege, and strengthened their walls. So they made 
all preparations to face the onset of war; and when 
their enemies had brought their ships over from 
Chios to Naxos, it was a city fortified that they 
attacked, and for four months they besieged it. 
Then, when the Persians had expended all the 
money with which they had come, and Aristagoras 
himself had spent much beside, and ever more was 
needful for the siege, they built a stronghold for the 
banished Naxians, and betook themselves to the 
mainland in very evil case. 

35. Aristagoras had no way of fulfilling his promise 
to Artaphrenes; he was hard pressed by demands 
for the costs of the armament, and he feared what 
might come of the ill-success of the army and 
Megabates' displeasure against him; it was like, 
he thought, that his lordship of Miletus would 
be taken away from him. With all these fears in 
his mind, he began to plan revolt; for it chanced 


37 


HERODOTUS 


καὶ τὸν ἐστιγμένον τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀπῖχθαι ἐκ 
Σούσων παρὰ Ἱστιαίου, σημαίνοντα ἀπίστασθαι 
᾿Αρισταγόρην ἀπὸ βασιλέος. ὁ γὰρ. Ἱστιαῖος 
βουλόμενος τῷ ᾿Αρισταγόρῃ σημῆναι ἀποστῆναι 
ἄλλως μὲν οὐδαμῶς εἶχε ἀσφαλέως σημῆναι ὥστε 
φυλασσομενέων τῶν ὁδῶν, ὃ ὃ δὲ τῶν δούλων τὸν 
πιστότατον ἀποξυρήσας τὴν κεφαλὴν ἔστιξε καὶ 
ἀνέμεινε ἀναφῦναι τὰς τρίχας, ὡς δὲ ἀνέφυσαν 
τάχιστα, ἀπέπεμπε ἐς Μίλητον ἐντειλάμενος 
αὐτῷ ἄλλο μὲν οὐδέν, ἐπεὰν δὲ ἀπίκηται ἐς Μί- 
λητον, κελεύειν ᾿Αρισταγόρην ξυρήσαντά μιν τὰς 
τρίχας, κατιδέσθαι ἐ ἐς τὴν κεφαλήν. τὰ δὲ στίγ- 
ματα ἐσήμαινε, ὡς καὶ πρότερόν μοι εἴρηται, 
ἀπόστασιν. ταῦτα δὲ ὁ ὁ Ἱστιαῖος ἐ ἐποίεε συμφορὴν 
ποιεύμενος μεγάλην τὴν ἑωυτοῦ .κατοχὴν τὴν ἐν 
Σούσοισι: ἀποστάσιος ὧν γινομένης πολλὰς εἶχε 
ἐλπίδας μετήσεσθαι ἐ ἐπὶ θάλασσαν, μὴ δὲ νεώτερόν 
τι ποιεύσης τῆς Μιλήτου οὐδαμὰ ἐς αὐτὴν ἥξειν 
ἔτι ἐλογίζετο. 

36. Ἱστιαῖος μέν νυν ταῦτα διανοεύμενος ἀπέ- 
πέμπε τὸν ἄγγελον, ᾿Αρισταγόρῃ δὲ συνέπιπτε 
τοῦ αὐτοῦ χρόνου πάντα ταῦτα συνελθόντα. 
ἐβουλεύετο ὧν μετὰ τῶν στασιωτέων, ἐκφήνας 
τήν τε ἑωυτοῦ γνώμην καὶ τὰ παρὰ τοῦ Ἱστιαίου 
ἀπιγμένα. οἱ μὲν δὴ ἄλλοι πάντες γνώμην κατὰ 
τὠυτὸ ἐξεφέροντο, κελεύοντες ἀπίστασθαι: Ἕκα- 
ταῖος 8 ὁ .λογοποιὸς πρῶτα μὲν οὐκ ἔα πόλεμον 
βασιλέι τῶν ΠἹερσέων ἀναιρέεσθαι, καταλέγων τά 
τε ἔθνεα πάντα τῶν ἦρχε Δαρεῖος καὶ τὴν δύναμιν 
αὐτοῦ. ἐπείτε δὲ οὐκ ἔπειθε, δεύτερα συνεβού- 
λευε ποιέειν ὅκως ναυκρατέες τῆς θαλάσσης è ἔσον- 
ται. ἄλλως μέν νυν οὐδαμῶς ἔφη λέγων ἐνορᾶν 
38 


BOOK V. 35-36 


that at that very time there came from Susa 
Histiaeus messenger, the man with the marked 
head, signifying that Aristagoras should revolt from 
the king. For Histiaeus desired to signify to Arista- 
goras that he should revolt; and having no other 
safe way of so doing (for the roads were guarded) he 
shaved and pricked marks on the head of his trustiest 
slave, and waited till the hair grew again ; as soon as it 
was grown, he sent the man to Miletus with no other 
message save that when he came to Miletus he must 
bid Aristagoras shave his hair and examine his head, 
The writing pricked thereon signified revolt, as I 
have already said. This Histiaeus did, because he 
sorely misliked his enforced sojourn at Susa; now he 
had a good hope that if there were a revolt he would 
be sent away to the sea-coast; but if Miletus re- 
mained at peace, he reckoned that he would return 
thither no more. 

36. With this intent, then, Histiaeus sent his 
messenger, and it chanced that all these things 
came upon Aristagoras at one and the same time. 
He took counsel therefore with those of his faction, 
and declared his own opinion and what had come to 
him from Histiaeus. All the rest spoke their minds 
to the same effect, favouring revolt, save only Heca- 
taeus the historian ; he advised them that they would 
be best guided not to make war on the king of 
Persia, recounting to them the tale of the nations 
subject to Darius, and all his power. But when 
they would not be persuaded by him, he counselled 
them that their next best plan was to make them- 
selves masters of the seas. This, said he in his 


39 


HERODOTUS 


ἐσόμενον τοῦτο" ἐπίστασθαι γὰρ τὴν δύναμιν τῶν 
Μιλησίων ἐοῦσαν ἀσθενέα: εἰ δὲ τὰ χρήματα 
καταιρεθείη τὰ ἐκ τοῦ ἱροῦ τοῦ ἐν Βραγχίδῃσι, 
τὰ Κροῖσος ὁ Λυδὸς ἀνέθηκε, πολλὰς εἶχε ἐλπίδας 
ἐπικρατήσειν τῆς θαλάσσης, καὶ οὕτω αὐτούς τε 
ἕξειν τοῖσι χρήμασι κο καὶ τοὺς πολεμίους 
οὐ συλήσειν αὐτά. τὰ δὲ χρήματα ἦν ταῦτα 
μεγάλα, ὡς δεδήλωταί. μοι ἐν τῷ πρώτῳ τῶν 
λόγων. αὕτη μὲν δὴ οὐκ ἐνίκα ἡ γνώµη, ἐδόκεε 
δὲ ὅμως ἀπίστασθαι, ἕ ἕνα τε αὐτῶν πλώσαντα ἐς 
Μυοῦντα ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον τὸ ἀπὸ τῆς Νάξου 
ἀπελθόν, ἐὸν ἐνθαῦτα, συλλαμβάνειν πειρᾶσθαι 
τοὺς ἐπὶ τῶν νεῶν ἐπιπλέοντας στρατηγούς. 

37. ᾿Αποπεμϕθέντος δὲ Ἰητραγόρεω κατ᾽ αὐτὸ 
τοῦτο καὶ συλλαβόντος δόλῳ ᾿Ὀλίατον Ἰβανώλ- 
λιος Μυλασσέα καὶ Ἱστιαῖον Τύμνεω Τερμερέα 
καὶ Κώην ᾿Ερξάνδρου, τῷ Δαρεῖος Μυτιλήνην 
ἐδωρήσατο, καὶ ᾿Αρισταγόρην Ἡρακλείδεω Kv- 
patov καὶ ἄλλους συχνούς, οὕτω én ἐκ τοῦ enpa- 
νέος ὁ ᾿Αρισταγόρης ἀπεστήκεε, πᾶν ἐπὶ Δαρείῳ 
μηχανώμενος. καὶ πρῶτα μὲν λόγῳ μετεὶς τὴν 
τυραννίδα ἰσονομίην ἐποίεε τῇ Μιλήτῳ, ὡς ἂν 
ἑκόντες αὐτῷ οἱ Μιλήσιοι συναπισταίατο, μετὰ 
δὲ καὶ ἐν τῇ ἄλλῃ Ἰωνίῃ τὠυτὸ τοῦτο ἐποίεε, 
τοὺς μὲν ἐξελαύνων τῶν τυράννων, τοὺς Ò ἔλαβε 
τυράννους ἀπὸ τῶν νεῶν τῶν συμπλευσασέων ἐπὶ 
Νάξον, τούτους δὲ φίλα Βουλόμενος ποιέεσθαι 
τῇσι πόλισι ἐξεδίδου, ἄλλον ἐς ἄλλην πόλιν 
παραδιδούς, ὅθεν εἴη ἕκαστος. 

38. Κώην μέν νυν M υτιληναῖοι ἐπείτε τάχιστα 
παρέλαβον, ἐξαγαγόντες κατέλευσαν, Κυμαῖοι δὲ 
τὸν σφέτερον αὐτῶν ἀπῆκαν' ὣς δὲ καὶ ἄλλοι οἱ 


49 


BOOK V. 36-38 


speech, he could see no way of accomplishing save 
one : Miletus, he knew, was a city of no great wealth ; 
but if they took away from the temple at Branchidae ! 
the treasure which Croesus the Lydian had dedicated 
there, he had good hope that they would gain the 
mastery of the sea, and so they would have the use 
of that treasure and their enemies could not plunder 
it. The treasure was very great, as I have shown in 
the first book of my history. This counsel was not 
approved; nevertheless, they resolved that they 
would revolt, and that one of themselves should 
sail to Myus, to the army which had left Naxos 
and was there, and essay to seize the generals who 
were aboard the ships. 

37. Iatragoras, being sent for this very purpose, 
craftily seized Oliatus of Mylasa son of Ibanollis, and 
Histiaeus of Termera son of Tymnes, and Coes son 
of Erxandrus,—to whom Darius gave Mytilene,—and 
Aristagoras of Cyme, son of Heraclides, and many 
others besides; which done, Aristagoras revolted 
openly, devising all he could to Darius' hurt. And 
first he made a pretence of giving up his despotism 
and gave Miletus equality of government, that so the 
Milesians might readily join in his revolt ; then he 
did likewise in the rest of Ionia ; some of the despots 
he banished ; as for those despots whom he had taken 
out of the ships that sailed with him against Naxos, 
he gave them over and delivered them each and all 
to their own cities severally, for he wished to please 
the cities. 

38. So Coes, when the Mytilenaeans received him, 
was taken out by them and stoned ; but the Cymaeans 
let their own man go, and so did most of the others. 


1 Cp. I. 46. 
41 


HERODOTUS 


πλεῦνες ἀπίεσαν. τυράννων μέν νυν κατάπαυσις 
ἐγίνετο ἀνὰ τὰς πόλιας, ᾿Αρισταγόρης δὲ ὁ Μιλή- 
σιος ὡς τοὺς τυράννους κατέπαυσε, στρατηγοὺς 
ἐν ἑκάστῃ τῶν πολίων κελεύσας ἑκάστους KaTa- 
στῆσαι, δεύτερα αὐτὸς ἐς Λακεδαίμονα τριήρεϊ 
ἀπόστολος ἐγίνετο' ἔδεε γὰρ δὴ συμμαχίης τινός 
οἱ μεγάλης ἐξευρεθῆναι. 

39. Τῆς δὲ Σπάρτης ᾿Αναξανδρίδης μὲν ὁ Λέον- 
τος οὐκέτι περιεὼν ἐβασίλευε ἀλλὰ ἐτετελευτήκεε, 
Κλεομένης δὲ ὁ ᾿Αναξανδρίδεω εἶχε τὴν Bac wi, 
οὐ κατ᾽ ἀνδραγαθίην σχὼν ἀλλὰ κατὰ γένος. 
᾿Αναξανδρίδῃ γὰρ ἔχοντι γυναῖκα ἀδελφεῆς ἑ έωυ- 
τοῦ θυγατέρα, καὶ ἐούσης ταύτης οἱ καταθυμίης, 
παῖδες οὐκ ἐγίνοντο. τούτου δὲ τοιούτου ἐόντος, 
οἱ ἔφοροι εἶπαν ἐπικαλεσάμενοι αὐτὸν “ Εἴ τοι σὺ 
σεωυτοῦ μὴ προορᾷς, ἀλλ, ἡμῖν τοῦτ᾽ ἐστὶ οὐ 
περιοπτέον, γένος τὸ Εὐρυσθένεος γενέσθαι, ἐξίτη- 
Xov. σύ νυν τὴν μὲν ἔχεις γυναῖκα, ἐπείτε τοι 
oU τίκτει, ἔξεο, ἄλλην δὲ γῆμον' καὶ ποιέων ταῦτα 
Σπαρτιήτῃσι ἁδήσεις." ὃ Ò ἀμείβετο φὰς τούτων 
οὐδέτερα ποιήσειν, ἐκείνους τε οὐ καλῶς συμβου- 
λεύειν παραινέοντας, τὴν ἔχει γυναῖκα ἐοῦσαν 
ἀναμάρτητον ἑωυτῷ, ταύτην ἀπέντα ἄλλην ἐσαγα- 
γέσθαι' οὐδέ σφι πείσεσθαι. 

40. Πρὸς ταῦτα οἱ ἔφοροι καὶ οἱ γέροντες Bov- 
λευσάμενοι προσέφερον ᾿Αναξανδρίδῃ τάδε. “ ᾿Επεὶ 
τοίνυν τοι περιεχόμενόν σε ὁρῶμεν τῆς ἔχεις 
γυναικός, σὺ δὲ ταῦτα ποίεε, καὶ μὴ ἀντίβαινε 
τούτοισι, ἵνα μή τι ἀλλοῖον περὶ σεῦ Σπαρτιῆται 
βουλεύσωνται" γυναικὸς μὲν τῆς ἔχεις οὐ προσ- 
δεόμεθά σευ τῆς ἐξέσιος, σὺ δὲ ταύτῃ τε πάντα 


42 


BOOK V. 38-40 


Thus an end was made of despots in the cities. 
Aristagoras of Miletus, having made an end of the 
despots, bade all to set up governors in each city ; 
and next he went on an embassy in a trireme to 
Lacedaemon ; for it was needful that he should find 
some strong ally.! 

39. At Sparta, Anaxandrides the son of Leon, 
who had been king, was now no longer alive but was 
dead, and Cleomenes son of Anaxandrides held the 
royal power. This he had won not by manly merit 
but by right of birth. For Anaxandrides had to 
wife his own sisters daughter, and he was well 
content with her; but no children were born to 
him. This being so, the Ephors called him to them, 
and said, * If you care not to provide for yourself, 
yet we cannot suffer it to come to pass that the 
house of Eurysthenes should perish. Do you there- 
fore send away the wife that you have, seeing that 
she bears you no children, and wed another; this do, 
and you will please the Spartans.” But Anaxan- 
drides answered and said that he would do neither 
the one nor the other: “ And you,” said he, “ are no 
good counsellors, when you bid me send away the 
wife that I have, who is void of offence against me, 
and take another to my house; I will not consent 
to it.” 

40. Then the Ephors and Elders took counsel, 
and laid this proposal before Anaxandrides : “Seeing 
then that you cleave, as we see, to the wife that you 
have, do this our command, and stand not out against 
it, lest the Spartans find some new way of dealing 
with you. As for the wife that you have, we ask 
not that you should send her away; rather, give her 


1 Aristagoras went to Lacedaemon in 499, 


43 


HERODOTUS 


ὅσα νῦν παρέχεις πάρεχε καὶ ἄλλην πρὸς ταύτῃ 
ἐσάγαγε γυναῖκα τεκνοποιόν.᾽ ταῦτά Kn λεγόντων 
συνεχώρησε ὁ ᾿Αναξανδρίδης, μετὰ, δὲ γυναῖκας 
ἔχων δύο διξὰς ἱστίας οἴκεε, ποιέων οὐδαμῶς 
Σπαρτιητικά. 

4]. Χρόνου δὲ οὐ πολλοῦ διελθόντος ἡ ἐσύστε- 
ρον ἐπελθοῦσα γυνὴ τίκτει τὸν δὴ Κλεομένεα τοῦ- 
τον. καὶ αὕτη. τε ἔπεδρον βασιλέα Σπαρτιήτῃσι 
ἀπέφαινε, καὶ ἡ ἡ προτέρη γυνὴ τὸν πρότερον χρό- 
vov ἄτοκος ἐοῦσα τότε κως ἐκύησε, συντυχίῃ 
ταύτῃ ρησαμένη. ἔχουσαν δὲ αὐτὴν ἆληθει 
λόγῳ οἱ τῆς ἐπελθούσης γυναικὸς οἰκήιοι πυθό- 
μενοι ὤχλεον, φάμενοι αὐτὴν κομπέειν ἄλλως 
βουλομένην ὑποβαλέσθαι. δεινὰ δὲ ποιεύντων 
αὐτῶν, τοῦ χρόνου συντάμνοντος, ὑπ᾽ ἀπιστίης 
οἱ ἔφοροι τίκτουσαν τὴν γυναῖκα περιιζόµενοι 
ἐφύλαξαν. ἢ δὲ ὡς ἔτεκε Δωριέα ἰθέως ἴσχει 
Λεωνίδην, καὶ μετὰ τοῦτον ἰθέως ἴ ἴσχει, Κλεόμ- 
βροτον' οἳ δὲ καὶ διδύμους λέγουσι Κλεόμβροτον 
καὶ Λεωνίδην γενέσθαι. Ù δὲ Κλεομένεα τεκοῦσα 
καὶ τὸ δεύτερον. ἐπελθοῦσα γυνή, ἐοῦσα θυγάτηρ 
Πρινητάδεω τοῦ Δημαρμένου, οὐκέτι ἔτικτε τὸ 
ον. 

ʻO μὲν δὴ Κλεομένης, ὡς λέγεται, ἦν τε οὐ 
lin ἀκρομανής τε, ὁ δὲ Δωριεὺς ἦν τῶν 
ἡλίκων πάντων πρῶτος, εὖ τε ἐπίστατο κατ᾽ 
ἀνδραγαθίην αὐτὸς σχήσων τὴν βασιληίην. ὥστε 
ὧν οὕτω ρονέων, ἐπειδὴ ὅ τε ᾿Αναξανδρίδης ám- 
έθανε καὶ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι χρεώμενοι τῷ νόμῳ 
ἐστήσαντο βασιλέα τὸν πρεσβύτατον Κλεομένεα, 
ὁ Δωριεὺς δεινόν τε ποιεύμενος καὶ οὐκ ἀξιῶν 
ὑπὸ Κλεομένεος βασιλεύεσθαι, αἰτήσας λεὼν 


44 


BOOK V. 40-42 


all that you give her now, and marry another woman 
besides who can give you children." So they spoke, 
and Anaxandrides consented ; and presently he had 
two wives and kept two households, a thing in nowise 
customary at Sparta. 

4l. After no long time the second wife gave birth 
to the Cleomenes afore-mentioned. So she gave the 
Spartans an heir to the royal power ; and (as luck 
would have it) the first wife, having hitherto been 
barren, did at that very time conceive. She being 
verily with child, the friends of the later wife learnt 
of it and began to trouble her; for, they said, she 
was making a vain boast, that she might substitute a 
child ; and as they were angry, and her time drew 
nigh, the Ephors would not believe her and sat 
round to watch her in childbirth ; and she gave birth 
first to Dorieus, then straightway bore Leonidas, 
and straightway after him Cleombrotus; though 
some say that Cleombrotus and Leonidas were twins. 
But the later wife, Cleomenes' mother (she was the 
daughter of Prinetadas son of Demarmenus), bore no 
more children. 

42. Now Cleomenes, as the story goes, was not in 
his right senses, but crazy; but Dorieus was first 
among all of like age with himself; and he fully 
believed that he would be made king for his manly 
worth. Being thus minded, when at Anaxandrides' 
death the Lacedaemonians followed their custom and 
made Cleomenes king by right of age, Dorieus was 
very angry and would not brook to be subject to 
Cleomenes; and he asked the Spartans for a com- 

45 


HERODOTUS 


Σπαρτιήτας ἢ ἦγε ἐς ἀποικίην, οὔτε τῷ ἐν Δελφοῖσι 
χρηστηρίῳ χρησάμενος ἐς ἥντινα γῆν κτίσων ἴῃ, 
οὔτε ποιήσας οὐδὲν τῶν .νομιξομένων" οἷα δὲ 
βαρέως φέρων, ἀπίει ἐς τὴν Λιβύην τὰ πλοῖα: 
κατηγέοντο δέ οἱ ἄνδρες Θηραῖοι. ἀπικόμενος δὲ 
ἐς Λιβύην οἴκισε χῶρον κάλλιστον τῶν Λιβύων 
παρὰ Κίνυπα ποταμόν. ἐξελασθεὶς δὲ ἐνθεῦτεν 
τρίτῳ ἔτεϊ, ὑπὸ Μακέων τε Λιβύων καὶ Καρχη- 
δονίων ἀπίκετο ἐς Πελοπόννησον. 

45. ᾿Ενθαῦτα δέ οἱ ᾿Αντιχάρης ἀνὴρ ᾿Ελεώνιος 
συνεβούλευσε ἐ ἐκ τῶν Λαΐου χρησμῶν Ἡρακλείην 
τὴν ἐν Σικελίῃ κτίζειν, φὰς τὴν Ἔρυκος χώρην 
πᾶσαν εἶναι Ἡρακλειδέων αὐτοῦ “Ἡρακλέος KTN- 
σαμένου. ὃ δὲ ἀκούσας ταῦτα ἐς Δελφοὺς οἴχετο 
χρησόμενος τῷ χρηστηρίῳ, εἰ αἱρέει ἐπ᾿ ἣν στέλ- 
λεται χώρην" ἡ δὲ Πυθίη οἱ χρᾷ αἱρήσειν. 
παραλαβὼν δὲ Δωριεὺς τὸν στόλον τὸν καὶ ἐς 
Λιβύην ἦγε, ἐκομίξετο παρὰ τὴν Ἰταλίην. 

44. Τὸν χρόνον δὲ τοῦτον, ὡς λέγουσι Συβα- 
ρῖται, σφέας τε αὐτοὺς καὶ Τῆλυν τὸν ἑωυτῶν 
Βασιλέα ἐπὶ Κρότωνα μέλλειν στρατεύεσθαι, 
τοὺς δὲ Κροτωνιήτας περιδεέας γενομένους cenl ñ- 
ναι Δωριέος σφίσι τιμωρῆσαι καὶ τυχεῖν δεηθέν- 
Tas" συστρατεύεσθαί τε δὴ ἐπὶ Σύβαριν Δωριέα 
καὶ συνελεῖν τὴν Σύβαριν. ταῦτα μέν νυν Συβα- 
pira λέγουσι ποιῆσαι Δωριέα τε καὶ τοὺς μετ᾽ 
αὐτοῦ, Κροτωνιῆται δὲ οὐδένα σφίσι φασὶ ξεῖνον 
προσεπιλαβέσθαι τοῦ πρὸς Συβαρίτας πολέμου 
εὖ μὴ Καλλίην τῶν Ἰαμιδέων μάντιν ᾿Ηλεῖον 
μοῦνον, καὶ τοῦτον τρόπῳ τοιῷδε' παρὰ Τήλυος 
τοῦ Συβαριτέων τυράννου ἀποδράντα ἀπικέσθαι 


! In Boeotia, near Tanagra. 


46 


BOOK V. 42-44 


pany of folk, whom he took away as colonists; he 
neither enquired of the oracle at Delphi in what 
land he should plant his settlement, nor did aught 
else that was customary; but he set sail in great 
wrath for Libya, with men of Thera to guide him. 
Thither he came, and settled by the Cinyps river, in 
the fairest part of Libya; but in the third year he 
was driven out by the Macae and Libyans and 
Carchedonians, and returned to Peloponnesus. 

43. There Antichares, a man of Eleon,! counselled 
him to plant a colony at Heraclea in Sicily, according 
to the word of one of Laius’ oracles ; for Heracles ὃ 
himself (said Antichares) had won all the region of 
Eryx, and it belonged to his descendants. When 
Dorieus heard that, he went away to Delphi to 
enquire of the oracle if he should win the place 
whither he was preparing to go; and the priestess 
telling him that so it should be, he took with him the 
company that he had led to Libya, and went to Italy. 

44. Now at this time,’ as the Sybarites say, they 
and their king Telys were making ready to march 
against Croton, and the men of Croton, being greatly 
affrighted, entreated Dorieus to come to their aid ; 
their request was granted; Dorieus marched with 
them to Sybaris and helped them to take it. Such 
is the story which the Sybarites tell of Dorieus and 
his companions; but the Crotoniats say that they 
were aided by no stranger in their war with Sybaris 
save only by Callias, an Elean diviner of the Iamid 
clan; of whom the story was that he had fled to 
Croton from Telys, the despot of Sybaris, because 


2 The reference appears to be to a cult of the Phoenician 
Melkart (identified with Heracles) on Mt. Eryx. 
* About 510. 


47 


HERODOTUS 


παρὰ σφέας, ἐπείτε οἱ τὰ ἱρὰ οὐ προεχώρεε 
χρηστὰ θυομένῳ ἐπὶ Κρότωνα. 

45. Ταῦτα δὲ οὗτοι λέγουσι. μαρτύρια δὲ τού- 
των ἑκάτεροι ἀποδεικνύουσι τάδε, Συβαρῖται μὲν 
τέμενός τε καὶ νηὸν ἐόντα παρὰ τὸν ξηρὸν Κρᾶθιν, 
τὸν ἱδρύσασθαι συνελόντα τὴν πόλιν Δωριέα 
λέγουσι ᾿Αθηναίῃ ἐπωνύμῳ Κραθίγ' τοῦτο δὲ 
αὐτοῦ Δωριέος τὸν θάνατον μαρτύριον μέγιστον 
ποιεῦνται, ὅτι παρὰ τὰ μεμαντευμένα ποιέων 
διεφθάρη" εἰ γὰρ δὴ μὴ παρέπρηξε μηδέν, ἐπ᾽ ὃ 
δὲ -ἐστάλη ἐποίεε, εἷλε ἂν τὴν ᾿Ερυκίνην χώρην 
καὶ ἑλὼν κατέσχε, οὐδ᾽ ἂν αὐτός τε καὶ ἡ στρατιὴ 
διεφθάρη. οἱ Ò αὖ Κροτωνιῆται ἀποδεικνῦσι 
Καλλίῃ μὲν τῷ ᾿Ηλείῳ ἐξαίρετα è ἐν γῇ τῇ Κροτω- 
νιήτιδι πολλὰ δοθέντα, τὰ καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ ἔτι ἐνέμοντο 
οἱ Καλλίεω ἆ ἀπόγονοι, Δωριέι δὲ καὶ τοῖσι Δωριέος 
ἀπογόνοισι οὐδέν. Kaito εἰ συνεπελάβετό γε τοῦ 
Συβαριτικοῦ πολέμου Δωριεύς, δοθῆναι ἄν οἱ 
πολλαπλήσια ἢ Καλλίῃ. ταῦτα μέν νυν ἑκάτεροι. 
αὐτῶν μαρτύρια ἀποφαίνονται, καὶ πάρεστι, ôro- 
τέροισί τις πείθεται αὐτῶν, τούτοισι προσχωρέειν. 

46. Συνέπλεον δὲ Δωριέι καὶ ἄλλοι συγκτίσται 
Σπαρτιητέων, Θεσσαλὸς καὶ Παραιβάτης καὶ 
Κελέης καὶ Εὐρυλέων" οἳ ἐπείτε ἀπίκοντο παντὶ 
στόλῳ ἐς τὴν Σικελύην, ἀπέθανον μάχῃ ἐσσωθέν- 
τες ὑπό τε Φοινίκων καὶ ᾿Εγεσταίων' μοῦνος δὲ 
Εὐρυλέων τῶν συγκτιστέων περιεγένετο τούτου 
τοῦ πάθεος. συλλαβὼν δὲ οὗτος τῆς στρατιῆς 
τοὺς περιγενοµένο υς ἔσχε Μινώην τὴν Σελινουσίων 
ἀποικίην, καὶ συνελευθέρου Σελινουσίους τοῦ 
μουνάρχου Πειθαγόρεω. μετὰ δὲ ὡς τοῦτον 
κατεῖλε, αὐτὸς τυραννίδι ἐπεχείρησε Σελινοῦντος 
48 


BOOK V. 44-46 


when he was sacrificing for victory over Croton he 
could get no favourable omens. 

45. This is their tale. Both cities bring proof of 
the truth of what they say: the Sybarites show a 
precinct and a temple beside the dry bed of the 
Crathis, which, they say, Dorieus founded in honour 
of Athene of Crathis, after he had helped to take 
their city ; and moreover they find their strongest 
proof in his death, because he perished in the doing 
of more than the oracle bade him ; for had he done 
that for which he set out and nought beyond it, he 
would have taken and held the Erycine region, and 
so neither he nor his army would have perished. 
But the Crotoniats on the other hand show many 
gifts of land in the country of Croton that were set 
apart for Callias of Elis (on which lands Callias' 
posterity dwelt even to my time), but no gift to 
Dorieus and his descendants. Yet (they plead) had 
Dorieus aided them in their war with Sybaris, he 
would have received a reward many times greater 
than what was given to Callias. These, then, are 
the proofs brought by each party; we may take 
whichever side seems to deserve most credence. 

46. Other Spartans too sailed with Dorieus to 
found his colony, namely, Thessalus, Paraebates, 
Celees, and Euryleon. These, having come with all 
their company to Sicily, were overcome and slain in 
battle by the Phoenicians and Egestans,—all save 
Euryleon, who was the only settler that survived 
this disaster. He mustered the remnant of his 
army and took Minoa, the colony from Selinus, and 
aided in freeing the people of Selinus from their 
monarch Pithagoras. Having deposed this man 
he himself essayed to be despot of Selinus, and 


49 


VOL. III. E 


 HERODOTUS 


καὶ ἐμουνάρχησε χρόνον ἐπ᾽ ὀλίγον' οἱ γάρ μιν 
Σελινούσιοι ἐπαναστάντες ἀπέκτειναν καταφυ- 
γόντα ἐπὶ Διὸς ἀγοραίου βωμόν. 

4T. Συνέσπετο δὲ Δωριέι καὶ συναπέθανε Φί- 
λιππος ὁ Βουτακίδεω Κροτωνιήτης ἀνήρ, ὃς ἆρμο- 
σάμενος Τήλυος τοῦ Συβαρίτεω θυγατέρα ἔφυγε 
ἐκ Κρότωνος, ψευσθεὶς δὲ τοῦ γάμου οἴχετο: πλέων 
ἐς Κυρήνην, ἐκ ταύτης. δὲ ὁρμώμενος συνέσπετο 
οἰκηίῃ τε τριήρεϊ καὶ οἰκηίῃ ἀνδρῶν δαπάνῃ, ἐών 
τε Ὀλυμπιονίκης καὶ κάλλιστος ᾿Ελλήνων τῶν 
κατ᾽ ἑωυτόν. διὰ δὲ τὸ ἑωυτοῦ κάλλος ἠνείκατο 
παρὰ ᾿Εγεσταίων τὰ οὐδεὶς ἄλλος" ἐπὶ γὰρ τοῦ 
τάφου αὐτοῦ ἡρώιον ἱδρυσάμενοι θυσίῃσι αὐτὸν 
ἱλάσκονται. 

48. Δωριεὺς μέν νυν τρόπῳ τοιούτῳ ἐτελεύτησε" 
ei δὲ ἡ ἠνέσχετο βασιλευόμενος ú ὑπὸ Κλεομένεος καὶ 
κατέμενε ἐν, Σπάρτη, ἐβασίλευσε ἂν Λακεδαί- 
μονος" οὐ γάρ τινα πολλὸν χρόνον ἠρξε ὁ Κλεο- 
μένης, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπέθανε ἄπαις, θυγατέρα μούνην 
λιπών, τῇ οὔνομα ἦν Γοργώ. 

49. ᾿Απικνέεται δὲ ὧν ὁ A ρισταγόρης ὁ Μιλήτου 
τύραννος ἐς τὴν Σπάρτην Κλεομένεος ἔχοντος τὴν 
ἀρχήν" τῷ δὴ ἐς λόγους ÜLE, ὡς Λακεδαιμόνιοι 
λέγουσι, ἔχων χάλκεον πίνακα ἐν τῷ γῆς ἁπάσης 
περίοδος ἐνετέτμητο καὶ θάλασσά τε πᾶσα καὶ 
ποταμοὶ πάντες. ἀπικνεόμενος δὲ ἐς λόγους ὁ 
᾿Αρισταγόρης ἔλεγε πρὸς αὐτὸν τάδε. '  KAeó- 
μενες, σπουδὴν μὲν τὴν ἐμὴν μὴ θωμάσῃς τῆς 
ἐνθαῦτα ἀπίξιος: τὰ γὰρ κατήκοντα ἐστὶ τοιαῦτα' 
Ἰώνων παῖδας δούλους εἶναι ἀντ᾽ ἐλευθέρων 
ὄνειδος καὶ ἄλγος μέγιστον μὲν αὐτοῖσι ἡμῖν, ἔτι 


5o 


BOOK V. 46-49 


was monarch there, but for a little while only ; for 
the people of the place rose against him and slew 
him at the altar of Zeus of the Market-place, whither 
he had fled for refuge. 

47. Another that followed Dorieus and was with 
him slain was Philippus of Croton, son of Butacides ; 
he had betrothed himself to the daughter of Telys 
of Sybaris and was banished from Croton; but being 
disappointed of his marriage he sailed away to Cyrene, 
whence he set forth and followed Dorieus, bringing 
his own trireme and paying all charges for his men; 
this Philippus was a victor at Olympia and the 
goodliest Greek of his day. For the beauty of his 
person he received honours from the Egestans 
accorded to none else: they built a hero’s shrine 
by his grave, and offer him sacrifices of propitiation. 

48. Such, then, was the manner of Dorieus’ death. 
Had he endured Cleomenes’ rule and stayed at 
Sparta, he would have been king of Lacedaemon ; 
for Cleomenes reigned no long time, and died leaving 
no son but one only daughter, whose name was 
Gorgo. 

49, I return to my story. It was in the reign of 
Cleomenes that Aristagoras the despot of Miletus 
came to Sparta; and when he had audience of the 
king (so the Lacedaemonians say) he brought with 
him a bronze tablet on which the map of all 
the earth was engraved, and all the sea and all 
the rivers. Having been admitted to converse with 
Cleomenes, Aristagoras spoke thus to him : * Wonder 
not, Cleomenes, that I have been so zealous to come 
hither ; for such is our present state : that the sons of 
the Ionians should be slaves and not free men is a 
shame and grief to ourselves in especial, and of all 

5I 


E 2 


HERODOTUS 


δὲ τῶν λοιπῶν ὑμῖν, ¢ ὅσῳ προέστατε τῆς Ἑλλάδος. 
νῦν ὧν πρὸς θεῶν τῶν Ελληνίων ῥύσασθε" Ίωνας 
ἐκ δουλοσύνης ἄνδρας ὁμαίμονας. εὐπετέως δὲ 
ὑμῖν ταῦτα οἷά τε χωρέειν ἐστί- οὔτε γὰρ οἱ 
βάρβαροι ἄλκιμοι εἰσί, ὑμεῖς τε τὰ ἐς τὸν πόλεμον 
ἐς τὰ μέγιστα ἀνήκετε ἀρετῆς πέρι, ý TE μάχη 
αὐτῶν ἐστὶ τοιήδε, τόξα καὶ αἰχμὴ βραχέα" 
ἀναξυρίδας δὲ ἔ ἔχοντες ἔρχονται ἐς τὰς μάχας καὶ 
κυρβασίας ἐπὶ «τῇσι κ ος οὕτω εὐπετέες 
ειρωθῆναι εἰσί. ἔστι ὲ καὶ ἀγαθὰ τοῖσι τὴν 
Ἵπειρον ἐκείνην νεμομένοισι ὅσα οὐδὲ τοῖσι συν- 
άπασι ἄλλοισι, ἀπὸ χρυσοῦ ἀρξαμένοισι, ἄ ἄργυρος 
καὶ χαλκὸς καὶ ἐσθὴς ποικίλη καὶ ὑποξύγιά τε 
καὶ ἀνδράποδα: τὰ θυμῷ βουλόμενοι αὐτοὶ ἂν 
ἔχοιτε. κατοίκηνται δὲ ἀλλήλων ἐχόμενοι. ὡς ἐγὼ 
φράσω, Ιώνων μὲν τῶνδε οἵδε Λυδοί, οἰκέοντές 
τε χώρην ἀγαθὴν καὶ πολυαργυρώτατοι ἐόντες.” 
δεικνὺς δὲ ἔλεγε ταῦτα ἐς τῆς γῆς, τὴν περίοδον, 
ν ἐφέρετο ἐν τῷ πίνακι ἐντετμημένην. “ Λυδῶν 
ἔφη λέγων o ᾿Αρισταγόρης ** οἵδε ἔχονται 
cS oí πρὸς τὴν ἠῶ, πολυπροβατώτατοί τε 
ἐόντες πάντων τῶν ἐγὼ οἶδα καὶ πολυκαρπότατοι. 
Φρυγῶν δὲ ἔχονται Καππαδόκαι, τοὺς ἡμεῖς 
Συρίους καλέομεν. τούτοισι δὲ πρόσουροι Κίλικες, 
κατήκοντες ἐπὶ θάλασσαν τήνδε, ἐν τῇ ἧδε Κύπρος 
νῆσος κέεται' of πεντακόσια τάλαντα βασιλέι τὸν 
ἐπέτειον φόρον ἐπιτελεῦσι. Κιλίκων δὲ τῶνδε 
ἔχονται ᾿Αρμένιοι οἶδε, καὶ οὗτοι ἐόντες πολυπρό- 
Baro, ᾿Αρμενίων δὲ Ματιηνοὶ χώρην τήνδε ἔ ἔχον- 
τες. ἔχεται δὲ τούτων γῆ ἥδε Κισσίη, é ἐν τῇ δὴ 
παρὰ ποταμὸν τόνδε Χοάσπην κείμενα ἐστὶ τὰ 
Σοῦσα ταῦτα, ἔνθα βασιλεύς τε μέγας δίαιταν 


52 


BOOK V. 49 


others to you, inasmuch as you are the leaders of 
Hellas. Now, therefore, we beseech you by the 
gods of Hellas, save your Ionian kinsmen from 
slavery. This is a thing that you may easily achieve ; 
for the strangers are no valiant men, and your valour 
in war is preéminent. And for their fashion of 
fighting, they carry bows and short spears; and they 
go to battle with breeches on their legs and tur- 
bans on their heads; so they are easy to overcome. 
Further, the dwellers in that continent have more 
good things than all other men together, gold first, 
and silver too and bronze and coloured raiment and 
beasts of burden and slaves; all this you can have at 
your heart's desire. And the lands wherein they 
dwell lie next to each other, as I shall show you :— 
here are the Ionians, and here the Lydians, who 
inhabit a good land and have great store of silver” 
(showing as he spoke the map of the earth which he 
had brought engraved on the tablet), “and next to 
the Lydians " (said Aristagoras in his speech) “ you 
see the Phrygians, to the east, men that of all known 
to me are the richest in flocks and in the earth's 
produce. Close by them are the Cappadocians, whom 
we call Syrians ; and their neighbours are the Cilicians, 
whose land reaches to the sea yonder, wherein you 
see the island of Cyprus lying; the yearly tribute 
which they pay to the king is five hundred talents. 
Next to the Cilicians, here are the Armenians, 
another people rich in flocks, and after the Arme- 
nians the Matieni, whose country I show you ; and 
you see the Cissian land adjoining theirs; therein, 
on the Choaspes (yonder it is), lies that Susa where 
lives the great king, and there are the storehouses of 


53 


HERODOTUS 


ποιέεται, καὶ τῶν χρημάτων οἱ θησαυροὶ ἐνθαῦτα 
εἰσί" ἑλόντες δὲ ταύτην τὴν πόλιν θαρσέοντες ἤδη 
τῷ Ad πλούτου πέρι ἐρίξετε. ἀλλὰ περὶ μὲν 
χώρης ἄρα οὐ πολλῆς οὐδὲ οὕτω χρηστῆς καὶ 
οὔρων σμικρῶν χρεὸν ἐστι ὑμέας μάχας ἀναβάλ- 
λεσθαι πρός τε Μεσσηνίους ἐόντας ἰσοπαλέας καὶ 
᾿Αρκάδας τε καὶ ᾿Αργείους, τοῖσι οὔτε χρυσοῦ 
ἐχόμενον ἐστὶ οὐδὲν οὔτε ἀργύρου, τῶν πέρι καί 
τινα ἐνάγει προθυμίη μαχόμενον ἀποθνήσκειν' 
παρέχον δὲ τῆς ᾿Ασίης πάσης ἄρχειν εὐπετέως, 
ἄλλο τι αἱρήσεσθε; ᾿Αρισταγόρης μὲν ταῦτα 
ἔλεξε, Κλεομένης δὲ ἀμείβετο τοῖσιδε. “O ξεῖνε 
Μιλήσιε, ἀναβάλλομαί τοι ἐς τρίτην ἡμέρην 
ὑποκρινέεσθαι.” 

50. Τότε μὲν ἐς τοσοῦτον ἤλασαν' ἐπείτε δὲ ἡ 
κυρίη ἡμέρη ἐγένετο τῆς ὑποκρίσιος καὶ ἦλθον ἐς 
τὸ συγκείμενον, εἴρετο ὁ Κλεομένης τὸν ᾿Αριστα- 
γόρην ὁκοσέων ἡμερέων ἀπὸ θαλάσσης τῆς ᾿Ιώνων 
ὁδὸς εἴη παρὰ βασιλέα. ὁ δὲ Αρισταγόρης τἆλλα 
ἐὼν σοφὸς καὶ διαβάλλων ἐκεῖνον ed ἐν τούτῳ 
, ΄ \ ΄ 1 -/ S» i 
ἐσφάλη" χρεὸν γάρ μιν μὴ λέγειν τὸ ἐόν, βουλό- 
μενόν ye Σπαρτιήτας ἐξαγαγεῖν ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίην, 
λέγει δ᾽ ὧν τριῶν μηνῶν φὰς εἶναι τὴν ἄνοδον. ὃ 
δὲ ὑπαρπάσας τὸν ἐπίλοιπον λόγον τὸν ὁ ‘Apt- 
σταγόρης ὥρμητο λέγειν περὶ τῆς ὁδοῦ, εἶπε “COQ 
ξεῖνε Μιλήσιε, ἀπαλλάσσεο ἐκ Σπάρτης πρὸ 
δύντος ἡλίου' οὐδένα γὰρ λόγον εὐεπέα λέγεις 
Λακεδαιμονίοισι, ἐθέλων σφέας ἀπὸ θαλάσσης 
τριῶν μηνῶν ὁδὸν ἀγαγεῖν." 

51. Ὁ μὲν δὴ Κλεομένης ταῦτα εἴπας tue ἐς τὰ 
οἰκία, 0 δὲ ᾿Αρισταγόρης λαβὼν ἱκετηρίην Tie ἐς 
τοῦ Κλεομένεος, ἐσελθὼν δὲ ἔσω ἅτε ἱκετεύων 
54 


BOOK V. 49-51 


his wealth ; take that city, and then you need not fear 
to challenge Zeus for riches. What! you must needs 
then fight for straitened strips of land of no great 
worth—fight for that with Messenians, who are as 
strong as you, and Arcadians and Argives, men that 
have nought in the way of gold or silver, for which 
things many are spurred by zeal to fight and die: 
yet when you can readily be masters of all Asia, will 
you refuse to essay it?" Thus spoke Aristagoras. 
Cleomenes replied: * Milesian, my guest, wait till - 
the third day for my answer." 

50. Thus far they advanced at that hearing. But 
when on the day appointed for the answer they came 
to the place whereon they had agreed, Cleomenes 
asked Aristagoras how many days' journey it was 
from the Ionian sea to the king. Till now, Arista- 
goras had been cunning and fooled the Spartan right 
well; but here he made a false step ; for if he desired 
to bring the Spartans away into Asia he should never 
have told the truth ; but he did tell it, and said that 
it was a three months' journey inland. At that, 
Cleomenes cut short all the rest that Aristagoras 
began to tell him about the journey, and bade his 
Milesian guest depart from Sparta before sunset; 
for never (he said) would the Lacedaemonians listen 
to the plan, if Aristagoras desired to lead them a 
three months' journey from the sea. 

51. Having thus spoken Cleomenes went to his 
house; but Aristagoras took a suppliant's garb and 
followed him thither, and entering in he used a 


55 


HERODOTUS. 


ἐπακοῦσαι ἐκέλευε τὸν Κλεομένεα ἀποπέμψαντα 
τὸ παιδίον" “προσεστήκεε γὰρ δὴ τῷ Κλεομένεϊ ἡ 
θυγάτηρ, τῇ οὔνομα ἦν Γοργώ", τοῦτο δέ οἱ καὶ 
μοῦνον τέκνον ἐτύγχανε ἐὸν ἐτέων ὀκτὼ ἢ ἐννέα 
ἡλικίην. Κλεομένης δὲ λέγειν μιν ἐκέλευε τὰ 
βούλεται μηδὲ ἐπισχεῖν τοῦ παιδίου εἵνεκα. 
ἐνθαῦτα δὴ ὁ ᾿Αρισταγόρης ἄρχετο ἐκ δέκα 
ταλάντων ὑπισχνεόμενος, ἦν οἱ ἐπιτελέση. τῶν 
ἐδέετο. ἀνανεύοντος δὲ τοῦ Κλεομένεος προέβαινε 
τοῖσι χρήμασι ὑπερβάλλων ὁ ο ᾿Αρισταγόρης, ἐς οὗ 
πεντήκοντά τε τάλαντα ὑπεδέδεκτο καὶ τὸ παιδίον 
ηὐδάξατο « Πάτερ, δ) KX σε ὁ ξεῖνος, ἦν μὴ 
ἀποστὰς ἴῃς. ὅ τε / Κλεομένης ᾿ἡσθεὶς τοῦ 
παιδίου τῇ παραινέσι ne ἐς ἕτερον οἴκημα, καὶ ὁ 
᾿Αρισταγόρης ἀπαλλάσσετο τὸ παράπαν ἐκ τῆς 
Σπάρτης, οὐδέ οἱ ἐξεγένετο ἐ ἐπὶ πλέον ἔτι σημῆναι 
περὶ τῆς ἀνόδου τῆς παρὰ βασιλέα. 

52. Ἔχει γὰρ ἀμφὶ τῇ ὁδῷ ταύτῃ ὧδε" σταθμοί 
τε πανταχῇ εἰσι βασιλήιοι καὶ καταλύσιες κάλ- 
λισται, διὰ οἰκεομένης τε ἡ ὁδὸς ἅπασα καὶ 
ἀσφαλέος. διὰ μέν ye. Λυδίης καὶ Φρυγίης 
σταθ μοὶ τείνοντες εἴκοσι εἰσί, παρασάγγαι δὲ 
τέσσερες καὶ ἐνενήκοντα καὶ ἥμισυ. ἐκδέκεται δὲ 
ἐκ τῆς Φρυγίης ὁ 0 " AXus ποταμός, ἐπ᾽ ᾧ πύλαι τε 
ἔπεισι, τὰς «διεξελάσαι πᾶσα ἀνάγκη καὶ οὕτω 
διεκπερᾶν τὸν ποταμόν, καὶ φυλακτήριον μέγα em 
αὐτῷ. διαβάντι δὲ ἐς τὴν Καππαδοκίην καὶ 
ταύτῃ πορευομένῳ μέχρι οὔρων τῶν Κιλικίων 
σταθμοὶ δυῶν δέοντες εἰσὶ τριήκοντα, παρασάγγαι 
δὲ τέσσερες καὶ ἑκατόν. ἐπὶ δὲ τοῖσι τούτων 
οὔροισι διξάς τε πύλας διεξελᾶς καὶ διξὰ φυλα- 


56 


BOOK V. 51-52 


suppliant's right to beseech Cleomenes to hear him, 
but first send the child away; for Cleomenes' 
daughter, whose name was Gorgo, was standing by 
him ; she was his only child, and was about eight 
or nine years of age. Cleomenes bade him say what 
he would and not let the child's presence hinder him. 
Then Aristagoras began to promise Cleomenes from 
ten talents upwards, if he would grant his request. 
Cleomenes refusing, Aristagoras offered him ever 
more and yet more, till when he promised fifty 
talents the child cried out, * Father, the stranger will 
corrupt you, unless you leave him and go away." Cleo- 
menes was pleased with the child's counsel and went 
into another room; and Aristagoras departed clean 
out of Sparta, and could find no occasion for telling 
further of the journey inland to the king's place. 

52. Now the nature of this road ! is as I shall show. 
ΛΙ along it are the king's stages and exceeding good 
hostelries, and the whole of it passes through country 
that is inhabited and safe. Its course through Lydia 
and Phrygia is of the length of twenty stages, and 
ninety-four and a half parasangs. Next after Phrygia 
it comes to the river Halys, where there is a defile, 
which must be passed ere the river can be crossed, 
and a great fortress to guard it. After the passage 
into Cappadocia the road in that land as far as the 
borders of Cilicia is of twenty-eight stages and an 
hundred and four parasangs. On this frontier you 
must ride through two defiles and pass two fortresses; _ 


1 «The royal road from Sardis to Susa is far older than 
the Persian empire,” say Messrs. How and Wells. Evidence 
points to the existence of a Hittite capital in Cappadocia, to 
connect which with Sardis on the one hand and Assyria on 
the other was the purpose of the road. 


57 


HERODOTUS 


κτήρια. παραμείψεαι. ταῦτα δὲ διεξελάσαντι καὶ 
διὰ τῆς Κιλικίης ὁδὸν ποιευμένῳ τρεῖς. εἰσι 
σταθμοί, παρασάγγαι δὲ πεντεκαίδεκα καὶ ἥμισυ. 
οὖρος δὲ Κιλικίης καὶ τῆς ᾿Αρμενίης ἐ ἐστὶ ποταμὸς 
νηυσιπέρητος, τῷ οὔνομα Εὐφρήτης. ἐν δὲ τῇ 
᾿Αρμενίῃ σταθμοὶ μὲν εἰσὶ καταγωγέων πεντε- 
καίδεκα, παρασάγγαι δὲ ἓξ καὶ πεντήκοντα καὶ 
ἥμισυ, καὶ φυλακτήριον ἐν αὐτοῖσι. ἐκ δὲ ταύτης 
τῆς ᾿Αρμενίης ἐσβάλλοντι ἐς τὴν Ματιηνὴν γῆν 
σταθμοί εἰσι τέσσερες καὶ τριήκοντα, παρασάγγαι 
δὲ ἑπτὰ καὶ τριήκοντα καὶ ἑκατόν. ποταμοὶ δὲ 
νηυσυπέρητοι τέσσερες διὰ ταύτης ῥέουσι, τοὺς 
πᾶσα ἀνάγκη διαπορθμεῦσαι ἐστί, πρῶτος μὲν 
Τίγρης, μετὰ δὲ δεύτερός τε καὶ τρίτος ὡυτὸς 
ὀνομαζόμενος, οὐκ ὠντὸς ἐὼν ποταμὸς οὐδὲ ἐ ἐκ τοῦ 
αὐτοῦ ῥέων" ὁ μὲν γὰρ πρότερον αὐτῶν κατα- 
λεχθεὶς ἐξ ᾿Αρμενίων £ ῥέει, ὁ Ò ὕστερον. ἐκ Ματιη- 
væv ὁ δὲ τέταρτος τῶν ποταμῶν οὔνομα ἔχει 
Γύνδης, τὸν Κῦρος διέλαβε κοτὲ ἔς διώρυχας 
ἑξήκοντα καὶ τριηκοσίας. ἔκ δὲ ταύτης ἐς τὴν 
Κισσίην χώρην μεταβαίνοντι ἕνδεκα σταθμοί, 
παρασάγγαι δὲ δύο καὶ τεσσεράκοντα καὶ ἥμισυ 
ἐστὶ ἐπὶ ποταμὸν Χοάσπην, ἐόντα καὶ τοῦτον 
νηυσιπέρητον' ἐπ᾽ ᾧ Σοῦσα πόλις πεπόλισται. 

53. Οὗτοι οἱ πάντες σταθμοί εἰσι ἕνδεκα καὶ 
ἑκατόν. καταγωγαὶ μέν νυν σταθμῶν τοσαῦται 
εἰσὶ ἐκ Σαρδίων ἐς Σοῦσα ἀναβαίνοντι. εἰ δὲ 
ὀρθῶς μεμέτρηται ἡ ὁδὸς ἡ ἡ βασιληίη τοῖσι παρα- 
σάγγῃσι | καὶ ὁ παρασάγγης δύναται τριήκοντα 
στάδια, ὦ ὥσπερ οὗτός γε δύναται ταῦτα, ἐκ Σαρ- 
δίων στάδια ἐστὶ ἐς τὰ βασιλήια τὰ Μεμνόνια 
καλεόμενα πεντακόσια καὶ τρισχίλια καὶ μύρια, 
58 


BOOK V. 52-53 


ride past these, and you will have a journey through 
Cilicia of three stages and fifteen and a half para- 
sangs. The boundary of Cilicia and Armenia is a 
navigable river whereof the name is Euphrates. In 
Armenia there are fifteen resting-stages, and fifty-six 
parasangs and a half, and there is a fortress there. 
From Armenia the road enters the Matienian land, 
wherein are thirty-four stages, and an hundred and 
thirty-seven parasangs. Through this land flow four 
navigable rivers, that must needs be passed by ferries, 
first the Tigris, then a second and a third of the same 
name, yet not the same stream nor flowing from the 
same source ; for the first-mentioned of them flows 
from the Armenians and the second from the Matieni ; 
and the fourth river is called Gyndes, that Gyndes 
which Cyrus parted once into three hundred and 
sixty channels! When this country is passed, the 
road is in the Cissian land, where are eleven stages 
and forty-two and a half parasangs, as far as yet 
another navigable river, the Choaspes, whereon 
stands the city of Susa. 

53. Thus the whole tale of stages is an hundred 
and eleven. So many resting-stages then there are 
in the going up from Sardis to Susa. If I have 
rightly numbered the parasangs of the royal road, 
and the parasang is of thirty furlongs’ length 
(which assuredly it is), then between Sardis and the 
king's abode called Memnonian? there are thirteen 
thousand and five hundred furlongs, the number of 


1 Cp. I. 189. 

* Memnon was the legendary king of the *'eastern 
Ethiopians," or Assyrians. When tradition began to place 
the Homeric Ethiopians in Libya, Memnon, the Ethiop 
king, came to be associated with Thebes in Egypt. 


59 


HERODOTUS 


παρασαγγέων ἐόντων πεντήκοντα καὶ τετρακοσίων. 
πεντήκοντα δὲ καὶ ἑκατὸν στάδια ἐ ἐπ᾽ ἡμέρῃ ἑκάστῃ 
διεξιοῦσι ἀναισιμοῦνται ἡμέραι ἀπαρτὶ ἐνενή- 
κοντα. 

54. Οὕτω τῷ Μιλησίῳ ᾿Αρισταγόρῃ εἴπαντι 
πρὸς Κλεομένεα τὸν Λακεδαιμόνιον εἶναι τριῶν 
μηνῶν τὴν ἄνοδον τὴν παρὰ βασιλέα ὀρθῶς εἴρητο. 
εἰ δέ τις τὸ ἀτρεκέστερον τούτων ἔτι δίξηται, ἐ ἐγὼ 
καὶ τοῦτο σημανέω" τὴν γὰρ ἐξ ᾿Εφέσου ἐ ἐς Σάρδις 
ὁδὸν δεῖ προσλογίσασθαι ταύτῃ. καὶ δὴ λέγω 
σταδίους εἶναι τοὺς πάντας ἀπὸ θαλάσσης τῆς 
Ἑλληνικῆς μέχρι Ἑούσων (τοῦτο γὰρ Μεμνόνειον 
ἄστυ καλέεται) τεσσεράκοντα καὶ τετρακισχιλίους 
καὶ μυρίους" οἱ γὰρ ἐξ Ἐφέσου ἐς Σάρδις εἰσὶ 
τεσσεράκοντα καὶ πεντακόσιοι στάδιοι, καὶ. οὕτω 
oe ἡμέρῃσι μηκύνεται 7) τρίμηνος ὀδός. 

᾽Απελαυνόμενος δὲ ὁ ᾿Αρισταγόρης ἐκ τῆς 
Σπάρτης d ῆιε ἐς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας. γενομένας τυράννων 
ὧδε ἐλευθέρας. ἐπεὶ Ἵππαρχον τὸν Πεισιστράτου, 
Ἱππίεω δὲ τοῦ τυράννου ἀδελφεόν, ἰδόντα ὄψιν 
ἐνυπνίου τῷ ἑωυτοῦ πάθεϊ ἐ ἐναργεστάτην. κτείνουσι 
᾿Αριστογείτων καὶ “Αρμόδιος, γένος ἐόντες τὰ 
ἀνέκαθεν Γεφυραῖοι, μετὰ ταῦτα ἐτυραννεύοντο 
᾿Αθηναῖοι ἐ ἐπ᾽ ἔτεα τέσσερα οὐδὲν ἧσσον ἀλλὰ καὶ 
μᾶλλον ἢ πρὸ τοῦ. 

56. Ἡ μέν νυν ὄψις τοῦ Ἱππάρχου ἐ ἐνυπνίου ἦν 
ἥδε: ἐν τῇ προτέρη νυκτὶ τῶν Παναθηναίων ἐδόκεε 

ὁ "Ίππαρχος ἄνδρα οἱ ἐπιστάντα μέγαν καὶ εὐειδέα 
ο τα... τάδε τὰ ἔπεα. 


τλῆθι λέων ἄτλητα παθὼν τετληότι θυμῷ" 
οὐδεὶς ἀνθρώπων ἀδικῶν τίσιν οὐκ ἀποτίσει. 


60 


BOOK V. 53-56 


parasangs being four hundred and fifty ; and if each 
day's journey be an hundred and fifty furlongs, then 
the sum of days spent is ninety, neither more nor 
less. 

54. Thus Aristagoras of Miletus spoke the truth 
to Cleomenes the Lacedaemonian when he said that 
the journey inland was three months long. But if 
any desire a measurement yet exacter, I will give 
him that too ; forthe journey from Ephesus to Sardis 
must be added to the rest. So then I declare that 
from the Greek sea to Susa (for that is the city called 
Memnonian) it is a journey of fourteen thousand and 
forty stages; for there are five hundred and forty 
furlongs from Ephesus to Sardis, and thus the three 
months' journey is made longer by three days. 

55. Being compelled to leave Sparta, Aristagoras 
went to Athens; which had been freed from its 
ruling despots in the manner that I shall show. 
When Hipparchus, son of Pisistratus and brother of 
Hippias the despot, had been slain (after seeing in a 
dream a very clear picture of the evil that befel him) 
by Aristogiton and Harmodius, men of Gephyraean 
descent, after this the Athenians were subject for 
four years to a despotism not less but even more 
absolute than before. 

56. Now this was. the vision which Hipparchus 
saw in a dream: inthenight before the Panathenaea 
he thought that a tall and goodly man stood over him 
uttering these riddling verses: 


Bear an unbearable lot; O lion, be strong for the 
bearing : 

No man on earth doth wrong but at last shall 
suffer requital. 


61 


HERODOTUS 


ταῦτα δέ, ὡς ἡμέρη ἐγένετο τάχιστα, φανερὸς ἦν 
ὑπερτιθέμενος ὀνειροπόλοισι" μετὰ δὲ ἀπειπά- 
μενος τὴν ὄψιν ἔπεμπε τὴν πομπήν, ἐν τῇ δὴ 
τελευτᾷ. 

57. Οἱ δὲ T εφυραῖοι, τῶν ἦσαν οἱ φονέες οἱ 
Ἱππάρχου, ὡς μὲν αὐτοὶ λέγουσι, ἐγεγόνεσαν ἐξ 
Ἐρετρίης τὴν ἀρχήν, ὡς δὲ ἐγὼ -ἀναπυνθανόμενος 
εὑρίσκω, ἦσαν Φοίνικες τῶν σὺν Κάδμῳ ἀπικο- 
μένων Φοινίκων ἐς γῆν, τὴν νῦν Βοιωτίην καλεο- 
μένην, οἴκεον δὲ τῆς χώρης ταύτης ἀπολαχόντες 
τὴν Ταναγρικὴν μοῖραν. ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ Καδμείων 
πρότερον, ἐξαναστάντων i ὑπ᾽ Αργείων, οἱ Γεφυραῖοι 
οὗτοι δεύτερα ὑπὸ Βοιωτῶν ἐξαναστάντες ἐτρά- 
ποντο ἐπ ᾿Αθηνέων. ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ σφέας ἐπὶ 
ῥητοῖσι ἐδέξαντο σφέων αὐτῶν εἶναι πολιήτας, 
πολλῶν τεῶν καὶ οὐκ ἀξιαπηγήτων ἐπιτάξαντες 
ἔργεσθαι. 

68. Οἱ δὲ Φοίνικες οὗτοι οἱ σὺν Κάδμῳ ar- 
ικόµενοι, τῶν ἦσαν οἱ Γεφυραῖοι, ἄλλα τε πολλὰ 
οἰκήσαντες ταύτην τὴν χώρην ἐσήγαγον διδασκάλια 
ἐς τοὺς “Ελληνας καὶ δὴ καὶ γράμματα, οὐκ ἐόντα 
πρὶν ' ΄Ελλησι ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκέειν, πρῶτα μὲν τοῖσι 
καὶ ἅπαντες χρέωνται Φοίνικες" μετὰ δὲ χρόνου 
προβαίνοντος ἅμα τῇ φωνή μετέβαλλον καὶ τὸν 
ῥυθμὸν τῶν γραμμάτων. περιοίκεον δὲ σφέας τὰ 
πολλὰ τῶν χώρων τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον Ἑλλήνων 
"loves, ot παραλαβόντες διδαχῇ παρὰ τῶν Φοινί- 
κων τὰ γράμματα, perappvÓ uia avres. σφέων ὀλίγα 
ἐχρέωντο, χρεώμενοι δὲ ἐφάτισαν, ὥσπερ καὶ τὸ 


1 Hipparchus was killed in 513. 
1 Gephyra (— bridge or dam) was another name for 


62 


BOOK V. 56-58 


As soon as it was day, he imparted this (as was seen) 
to the interpreters of dreams; and presently putting 
the vision from his mind, he led the procession in 
which he met his death.1 

57. Now the Gephyraean clan, of which were the 
slayers of Hipparchus, is saidj by themselves to 
have come at first from Eretria ; but my own enquiry 
shows that they were some of the Phoenicians ? who 
came with Cadmus to the country now called Boeotia, 
and in that country the lands of Tanagra were allotted 
to them, where they settled. The Cadmeans having 
been first expelled thence by the Argives,? these 
Gephyraeans were in turn expelled by the Boeotians 
and betook themselves to Athens. The Athenians 
received them as citizens of their own on set 
terms, debarring them from many practices not here 
deserving mention. 

58. These Phoenicians who came with Cadmus (of 
whom the Gephyraeans were a part) at their settle- 
ment in this country, among many other kinds of 
learning, brought into Hellas the alphabet, which 
had hitherto been unknown, as I think, to the 
Greeks; and presently as time went on the sound 
and the form of the letters were changed. At this 
time the Greeks that dwelt round them for the most 
part were Ionians; who, having been taught the 
letters by the Phoenicians, used them with some 
few changes of form, and in so doing gave to these 
characters (as indeed was but just, seeing that the 


Tanagra ; S pee pe Herodotus' theory of an oriental origin is 
based on the fact that there was a place called Gephyrae in 
Syria. 

3 This happened sixty years after the fall of Troy, 
according to Thucydides. 


63 


HERODOTUS 


δίκαιον ἔφερε, ἐσαγαγόντων Φοινίκων ἐς τὴν 
Ἑλλάδα, Φοινικήια κεκλῆσθαι. καὶ τὰς βύβλους 
διφθέρας καλέουσι ἀπὸ τοῦ παλαιοῦ οἱ Ἴωνες, ὅ ὅτι 
κοτὲ ἐν σπάνι βύβλων è ἐχρέωντο διφθέρῃσι αἰγέῃσί 
τε καὶ οἰέῃσι' ἔτι δὲ καὶ τὸ κατ᾿ ἐμὲ πολλοὶ τῶν 
βαρβάρων ἐ ἐς τοιαύτας διφθέρας γράφουσι. 

59. Εἶδον δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς Καδμήια γράμματα ἐν 
τῷ ἱρῷ τοῦ ᾿Απόλλωνος τοῦ Ἰσμηνίου ἐν Θήβῃσι 
τῇσι Βοιωτῶν, ἐπὶ τρίποσι τισὶ ἐγκεκολαμμένα, 
τὰ πολλὰ ὅμοια ἐόντα τοῖσι Ἰωνικοῖσι. ὁ μὲν δὴ 
εἷς τῶν τριπόδων ἐπίγραμμα ἔχει 

᾽Αμϕιτρύων µ ἀνέθηκ᾽ ἐνάρων ἀπὸ Τηλεβοάων.ϊ 
ταῦτα ἡλικίην εἴη ἂν κατὰ Λάιον τὸν Λαβδάκου 
τοῦ Πολυδώρου τοῦ Κάδμου. 

60. "ETepos δὲ τρίπους ἐν ἑξαμέτρῳ τόνῳ 
yer 

Σκαῖος πυγμαχέων µε ἑκηβόλῳ ᾿Απόλλωνι 

νικήσας ἀνέθηκε τεῖν περικαλλὲς ἄγαλμα. 
Σκαῖος δ ἂν εἴη ὁ Ἱπποκόωντος, εἰ δὴ οὗτός γε 
ἐστὶ ὁ ἀναθεὶς καὶ μὴ ἄλλος τὠυτὸ οὔνομα ἔχων 
τῷ Ἱπποκόωντος, ἡλικίην κατὰ Οἰδίπουν τὸν 
Λαΐου. 

61. Τρίτος δὲ τρίπους λέγει καὶ οὗτος ἐν 
ἑξαμέτρῳ 

Λαοδάμας τρύποδ᾽ αὐτὸς ἐυσκόπῳ ᾿Απόλλωνι 

μουναρχέων ἀνέθηκε τεῖν περικαλλὲς άγαλμα. 

1 ἀνέθηκεν ἐὼν ἀπὸ Τηλεβοέων (the MS. reading) is neither 
good Greek nor consistent with the legend of Amphitryon's 
vengeance on his enemies, the Teleboae of Acarnania. I 


suggest ἐνάρων, which makes good sense; or Meineke’s ἑλών 
would do. 


64 


BOOK V. 58-61 


Phoenicians had brought them into Hellas) the name 
of Phoenician.! Thus also the Ionians have from 
ancient times called papyrus-sheets skins, because 
formerly for lack of papyrus they used the skins of 
sheep and goats; and even to this day there are 
many foreigners who write on such skins. 

59. I have myself seen Cadmean characters in the 
temple of Ismenian Apollo at Thebes of Boeotia, 
graven on certain tripods and for the most part like 
Ionian letters. On one of the tripods there is this 
inscription : 

I am Amphitryon's gift, from spoils Teleboan 

fashioned. 


This would be of the time of Laius, the son of 
Labdacus, who was the son of Polydorus, who was 
the son of Cadmus. 

60. A second tripod says, in hexameter verse : 


I am a gift that is given by Scaeus, the conquering 
boxer, 

Archer Apollo, to thee for thy temple's beauteous 
adornment. 


Scaeus the son of Hippocoon, if indeed the dedicator 
be he and not another of the same name as Hippo- 
coon's son, would be of the time of Oedipus son of 
Laius. 
61. The third tripod says, in hexameter verse 
again: | 
I am the tripod that erst Laodamas, sovereign ruler, 
Gave to far-seeing Apollo, his temple's beauteous 
adornment. 


1 Whether Herodotus’ theory of derivation be right or not, 
there is certainly a similarity in the form and order of early 
Greek and Phoenician letters, 

65 


VOL. III. F 


HERODOTUS 


ἐπὶ τουτου δη τοῦ Λαοδάμαντος τοῦ ᾿Ἐτεόκλέος 
μουναρχέοντος ἐξανιστέαται Καδμεῖοι ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αρ- 
γείων καὶ τράπονται ἐς τοὺς ᾿Εγχελέας. οἱ δὲ 
Γεφυραῖοι ὑπολειφθέντες ὕστερον ὑπὸ Βοιωτῶν 
ἀναχωρέουσι ἐς ᾿Αθήνας’ kai EL ἱρά ἐστι ἐν 
᾿Αθήνῃσι ἱδρυμένα, τῶν οὐδὲν μέτα τοῖσι λοιποῖσι 
᾿Αθηναίοισι, ἄλλα τε κεχωρισμένα τῶν ἄλλων 
ἱρῶν καὶ δὴ καὶ ᾿Αχαιίης Δήμητρος ἱρόν τε καὶ 
ὄργια. 

62. 'H μὲν δὴ ὄψις τοῦ Ἱππάρχου ἐ ἐννπνίου καὶ 
οἱ ,l'eóvpatot ὅθεν ἐγεγόνεσαν, τῶν ἦσαν οἱ Ἶπ- 
πάρχου φονέες, ἀπήγηταί μοι". δεῖ δὲ πρὸς τούτοισι 
ἔτι ἀναλαβεῖν τὸν κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς nia λέξων λόγον, 
ὡς τυράννων ἐλευθερώθησαν ᾿Αθηναῖοι. - Ἱππίεω 
τυραννεύοντος καὶ ἐμπικραινομένου ᾿Αθηναίοισι 
διὰ τὸν Ἱππάρχου θάνατον, ᾿Αλκμεωνίδαι γένος 
ἐόντες ᾿Αθηναῖοι καὶ φεύγοντες Πεισιστρατίδας, 
ἐπείτε σφι ἅμα τοῖσι ἄλλοισι ᾿Αθηναίων φυγάσι 
πειρωμένοιαι κατὰ τὸ ἰσχυρὸν οὐ προεχώρεε 
κώτοδος, ἀλλὰ προσέπταιον μεγάλως πειρώμενοι 
κατιέναι τε καὶ ἐλευθεροῦν τὰς ᾿Αθήνας, Λειψύ- 
δριον τὸ ὑπὲρ Παιονίης τειχίσαντες, ἐνθαῦτα οἱ 
᾽Αλκμεωνίδαι πᾶν ἐπὶ τοῖσι Πεισιστρατίδῃσι 
μηχανώμενοι παρ᾽ ᾽Αμϕικτυόνων τὸν νηὸν pt- 
σθοῦνται τὸν ἐν Δελφοῖσι, τὸν νῦν ἐόντα τότε δὲ 
οὔκω, τοῦτον ἐξοικοδομῆσαι. οἷα δὲ ρημάτων 
εὖ ἥκοντες καὶ ἐόντες ἄνδρες δόκιμοι ἀνέκαθεν ἔτι, 
τόν τε νηὸν ἐξεργάσαντο τοῦ, παραδείγματος 
κάλλιον τά. τε ἄλλα καὶ συγκειμένου σφι πωρίνου 
λίθου ποιέειν τὸν νηόν, Παρίου τὰ ἔμπροσθε 
αὐτοῦ ἐξεποίησαν. 

63. Ὡς ὧν δὴ οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι λέγουσι, οὗτοι οἱ 
66 


BOOK V. 61-63 


In the sovereignty of this Laodamas son of Eteocles, 
the Cadmeans were expelled by the Argives and 
betook themselves to the Encheleis. The Gephy- 
raeans were left behind, but were later compelled 
by the Boeotians to withdraw to Athens; and they 
have certain set forms of worship at Athens, wherein 
the rest of the Athenians have no part; these, and 
in especial the rites and mysteries of Achaean 
Demeter, are different from the other worships. 
. 62. I have shown what was the vision of Hip- 
parchus’ dream, and what the first origin of the 
Gephyraeans, of whom were the slayers of Hip- 
parchus ; now 1 must go further and return to the story 
which I began to tell, namely, how the Athenians 
were freed from their despots. Hippias being their 
despot and growing ever bitterer in enmity against 
the Athenians by reason of Hipparchus' death, the 
Alemeonidae, a family of Athenian stock banished 
by the sons of Pisistratus, essayed with the rest of 
the banished Athenians to make their way back by 
force and free Athens, but could not prosper in their 
return and rather suffered great hurt. They had 
fortified Lipsydrium north of Paeonia; then, in 
their desire to use all devices against the sons of 
Pisistratus, they hired themselves to the Amphictyons 
for the building of the temple at Delphi which now 
is but then as yet was not there. Being wealthy 
and like their fathers men of reputation, they 
wrought the temple into a fairer form than the 
model shown ; in particular, whereas they had agreed 
to build the temple of tufa, they made its front of 
Parian marble. D 

63. These men then, as the Athenians say, sat 


67 
F 2 


HERODOTUS 


ἄνδρες ἐν Δελφοῖσι. κατήμενοι ἀνέπειθον τὴν 
Πυθίην χρήμασι, ὅκως. ἔλθοιεν Σπαρτιητέων 
ἄνδρες εἴτε ἰδίῳ στόλῳ εἴτε δημοσίῳ χρησόμενοι, 
προφέρειν σφι τὰς ᾿Αθήνας ἐλευθεροῦν. Λακεδαι- 
μόνιοι δέ, ὥς σφι αἰεὶ τὠντὸ πρόφαντον ἐγίνετο, 
πέμπουσι ᾿Αγχιμόλιον τὸν ᾿Αστέρος, ἐόντα τῶν 
ἀστῶν ἄνδρα δόκιμον, σὺν στρατῷ ἐξελῶντα 
Πεισιστρατίδας ἐξ ᾿Αθηνέων ὅμως καὶ ξεινίους 
σφι ἐόντας τὰ μάλιστα: τὰ γὰρ τοῦ θεοῦ πρεσ- 
βύτερα ἐ ἐποιεῦντο ἢ τὰ τῶν ἀνδρῶν" πέμπουσι δὲ 
τούτους κατὰ θάλασσαν πλοίοισι. ὃ μὲν δὴ 
προσσχὼν ἐς Φάληρον τὴν στρατιὴν ἀπέβησε, οἱ 
δὲ Πεισιστρατίδαι προπυνθανόµενοι ταῦτα ET- 
εκαλέοντο EK Θεσσαλίης ἐπικουρίην' ἐπεποίητο 
γάρ σφι συμμαχίη πρὸς αὐτούς. Θεσσαλοὶ δέ 
σφι δεομένοισι ἀπέπεμψαν κοινῇ γνώμῃ χρεώμενοι 
χιλίην τε ἵππον καὶ τὸν βασιλέα τὸν σφέτερον 
Κινέην ἄνδρα Κονιαῖον' τοὺς ἐπείτε ἔσχον ovp- 
μάχους οἱ Πεισιστρατίδαι, ἐμηχανῶντο τοιάδε" 
κείραντες τῶν Φαληρέων τὸ πεδίον καὶ ἱππάσιμον 
ποιήσαντες τοῦτον τὸν χῶρον ἐπῆκαν τῷ στρατο- 
πέδῳ τὴν ἵππον' ἐμπεσοῦσα δὲ διέφθειρε ἄλλους 
τε πολλοὺς τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ δὴ καὶ τὸν 
᾿Αγχιμόλιον" τοὺς δὲ περιγενομένους αὐτῶν ἐς τὰς 
νέας κατεῖρξαν. ὁ μὲν δὴ πρῶτος στόλος ἐκ 
Λακεδαίμονος. οὕτω ἀπήλλαξε, καὶ ᾿Αγχιμολίου 
εἰσὶ ταφαὶ τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς ᾿Αλωπεκῆσι, ἀγχοῦ τοῦ 
Ἡρακλείου τοῦ ἐν Κυνοσάργεϊ. 

64. Μετὰ δὲ Λακεδαιμόνιοι μέζω στόλον στεί- 
λαντες ἀπέπεμψαν ἐπὶ τὰς ᾿Αθήνας, στρατηγὸν 
τῆς στρατιῆς ἀποδέξαντες βασιλέα Κλεομένεα 
τὸν ᾿Αναξανδρίδεω, οὐκέτι κατὰ θάλασσαν στεί- 
68 


BOOK V. 63-64 


them down at Delphi and bribed the Pythian 
priestess, whenever any Spartans should come to 
enquire of her on a private or a public account, to 
bid them set Athens free. Then the Lacedae- 
monians, when the same command was ever revealed 
to them, sent Anchimolius the son of Aster, a citizen 
of repute, to drive out the sons of Pisistratus with an 
army, albeit the Pisistratids were their close friends ; 
for the gods' will weighed with them more than the 
will of man. They sent these men by sea on ship- 
board. So Anchimolius put in at Phalerum and 
there disembarked his army; but the sons of Pisis- 
tratus had got word of the plan already, and sent to 
ask help from Thessaly, wherewith they had an 
alliance. The Thessalians at their entreaty joined 
together and sent their own king, Cineas of Conium, 
with a thousand horsemen. When the Pisistratids 
got these allies, they devised a plan whereby they 
laid the plain of Phalerum waste, so that all that 
land could be ridden over, and then launched their 
cavalry against the enemy's army; the horsemen 
charged and slew Anchimolius and many more of 
the Lacedaemonians, and drove those that survived 
totheirships. Thus faring, the first Lacedaemonian 
armament drew off; and Anchimolius’ tomb is at 
Alopecae in Attica, near to the Heracleum in 
Cynosarges.! 

61. After this the Lacedaemonians sent out a 
greater army to attack Athens, appointing as its 
general their king Cleomenes son of Anaxandrides ; 


1, The sites of Alopecae and Cynosarges are doubtful ; 
recent research places them (but with no certainty) south 
of the Ilissus towards Phalerum. See How and Wells 
ad loc. 


69 


HERODOTUS 


λαντες ἀλλὰ κατ ἤπειρον". τοῖσι ἐσβαλοῦσι ἐς 
τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν χώρην ἡ τῶν Θεσσαλῶν ἵππος 
πρώτη προσέμιξε καὶ οὐ μετὰ πολλὸν ἐτράπετο, 
καί σφεων ἔπεσον ὑπὲρ τεσσεράκοντα ἄνδρας" οἱ 
δὲ :περιγενόµενοι ἀπαλλάσσοντο ὡς εἶχον εὐθὺς 
ἐπὶ Θεσσαλίης. Κλεομένης δὲ ἀπικόμενος ἐς τὸ 
ἄστυ ἅμα ᾿Αθηναίων τοῖσι βουλομένοισι εἶναι 
ἐλευθέροισι ἐπολιόρκεε τοὺς τυράννους ἀπεργ- 
μένους ἐν τῷ Πελασγικῷ τείχεϊ. 

65. Καὶ οὐδέν τι πάντως ἂν ἐξεῖλον Πεισιστρα- 
τίδας οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι” οὔτε γὰρ ἐπέδρην é ἐπενόεον 
ποιήσασθαι, ot τε Πεισιστρατίδαι σίτοισι καὶ 
ποτοῖσι εὖ παρεσκευάδατο, πολιορκήσαντές τε ἂν 
ἡμέρας ὀλίγας ἀπαλλάσσοντο ἐς τὴν Σπάρτην. 
νῦν δὲ συντυχίη τοῖσι μὲν κακὴ ἐπεγένετο, τοῖσι 
δὲ ἡ αὐτὴ αὕτη σύμμαχος" ὑπεκτιθέμενοι γὰρ ἔξω 
τῆς χώρης. οἱ | παῖδες τῶν Πεισιστρατιδέων ἥλωσαν, 
τοῦτο δὲ ὡς ἐγένετο, πάντα αὐτῶν τὰ πρήγματα 
συνετετάρακτο, παρέστησαν δὲ ἐπὶ μισθῷ τοῖσι 
τέκνοισι, ἐπ᾽ οἷσι ἐβούλοντο οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι, ὦ ὥστε ἐν 
πέντε ἡμέρησι ἐκχωρῆσαι ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς. μετὰ 
δὲ ἐξεχώρησαν ἐς Σύγειον τὸ ἐπὶ τῷ Σκαμάνδρῳ, 
ἄρξαντες μὲν ᾿Αθηναίων ἐπ᾽ ἔτεα ἕξ τε καὶ 
τριήκοντα, ἐόντες δὲ καὶ οὗτοι ἀνέκαθεν Moroi 
τε καὶ Νηλεῖδαι, ἐκ τῶν αὐτῶν γεγονότες καὶ οἱ 
ἀμφὶ Κόδρον τε καὶ Μέλανθον, οἳ πρότερον 
ἐπήλυδες ἐόντες ἐγένοντο ᾿Αθηναίων. βασιλέες. 
ἐπὶ τούτου δὲ καὶ τὠυτὸ οὔνομα ἀπεμνημόνευσε 
Ἱπποκράτης τῷ παιδὶ θέσθαι τὸν Πεισίστρατον, 
ἐπὶ τοῦ Νέστορος Πεισιστράτου ποιεύμενος τὴν 
ἐπωνυμίην. 


79 


BOOK V. 64-65 


this army they sent no longer by sea but by land. 
When they broke into Attica the Thessalian horse 
was the first to meet them, and was presently routed 
and more than forty men were slain; those that were 
left alive made off for Thessaly by the nearest way 
they could. Then Cleomenes, when he and the 
Athenians that desired freedom came before the city, 
drove the despots' family within the Pelasgic wall! 
and there beleaguered them. 

65. And assuredly the Lacedaemonians would 
never have taken the Pisistratid stronghold ; for 
they had no mind to blockade it, and the Pisistratids 
were well furnished with food and drink; and the 
Lacedaemonians would but have besieged the place 
for a few days and then returned back to Sparta. 
But as it was, there befel a turn of fortune that 
harmed the one party and helped the other; for the 
sons of the Pisistratid family were taken as they were 
being privily carried out of the country. This made 
all their plans to be confounded ; and they submitted 
to depart out of Attica within five days on the terms 
prescribed to them by the Athenians, in return for 
the recovery of their children. Presently they 
departed to Sigeum on the Scamander. They had 
ruled the Athenians for six-and-thirty years;? they 
too were in lineage of the house of Pylos and 
Neleus, born of the same ancestors as the families 
of Codrus and Melanthus, who had formerly come 
from foreign parts to be kings of Athens. Hence 
it was that Hippocrates gave his son for a remem- 
brance the name Pisistratus, calling him after 
Pisistratus the son of Nestor. 


1 An ancient fortification on the N.W. slope of the 
Acropolis, | 2 From 545 to 509. 


it 


HERODOTUS 


. Οὕτω μὲν ᾿Αθηναῖοι τυράννων ἁπαλλάχθησαν' 
ὅσα δὲ ἐλευθερωθέντες ἔρξαν ἢ ἔπαθον ἀξιόχρεα 
ἀπηγήσιος, πρὶν ἢ ‘Iwvinv τε ἀποστῆναι ἀπὸ 
Δαρείου καὶ ᾿Αρισταγόρεα τὸν Μιλήσιον ἀπικό- 
μενον ἐς ᾿Αθήνας χρηίσαι σφέων βοηθέειν, ταῦτα 
πρῶτα φράσω. 

66. ᾿Αθῆναι, ἐοῦσαι καὶ πρὶν μεγάλαι, τότε 
ἀπαλλαχθεῖσαι τυράννων ἐγίνοντο µέζονες' ἐν δὲ 
αὐτῇσι δύο ἄνδρες ἐδυνάστενον, Κλεισθένης τε 
ἀνὴρ ᾿Αλκμεωνίδης, ὅς περ δὴ λόγον ἔχει τὴν 
Πυθίην ἀναπεῖσαι, καὶ ᾿Ισαγόρης Τισάνδρου 
οἰκίης μὲν ἐὼν δοκίμου, ἀτὰρ τὰ ἀνέκαθεν οὐκ 
ἔχω φράσαι: θύουσι δὲ οἱ συγγενέες αὐτοῦ Διὶ 
Καρίῳ. οὗτοι οἱ ἄνδρες ἐστασίασαν περὶ δυνά- 
µιος, ἑσσούμενος δὲ ó Κλεισθένης τὸν δῆμον 
προσεταιρίξεται. μετὰ δὲ τετραφύλους ἐόντας 
᾿Αθηναίους δεκαφύλους ἐποίησε, τῶν Ἴωνος 
παίδων Γελέοντος καὶ Λἰγικόρεος καὶ ᾿Αργάδεω 
καὶ Ὅπλητος ἀπαλλάξας. τὰς ἐπωνυμίας, ἐξευ- 
ρὼν δὲ ἑτέρων ἡρώων ἐπωνυμίας ἐπιχωρίων, 
πάρεξ Αἴαντος" τοῦτον δὲ ἅτε ἀστυγείτονα καὶ 
σύμμαχον, ξεῖνον ἐόντα, προσέθετο. 

67. Ταῦτ τα δέ, δοκέειν ἐμοί, ἐμιμέετο ὁ Κλει- 
σθένης οὗτος τὸν ἑωυτοῦ μητροπάτορα Κλεισθένεα 
τὸν Σικυῶνος τύραννον. Κλεισθένης γὰρ Αρ- 
γείοισι πολεμήσας τοῦτο μὲν ῥαψ φδοὺς ἔπαυσε 
ἐν Σικυῶνι ἀγωνίξεσθαι τῶν Ὁμηρείων ἐπέων 
εἵνεκα, ὅτι ᾿Αργεῖοί τε καὶ "Άργος τὰ πολλὰ 
πάντα ὑμνέαται' τοῦτο δέ, ἡ ἡρώιον γὰρ ἦν καὶ 
ἔστι ἐν αὐτῇ τῇ ἀγορῆ τῶν Σικυωνίων ᾿Ἀδρήστου 


! For a comprehension of the reform briefly recorded by 
Herodotus, readers are referred to Grote, ch. xxxi, 


72 


BOOK V. 65-67 


Thus the Athenians got quit of their despots ; 
and all the noteworthy things that they did or 
endured, after they were freed and before Ionia 
revolted from Darius and Aristagoras of Miletus 
came to Athens to ask help of its peopie==these 
first I will now declare. 

66. Athens, which had before been great, grew 
now yet greater when rid of her despots ; and those 
that were of chief power there were two, Cleisthenes 
an Alcmaeonid (it is he who is reputed to have over- 
persuaded the Pythian priestess), and Isagoras son 
of Tisandrus, a man of a notable house, but of what 
lineage I cannot tell; his kinsfolk sacrifice to Zeus 
of Caria. These men with their factions fell to con- 
tending for power, wherein Cleisthenes being worsted 
took the commonalty into partnership.1 Presently 
he divided the Athenians into ten tribes, instead of 
four as formerly; he called none any more after the 
names of the sons of Ion, Geleon, Aegicores, Argades, 
and Hoples, but invented for them names taken 
from other heroes, all native to the country save 
only Aias; him he added, albeit a stranger, because 
he was a neighbour and an ally. 

67. Now herein, to my thinking, this Cleisthenes 
was imitating his own mother's father, Cleisthenes 
the despot of Sicyon.? For Cleisthenes, after going 
to war with the Argives, made an end of minstrels' 
contests at Sicyon by reason of the Homeric 
poems, because wellnigh everywhere in these it is 
Argives and Argos that are the theme of song; 
furthermore, he conceived the desire to cast out 
from the land (as being an Argive) Adrastus son of 


2 Cleisthenes ruled at Sicyon from 600 to 570. 
73 


HERODOTUS 


τοῦ Ταλαοῦ, τοῦτον ἐπεθύμησε ὁ Κλεισθένης ἐόντα 
᾿Αργεῖον ἐκβαλεῖν ἐκ τῆς χώρης. ἐλθὼν δὲ ἐς 
Δελφοὺς ἐχρηστηριάξετο εἰ ἐκβάλοι τὸν "Αδρη- 
στον" ἡ δὲ Πυθίη οἱ χρᾷ daca Αδρηστον μὲν 
εἶναι Σικυωνίων βασιλέα, κεῖνον δὲ λευστῆρα. 
9 ~ e N ^ / 3 / , Ay 
ἐπεὶ δὲ o θεὸς τοῦτό γε οὗ παρεδίδου, ἀπελθὼν 
ὀπίσω ἐφρόντιζε μηχανὴν τῇ αὐτὸς ὁ "Αδρηστος 
3 , e ΄ e 3 ^ 9 [4 [4 
ἀπαλλάξεται. ὡς δέ οἱ ἐξευρῆσθαι ἐδόκεε, πέμ- 
3 / A / y , > 
wras ἐς Θήβας τὰς Βο:ωτίας ἔφη θέλειν ἐπαγα- 
γέσθαι Μελάνιππον τὸν ᾿Αστακοῦ' οἱ δὲ Θηβαῖοι 
» , / N M / N 
ἔδοσαν. ἐπαγαγόμενος δὲ ὁ Κλεισθένης τὸν 
Μελάνιππον τέμενός οἱ ἀπέδεξε ἐν αὐτῷ τῷ 
πρυτανηίῳ καί μιν ἵδρυσε ἐνθαῦτα ἐν τῷ ἰσχυ- 
ροτάτῳ. ἐπηγάγετο δὲ τὸν Μελάνιππον ὁ Κλει- 
σθένης (καὶ γὰρ τοῦτο δεῖ ἀπηγήσασθαι) ὡς 
» 97 3 4 à / , 4 e 
ἔχθιστον ἐόντα ᾿Αδρήστῳ, ὃς τόν τε ἀδελφεόν οἱ 
, 
Μηκιστέα ἀπεκτόνεε καὶ τὸν γαμβρὸν Τυδέα. 
ἐπείτε δέ οἱ τὸ τέμενος ἀπέδεξε, θυσίας τε καὶ 
e .. » ὃ / , / Z5 ΟΜ , 
ὁρτὰς ᾿Αδρήστου ἀπελόμενος ἔδωκε τῷ Μελανίπ- 
TQ. οἱ δὲ Σικυώνιοι ἐώθεσαν μεγαλωστὶ κάρτα 
τιμᾶν τὸν Αδρηστον' ἡ γὰρ χώρη ἦν αὕτη 
Πολύβου, ὁ δὲ Ἄδρηστος ἦν Πολύβου θυγατρι- 
δέος, ἄπαις δὲ Πόλυβος τελευτῶν διδοῖ ᾿Αδρήστῳ 
M » / 4 A » e , 3 7 
τὴν ἀρχήν. τά τε δὴ ἄλλα οἱ Σικυώνιοι ἐτίμων 
τὸν ᾿Αδρηστον καὶ δὴ πρὸς τὰ πάθεα αὐτοῦ 
τραγικοῖσι χοροῖσι ἐγέραιρον, τὸν μὲν Διόνυσον 
, ^ N \ ow , \ 
οὐ τιμῶντες, τὸν δὲ “Adpnotrov. Κλεισθένης δὲ 
` N ^ / > 7? ν y 
χοροὺς μὲν τῷ Διονύσῳ ἀπέδωκε, τὴν δὲ ἄλλην 
θυσίην Μελανίππῳ. 
68. Ταῦτα μὲν ἐς "Αδρηστόν οἱ ἐπεποίητο, 
N \ \ / vA δὴ ` e > ) y 
φυλὰς δὲ τὰς Δωριέων, ἵνα δὴ µη αἱ αὐταὶ ἔωσι 
τοῖσι Σικυωνίοισι καὶ τοῖσι ᾿Αργείοισι, μετέβαλε 
74 


BOOK V. 67-68 


Talaus, the hero whose shrine stood then as now in 
the very market-place of Sicyon. He went then to 
Delphi, and enquired of the oracle if he should cast 
Adrastus out; but the priestess in answer said: 
* Adrastus is king of Sicyon, and thou but a common 
slayer.” When the god would not suffer him to 
work his will in that, he returned back and strove 
to devise some plan which might rid him of Adrastus ; 
and when he thought he had found one, he sent to 
Thebes of Boeotia and said he would fain bring into 
his country Melanippus son of Astacus; whom when 
the Thebans gave him he brought to Sicyon, and 
gave him a precinct in the very town-hall of the city, 
setting him there in its strongest place. Now the 
reason why Cleisthenes thus brought Melanippus 
(for this too I must relate) was, that Melanippus was 
Adrastus deadliest foe ; for Adrastus had slain his 
brother Mecisteus and his son-in-law Tydeus. Hav- 
ing then appointed the precinct for him, Cleisthenes 
took away all Adrastus' sacrifices and festivals and 
gave them to Melanippus. The Sicyonians had been 
wont to pay very great honour to Adrastus; for 
Polybus had been lord of that land, and Adrastus 
was the son of Polybus' daughter; and Polybus, 
dying without a son, gave the lordship to Adrastus. 
Now besides other honours paid to Adrastus by the 
Sicyonians, they celebrated his lamentable fate with 
tragic choruses, not in honour of Dionysus but of 
Adrastus. But Cleisthenes gave the choruses back 
to Dionysus and the rest of the worship to 
` Melanippus. 

68. Such had been his treatment of Adrastus; but 
as to the tribes of the Dorians, he changed their 
names, that so these tribes should not be common 


73 


HERODOTUS 


ἐς ἄλλα οὐνόματα. ἔνθα καὶ πλεῖστον κατεγέ- 
λασε τῶν Σικυωνίων" ἐπὶ γὰρ ὑός τε καὶ ὄνου τὰς 
ἐπωνυμίας. μετατιθεὶς αὐτὰ τὰ τελευταῖα ἐπέθηκε, 
πλὴν τῆς ἑωυτοῦ φυλῆς" ταύτῃ δὲ τὸ οὔνομα ἀπὸ 
τῆς ἑωυτοῦ ἀρχῆς ἔθετο. οὗτοι μὲν δὴ ᾿Αρχέλαοι 
ἐκαλέοντο, ἕτεροι δὲ ‘Taras, ἄλλοι δὲ ᾿Ονεᾶται, 
ἕτεροι δὲ Χοιρεᾶται. τούτοισι τοῖσι οὐνόμασι τῶν 
φυλέων ἐχρέωντο οἱ Σικυώνιοι καὶ ἐπὶ Κλεισθέ- 
νεος ἄρχοντος καὶ ἐκείνου τεθνεῶτος ἔτι ἐπ᾽ ἔτεα 
ἐξήκοντα' μετέπειτα μέντοι λόγον σφίσι δόντες 
μετέβαλον ἐς τοὺς Ὕλλέας καὶ Παμφύλους καὶ 
Δυμανάτας, τετάρτους δὲ αὐτοῖσι προσέθεντο ἐπὶ 
τοῦ ᾿Αδρήστου παιδὸς Αἰγιαλέος τὴν ἐπωνυμίην 
ποιεύμενοι κεκλῆσθαι Αἰγιαλέας. 

09. Ταῦτα μέν νυν ὁ Σικυώνιος Κλεισθένης 
ἐπεποιήκεε' ὁ δὲ δὴ ᾿Αθηναῖος Κλεισθένης ἐὼν 
τοῦ Σικυωνίου τούτου θυγατριδέος καὶ τὸ οὔνομα 
ἐπὶ τούτου ἔχων, δοκέειν ἐ ἐμοὶ καὶ .οὗτος ὑπεριδὼν 
Ἴωνας, i ἵνα μὴ σφίσι αἱ αὐταὶ ἔωσι φυλαὶ καὶ 
Ἴωσι, τὸν ὁμώνυμον Κλεισθένεα ἐμιμήσατο. ὡς 
γὰρ δὴ τὸν ᾿Αθηναίων δῆμον πρότερον ἀπωσμένον 
τότε πάντων πρὸς τὴν ἑωυτοῦ μοῖραν προσεθή- 
κατο, τὰς φυλὰς μετωνόμασε καὶ ἐ ἐποίησε πλεῦνας | 
ἐξ ἐλασσόνων' δέκα τε δὴ φυλάρχους ἀντὶ τεσσέ- 
ρων ἐποίησε,δέκαχα" δὲ καὶ τοὺς δήμους κατένειµε 
ἐς τὰς φυλάς" ἦν τε τὸν δῆμον προσθέμενος πολλῷ 
κατύπερθε τῶν ἀντιστασιωτέων. 

70. Ἔν τῷ μέρεϊ δὲ ἑσσούμενος ὁ Ἰσαγόρης 
ἀντιτεχνᾶται τάδε", ἐπικαλέεται Κλεομένεα τὸν 
Λακεδαιμόνιον γενόμενον ἑωυτῷ . ξεῖνον ἀπὸ τῆς 
Πεισιστρατιδέων πολιορκίης' τὸν δὲ Κλεομένεα 


1 Busolt's suggestion: δέκα Stein, after the MS. 
76 


BOOK V. 68-70 


to Sicyonians and Argives. In this especially he 
made a laughing-stock of the Sicyonians; for he 
named the tribes instead after swine and asses, 
adding the former ending of the titles, save only for 
his own tribe ; tothis he gave a name signifying his 
own lordship, and calling its folk People-rulers; the 
rest were Swinites and Assites and Porkites. These 
were the names of the tribes which the Sicyonians 
used under Cleisthenes’ rule and for sixty ‘years 
more after his death; but afterwards they took 
counsel together and changed the names of three 
to Hylleis, Pamphyli, and Dymanatae, adding 
thereto a fourth which they made to be called 
Aegialeis after Aegialeus son of Adrastus. 

69. Thus had the Sicyonian Cleisthenes done; 
and the Athenian Cleisthenes, who was the son of 
that Sicyonian's daughter and bore his name, did to 
my thinking imitate his namesake because he con- 
temned the Ionians with his grandsire's contempt 
and desired that the tribes should not be common to 
his own people and the Ionians. For having,drawn to 
his own party the Athenian commonalty, which was 
then debarred from all rights, he gave the tribes new 
names and increased their number, making ten 
tribe-wardens in place of four, and assigning ten 
districts to each tribe; and having won over the 
commonalty he was stronger by far than the rival 
faction. 

70. Then Isagoras, being on the losing side in his 
turn, devised a counter-plot, and invited the aid of 
Cleomenes, who had been his friend since the be- 
sieging of the Pisistratids; nay, it was laid to 


77 


HERODOTUS 


εἶχε αἰτίη φοιτᾶν παρὰ τοῦ ᾿Ισαγόρεω τὴν 
γυναῖκα. τὰ μὲν δὴ πρῶτα πέμπων ὁ Κλεομένης 
ἐς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας κήρυκα ἐξέβαλλε Κλεισθένεα καὶ 
μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ ἄλλους πολλοὺς ᾿Αθηναίων, τοὺς 
ἐναγέας ἐπιλέγων" ταῦτα δὲ πέμπων ἔλεγε ἐκ 
διδαχῆς τοῦ ᾿Ισαγόρεω. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ᾽Αλκμεωνίδαι 
καὶ οἱ συστασιῶται αὐτῶν εἶχον αἰτίην τοῦ φόνου 
τούτου, αὐτὸς δὲ οὐ μετεῖχε οὐδ᾽ οἱ φίλοι αὐτοῦ. 

71. Οἱ & ἐναγέες ᾿Αθηναίων ὧδε ὠνομάσθησαν. 
ἦν Κύλων τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων ἀνὴρ Ὀλυμπιονίκης: 
οὗτος ἐπὶ τυραννίδι ἐκόμησε, προσποιησάµε- 
γος δὲ ἑταιρηίην τῶν ἡλικιωτέων καταλαβεῖν τὴν 
ἀκρόπολιν ἐπειρήθη, ov δυνάµενος δὲ ἐπικρα- 
τῆσαι ἱκέτης ἵξετο πρὸς τὸ ἄγαλμα. τούτους 
ἀνιστᾶσι μὲν. οἱ πρυτάνιες τῶν ναυκράρων, οἵ περ 
ἔνεμον τότε τὰς ᾿Αθήνας, t ὑπεγγύους πλὴν θανάτου' 
φονεῦσαι δὲ αὐτοὺς αἰτίη ἔχει ᾿Αλκμεωνίδας. 
ταῦτα πρὸ τῆς Πεισιστράτου ἡλικίης ἐγένετο. 

72. Κλεομένης δὲ ὡς πέμπων ἐξέβαλλε Κλει- 
σθένεα καὶ τοὺς ἐναγέας, Κλεισθένης μὲν αὐτὸς 
ὑπεξέσχε, μετὰ δὲ οὐδὲν ἧσσον παρῆν és Tas 
᾿Αθήνας ὁ Κλεομένης οὐ σὺν μεγάλῃ χειρί, ἀπικό- 
μενος δὲ ἀγηλατέει ἑπτακόσια ἐπίστια ᾿Αθηναίων, 
τά οἱ ὑπέθετο ὁ Ἰσαγόρης. ταῦτα δὲ ποιήσας 
δεύτερα τὴν βουλὴν καταλύειν ἐπειρᾶτο, τριηκο- 
σίοισι δὲ τοῖσι ᾿Ισαγόρεω στασιώτῃσι τὰς ἀρχὰς 
ἐνεχείριζε. ἀντισταθείσης δὲ τῆς βουλῆς καὶ οὐ 


1 **'The naucraries were local districts whose presidents 
were responsible for levying money and contingents for the 
army and ships for the fleet" (How and Wells). But the 
statement that they ''ruled Athens" appears to be in- 
accurate. 


78 


BOOK V. 70-72 


Cleomenes’ charge that he resorted to Isagoras’ wife. 
Then Cleomenes first sent a herald to Athens dé- 
manding the banishment of Cleisthenes and many 
other Athenians with him, the Accursed, as he called 
them; and this he said in his message by Isagoras’ 
instruction; for the Alcmeonidae and their faction 
were held guilty of that bloody deed, but Isagoras 
and his friends had no part therein. 

71. Now the Accursed at Athens got their name 
on this wise. There was an Athenian named Cylon, 
that had been a winner at Olympia. This man put 
on the brave air of one that aimed at despotism ; 
and gathering a company of men of like age he 
essayed to seize the citadel; but when he could not 
win it he took sanctuary by the goddess' statue. 
Then he and his men were brought away by the 
presidents of the naval boards! (who then ruled 
Athens), being held liable to any penalty save 
death ; but they were slain, and the slaying of them 
was laid to the door of the Alemeonidae. All this 
befel before the time of Pisistratus.? 

72. Cleomenes then having sent and demanded 
the banishment of Cleisthenes and the Accursed, 
Cleisthenes himself privily departed; but none the 
less did Cleomenes presently appear before Athens, 
with no great force; and having come he banished 
seven hundred Athenian households named for him 
by Isagoras, to take away the curse. Having so 
done. he next essayed to dissolve the Council,’ 
entrusting the offices of governance to Isagoras’ 
faction, But the Council resisted him and would 


3 The probable date is between 620 and 600. 


* Herodotus probably means the new Council of 500, fifty 
from each tribe. 


79 


HERODOTUS 


Βουλομένης πείθεσθαι, ὅ τε Κλεομένης καὶ ὁ 
Ἰσαγόρης καὶ οἱ στασιῶται αὐτοῦ καταλαμβά.- 
νουσι τὴν ἀκρόπολιν. ᾿Αθηναίων δὲ οἱ λοιποὶ 
τὰ αὐτὰ φρονήσαντες ἐπολιόρκεον αὐτοὺς ἡμέρας 
δύο’ τῇ δὲ τρίτῃ ὑπόσπονδοι ἐξέρχονται ἐκ τῆς 
χώρης ὅσοι ἦσαν αὐτῶν Λακεδαιμόνιοι. ἐπετε- 
λέετο δὲ τῷ Κλεομένεϊ ἡ φήμη. ὡς γὰρ ἀνέβη ἐ ἐς 
τὴν ἀκρόπολιν μέλλων δ αὐτὴν κατασχήσειν, ἤιε 
ἐς τὸ ἄδυτον τῆς θεοῦ ὡς προσερέων' 7 δὲ ἱρείη 
ἐξαναστᾶσα ἐκ tov θρόνου, πρὶν ἢ τὰς θύρας 
αὐτὸν ἀμεῖψαι, cime‘ Q ξεῖνε Λακεδαιμόνιε, πάλιν 
χώρες μηδὲ ἔσιθι ἐς τὸ ἱρόν" οὐ γὰρ, θεμιτὸν 
Δωριεῦσι παριέναι ἐνθαῦτα.᾽ ὁ δὲ εἶπε' "0 γύναι, 
arr’ οὐ Δωριεύς εἰμι ἀλλ᾽ Αχαιός. ' ὃ μὲν δὴ τῇ 
κλεηδόνι οὐδὲν χρεώμενος ἐπεχείρησέ τε καὶ τότε 
πάλιν ἐξέπιπτε μετὰ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων" τοὺς δὲ 
ἄλλους ᾿Αθηναῖοι κατέδησαν τὴν ἐπὶ θανάτῳ, ἐ ἐν 
δὲ αὐτοῖσι καὶ Τιμησίθεον τὸν Δελφόν, τοῦ ἔργα 
χειρῶν τε καὶ λήματος ἔχοιμ᾽ ἂν μέγιστα κατα- 
λέξαι. 

73. Οὗτοι μέν γυν δεδεμένοι ἐτελεύτησαν. 
᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα Κλεισθένεα καὶ τὰ 
ἑπτακόσια ἐπίστια τὰ διωχθέντα ὗ ὑπὸ Κλεομένεος 
μεταπεμψάμενοι πέμπουσι ἀγγέλους ἐς Σάρδις, 
συμμαχίην βουλόμενοι ποιήσασθαι πρὸς Πέρσας 
ἠπιστέατο γὰρ σφίσι Λακεδαιμονίους |. τε καὶ 
Κλεομένεα ἐκπεπολεμῶσθαι. ἀπικομένων δὲ 
τῶν ἀγγέλων ἐς τὰς Σάρδις καὶ λεγόντων τὰ 
ἐντεταλμένα, ᾿Αρταφρένης ὁ ὁ Ὑστάσπεος Σαρδίων 
ὕπαρχος ἐπειρώτα τίνες ἐόντες ἄνθρωποι καὶ κοῦ 


1 MS. σφίσι πρὸς Λακεδαιμονίου: ; Stein brackets πρός, which 
is better omitted, 


8o 


BOOK V. 72-73 


not consent; whereupon Cleomenes and Isagoras 
and his partisans seized tle acropolis. The rest 
of the Athenians united and besieged them for 
two days; and on the third they departed out 
of the country under treaty, as many of them as 
were Lacedaemonians. Thus the prophetic voice 
that Cleomenes heard had its fulfilment; for 
when he went up to the acropolis with intent 
to take possession of it, he approached the shrine 
of the goddess to address himself to her; but the 
priestess rose up from her seat, and said, before 
he had passed through the doorway: “Go back, 
Lacedaemonian stranger, and enter not into the 
holy place; for it is not lawful that Dorians should 
pass in here.” ‘Nay, lady," he answered, “no 
Dorian am I, but an Achaean.” So he took no heed 
to the word of omen, but essayed to work his will, 
and was, as I have said, then again cast out, with 
his Lacedaemonians. As for the rest, the Athenians 
put them in ward under sentence of death, Time- 
sitheus the Delphian among them, whose achieve- 
ments of strength and courage were most mighty, as 
I could relate. 

13. So these were bound and put to death. 
After that, the Athenians sent to bring back Cleis- 
thenes and the seven hundred households banished 
by Cleomenes; then they despatched envoys to 
Sardis, desiring to make an alliance with the 
Persians ; for they knew that they had provoked the 
Lacedaemonians and Cleomenes to war. When 
the envoys came to Sardis and spoke as they had 
been bidden, Artaphrenes son of Hystaspes, viceroy of 
Sardis, asked them, ** What men are you, and where 


8r 
VOL. III. G 


HERODOTUS 


γῆς οἰκημένοι δεοίατο Περσέων σύμμαχοι γενέ- 
σθαι, πυθόμενος δὲ πρὸς τῶν ἀγγέλων ἀπεκορύφου 
σφι τάδε’ εἰ μὲν διδοῦσι βασιλέι Δαρείῳ ᾿Αθηναῖοι 
γῆν τε καὶ ὕδωρ, ὃ δὲ συμμαχίην σφι συνετίθετο, 
ei δὲ μὴ διδοῦσι, ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι αὐτοὺς ἐκέλευε. 
οἱ δὲ ἄγγελοι ἐπὶ σφέων αὐτῶν βαλόμενοι διδόναι 
ἔφασαν, βουλόμενοι τὴν συμμαχίην ποιήσασθαι. 
οὗτοι μὲν E ἀπελθόντες ἐς THY ἑωυτῶν αἰτίας 
μεγάλας εἶχον. 

14. Κλεομένης δὲ ἐπιστάμενος περιυβρίσθαι 
ἔπεσι καὶ ἔργοισι ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίων συνέλεγε ἐκ 
πάσης Πελοποννήσου στεπτύν, οὐ φράζων ἐς τὸ 
συλλέγει, τίσασθαί τε ἐθέλων τὸν δῆμον τὸν 
᾿Αθηναίων καὶ Ἰσαγόρην , BovXópevos τύραννον 
καταστῆσαι: συνεξῆλθε γάρ οἱ οὗτος ἐκ τῆς ἆκρο- 
. Κλεομένης τε δὴ στόλῳ μεγάλῳ ἐσέβαλε 

᾿Ελευσῖνα, καὶ οἱ Βοιωτοὶ ἀπὸ συνθήματος 
Οἰνόην αἱρέουσι καὶ Ὑσιὰς δήμους τοὺς ἐσχάτους 
τῆς, ᾿Αττικῆς, Χαλκιδέες τε ἐπὶ τὰ ἕτερα ἐσίνοντο 
ἐπιόντες χώρους τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς. ᾿Αθηναῖοι δέ, 
καίπερ ἀμφιβολίῃ ἐχόμενοι, Βοιωτῶν μὲν καὶ 
Χαλκιδέων ἐς ὕστερον ἔμελλον μνήμην ποιή- 
σεσθαι, Πελοποννησίοισι δὲ ἐοῦσι ἐν ᾿Ελευσῖνι 
avria ἔθεντο τὰ ὅπλα. 

19. Μελλόντων δὲ συνάψειν τὰ στρατόπεδα. ἐς 
μάχην, Κορίνθιοι μὲν πρῶτοι σφίσι αὐτοῖσι 
δόντες λόγον ὡς οὐ ποιέοιεν δίκαια μετεβάλλοντό 
τε καὶ ἀπαλλάσσοντο, μετὰ δὲ Δημάρητος ὁ 
᾿Αρίστωνος, ἑὼν καὶ οὗτος βασιλεὺς Σπαρτιητέων 
καὶ συνεξαγαγών τε τὴν στρατιὴν ἐκ Λακεδαί- 
μονος καὶ οὐκ ἐὼν διάφορος ἐν τῷ πρόσθε χρόνῳ 
Κλεομένεϊ. ἀπὸ δὲ ταύτης τῆς διχοστασίης ἐτέθη 
82 . 


BOOK V. 73-75 — 


dwell you, who desire alliance with the Persians?” 

Deing informed by the envoys, he gave them an 
answer whereof the substance was, that if the Athe- 
nians gave king Darius earth and water, then he 
would make alliance with them ; but if not, his 
command was that they should begone. The envoys 
consulted together and consented to give what was 
asked, in their desire to make the alliance. So they 
returned to their own country, and were there 
greatly blamed for what they had done. 

74. ButCleomenes,for the despite which he deemed 
that the Athenians had done him by word and deed, 
mustered an army from the whole of Peloponnesus, 
not declaring the purpose for which he mustered it, 
which was, to avenge himself on the Athenian 
commonalty and set up Isagoras as despot ;—for 
Isagoras too had come with him out of the acropolis. 
So Cleomenes broke in as far as Eleusis with a great 
host, and the Boeotians by a concerted plan took 
Oenoe and Hysiae, districts on the borders of Attica, 
while the Chalcidians attacked on another side and 
raided lands in Attica. The Athenians, thus caught 
in a ring of foes, kept the Boeotians and Chalcidians 
for future remembrance, but set up their array against 
the Peloponnesians where they were at Eleusis. 

. 75. But when the armies were to join battle, the 
‘Corinthians first agreed among themselves that they 
were doing unjustly, and so changed about and 
departed; and presently Demaratus son of Ariston, 
the other king of Sparta, did likewise, albeit he 
had come with Cleomenes from Lacedaemon in joint 
command of the army and had not till now been at 
variance with him. From this disunion a law was 


83 
G 2 


HERODOTUS 


/ 4 Ul M 9 ^ ν > , 
νόμος ἐν Σπάρτῃ μὴ ἐξεῖναι ἕπεσθαι ἀμφοτέρους 
3 ^ 4 \ 
τοὺς βασιλέας ἐξιούσης στρατιῆς' τέως γὰρ 
ἀμφότεροι εἵποντο' παραλυομένου δὲ τούτων τοῦ 
ἑτέρου καταλείπεσθαι καὶ τῶν 'Γυνδαριδέων τὸν 
- , 
ἕτερον: πρὸ τοῦ γὰρ δὴ καὶ οὗτοι ἀμφότεροι 
ld / / 
ἐπίκλητοί σφι ἐόντες εἴποντο. 
L] ^ e ^ e 
76. Τότε δὴ ἐν τῇ Ἐλευσῖνι ὁρῶντες οἱ λοι- 
^ , ^ 
Tol τῶν συμμάχων τούς τε βασιλέας τῶν 
Λακεδαιμονίων οὐκ ὁμολογέοντας καὶ Κοριν- 
/ 
θίους ἐκλιπόντας τὴν τάξιν, οἴχοντο καὶ αὐτοὶ 
^ A 
ἁπαλλασσόμενοι, τέταρτον δὴ τοῦτο ἐπὶ τὴν 
᾿Αττικὴν ἀπικόμενοι Δωριέες, δίς τε ἐπὶ πολέμῳ 
/ ^ ^ ^ 
ἐσβαλόντες καὶ δὶς ἐπ’ ἀγαθῷ τοῦ πλήθεος τοῦ 
» - / 
Αθηναίων, πρῶτον μὲν ὅτε καὶ Μέγαρα κατοίκι- 
. M , > N , 4 
σαν' οὗτος ὁ στόλος ἐπὶ Κόδρου βασιλεύοντος 
ΑΘ / 3 8 A A [4 5 r δὲ A 
"ναίων ὀρθῶς ἂν καλέοιτο' δεύτερον δὲ καὶ 
4 e 
τρίτον ὅτε ἐπὶ Πεισιστρατιδέων ἐξέλασιν opun- 
, / 
θέντες ἐκ Σπάρτης ἀπίκοντο, τέταρτον δὲ τότε ὅτε 
3 > ^ [4 » , 
ἐς Ελευσῖνα Κλεομένης ἄγων Πελοποννησίους 
3. e ΄ / / > 7 
ἐσέβαλε. οὕτω τέταρτον τότε Δωριέες ἐσέβαλον 
3 E 
ἐς Αθήνας. 
TT. Διαλυθέντος ὧν τοῦ στόλου τού-ου ἀκλεῶς, 
3 ^ > ^ / , ^ 
ἐνθαῦτα ᾿Αθηναῖοι τίνυσθαι βουλόμενοι πρῶτα 
στρατηίην ποιεῦνται ἐπὶ Χαλκιδέας. Βοιωτοὶ δὲ 
^ ^ , > \ N 1» . 
τοῖσι Χαλκιδεῦσι βοηθέουσι ἐπὶ τὸν Εὔριπον. 
"AG: / δὲ IÒ A \ \ CÓ , 
ηναίοισι δὲ ἰδοῦσι τοὺς Βοιωτοὺς ἔδοξε πρότε- 
ρον τοῖσι Βοιωτοῖσι ἡ τοῖσι Χαλκιδεῦσι ἐπιχει- 
- - e 
έειν. συμβάλλουσί τε δὴ τοῖσι Βοιωτοῖσι ot 
^ ^ / N 
Αθηναῖοι καὶ πολλῷ ἐκράτησαν, κάρτα δὲ πολ- 
^ , 
λοὺς φονεύσαντες ἑπτακοσίους αὐτῶν ἐζώγρησαν. 
τῆς δὲ αὐτῆς ταύτης ἡμέρης οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι δια- 
βάντες ἐς τὴν Ebfoiav συμβάλλουσι καὶ τοῖσι 
84 


BOOK V. 75-77 


made at Sparta that when an army was despatched 
both kings should not be suffered to go with it (for 
till then they had both gone together); thus one of 
the kings being released from service, one of the 
sons of Tyndarus too could be left at home; for 
before that time, both of these also were entreated 
to aid and went with the army. 

76. So now at Eleusis, when the rest of the 
allies saw that the Lacedaemonian kings were not 
of one mind and that the Corinthians had left their 
post, they too went off and away. This was the 
fourth time that Dorians had come into Attica. 
Twice had they come as invaders in war, and twice 
to the help of the Athenian commonalty; the first 
time was when they planted a settlement at Megara 1 
(this expedition may rightly be said to have been 
in the reign of Codrus), the second and third when 
they set out from Sparta to drive out the sons of 
Pisistratus, and the fourth was now, when Cleomenes 
broke in as far as Eleusis with his following of 
Peloponnesians; thus this was the fourth Dorian 
invasion of Athens. 

17. This armament then having been ingloriously 
scattered, the Athenians first marched against the 
Chalcidians, to-punish them. The Boeotians came 
to the Euripus to help the Chalcidians. When the 
Athenians saw the helpers they resolved to attack 
the Boeotians before the Chalcidians ; and meeting 
the Boeotians in battle they won a great victory ; 
very many they slew, and seven hundred of them 
they took prisoners. And on that same day the 
Athenians crossed to Euboea, where they met the 


1 There is a clear tradition that this happened soon after 
the Dorian invasion of the Peloponnese. 


85 


HERODOTUS 


Χαλκιδεῦσι, νικήσαντες δὲ καὶ τούτους τετρα- 
κισχιλίους κληρούχους ἐπὶ τῶν ἱπποβοτέων τῇ 
χώρῃ λείπουσι. οἱ δὲ ἱπποβόται ἐκαλέοντο οἱ 
παχέες τῶν Χαλκιδέων. ὅσους δὲ καὶ τούτων 
ἐζώγρησαν, ἅμα τοῖσι Βοιωτῶν ἐξωγρημένοισι 
εἶχον ἐν φυλακῇ ἐς πέδας δήσαντες’ χρόνῳ δὲ 
ἔλυσαν σφέας δίμνεως ἀποτιμησάμενοι. τὰς δὲ 
πέδας αὐτῶν, ἐν τῇσι ἐδεδέατο, ἀνεκρέμασαν ἐς 
τὴν ἀκρόπολιν: αἴ περ ἔτι καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ ἦσαν 
περιεοῦσαι, .κρεμάμεναι ἐκ τειχέων περιπεφλευ- 
σμένων. πυρὶ ὑπὸ τοῦ Μήδου, ἆ ἀντίον δὲ τοῦ μεγάρου 
τοῦ πρὸς ἑσπέρην τετραμμένου. καὶ τῶν λύτρων 
τὴν δεκάτην ἀνέθηκαν ποιησάμενοι τέθριππον 
χάλκεον". τὸ δὲ ἀριστερῆς χειρὸς ἕστηκε πρῶτον 
ἐσιόντι ἐς τὰ προπύλαια τὰ ἐν τῇ ἀκροπόλι' 
ἐπιγέγραπται δέ οἱ τάδε. 


ἔθνεα Βοιωτῶν καὶ Χαλκιδέων δαμάσαντες 
παῖδες ᾿Αθηναίων ἔ ἔργμασιν. ἐν πολέμου, 

δεσμῷ ἐ ἐν ἀχλυόεντι σιδηρέῳ ἔσβεσαν ὕβριν: 
τῶν ἵππους δεκάτην Παλλάδι τάσδ᾽ ἔθεσαν. 


18. ᾿Αθηναῖοι μέν νυν ηὔξηντο. δηλοῖ δὲ ov 
κατ᾽ ἓν μοῦνον ἀλλὰ πανταχῇ ἡ ἰσηγορίη ὡς ἔστι 
χρῆμα σπουδαῖον, εἰ καὶ ᾿Αθηναῖοι ^ τυραννευόµενοι 
μὲν οὐδαμῶν τῶν σφέας περιοικεόντων ἦσαν τὰ 
πολέμια ἀμείνους, .ἀπαλλαχθέντες δὲ τυράννων 
μακρῷ πρῶτοι ἐγένοντο. δηλοῖ ὧν ταῦτα ὅτι 
κατεχόμενοι μὲν ἐθελοκάκεον d ὡς δεσπότῃ ἐργαξό- 
μενοι, ἐλευθερωθέντων δὲ αὐτὸς ἕκαστος ἑωυτῷ 
προεθυµέετο κατεργάξεσθαι. 


* Settlers among whom the confiscated land, divided into 
equal lots, was distributed. 


86 


BOOK V. 77-78 


Clialcidians too in battle, and having overcome them 
likewise they left four thousand tenant farmers! on 
the lands of the horse-breeders; for that was the 
name of the men of substance among the Chal- 
cidians. As many as they took alive of these also, 
they fettered and kept in ward with the captive 
Boeotians; but in time they set them free, each for 
an assessed ransom of two minae. The fetters in 
which the prisoners had been bound they hung up 
in the acropolis, where they were still to be seen 
in my time, hanging from walls that the Medes’ fire 
had charred, over against the cell that faces west- 
wards. Moreover, they dedicated a tenth part of 
the ransoms, making of it a four-horse chariot; this 
stands on the left hand of the entrance into the 
. outer porch of the acropolis,? bearing this inscription : 


Athens’ bold Sons, what time in glorious Fight 
They quelled Boeotian and Chalcidian Might, 
In Chains and Darkness did its Pride enslave ; 
As Ransom's Tithe these Steeds to Pallas gave. 


78. Thus grew the power of Athens; and it is 
proved not by one but by many instances that 
equality is a good thing; seeing that while they 
were under despotic rulers the Athenians were no 
better in war than any of their neighbours, yet once 
they got quit of despots they were far and away 
the first of all. This, then, shows that while they 
were oppressed they willed to be cravens, as men 
working for a master, but when they were freed 
each one was zealous to achieve for himself. 


2 Probably in the open space in front of the old Propylon ; 
there would not have been room for this monument in the 
new Propylaea, finished in 432 r.c. 


87 


HERODOTUS 


19. Οὗτοι μέν νυν ταῦτα ἔπρησσον. Θηβαῖοι 
δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα ἐς θεὸν ἔπεμπον, βουλόμενοι τίσα- 
σθαι ᾿Αθηναίους. Ù δὲ Ἠνυδίη ἀπὸ σφέων μὲν 
αὐτῶν οὐκ ἔφη αὐτοῖσι εἶναι τίσιν, ἐς πολύφημον 
δὲ ἐξενείκαντας ἐκέλευε τῶν ἄγχιστα δέεσθαι. 
ἀπελθόντων ὧν τῶν θεοπρόπων, ἐξέφερον τὸ 
χρηστήριον ἁλίην ποιησάμενοι" ὡς ἐπυνθάνοντο 
δὲ λεγόντων αὐτῶν τῶν ἄγχιστα δέεσθαι, εἶπαν 
οἱ Θηβαῖοι ἀκούσαντες τούτων τ Οὐκῶν ἄγχιστα 
ἡμέων οἰκέουσι Τ Γαναγραῖοί τε καὶ Κορωναῖοι καὶ 
Θεσπιέες ; καὶ οὗτοί γε ἅμα ἡμῖν αἰεὶ μαχόμενοι 
προθύμως συνδιαφέρουσι τὸν πόλεμον" τύ δεῖ 
τούτων γε, δέεσθαι ; ; ἀλλὰ μᾶλλον μὴ οὐ τοῦτο 7 
τὸ χρηστήριον.᾽ 

80. Τοιαῦτα ἐπιλεγομένων εἶπε δή κοτε μαθών 
τις “Eyo pot δοκέω συνιέναι τὸ θέλει λέγειν ἡμῖν 
τὸ μαντήιον. ᾿Ασωποῦ λέγονται γενέσθαι θυγα- 
Tepes Θήβη τε καὶ Αἴγινα' τουτέων ἀδελφεῶν 
ἐουσέων, δοκέω ἡ ἡμῖν Αἰγινητέων δέεσθαι τὸν θεὸν 
χρῆσαι τιμωρητήρων γενέσθαι. καὶ οὐ γάρ τις 
ταύτης ἀμείνων γνώμη ἐδόκεε φαίνεσθαι, αὐτίκα 
πέμψαντες ἐδέοντο Αἰγινητέων ἐπικαλεόμενοι 
κατὰ τὸ χρηστήριόν σφι βοήθέειν, ὡς ἐόντων 
ἀγχίστων' οἳ δέ σφι αἰτέουσι ἐπικουρίην τοὺς 
Αἰακίδας συμπέμπειν ἔφασαν. 

81. Πειρησαμένων δὲ τῶν Θηβαίων κατὰ τὴν 
συμμαχίην τῶν Αἰακιδέων καὶ «τρηχέως περι- 
εφθέντων ὑπὸ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων, αὖτις οἱ Θηβαῖοι 
πέμψαντες τοὺς μὲν Αἰακίδας σφι ἀπεδίδοσαν, τῶν 
δὲ ἀνδρῶν ἐδέοντο. Αἰγινῆται δὲ εὐδαιμονίῃ τε 
μεγάλη ἐπαερθέντες καὶ ἔχθρης παλαιῆς dva- 
μνησθέντες ἐχούσης ἐς ᾿Αθηναίους, τότε Θηβαίων 
88 


BOOK V. 79-81 


79. Thus then the Athenians did. But presently 
the Thebans sent to the god, desiring vengeance on 
Athens. The Pythian priestess said that from the 
Thebans themselves there was no vengeance for 
them; they must lay the matter before the “ many- 
voiced" and entreat their nearest. So when the 
enquirers returned an assembly was called and the 
oracle laid before it; and when the Thebans learnt 
the message “that they must entreat their nearest," 
they said when they heard it: “If this be so, our 
nearest neighbours are the men of Tanagra and 
Coronea and Thespiae; yet these are ever our com- 
rades in battle and zealously wage our wars; what 
need to entreat them? Nay, mayhap the oracle 
means not this." 

80. Thuswise they reasoned, till at last one 
understood, and said: * Methinks I perceive what 
it is that the oracle will have us know. Thebe and 
Aegina, it is said, were daughters of Asopus and 
sisters; the gods' answer is, I think, that we should 
entreat the Aeginetans to be our avengers.” Seeing 
that there seemed to be no better opinion before 
them than this, they sent forthwith to entreat thé 
Aeginetans and invite their aid, such being the 
oracle's bidding, and the Aeginetans being their 
nearest. These replied to their demand that they 
were sending the Sons of Aeacus in aid. 

ιδ]. The Thebans took the field on the strength 
of their alliance with that House, and were roughly 
handled by the Athenians; and they sent again, 
giving back Aeacus and his sons, and asking for the 
men instead. But the Aeginetans were uplifted by 
great prosperity, and had in mind an ancient feud 
with Athens; wherefore now at the entreaty of the 


89 


HERODOTUS 


δεηθέντων πόλεμον ἀκήρυκτον ᾿Ἀθηναίοισι ἐπέ- 
φεοον' ἐπικειμένων γὰρ αὐτῶν Βοιωτοῖσι, ἐπιπλώ- 
σαντες μακρῆσι νηυσὶ ἐς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν κατὰ μὲν 
ἔσυραν (Φάληρον κατὰ δὲ τῆς ἄλλης παραλίης 
πολλοὺς δήμους, ποιεῦντες δὲ ταῦτα μεγάλως 
᾿Αθηναίους ἐσικνέοντο. 

82. 'H δὲ ἔχθρη ἡ προοφειλομένη ἐς Αθηναίους 
ἐκ τῶν Αἰγινητέων ἐγένετο ἐξ ἀρχῆς τοιῆσδε. 
᾿Επιδαυρίοισι ἡ γῆ καρπὸν οὐδένα ἀνεδίδου. περὶ 
ταύτης ὧν τῆς συμφορῆς οἱ ᾿Επιδαύριοι ἐχρέωντο 
ἐν Δελφοῖσι: ἡ δὲ Πυθίη σφέας ἐκέλευε Δαμίης 
τε καὶ Αὐξησίης ἀγάλματα ἱδρύσασθαι καί. σφι 
ἱδρυσαμένοισι ἄμεινον συνοίσεσθαι. ἐπειρώτεον 
ὧν οἱ ᾿Επιδαύριοι κότερα χαλκοῦ ποιέωνται τὰ 
ἀγάλματα 7 λίθου" 7 δὲ Πυθίη οὐδέτερα τούτων 
ἔα, ἀλλὰ ξύλου ἡμέρης ἐλαίης. ἐδέοντο ὧν οἱ 
᾿Επιδαύριοι ᾿Αθηναίων ἐλαίην σφι δοῦναι Tapé- 
σθαι, i ἱρωτάτας δὴ κείνας νομίζοντες εἶναι. λέγε- 
ται δὲ καὶ ὡς ἐλαῖαι ἦσαν ἄλλοθι γῆς οὐδαμοῦ 
κατὰ χρόνον ἐκεῖνον ἢ ἐν ᾿Αθήνῃσι. οἳ δὲ ἐπὶ 
τοῖσιδε δώσειν ἔφασαν ἐπ᾽ d ἀπάξουσι ἔτεος 
ἑκάστου τῇ ᾿Αθηναίῃ τε τῇ πολιάδι ἱρὰ καὶ τῷ 
᾿Ερεχθέι. καταινέσαντες δὲ ἐπὶ τούτοισι οἱ Ἔπι- 
δα ύριοι τῶν τε ἐδέοντο ἔ ἔτυχον καὶ ἀγάλματα ἐκ 
τῶν ἐλαιέων τουτέων ποιησάμενοι ἱδρύσαντο" κἀὶ 
ἥ τε γῆ σφι ἔφερε καρπὸν καὶ ᾿Αθηναίοισι ἐπ- 
ετέλεον τὰ συνέθεντο. 

83. Τοῦτον ὃ ἔτι τὸν χρόνον καὶ πρὸ τοῦ Αὐγινῆ- 
ται Ἐπιδαυρίων ἤ ἤκουον τά τε ἄλλα καὶ δίκας δια- 
Βαίνοντες ἐς Ἠπίδαυρον ἐδίδοσάν τε καὶ ἐλάμβανον 


90 


BOOK V. 81-83 


Thebans, without sending of herald they made war 
on the Athenians; while these were busied with 
the Boeotians, they descended on Attica in ships of 
war, and ravaged Phaleron and many other seaboard 
townships. By so doing they dealt the Athenians a 
very shrewd blow. 

82. Now this was the beginning of the Aeginetans' 
long-standing arrears of enmity against the Athe- 
nians. The Epidaurians land bore no produce; 
wherefore they enquired at Delphi concerning this 
calamity ; and the priestess bade them set up images - 
of Damia and Auxesia,! saying that if they so did 
their luck would be better. The Epidaurians then 
asking further, whether they should make the 
images of bronze or of stone, the priestess bade 
them do neither, but make them of the wood of the 
garden olive, So the men of Epidaurus entreated 
the Athenians to give them olives for the cutting, 
supposing the olives there to be the holiest; and 
indeed it is said that at that time there were no 
olives anywhere save at Athens. The Athenians 
consented to give the trees, if the Epidaurians would 
pay yearly sacred dues to Athene the city's goddess 
and to Erechtheus. The Epidaurians agreed on this 
condition, and their request was granted. They set 
up images made of these olives; and their land 
brought forth fruit, and they fulfilled their agreement 
with the Athenians. 

83. Now still at this time, as before it, the 
Aeginetans were in all matters subject to the 
Epidaurians, crossing over to Epidaurus and there 


1 The name Damia is probably connected with δᾶ( -- γῆ), 
Earth ; Auxesia clearly with αὐξάνω. They were goddesses 
of increase and fertility. 


9I 


HERODOTUS 


παρ ἀλλήλων οἱ Αἰγινῆται τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦδε νέας 
τε πηξάµενοι καὶ ἀγνωμοσύνῃ χρησάμενοι aT- 
έστησαν ἀπὸ τῶν Ἐπιδαυρίων. ἅτε δὲ ἐόντες 
διάφοροι ἐδηλέοντο αὐτούς, ὥστε θαλασσοκρά- 
τορες ἐόντες, καὶ δὴ καὶ τὰ ἀγάλματα ταῦτα τῆς 
τε Δαμίης καὶ τῆς AvEnains ὑπαιρέονται αὐτῶν, 
καί σφεα ἐκόμισάν τε καὶ ἱδρύσαντο τῆς σφετέρης 
χώρης ἐς τὴν μεσόγαιαν, τῇ Oin μὲν ἐστὶ οὔνομα, 
στάδια δὲ μάλιστά ky ἀπὸ τῆς πόλιος ὡς εἴκοσι 
ἀπέχει. ἱδρυσάμενοι δὲ ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χώρῳ 
θυσίῃσί τε σφέα καὶ χοροῖσι γυναικηίοισι κερτο- 
μίοισι ἱλάσκοντο, χορηγῶν ἀποδεικνυμένων ἑ έκα- 
τέρῃ τῶν δαιμόνων δέκα ἀνδρῶν" κακῶς δὲ 
ἠγόρευον οἱ χοροὶ ἄνδρα μὲν οὐδένα, τὰς δὲ ἐπι- 
χωρίας γυναῖκας. ἦσαν δὲ καὶ τοῖσι Ἐπιδαυρί- 
οισι αἱ αὐταὶ ἱρουργίαι' εἰσὶ δέ σφι καὶ ἄρρητοι 
ἱρουργίαι. 

81. Κλεφθέντων δὲ τῶνδε τῶν ἀγαλμάτων οἱ 
᾿Επιδαύριοι τοῖσι ᾿Αθηναίοισι τὰ συνέθεντο οὐκ 
ἐπετέλεον. πέμψαντες δὲ οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἐμήνιον 
τοῖσι ᾿Επιδαυρίοισι" οἳ ; δὲ ἀπέφαινον λόγῳ ὡς οὐκ 
ἀδικέοιεν' ὃ ὅσον μὲν γὰρ χρὀνον εἶχον τὰ ἀγάλματα 
ἐν τῇ χώρη, ἐπιτελέειν τὰ συνέθεντο, ἐπεὶ δὲ 
ἐστερῆσθαι αὐτῶν, οὐ δίκαιον εἶναι ἀποφέρειν ἔ ἔτι, 
ἀλλὰ τοὺς ἔχοντας αὐτὰ Αἰγινήτας πρήσσεσθαι 
ἐκέλευον. πρὸς. ταῦτα οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἐς Αἴγιναν 
πέμψαντες à ἀπαίτεον τὰ ἀγάλματα' οἱ δὲ Αἰγινῆ- 
ται ἔφασαν σφίσι τε καὶ ᾿Αθηναίοισι εἶναι οὐδὲν 
πρῆγμα. 

85. ᾿Αθηναῖοι μέν νυν λέγουσι μετὰ τὴν amal- 
τησιν ἀποσταλῆναι τριήρεϊ μιῇ τῶν ἀστῶν τούτους 
οἳ ἀποπεμφθέντες ἀπὸ τοῦ κοινοῦ καὶ ἀπικόμενοι 
92 


BOOK V. 83-85 


getting, and giving one another, satisfaction at law. 
But from this time they began to build ships, and 
stubbornly revolted from the Epidaurians ; in which 
state of enmity, being masters of the sea, they 
wrought them much hurt, and stole withal their 
images of Damia and Auxesia, and took these 
away and set them up in the middle of their 
own country at a place called Oea, about twenty 
furlongs distant from their city. Having set them 
up in this place they sought their favour with 
sacrifices and choruses of mocking women, ten men 
being appointed providers of a chorus for each of the 
deities ; and the choruses aimed their raillery not at 
any men but at the women of the country. The 
Epidaurians too had the same rites; and they have 
certain secret rites as well. 

84. But when these images were stolen, the 
Epidaurians ceased from fulfilling their agreement 
with the Athenians, Then the Athenians sent an 
angry message to the Epidaurians; but these pleaded 
that they were doing no wrong; “for as long," they 
said, “as we had the images in our country, we 
fulfilled our agreement; but now that we are 
deprived of them, it is not just that we should still 
be paying; nay, ask your dues of the men of Aegina, 
who have the images." The Athenians therefore 
sent to Aegina and demanded that the images be 
restored ; but the Aeginetans answered that they 
had nothing to do with the Athenians. 

85, After their demand the Athenians (this is 
their story) despatched one trireme with certain of 
their citizens; who, coming as they were sent in the 


93 


HERODOTUS 


ἐς Αἴγιναν τὰ ἀγάλματα ταῦτα ὡς σφετέρων 
ξύλων ἐόντα ἐπειρῶντο ἐκ τῶν βάθρων ἐξανα- 
σπᾶν, ἵνα σφέα ἀνακομίσωνται. οὐ δυναμένους 
δὲ τούτῳ τῷ τρόπῳ αὐτῶν κρατῆσαι, περιβαλόν- 
τας σχοινία ἕλκειν τὰ ἀγάλματα, καί σφι ἕλκουσι 
Βροντήν τε καὶ ἅμα τῇ βροντῇ σεισμὸν ἐπιγενέ- 
σθαι" τοὺς δὲ τριηρίτας τοὺς ἕλκοντας ὑπὸ τού- 
των ἀλλοφρονῆσαι, παθόντας δὲ τοῦτο κτείνειν 
ἀλλήλους ἅτε πολεμίους, ἐς ὃ ἐκ πάντων ἕνα 
λειφθέντα ἀνακομισθῆναι αὐτὸν ἐς Φάληρον. 

80. ᾿Αθηναῖοι μὲν οὕτω γενέσθαι λέγουσι, 
Αἰγινῆται δὲ οὐ μιῇ νηὶ ἀπικέσθαι Αθηναίους" 
μίαν μὲν γὰρ καὶ ὀλίγῳ πλεῦνας μιῆς, καὶ εἰ 
σφίσι μὴ ἔτυχον ἐοῦσαι νέες, ἀπαμύνεσθαι ἂν 
εὐπετέως: ἀλλὰ πολλῆσι νηυσὶ ἐπιπλέειν σφίσι 
ἐπὶ τὴν χώρην, αὐτοὶ δέ σφι εἶξαι καὶ οὐ ναυ- 
μαγῆσαι. οὐκ ἔχουσι δὲ τοῦτο διασημῆναι ἆτρε- 
κέως, οὔτε εἰ ἥσσονες συγγινωσκόμενοι εἶναι τῇ 
ναυμαχίῃ κατὰ τοῦτο εἶξαν, οὔτε εἰ βουλόμενοι 
ποιῆσαι οἷόν τι καὶ ἐποίησαν. ᾿Αθηναίους μέν 
νυν, ἐπείτε σφι οὐδεὶς ἐς μάχην κατίστατο, 
ἀποβάντας ἀπὸ τῶν νεῶν τράπεσθαι πρὸς τὰ 
ἀγάλματα, οὐ δυναμένους δὲ ἀνασπάσαι ἐκ τῶν 
βάθρων αὐτὰ οὕτω δὴ περιβαλομένους σχοινία 
ἕλκειν, ἐς οὗ ἑλκόμενα τὰ ἀγάλματα ἀμφότερα 
τὠυτὸ ποιῆσαι, ἐμοὶ μὲν οὐ πιστὰ λέγοντες, ἄλλῳ 
δὲ τεῷ" ἐς γούνατα γάρ σφι αὐτὰ πεσεῖν, καὶ τὸν 
ἀπὸ τούτου χρόνον διατελέειν οὕτω ἔχοντα. 
᾿Αθηναίους μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ποιέειν: σφέας δὲ 
Αἰγινῆται λέγουσι πυθομένους τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους 


94 


BOOK V, 85-86 


name of the whole people to Aegina, essayed to tear 
the images, as being made of Attic wood, from their 
bases, that they might carry them away; but when 
they could not get possession of them in this manner, 
they fastened the images about with cords and made 
to drag them away,till while they dragged they were 
overtaken by a thunderstorm, and an earthquake 
withal; whereby the trireme's crew that dragged 
the images were distraught, and in this affliction 
slew each other for enemies, till at last but one of all 
was left, who returned back by himself to Phalerum. 

86. This is the Athenian story of the matter; but 
the Aeginetans say that the Athenians came not in 
one ship only; “ for," they say, “ even if we had had 
no ships of our own, we could right easily have 
defended ourselves against one ship, or a few more ; 
but the truth is that they descended upon our coasts 
with many ships, and we yielded to them and made 
no fight of it at sea." But they can never show 
with exact plainness whether it was because they 
confessed themselves to be the weaker at sea-fighting 
that they yielded, or because they purposed to do 
somewhat such as in the event they did. The 
Athenians then (say the Aeginetans), when no man 
came out to fight with them, disembarked from their 
ships and set about dealing with the images; and 
not being able to drag them from the bases they did 
there and then fasten them about with cords and 
drag them, till as they were dragged both the images 
together (and this I myself do not believe, yet others 
may) fell with the selfsame motion on their knees, 
and have remained so from that day. Thus, then, 
did the Athenians; but as for themselves, the 
Aeginetans say that they learnt that the Athenians 


95 


HERODOTUS 


ὡς μέλλοιεν ἐπὶ σφέας στρατεύεσθαι, ἑτοίμους 
᾿Αργείους ποιέεσθαι. ' τούς τε δὴ ᾿Αθηναίους 
ἀποβεβάναι ἐς τὴν Αὐγιναίην, καὶ ἥκειν βοη- 
θέοντας σφίσι τοὺς Ap, είους καὶ λαθεῖν τε ἐξ 
Ἐπιδαύρου διαβάντας ἐς τὴν νῆσον καὶ οὐ προ- 
ακηκοόσι, τοῖσι ᾿Αθηναίοισι. ἐπιπεσεῖν ὑποταμο- 
μένους τὸ ἀπὸ τῶν νεῶν, ἅμα τε ἐν τούτῳ τὴν 
βροντήν τε γενέσθαι καὶ τὸν σεισμὸν αὐτοῖσι. 

8T. Λέγεται μέν νυν ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αργείων τε καὶ Αἰγι- 

νητέων τάδε, ὁμολογέεται δὲ καὶ UT ᾿Αθηναίων 
ἕνα . μοῦνον τὸν ἀποσωθέντα αὐτῶν ἐς τὴν ᾿Ατ- 
τικὴν γενέσθαι" πλὴν ᾿Αργεῖοι μὲν λέγουσι αὐτῶν 
τὸ ᾿Αττικὸν στρατόπεδον διαφθειράντων τὸν ἕνα 
τοῦτον περιγενέσθαι, ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ τοῦ δαιμονίου" 
περιγενέσθαι μέντοι οὐδὲ τοῦτον τὸν ἕνα, ἀλλ᾽ 
ἀπολέσθαι τρόπῳ τοιῷδε. κομισθεὶς ἄρα ἐς τὰς 
᾿Αθήνας ἀπήγγελλε τὸ πάθος" πυθομένας δὲ τὰς 
γυναῖκας τῶν ἐπ᾽ Αἴγιναν στρατευσαμένων av- 
δρῶν, δεινόν τι ποιησαμένας κεῖνον μοῦνον ἐξ 
ἁπάντων σωθῆναι, πέριξ τὸν ἄνθρωπον τοῦτον 
λαβούσας καὶ κεντεύσας τῇσι περόνῃσι τῶν ἵμα- 
τίων εἰρωτᾶν ἑκάστην αὐτέων ὅκου εἴη ὁ ἑωυτῆς 
ἀνήρ. 

38. Καὶ τοῦτον μὲν οὕτω διαφθαρῆναι, 'Αθη. 
ναίοισι δὲ ἔτι τοῦ πάθεος δεινότερόν τι δόξαι εἶναι 
τὸ τῶν γυναικῶν ἔργον. ἄλλῳ μὲν δὴ οὐκ ἔχειν 
ὅτεῳ ζημιώσωσι τὰς γυναῖκας, τὴν δὲ ἐσθῆτα 
μετέβαλον αὐτέων ἐς τὴν ᾿Ιάδα' ἐφόρεον γὰρ δὴ 
πρὸ τοῦ αἱ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων γυναῖκες ἐσθῆτα Δωρί- 
δα, τῇ Κορινθίῃ παραπλησιωτάτην' μετέβαλον 
ὧν ἐς τὸν λίνεον κιθῶνα, ἵνα δὴ περόνῃσι μὴ 
χρέωνται. ἔστι δὲ ἀληθέι λόγῳ χρεωμένοισι οὐκ 
96 


BOOK V. 86-88 


were about to make war upon them, and therefore 
they assured themselves of help from the Argives. 
So when the Athenians disembarked on the land of 
Aegina, the Argives came to aid the Aeginetans, 
crossing over from Epidaurus to the island privily, 
and then falling upon the Athenians unawares and 
cutting them off from their ships; and it was at this 
moment that the thunderstorm came upon them, 
and the earthquake withal.. 

87. This, then, is the story told by the Argives 
and Aeginetans, and the Athenians too acknowledge 
that it wasonly one man of them who came safe back 
to Attica; but the Argives say that it was they, and 
the Athenians that it was divine power, that destroyed 
the Attic army when this one man was saved alive ; 
albeit even this one (say the Athenians) was not 
saved alive but perished as here related. It would 
seem that he made his way to Athens and told of 
the mishap; and when this was known (it is said) to 
the wives of the men who had gone to attack Aegina, 
they were very wroth that he alone should be safe 
out of all, and they gathered round him and stabbed 
him with the brooch-pins of their garments, each 
asking him ** where her man was." 

88. Thus was this man done to death; and this 
deed of their women seemed {ο the Athenians to 
be yet more dreadful than their misfortune. They 
could find, it is said, no other way to punish the 
women ; but they changed their dress to the Ionian 
fashion; for till then the Athenian women had 
worn Dorian dress, very like to the Corinthian ; it 
was changed, therefore, to the linen tunie, that so 
they might have no brooch-pins to use. But if 
the truth be told, this dress is not in its origin 


97 


VOL. UI, H 


HERODOTUS 


"las αὕτη ἡ ἐσθὴς τὸ παλαιὸν ἀλλὰ Κάειρα, ἐπεὶ 
ἥ γε Ελληνικὴ ἐσθὴς πᾶσα ἡ ἀρχαίη τῶν yuvar- 
κῶν ἡ αὐτὴ ἦν τὴν νῦν Δωρίδα καλέομεν. τοῖσι 
δὲ ᾿Αργείοισι καὶ τοῖσι Αἰγινήτῃσι καὶ πρὸς ταῦτα 
ἔτι τόδε ποιῆσαι 1 γόμον εἶναι παρὰ σφίσι ἑκατέ- 
ροισι τὰς περόνας ἡμιολίας ποιέεσθαι τοῦ τότε 
κατεστεῶτος .μέτρου, καὶ ἐς τὸ ἱρὸν τῶν θεῶν 
τουτέων περόνας μάλιστα ἀνατιθέναι τὰς γυναΐ- 
κας, ᾿Αττικὸν δὲ μήτε τι ἄλλο .προσφέρειν πρὸς 
τὸ ἱρὸν μήτε κέραμον, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ .χυτρίδων ἐπι- 
χωριέων νόμον τὸ λοιπὸν αὐτόθι εἶναι πίνειν. 

89. "A ργείων. μέν νυν καὶ Αἰγινητέων αἱ γυναῖ- 
κες ἐκ τόσου κατ᾽ ἔριν τὴν ᾿Αθηναίων περόνας ἔτι καὶ 
ἐς ἐμὲ ἐφόρεον μέζονας ἢ πρὸ τοῦ, τῆς δὲ ἔχθρης 
τῆς πρὸς Αἰγινήτας ἐξ ᾿Αθηναίων γενομένης ἀρχὴ 
κατὰ τὰ εἴρηται ἐγένετο. τότε δὲ Θηβαίων ἐπι- 
καλεομένων, προθύμως τῶν περὶ τὰ ἀγάλματα 
γενομένων ἀναμιμνησκόμενοι οἱ Αἰγινῆται ἐβοή- 
θεον τοῖσι Βοιωτοῖσι. Αἰγινῆταί τε δὴ ἐδηίουν 
τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς τὰ παραθαλάσσια, καὶ ᾿Αθηναίοισι 
ὁρμημένοισι ἐπ᾿ Αἰγινήτας στρατεύεσθαι ἦλ.θε 
μαντήιον ἐκ Δελφῶν, ἐπισχόντας ἀπὸ τοῦ Αἰγινη- 
τέων ἀδικίου τριήκοντα ἔτεα, τῷ ἑνὶ καὶ τριηκο- 
στῷ Αἰακῷ τέμενος ἀποδέξαντας ἄρχεσθαι τοῦ 
πρὸς Αἰγινήτας πολέμου, καύ σφι χωρήσειν τὰ 
βούλονται" ἦν δὲ αὐτίκα ἐπιστρατεύωνται, πολλὰ 
μὲν σφέας ἐν τῷ μεταξὺ τοῦ χρόνου πείσεσθαι 
πολλὰ δὲ καὶ ποιήσειν, τέλος μέντοι .καταστρέ- 
ψεσθαι. ταῦτα ὡς ἀπενειχθέντα ἤκουσαν οἱ 
᾿Αθηναῖοι, τῷ μὲν Δἰακῷ τέμενος ἀπέδεξαν τοῦτο 


1 These words are not intelligible. Perhaps Herodotus 
wrote ἔτι τάδε ἔδοξε, ποιῆσαι κ.Τ.λ. 


98 


BOOK V. 88-89 


Ionian, but Carian; for in Hellas itself all the 
women's dress in ancient times was the same as 
that which we now call Dorian. As for the Argives 
and Aeginetans, this was the reason of their even 
making a law for each of their nations that their 
brooch-pins should be made half as long again as the 
measure then customary, and that brooch-pins in 
especial should be dedicated by their women in the 
temple of those goddesses; and that neither aught 
else Attic should be brought to the temple, nor 
earthenware, but that it be the law to drink there 
from vessels of the country. 

89. So then the women of Argolis and Aegina 
ever since that day wore brooch-pins longer than 
before, by reason of the feud with the Athenians, 
and so they did even to my time; and the enmity 
of the Athenians against the Aeginetans began as I 
have told. And now at the Thebans' call the 
Aeginetans came readily to the aid of the Boeotians, 
remembering the business of the images. The 
Aeginetans laying waste the seaboard of Attica, the 
Athenians were setting out to march against them ; 
but there came to them an oracle from Delphi bid- 
ding them to hold their hands for thirty years after 
the wrong-doing of the Aeginetans, and in the 
thirty-first to mark out a precinct for Aeacus and 
begin the war with Aegina; thus should their 
purpose prosper; but if they sent an army against 
their enemies forthwith, they should indeed subdue 
them at the last, but in the meanwhile many should 
be their sufferings and many too their doings. 
When the Athenians heard this reported to them, 
they marked out for Aeacus that precinct which is 


99 
H 2 


HERODOTUS 


TÓ νῦν ἐπὶ τῆς ἀγορῆς ἵδρυται, τριήκοντα δὲ ἔτεα 
οὐκ ἀνέσχοντο ἀκούσαντες ὅκως χρεὸν εἴη ἐπισχεῖν 
πεπονθότας ὑπ᾽ Αἰγινητέων ἀνάρσια, 

90. Ἐς τιμωρίην δὲ παρασκευα ξομένοισι αὐτοῖσι 
ἐκ «Λακεδαιμονίων πρῆγμα ἐγειρόμενον ἐμπόδιον 
ἐγένετο. πυθόμενοι γὰρ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τὰ ἐκ τῶν 
᾿Αλκμεωνιδέων ἐς τὴν Πυθίην μεμηχανημένα καὶ 
τὰ ἐκ τῆς Πυθίης ἐπὶ σφέας τε καὶ τοὺς Πεισι- 
στρατίδας συμφορὴν. ἐποιεῦντο διπλῆν, ὅτι τε 
ἄνδρας ξείνους. σφίσι. ἐόντας ἐξεληλάκεσαν ἐ ἐκ τῆς 
ἐκείνων, καὶ ὅτι ταῦτα ποιήσασι χάρις οὐδεμία 
ἐφαίνετο πρὸς ᾿Αθηναίων. ἔτι τε πρὸς τούτοισι 
ἐνῆγον σφέας οἱ χρησμοὶ λέγοντες πολλά τε καὶ 
ἀνάρσια ἔσεσθαι αὐτοῖσι ἐξ ᾿Αθηναίων, τῶν πρό- 
τερον μὲν ἦσαν ἁδαέες, τότε δὲ Κλεομένεος κομί- 
σαντος ἐς Σπάρτην ἐξέμαθον. ἐκτήσατο δὲ ὁ 
Κλεομένης ἐς τῆς ᾿Αθηναίων ἀκροπόλιος τοὺς 
χρησμούς, τοὺς ἔκτηντο μὲν πρότερον οἱ Meros- 
στρατίδαι, ἐξελαυνόμενοι δὲ ἔλιπον ἐν τῷ ἱρῷ, 
καταλειφθέντας δὲ ὁ Κλεομένης ἀνέλαβε. 

91, Τότε δὲ ὡς ἀνέλαβον οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι τοὺς 
χρησμοὺς καὶ τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους ὦ ὥρων αὐξομένους 
καὶ οὐδαμῶς é ἑτοίμους ἐόντας πείθεσθαι σφίσι, νόῳ 
λαθόντες ὡς ἐλεύθερον μὲν ἐὸν τὸ γένος τὸ ᾿Αττι- 
κὸν ἰσόρροπον ἂν τῷ ἑωυτῶν γίνοιτο, κατεχύμενον 
δὲ ὑπὸ τυραννίδος ἀσθενὲς καὶ πειθαρχέεσθαι ἕ ἕτοι- 
μον" μαθόντες δὲ τούτων ἕκαστα μετεπέμποντο 
Ἱππίην τὸν Πεισιστράτου ἀπὸ Σιγείου τοῦ ἐν 
Ἑλλησπόντῳ ἐς ὃ καταφεύγουσι οἱ Πεισιστρα- 

ΠῚ Cp. ch. 63. 


2 The Pisistratid family appear to have had a special 
knowledge of current oracles: cp. ch. 93, and VII. 6. 


IOO 


BOOK V. 89-9: 


now set in their market-place ; but they could not 
stomach the message that they must hold their hand 
for thirty years, after the foul blow dealt them by 
the Aeginetans. 

90. But as they were making ready for vengeance 
a matter hindered them which took its rise in Lace- 
daemon. For when the Lacedaemonians learnt ot 
the plot of the Alemaeonids with the Pythian 
priestess ! and of her plot against themselves and the 
Pisistratids, they were very wroth for a double reason, 
for that they had driven their own guests and friends 
from the country they dwelt in, and that the Athe- 
nians showed them no thankfulness for their so doing. 
Furthermore, they were moved by the oracles? which 
foretold that many deeds of enmity would be done 
against them by the Athenians; of which oracles 
they had till now no knowledge; but now Cleomenes 
had brought them to Sparta, and the Lacedae- 
monians learnt their content. Cleomenes possessed 
himself of the oracles from the Athenian acropolis; 
the Pisistratids had possessed them till then, but 
when they were driven out they left them in the 
temple, and being left behind they were regained 
by Cleomenes. 

91. And now the Lacedaemonians, when they 
regained the oracles and saw the Athenians increas- 
ing in power and in nowise ready to obey them, and 
bethought them that were the Attic race free it 
would be a match for their own, but were it held 
down under despotism it would be weak and ready 
to serve a master,—perceiving all this, they sent to 
bring Pisistratus' son Hippias from Sigeum on the 
Hellespont, the Pisistratids' place of refuge; and 


IOI 


HERODOTUS 


τίδαι. ἐπείτε δέ σφι Ἱππίης καλεύµενος ἧκε, 
μεταπεμψάμενοι καὶ τῶν ἄλλων συμμάχων ἀγγέ- 
λους ἔλεγόν σφι Σπαρτιῆται: τάδε. "t "Άνδρες σύμ- 
μαχοι, συγγινώσκομεν αὐτοῖσι ἡμῖν οὐ ποιήσασι 
ὀρθῶς: ἐπαερθέντες γὰρ κιβδήλοισι μαντηίοισι 
ἄνδρας ξείνους ἐόντας ἡμῖν τὰ μάλιστα καὶ áva- 
δεκομένους ὑποχειρίας παρέξειν τὰς ᾿Αθήνας, τού- 
τους ἐκ τῆς πατρίδος ἐξηλάσαμεν, καὶ ἔπειτα 
ποιήσαντες ταῦτα δήμῳ ἀχαρίστῳ παρεδώκαμεν 
τὴν πόλιν" ὃς ἐπείτε δι ἡμέας ἐλευθερωθεὶς d av- 
έκυψε, ἡ ἡμέας μὲν καὶ τὸν βασιλέα ἡμέων περι- 
υβρίσας ἐξέβαλε, δόξαν δὲ φύσας αὐξάνεται, @ ὥστε 
ἐκμεμαθήκασι μάλιστα μὲν οἱ περίοικοι αὐτῶν 
Βοιωτοὶ καὶ Χαλκιδέες, τάχα δέ τις καὶ ἄλλος 
ἐκμαθήσεται ἁμαρτών. ἐπείτε δὲ ἐκεῖνα ποιή- 
σαντες ἡμάρτομεν, νῦν πειρησόμεθα σφέας ἅμα 
ὑμῖν ἀπικόμενοι τίσασθαι: αὐτοῦ γὰρ τούτου 
εἵνεκεν τόνδε τε Ἱππίην μετεπεμψάμεθα καὶ 
ὑμέας ἀπὸ τῶν πολίων, ἵνα κοινῷ τε λόγῳ καὶ 
κοινῷ στόλῳ ἐσαγαγόντες αὐτὸν ἐς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας 
ἀποδῶμεν τὰ καὶ ἀπειλόμεθα.” 

92. Οἱ μὲν ταῦτα ἔλεγον, τῶν δὲ συμμάχων τὸ 
πλῆθος οὐκ ἐνεδέκετο τοὺς λόγους. οἱ μέν νυν 
ἄλλοι ἡσυχίην ἦγον, Κορίνθιος δὲ Σωκλέης ἔλεξε 
τάδε. “H δὴ ὅ ὅ τε οὐρανὸς ἔνερθε ἔ ἔσται τῆς γῆς 
καὶ ἡ γη μετέωρος ὑπὲρ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ, καὶ ἄνθρωποι 
νομὸν ἐν θαλάσσῃ ἕξουσι καὶ ἰχθύες τὸν πρότερον 
ἄνθρωποι, 6 ὅτε γε ὑμεῖς e Λακεδαιμόνιοι i ἰσοκρατίας 
καταλύοντες τυραννίδας ἐς τὰς πόλις κατάγειν 
παρασκενάξεσθε, τοῦ οὔτε ἀδικώτερον ἐστὶ οὐδὲν 
κατ᾽ ἀνθρώπους οὔτε μιαιφονώτερον. εἰ γὰρ δὴ 
τοῦτό γε δοκέει ὑμῖν εἶναι χρηστὸν ὥστε τυραν- 
102 


BOOK V. 91-92 


Hippias coming at their call, the Spartans sent for 
envoys from the rest of their allies, and thus bespoke 
them: “Sirs, our allies, we do acknowledge that we 
have done wrongly ; for, befooled by lying divinations, 
we drove from their native land men that were our 
close friends and promised to make Athens subject 
to us, and presently having so done we delivered 
that city over to a thankless commonalty ; which had 
no sooner lifted up its head in the freedom which we 
gave it, than it insolently cast out us and our king, 
and now has bred a spirit of pride and waxes in 
power; insomuch that their neighbours of Boeotia 
and Chalcis have especial cause to know it, and 
others too are like to know their error anon. But 
since we erred in doing that which we did, we will 
now essay with your aid to be avenged of them; for 
it is on this account and no other that we have sent 
for this Hippias whom you see and have brought you 
from your cities, that uniting our counsels and our 
power we may bring him to Athens and restore that 
which we took away.” 

92. Thus spoke the Lacedaemonians, but their 
words were ill received by the greater part of their 
allies. The rest then keeping silence, Socles, a 
Corinthian, said : ** Verily the heaven shall be beneath 
the earth and the earth aloft above the heaven, and 
menu shall dwell in the sea and fishes where men 
did dwell before, now that you, Lacedaemonians ! are 
destroying the rule of equals and making ready to 
bring back despotism into the cities—despotism, a 
thing as unrighteous and bloodthirsty as aught on 
this earth. For if indeed this seems to you to be a 
good thing, that the cities be ruled by despots, do 


103 


HERODOTUS 


νεύεσθαι τὰς πόλις, αὐτοὶ πρῶτοι τύραννον κατα- 
στησάμενοι παρὰ σφίσι. αὐτοῖσι οὕτω καὶ τοῖσι 
ἄλλοισι δίξησθε κατιστάναι" νῦν δὲ αὐτοὶ τυράν- 
νων ἄπειροι ἐόντες, καὶ φυλάσσοντες τοῦτο δεινό- 
τατα ἐν τῇ Σπάρτῃ μὴ γενέσθαι, παραχρᾶσθε ἐ ἐς 
τοὺς συμμάχους. εἰ δὲ αὐτοῦ ἔμπειροι ἔ ἔατε κατά 
περ ἡμεῖς, εἶχετε ἂν περὶ αὐτοῦ γνώμας ἀμείνονας 
συμβαλέσθαι ἤ TEP νῦν. 

Κορινθίοισι γὰρ ἦν. πόλιος κατάστασις τοιήδε' 
ἦν ὀλιγαρχίη, καὶ οὗτοι Βακχιάδαι καλεόμενοι 
ἔνεμον τὴν πόλιν, ἐδίδοσαν δὲ καὶ ἤγοντο ἐξ 
ἀλλήλων. ᾽Αμϕίονι δὲ ἐόντι τούτων τῶν ἀνδρῶν 
γίνεται θυγάτηρ Kora" οὔνομα δέ οἱ ἣν Λάβδα. 
ταύτην Βακχιαδέων γὰρ οὐδεὶς ἤθελε γῆμαι, ἴσχει 
᾿Βετίων ὁ ὁ ᾿Ιὑχεκράτεος, δήμου μὲν ἐὼν ἐκ Πέτρης, 
ἀτὰρ τὰ ἀνέκαθεν Λαπίθης τε καὶ Καινείδης. ἐκ 
δέ οἱ ταύτης τῆς γυναικὸς οὐδ᾽ ἐξ ἄλλης παῖδες 
ἐγίνοντο. - ἐστάλη ὧν ἐς Δελφοὺς περὶ γόνου. 
ἐσιόντα δὲ αὐτὸν ἰθέως ἡ ΠΠυθίη προσαγορεύει 
τοῖσιδε τοῖσι ἔπεσι. 


, / y - / / 37 

Ηετίων, οὔτις σε τίει πολύτιτον ἐόντα. , 
Λάβδα κύει, τέξει δ᾽ ὁλοοίτροχον' ἐν δὲ πεσεῖται 
ἀνδράσι μουνάρχοισι, δικαιώσει δὲ Κόρινθον. 


ταῦτα χρησθέντα τῷ ᾿Ηετίωνι ἐξαγγέλλεταί κως 
τοῖσι Βακχιάδῃσι, τοῖσι τὸ μὲν πρότερον γενό- 
μενον χρηστήριον ἐς Κόρινθον ἦν ἄσημον, φέρον 
τε ἐς τὠυτὸ καὶ τὸ τοῦ Ηετίωνος καὶ λέγον ὧδε. 


1 Because (according to the Etymologicum Magnum) the 
** outward distortion of the feet ” resembled the letter A. 


104 


BOOK V. g2 


you yourselves first set up a despot among yourselves 
and then seek to set up such for the rest; but now, 
having never made trial of despots, and taking most 
careful heed that none shall arise at Sparta, you deal 
wrongfully with your allies. But had you such 
experience of that thing as we have, you would be 
sager advisers concerning it than you are now. 

* For the Corinthian State was ordered in such 
manner as I will show. The Few ruled; these few, 
called Bacchiadae, held sway in the city, marrying 
and giving in marriage among themselves. Now 
Amphion, one of these men, had a lame daughter, 
whose name was Labda.! Seeing that none of the 
Bacchiadae would marry her, she was wedded to 
Eetion son of Echecrates, of the township of Petra, a 
Lapith by lineage, of the posterity of Caeneus. No 
sons being born to him by this wife or any other, he 
set out to Delphi to enquire concerning issue; and 
straightway as he entered the Pythian priestess 
spoke these verses to him: 


Eetion, yet high honour is thine, though honour'd 
thou art not. 

Labda conceiveth anon; and a rolling rock she 
shall bear thee, — 

Fated on princes to fall, and execute justice on 
Corinth. 


This oracle given to Eetion was in some wise made 
known to the Bacchiadae, by whom the former 
oracle sent to Corinth was not understood, albeit its 
meaning was the same as the meaning of the oracle 
of Eetion; it was this: 


τος 


HERODOTUS 


αἰετὸς ἐν πέτρῃσι κύει, τέξει δὲ λέοντα 

καρτερὸν ὠμηστήν'. πολλῶν Ò ὑπὸ γούνατα 
λύσει. 

ταῦτά νυν ev Φφράξεσθε, Κορίνθιοι, of περὶ 
καλήν 

Πειρήνην οἰκεῖτε καὶ ὀφρυόεντα Κόρινθον. 


τοῦτο μὲν δὴ τοῖσι Βακχιάδῃσι πρότερον γενό- 
μενον ἣν ἀτέκμαρτον' τότε δὲ τὸ ᾿Ηετίωνι γενόμε- 
νον ὡς ἐπύθοντο, αὐτίκα καὶ τὸ πρότερον συνῆκαν 
ἐὸν συνῳδὸν τῷ ᾿Ηετίωνος. συνέντες δὲ καὶ τοῦτο 
5 , e / »n/ . lA 5 / 
εἶχον ἐν ἡσυχίη, ἐθέλοντες τὸν μέλλοντα Ἠετίωνι 
/ / ^ e 3 » e . 
γίνεσθαι γόνον διαφθεῖραι. ὡς ὃ᾽ ἔτεκε ἡ γυνὴ 
τάχιστα, πέμπουσι σφέων αὐτῶν δέκα ἐς τὸν 
δῆμον ἐν τῷ κατοίκητο ὁ ᾿Ηετίων ἀποκτενέοντας 
\ / , / \ . 3 M / 
τὸ παιδίον. ἀπικόμενοι δὲ οὗτοι ἐς τὴν Πέτρην 
. , , M , M M , / 
καὶ παρελθόντες ἐς τὴν αὐλὴν τὴν ᾿Ηετίωνος 
vy N / e \ , , ^ δολ ^ 
αἴτεον τὸ παιδίον: ἡ δὲ Λάβδα εἰδυῖά τε οὐδὲν τῶν 
εἵνεκα ἐκεῖνοι ἀπικοίατο, καὶ δοκέουσα σφέας 
φιλοφροσύνης τοῦ πατρὸς εἵνεκα αἰτέειν, φέρουσα 
ἐνεχείρισε αὐτῶν ἑνί. τοῖσι δὲ ἄρα ἐβεβούλευτο 
κατ ὁδὸν τὸν πρῶτον αὐτῶν λαβόντα τὸ παιδίον 
προσουδίσαι. ἐπεὶ ὧν ἔδωκε φέρουσα 7) Λάβδα, 
τὸν λαβόντα τῶν ἀνδρῶν θείη τύχῃ. προσεγέλασε 
τὸ παιδίον, καὶ τὸν φρασθέντα τοῦτο οἶκτός τις 
ἴσχει ἀποκτεῖναι, κατοικτείρας δὲ παραδιδοῖ τῷ 
δευτέρῳ, ὃ ὃ δὲ τῷ τρίτῳ. οὕτω δὴ διεξῆλθε διὰ 
πάντων τῶν δέκα παραδιδόμενον, οὐδενὸς βουλο- 
μένου διεργάσασθαι. ἀποδόντες ὧν ὀπίσω τῇ 
τεκούσῃ τὸ παιδίον καὶ ἐξελθόντες ἔξω, ἑστεῶτες 
1ο6 


BOOK V. 92 


Lo, where the eagle's mate conceives in the rocks, 
and a lion 

Mighty and fierce shall be born ; full many a knee 
shall he loosen. 

Wherefore I bid you beware, ye Corinthian folk, 
that inhabit 

Nigh Pirene fair and the heights o'erhanging of 
Corinth. 


This oracle, formerly given to the Bacchiadae, was 
past their interpretation; but now, when they 
learnt of that one which was given to Eetion, 
straightway they understood that the former 
accorded with the oracle of Eetion; and under- 
standing this prophecy too they sat still, pur- 
posing to destroy whatever should be born to 
Eetion. Then, as soon as his wife was delivered, 
they sent ten men of their clan to the township 
where Eetion dwelt, to kill the child. These men 
came to Petra and passing into Eetion's courtyard 
asked for the child ; and Labda, knowing nothing of 
the purpose of their coming, and thinking that they 
asked out of friendliness to the child's father, 
brought it and gave it into the hands of one of 
them. Now they had planned on their way (as 
the story goes) that the first of them who received 
the child should dash it to the ground. So then 
when Labda brought and gave the child, by heaven's 
providence it smiled at the man who took it, and he 
saw that, and compassion forbade him to kill it, and 
in that compassion he delivered it to a second, and 
he again to a third ; and thus it passed from hand to 
hand to each of the ten, for none would make an end 
of it. Sothey gave the child back toits mother and 


107 


HERODOTUS 


ἐπὶ τῶν θυρέων ἀλλήλων ἅπτοντο καταιτιώμενοι, 
καὶ μάλιστα τοῦ πρώτου λαβόντος, ὅτι οὐκ 
ἐποίησε κατὰ τὰ δεδογμένα, € ἐς ὃ δή σφι χρόνου 
ἐγγινομένου ἔδοξε αὖτις παρελθόντας πάντας τοῦ 
φόνου μετίσχειν. (δ) ἔδει δὲ ἐκ τοῦ ᾿Ἠετίωνος 
γόνου Κορίνθῳ. κακὰ ἀναβλαστεῖν. ἡ Λάβδα 
γὰρ πάντα ταῦτα ἤκουε ἑστεῶσα πρὸς αὐτῇσι 
τῇσι θύρῃσι: δείσασα δὲ μή σφι μεταδόξῃ καὶ 
τὸ δεύτερον λαβόντες τὸ παιδίον ἀποκτείνωσι, 
φέρουσα κατακρύπτει ἐς τὸ ἀφραστότατόν οἱ 
ἐφαίνετο εἶναι, ἐς κυψέλην, ἐπισταμένη ws εὖ 
ὑποστρέψαντες ἐς ζήτησιν ἀπικνεοίατο πάντα 
ἐρευνήσειν μέλλοιεν: τὰ δὴ. καὶ ἐγίνετο. ἐλθοῦσι 
δὲ καὶ διξημένοισι αὐτοῖσι ὡς οὐκ ἐφαίνετο, ἐδόκεε 
ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι καὶ λέγειν πρὸς τοὺς ἀποπέμ- 
ψαντας ὡς πάντα ποιήσειαν τὰ ἐκεῖνοι ἐνετεί- 
λαντο. οἳ μὲν δὴ ἀπελθόντες ἔλεγον ταῦτα. 
᾿Ηετίωνι δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα ὁ παῖς ηὐξάνετο, καί οἱ 
διαφυγόντι τοῦτον τὸν κίνδυνον à ἀπὸ τῆς κυψέλης 
ἐπωνυμίην Κύψελος οὔνομα ἐτέθη. ἀνδρωθέντι 
δὲ καὶ μαντευομένῳ Κυψέλῳ ἐγένετο ἀμφιδέξιον 
χρηστήριον ἐν Δελφοῖσι, τῷ πίσυνος γενόμενος 
το οι τε καὶ ἔσχε Κόρινθον. ὁ δὲ χρησμὸς 
ὅδε ἣν. 


v . $3 ^ ^ $ AN / 3 / 

ὄλβιος οὗτος ἀνὴρ ὃς ἐμὸν δόμον ἐσκαταβαίνει, 
Κύψελος ᾿Ηετίδης, βασιλεὺς κλειτοῖο Κορίνθου 
αὐτὸς καὶ παῖδες, παίδων γε μὲν οὐκέτι παῖδες. 


τὸ μὲν δὴ χρηστήριον τοῦτο ἦν, τυραννεύσας δὲ ὁ 
Κύψελος τοιοῦτος δή τις ἀνὴρ ἐγένετο" πολλοὺς 
μὲν Κορινθίων ἐδίωξε, πολλοὺς δὲ χρημάτων 


108 


BOOK V. 92 


went out, and stood before the door reproaching 
and upbraiding one another, but chiefly him who 
had first received it, for that he had not done 
according to their agreement; till as time passed 
they had a mind to go in again and all have a hand 
in the killing. But it was written that Eetion’s 
offspring should be the source of ills for Corinth. 
For Labda heard all this where she stood close to 
the very door; and she feared lest they should 
change their minds and again take the child, and 
kill it; wherefore she bore it away and hid it where 
she thought it would be hardest to find, in a chest ; 
for she knew that if they returned and set about 
searching they would seek in every place; which 
they did. They came and sought, but not finding 
they resolved to go their ways and say to those that 
sent them that they had done all their bidding. So 
they went away and said this. But Eetion's son 
presently grew, and for his escape from that danger 
he was called Cypselus, after the chest. When he 
had come to man’s estate, and was seeking a divi- 
nation, there was given him at Delphi an oracle of 
double meaning, trusting wherein he grasped at 
Corinth and won it. This was the oracle: 


Happy I ween is the man who cometh adown to 
my temple, . 

Cypselus Eetides, great king of Corinth renownéd, 

Happy himself and his sons; yet his son's sons 
shall not be happy. 


Such was the oracle. But Cypselus, having gained 
despotic power, bore himself in this wise: many 
Corinthians he banished, many he robbed of their 


109 


HERODOTUS 


ἀπεστέρησε, πολλῷ δέ τι πλείστους τῆς ψυχῆς. 
ἄρξαντος δὲ τούτου ἐπὶ τριήκοντα ἔτεα καὶ 
διαπλέξαντος τὸν βίον εὖ, διάδοχός οἱ τῆς τυραν- 
vidos 0 παῖς Περίανδρος γίνεται. ὁ τοίνυν Hepi- 
ἄνδρος κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς μὲν ἦν ἠπιώτερος τοῦ πατρός, 
ἐπείτε δὲ ὡμίλησε δι᾽ ἀγγέλων Θρασυβούλῳ τῷ 
Μιλήτου τυράννῳ, πολλῷ ἔτι ἐγένετο Κυψέλου 
μιαιφονώτερος. πέμψας γὰρ παρὰ Θρασύβουλον 
κήρυκα ἐπυνθάνετο ὅ ὅντινα ἂν τρόπον ἀσφαλέ- 
στατον καταστησάμενος τῶν πρηγμάτων rá- 
λιστα τὴν πόλιν «ἐπιτροπεύοι. Θρασύβουλος δὲ 
τὸν ἐλθόντα παρὰ τοῦ Περιάνδρου ἐξῆγε ἔξω τοῦ 
ἄστεος, ἐσβὰς δὲ ἐς ἄρουραν ἐσπαρμένην ἅμα τε 
διεξήιε τὸ λήιον ἐπειρωτῶν τε καὶ ἀναποδίζων τὸν 
κήρυκα κατὰ τὴν ἀπὸ Κορίνθου. ἄπιξιν, καὶ ἐκό- 
λουε αἰεὶ ὅκως τινὰ ἴδοι τῶν ἀσταχύων ὑπερέ- 
χοντα, κολούων δὲ ἔρριπτε, ἐς ὃ τοῦ ληίου. τὸ 
κάλλιστόν τε καὶ βαθύτατον διέφθειρε τρόπῳ 
τοιούτῳ' διεξελθὼν δὲ τὸ χωρίον καὶ ὑποθέμενος 
ἔπος οὐδὲν ἆ ἀποπέμπει τὸν κήρυκα. νοστήσαντος 
δὲ τοῦ κήρυκος ἐς τὴν Κόρινθον ἦν πρόθυμος 
πυνθάνεσθαι τὴν ὑποθήκην o Περίανδρος" ὃ δὲ 
οὐδέν οἱ ἔφη Θρασύβουλον ὑποθέσθαι, θωμάξειν 
τε αὐτοῦ παρ᾽ οἷόν μιν ἄνδρα ἀποπέμψειε, ὡς 
παραπλῆγά τε καὶ τῶν ἑωυτοῦ σινάµωρον, aT- 
ηγεόµενος τά περ πρὸς Θρασυβούλου, ὀπώπεε. 
Περίανδρος δὲ συνιεὶς τὸ ποιηθὲν καὶ vog ἴσχων 
ὥς οἱ ὑπετίθετο Θρασύβουλος τοὺς ὑπειρόχους 
τῶν ἀστῶν φονεύειν, ἐνθαῦτα δὴ πᾶσαν κακότητα 
ἐξέ αινε ἐς τοὺς πολιήτας. ὅσα γὰρ Κύψελος 
ἀπέλιπε κτείνων τε καὶ διώκων, πα. σφέα 


IIO 


BOOK V. 92 


goods, and by far the most of their lives. He 
reigned for thirty years! and made a good ending 
of his life; and hisson Periander succeeded to his 
despotic power. Now Periander at the first was of 
milder mood than his father; but after he had held 
converse by his messengers with Thrasybulus the 
despot of Miletus, he became much more blood- 
. thirsty than Cypselus. For he sent a herald. to 
Thrasybulus and enquired how he should most 
safely so order all matters as best to govern his 
city. Thrasybulus led the man who had come 
from Periander outside the town, and entered into 
a sown field; where, while he walked through 
the corn and plied the herald with still-repeated 
questions anent his coming from Corinth, he would 
ever cut off the tallest that he saw of the stalks, and 
cast away what he cut off, till by so doing he had 
destroyed the best and richest of the crop; then, 
having passed through the place and spoken no 
word of counsel, he sent the herald away. When 
the herald returned to Corinth, Periander was 
desirous to hear what counsel he brought; but the 
man said that Thrasybulus had given him none, 
‘and that is a strange man,’ quoth he, ‘to whom you 
sent me; for he is a madman and a destroyer of 
his own possessions, telling Periander what he had 
seen Thrasybulus do. But Periander understood 
what had been done, and perceived that Thrasybulus 
had counselled him to slay those of his townsmen 
who stood highest; and with that he began to deal 
very evilly with his citizens. For whatever act of 
slaughter or banishment Cypselus had left undone, 
that did Periander bring to accomplishment ; and in 


1 655 to 625. 
III 


HERODOTUS 


ἀπετέλεσε, μιῇ δὲ ἡμέρῃ ἀπέδυσε πάσας τὰς 
Κορινθίων γυναῖκας διὰ τὴν ἑωυτοῦ γυναῖκα 
Μέλισσαν. πέμψαντι γάρ οἱ ἐς Θεσπρωτοὺς 
ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αχέροντα ποταμὸν ἀγγέλους ἐπὶ τὸ vervo- 
μαντήιον παρακαταθήκης πέρι ξεινικῆς οὔτε 
σημανέειν ἔφη 7) Μέλισσα ἐπιφανεῖσα οὔτε κατ- 
ερέειν ἐν τῷ κέεται χώρῳ ἡ παρακαταθήκη" Ὅλων 
TE yàp καὶ εἶναι γυμνή" τῶν γάρ οὐ συγκατέ θαψε 
ἑματίων ὄφελος εἶναι οὐδὲν οὐ κατακανθέντων' 
μαρτύριον δέ οὗ εἶναι ὡς ἀληθέα ταῦτα λέγει, ὅτι 
ἐπὶ ψυχρὸν τὸν ὑπνὸν Περίανδρος τοὺς ἄρτους 
ἐπέβαλε. ταῦτα. δὲ ὡς ὀπίσω ἀπηγγέλθη τῷ 
Περιάνδρῳ, πιστὸν γάρ. οὗ ἦν τὸ συμβόλαιον ὃς 
νεκρῷ ἐούσῃ Μελίσσῃ ἐμίγη, ἰθέως δὴ μετὰ τὴν 
ἀγγελίην κήρυγμα ἐποιήσατο ἐς τὸ "Ηραιον ἐξιέναι 
πάσας τὰς Κορινθίων. γυναῖκας. at μὲν δὴ ὡς ἐς 
ὁρτὴν ἤισαν κόσμῳ τῷ καλλίστῳ χρεώµεναι, ὃ δ᾽ 
ὑποστήσας τοὺς δορυφόρους ἀπέδυσε σφέας πάσας 
ὁμοίως, τάς τε ἐλευθέρας καὶ τὰς ἀμφιπόλους, 
συμφορήσας δὲ ἐς ὄρυγμα Μελίσσῃ ἐπευχόμενος 
κατέκαιε. ταῦτα δέ οἱ ποιήσαντι καὶ τὸ δεύτερον 
πέμψαντι ἔφρασε τὸ εἴδωλον τὸ Μελίσσης ἐς τὸν 
κατέθηκε χῶρον τοῦ ξείνου τὴν παρακαταθήκην. 
Τοιοῦτο μὲν ὑμῖν ἐστὶ ἡ Tupa ννίς, ὦ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, 
καὶ τοιούτων ἔργων. ἡμέας δὲ τοὺς Κορωθίους 
τότε αὐτίκα θῶμα μέγα εἶχε ὅτε ὑμέας εἴδομεν 
μεταπεμπομένους Ἱππίην, νῦν τε δὴ καὶ μεξόνως 
θωμάξομεν λέγοντας ταῦτα, ἐπιμαρτυρόμεθά τε 
ἐπικαλεόμενοι ὑμῖν θεοὺς τοὺς “Ελληνίους μὴ 
κατιστάναι τυραννίδας ἐς τὰς πόλις. οὔκων 
παύσεσθε ἀλλὰ πειρήσεσθε παρὰ τὸ δίκαιον 


1 Killed by her husband, perhaps accidentally ; cp. III. 50. 
112 


BOOK V. 92 


a single day he stripped all the women of Corinth 
naked, by reason of his own wife Melissa. For he 
had sent messengcrs to the Oracle of the Dead on 
the river Acheron in Thesprotia to enquire con- 
cerning a deposit that a friend had left; but the 
apparition of Melissa said that she would tell him 
nought, nor reveal where the deposit lay; for she 
was cold (she said) and naked; for the raiment 
Periander had buried with her had never been 
burnt, and availed her nothing; and let this (said 
she) be her witness that she spoke truth—that it 
was a cold oven whereinto Periander had cast his 
loaves. When this message was brought back to 
Periander (for he had had intercourse with the dead 
body of Melissa and knew her token for true), 
immediately after the message he made a pro- 
clamation that all the Corinthian women should 
come out into the temple of Here. So they came 
out as to a festival, wearing their fairest adornment ; 
and Periander set his guards there and stripped 
them all alike, ladies and serving-women, and heaped 
all the garments in a pit, where he burnt them, 
making prayers to Melissa the while. When he 
had so done and sent a second message, the ghost 
of Melissa told^ him the place where the deposit of 
the friend had been laid. 

* Know then, ye Lacedaemonians, that such a 
thing is despotism, and such are its deeds. We of 
Corinth did then greatly marvel when we saw that 
you were sending for Hippias; and now we marvel 
yet more at your speaking thus; and we entreat you 
earnestly in the name of the gods of Hellas not to 
establish despotism in the cities. But if you will 
not cease from so doing, and will unrighteously essay 


113 
VOL. III. I 


HERODOTUS 


κατάγοντες Ἱππίην" ἴστε ὑμῖν Κορινθίους γε ov 
συναινέοντας.᾽ 

98. Σωκλέης μὲν ἀπὸ Κορίνθου πρεσβεύων ἔλεξε 
τάδε, Ἱππίης δὲ αὐτὸν ἀμείβετο τοὺς αὐτοὺς TL- 
καλέσας θεοὺς ἐκείνῳ, ἢ μὲν Κορινθίους μάλιστα 
πάντων ἐπιποθήσειν Πεισιστρατίδας, ὅταν σφι 
ἥκωσι ἡμέραι αἱ κύριαι ἀνιᾶσθαι ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίων. 
Ἱππίης μὲν τούτοισι ἀμείψατο οἷα τοὺς χρησμοὺς 
ἀτρεκέστατα ἀνδρῶν ἐξεπιστάμενος: οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ 
τῶν συμμάχων τέως μὲν εἶχον ἐν ἡσυχίῃ σφέας 
αὐτούς, -ἐπείτε δὲ Σωκλέος ἢ ἤκουσαν εἴπαντος έλευ- 
θέρως, ἅπας τις αὐτῶν φωνὴν ῥήξας αἱρέετο τοῦ 
Κορινθίου τὴν γνώμην, Λακεδαιμονίοισί τε ἐπ- 
εµαρτυρέοντο μὴ ποιέειν μηδὲν νεώτερον περὶ 
πόλιν Ἑλλάδα. 

94. Οὕτω μὲν τοῦτο ἐπαύσθη. Ἱππίῃ δὲ 
ἐνθεῦτεν ἀπελαυνομένῳ ἐδίδου μὲν ᾽Αμύντης ὁ Μα- 
κεδόνων βασιλεὺς ᾿Ανθεμοῦντα, ἐδίδοσαν δὲ Θεσ- 
σαλοὶ Ἰωλκόν. ὃ δὲ τούτων μὲν οὐδέτερα αἱρέετο, 
ἀνεχώρεε. δὲ ὁ ὀπίσω ἐς Σίγειον, τὸ εἷλε Πεισίστρα- 
τος αἰχμῇ παρὰ Μυτιληναίων, κρατήσας δὲ αὐτοῦ 
κατέστησε τύραννον εἶναι παῖδα τὸν ἑωυτοῦ 
νόθον ' Ηγησίστρατον, γεγονότα ἐξ. ᾿Αργείῆς γυναι- 
KOS, ὃς οὐκ- ἀμαχητὶ εἶχε τὰ παρέλαβε παρὰ 
Πεισιστράτου. ἐπολέμεον γὰρ ἔκ τε ᾿Αχιλληΐου 
πόλιος ὁρμώμενοι καὶ Σιγείου ἐπὶ χρόνον συχνὸν 
Μυτιληναῖοί τε καὶ ᾿Αθηναῖοι, οἳ μὲν ἀπαιτέοντες 
τὴν χώρην, ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ οὔτε συγγινωσκόμενοι 
ἀποδεικνύντες τε λόγῳ οὐδὲν μᾶλλον Αἰολεῦσι 
μετεὸν͵ τῆς Ἰλιάδος χώρης ἢ οὐ καὶ σφίσι καὶ 
τοῖσι ἄλλοισι, ὅ ὅσοι Ἑλλήνων συνεπρήξαντο Μενέ- 
Acw τὰς ' EXévgs à ἁρπαγάς. 


II4 


BOOK V. 92-94 


to bring Hippias back, then be it known to you that 
the Corinthians for their part consent not thereto.” 

93. Thus spoke Socles, the envoy from Corinth ; 
Hippias answered him, calling the same gods as 
Socles had invoked to witness that verily the Cor- 
inthians would be the first to wish Pisistratus' house 
back, when the time appointed should come for 
them to be vexed by the Athenians. Hippias made 
this answer, inasmuch as he had more exact know- 
ledge of the oracles than any man; but the rest of 
the allies, who had till now kept silence, when they 
heard the free speech of Socles, each and all of them 
spoke out and declared for the opinion of the 
Corinthians, entreating the Lacedaemonians to do 
no hurt to a Greek city. 

94. Thus this design came to nought, and Hippias 
perforce departed. Amyntas king of the Macedo- 
nians would have given him Anthemus, and the 
. Thessalians Iolcus; but he would have neither, and 
withdrew to Sigeum, which Pisistratus had taken at 
the spear’s point from the Mytilenaeans, and having 
won it set up as its despot Hegesistratus, his own 
bastard son by an Argive woman. But Hegesistratus 
kept not without fighting what Pisistratus had given 
him; for the Mytilenaeans and Athenians waged 
war for a long time! from the city of Achilleum and 
Sigeum, the Mytilenaeans demanding the place 
back, and the Athenians not consenting, but bring- 
ing proof to show that the Aeolians had no more 
part or lot in the land of Ilium than they themselves 
and whatsoever other Greeks had aided Menelaus to 
avenge the rape of Helen. 

* E whose sixth-century chronology is often 


inaccurate, appears to be wrong in assigning this war to 
the period of isistratus; its date cannot be later than 600. 


115 
ι 2 


HERODOTUS 


95. Πολεμεόντων δὲ σφέων παντοῖα καὶ ἄλλα 
ἐγένετο ἐν τῇσι μάχῃσι, ἐν δὲ δὴ καὶ ᾿Αλκαῖος 
ὁ ποιητὴς συμβολῆς γενομένης καὶ νικώντων 
᾿Αθηναίων αὐτὸς μὲν φεύγων ἐκφεύγει, τὰ δέ οἱ 
ὅπλα ἴσχουσι ᾿Αθηναῖοι, καί σφεα ἀνεκρέμασαν 
πρὸς τὸ ᾿Αθήναιον τὸ ἐν Σιγείῳ. ταῦτα δὲ 
᾽Αλκαῖος ἐν μέλεϊ ποιήσας ἐπιτιθεῖ ἐς Μυτιλήνη», 
ἐξαγγελλόμενος τὸ ἑωυτοῦ πάθος Μελανίππῳ 
ἀνδρὶ ἑταίρῳ. Μυτιληναίους δὲ καὶ ᾿Αθηναίους 
κατήλλαξε Περίανδρος ὁ Κυψέλου: τούτῳ γὰρ 
διαιτητῇ ἐπετράποντο" κατήλλαξε δὲ ὧδε, véne- 
σθαι ἑκατέρους τὴν ἔ ἔχουσι. 

96. Σίγειον μέν νυν οὕτω ἐγένετο ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αθη- 
ναίοισι. Ἱππίης δὲ ἐπείτε ἀπίκετο ἐκ τῆς 
Λακεδαίμονος ἐ ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίην, πᾶν χρῆμα ἐκίνεε, δια- 
βάλλων τε τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους πρὸς τὸν ᾿Αρταφρένεα 
καὶ ποιέων ἅπαντα ὅκως αἱ ᾿Αθῆναι γενοίατο ὑπ᾽ 
ἑωυτῷ τε καὶ Δαρείῳ. “Ἱππίης τε δὴ ταῦτα : 
ἔπρησσε, καὶ οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι πυθόμενοι ταῦτα 
πέμπουσι ἐς Σάρδις ἀγγέλους, οὐκ ἐῶντες τοὺς 
Πέρσας πείθεσθαι ᾿Αθηναίων τοῖσι φυγάσι. ὁ 
δὲ Αρταφρένης ἐκέλευε σφέας, εὖ i, βουλοΐατο σόοι 
εἶναι, καταδέκεσθαι ὀπίσω Ἱππίην. οὔκων δὴ 
ἐνεδέκοντο τοὺς λόγους ἀποφερομένους οἱ ᾿Αθη- 
ναῖοι' οὐκ ἐνδεκομένοισι δέ σφι ἐδέδοκτο ἐκ τοῦ 
φανεροῦ τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι πολεμίους εἶναι. 

97. Νομίξουσι δὲ ταῦτα καὶ διαβεβλημένοισι € ἐς 
τοὺς Πέρσας, ἐ ἐν τούτῳ δὴ τῷ καιρῷ ὁ Μιλήσιος 
᾿Αρισταγόρης, t ὑπὸ Κλεομένεος τοῦ Λακεδαιμονίου 
ἐξελασθεὶς ἐκ τῆς Σπάρτης, ἆ ἀπίκετο ἐς ᾿Αθήνας" 
αὕτη γὰρ ἡ πόλις τῶν λοιπέων ἐδυνάστευε pé- 
γιστον. ἐπελθὼν δὲ ἐπὶ τὸν δῆμον ὁ Αριστα- 
116 


BOOK V. 95-97 


95. Among the many chances that befel in the 
fights of this war, this is noteworthy, that in a battle 
when the Athenians were gaining the victory 
Alcaeus the poet took to flight and escaped, but his 
armour was taken by the Athenians and hung up in 
the temple of Athene at Sigeum. Alcaeus made of 
this and sent to Mytilene a poem, wherein he relates 
his own misfortune to his friend Melanippus. But 
as for the Mytilenaeans and Athenians, peace was 
made between them by Periander son of Cypselus, 
to whose arbitrament they committed the matter; 
and the terms of peace were that each party should 
keep what it had. 

96. Thus then Sigeum came to be under Athenian 
rule. But Hippias, having come from Lacedaemon 
into Asia, left no stone unturned, maligning the 
Athenians to Artaphrenes, and doing all he could 
to bring Athens into subjection to himself and 
Darius; and while Hippias thus wrought, the 
Athenians heard of it and sent messengers to Sardis, 
warning the Persians not to believe banished Athen- 
ians. But Artaphrenes bade them receive Hippias 
back, if they would be safe. When this bidding 
was brought back to the Athenians, they would not 
consent to it; and as they would not consent, it was 
resolved that they should be openly at war with 
Persia. 

97. They being thus minded, and the Persians 
hearing an evil report of them, at this moment 
Aristagoras the Milesian, driven from Sparta by 
Cleomenes the Lacedaemonian, came to Athens; 
for that city was more powerful than any of the 
rest. Coming before the people, Aristagoras spoke 


117 


HERODOTUS 


γόρης ταὐτὰ ἔλεγε τὰ καὶ ἐν τῇ Σπάρτῃ περὶ 
τῶν ἀγαθῶν. τῶν ἐν τῇ ᾿Ασίῃ καὶ τοῦ πολέμου τοῦ 
Περσικοῦ, ὡς οὔτε ἀσπίδα οὔτε δόρυ. νομίξουσι 
εὐπετέες τε χειρωθῆναι. εἴησαν. ταῦτά τε δὴ 
ἔλεγε καὶ πρὸς τοῖσι τάδε, ὡς οἱ Μιλήσιοι τῶν 
᾿Αθηναίων εἰσὶ ἄποικοι, καὶ οἰκός σφεας εἴη 
ῥύεσθαι δυναμένους μέγα" καὶ οὐδὲν ὅ τι οὐκ 
ὑπίσχετο οἷα κάρτα δεόμενος, ἐς ὃ ἀνέπεισε 
σφέας. πολλοὺς γὰρ οἷκε εἶναι εὐπετέστερον 
διαβάλλειν ῆ ἕνα, εὖ Κλεομένεα μὲν τὸν Λακε- 
δαιμόνιον μοῦνον οὐκ οἷός τε ἐγένετο διαβάλλειν, 
τρεῖς δὲ μυριάδας ᾿Αθηναίων ἐποίησε τοῦτο. 
᾿Αθηναῖοι μὲν δὴ ἀναπεισθέντες ἐψηφίσαντο εἰ- 
κοσι νέας ἀποστεῖλαι Βοηθοὺς Ἴωσι, στρατηγὸν 
ἀποδέξαντες αὐτῶν εἶναι Μελάνθιον ἄνδρα τῶν 
ἀστῶν ἐόντα τὰ πάντα δόκιμον" αὗται δὲ αἱ νέες 
ἀρχὴ κακῶν ἐγένοντο "Ελλησί τε καὶ βαρβάροισι. 

98. 'A ρισταγόρης δὲ προπλώσας καὶ ἀπικόμενος 
ἐς τὴν Μίλητον, ἐξευρὼν βούλευμα ἀπ᾿ οὗ Ἴωσι 
μὲν οὐδεμία ἔμελλε opein ἔσεσθαι, οὐδ᾽ ὧν οὐδὲ 
τούτου εἵνεκα ἐποίεε ἀλλ᾽ ὅκως βασιλέα Δαρεῖον 
λυπήσειε, ἔπεμψε ἐς τὴν Φρυγίην ἄνδρα. ἐπὶ τοὺς 
Παίονας τοὺς ἀπὸ τρυμόνος ποταμοῦ αὐχμα- 
λώτους γενομένους ὑπὸ Μεγαβάξου, οἰκέοντας δὲ 
τῆς Φρυγίης χῶρόν τε καὶ κώμην ἐπ᾽ ἑωυτῶν: ὃς 
ἐπειδὴ ἀπίκετο ἐς τοὺς Παίονας, ἔλεγε τάδε. 
"Ανδρες Παίονες, ἔπεμψέ με ᾿Αρισταγόρης ὁ 
Μιλήτου τύραννος σωτηρίην ὑποθησόμενον t ὑμῖν, 
nv περ βούλησθε πείθεσθαι. νῦν γὰρ Ἰωνίη 
πᾶσα ἀπέστηκε ἀπὸ βασιλέος, καὶ ὑμῖν παρέχει 
σώζεσθαι ἐπὶ τὴν ὑμετέρην αὐτῶν' μέχρι μὲν 


I18 


BOOK V. 97-98 


to the same effect as at Sparta, of the good things 
of Asia, and bow the Persians in war were wont to 
carry neither shield nor spear and could easily be 
overcome. This he said, and added thereto, that 
the Milesians were settlers from Athens, and it was 
but right to save them, being a very wealthy people ; 
and there was nothing that he did not promise in 
the earnestness of his entreaty, till at last he over- 
persuaded them. Truly it would seem that it is 
easier to deceive many than one ; for he could not 
deceive Cleomenes of Lacedaemon, one single man, 
but thirty thousand! Athenians he could. The 
Athenians, then, were over-persuaded, and voted 
the sending of twenty ships in aid of the Ionians, 
appointing for their admiral Melanthius, a citizen of 
Athens in all ways of good repute. These ships 
were the beginning of troubles for Greeks and 
foreigners. . 

98. Aristagoras sailed before the rest; and coming 
to Miletus, he invented a design wherefrom no 
advantage was to accrue to the Ionians (nor indeed 
was that the purpose of his plan, but rather to vex 
king Darius): he sent a man into Phrygia, to the 
Paeonians who had been led captive from the 
Strymon by Megabazus, and now dwelt in a 
Phrygian territory and village by themselves; 
and when the man came to the Paeonians, he 
thus spoke: “ Men of Paeonia, I am sent by Aris- 
tagoras, despot of Miletus, to point you the way to 
deliverance, if you will be guided by bim. All 
Ionia is now in revolt against the king, and you 
have the power to win back safely to your own 


1 But even in the palmiest days of Athens the number of 
voters did not exceed 20,000. 


II9 


HERODOTUS 


[ 3 ^ ο ^ N . , N 4 e ^ 
θαλάσσης αὐτοῖσι ὑμῖν, τὸ δὲ ἆπο τούτου ἡμῖν 
ἤδη μελήσει." ταῦτα δὲ ἀκούσαντες οἱ Παίονες 
κάρτα τε ἀσπαστὸν ἐποιήσαντο καὶ ἀναλαθόντες 
παῖδας καὶ γυναῖκας ἀπεδίδρησκον ἐ ἐπὶ θάλασσαν, 

οἳ δὲ τινὲς αὐτῶν καὶ κατέµειναν ἀρρωδήσαντες 

, ^ 3 / λ e ld 3 / , N ΄ 
αὐτοῦ. ἐπείτε δὲ οἱ Παίονες ἀπίκοντο ἐπὶ θάλασ- 

, ^ 3 / / , ν ν 
σαν, ἐνθεῦτεν ἐς Χίον διέβησαν. ἐόντων δὲ ἤδη 
5 y / b / / , e" 
ἐν Χίῳ, κατὰ πόδας ἐληλύθεε Περσέων ἵππος 

`~ ΄ M / ϱ N , ’ 
πολλὴ διώκουσα τοὺς Παίονας. ὡς δὲ οὐ κατέ- 
λαβον, ἐπηγγέλλοντο ἐς τὴν Χίον τοῖσι Παίοσι 
e A 3 Ld » / ε . / . 
ὅκως ἂν ὀπίσω ἀπέλθοιεν. οἱ δὲ Παίονες τοὺς 

[4 * , 3 , > 3 2 / . ^ 
λόγους οὐκ ἐνεδέκοντο, ἀλλ. ἐκ Χίου μὲν Χῖοι 

/ 
σφέας ἐς Λέσβον ἤγαγον, Λέσβιοι δὲ ἐς Δορίσκον 
ἐκόμισαν, ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ πεζῃ κομιξόμενοι ἀπίκοντο 
ἐς Π αιονίην. 

99. ᾿Αρισταγόρης δέ, ἐπειδὴ, οἵ τε ᾿Αθηναῖοι 
ἀπίκοντο εἴκοσι νηυσί, ἅμα ἀγόμενοι Ἐρετριέων 
πέντε τριήρεας, οἳ οὐ τὴν ᾿Αθηναίων χάριν ἐστρᾶ- 
τεύοντο ἀλλὰ τὴν αὐτῶν Μιλησίων, ὀφειλόμενά 
σφι ἀποδιδόντες" οἱ γὰρ δὴ Μιλήσιοι πρότερον 
τοῖσι ᾿Βρετριεῦσι τὸν πρὸς Χαλκιδέας πόλεμον 
συνδιήνεικαν, ὅτε περ καὶ Χαλκιδεῦσι ἀντία 
᾿Ερετριέων καὶ Μιλησίων Σάμιοι ἐβοήθεον: οὗτοι 
ὧν ἐπείτε σφι. ἀπίκοντο καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι σύμμαχοι 
παρῆσαν, ἐποιέετο στρατηίην ὁ ᾿Αρισταγόρης ἐς 
Σάρδις. αὐτὸς μὲν δὴ οὐκ ἐστρατεύετο ἀλλ. ἔμενε 
ἐν Μιλήτῳ, στρατηγοὺς δὲ ἄλλους ἀπέδεξε Μι. 
λησίων εἶναι, τὸν ἑωυτοῦ τε ἀδελφεὸν Χαροπῖνον 
καὶ τῶν ἀστῶν ἄλλον Ἑρμόφαντον. 

100. ᾿Απικόμενοι δὲ τῷ στόλῳ τούτῳ Ἴωνες ἐς 
Ἔφεσον πλοῖα μὲν κατέλιπον ἐν Kopno τῆς 


120 


BOOK V. 98-100 


country ; this shall be your business as far as the sea, 
and thereafter we will see to it." "The Paeonians 
were right glad when they heard that; some of 
them abode where they were, fearing danger; but 
the rest took their children and women and made 
their flight to the sea. Having come thither, the 
Paeonians crossed over to Chios; and they were 
already there, when a great host of Persian horse 
came hard after them in pursuit. Not being able 
to overtake them, the Persians sent to Chios, 
commanding the Paeonians to return back ; whereto 
the Paeonians would not consent, but were brought 
from Chios by the Chians to Lesbos, and carried by 
the Lesbians to Doriscus; whence they made their 
way by land to Paeonia. 

99. As for Aristagoras, when the Athenians came 
with their twenty ships, bringing with them five 
triremes of the Eretrians (who came to the war 
to please not the Athenians but the Milesians 
themselves, thereby repaying their debt; for ere 
now the Milesians had been the allies of the Ere- 
trians in the war against Chalcis, when the Samians 
came to aid the Chalcidians against the Eretrians 
and Milesians)—when these, then, and the rest 
of the allies had all come, Aristagoras planned 
a march against Sardis. He himself went not 
with the army but stayed still at Miletus, and 
appointed others to be generals of the Milesians, 
namely, his own brother Charopinus, and another 
citizen named Hermophantus. 

100. The Ionians, having with this armament 
come to Ephesus, left their ships at Coresus! in the 


1 A hill (or a part of the town of Ephesus built thereon) 
south of the Cayster. 


I2I 


HERODOTUS 


᾿Εφεσίης, αὐτοὶ δὲ ἀνέβαινον χειρὶ πολλῇ, ποιεύ- 
μενοι Ἐφεσίους ἡγεμόνας τῆς ὁδοῦ. πορευόμενοι 
δὲ παρὰ ποταμὸν Καῦστριον, ἐνθεῦτεν ἐπείτε 
ὑπερβάντες τὸν Ἑμῶλον à ἀπίκοντο, αἱρέουσι Σάρδις 
οὐδενός σφι ἀντιωθέντος, αἱρέουσι δὲ χωρὶς τῆς 
ἀκροπόλιος τἆλλα πάντα" τὴν δὲ ἀκρόπολιν 
ἐρρύετο αὐτὸς ᾿Αρταφρένης ἔχων ἀνδρῶν δύναμιν 
οὐκ ὀλίγην. 

101. To δὲ μὴ λεηλατῆσαι ἑλόντας σφέας τὴν 
πόλιν ἔσχε τόδε. ἦσαν ἐν τῇσι Σάρδισι οἰκίαι 
αἱ μὲν πλεῦνες καλάμιναι, ὅσαι δ᾽ αὐτέων καὶ 
πλίνθιναι ἢ ἦσαν, καλάμου εἶχον τὰς ὀροφάς" του- 
τέων δὴ. μίαν τῶν τις στ ατιωτέων ὡς ἐνέπρησε, 
αὐτίκα ἀπ᾽ οἰκίης ἐπ᾿ οἰκίην ἰὸν τὸ ' πῦρ ἐπενέμετο 
τὸ ἄστυ πᾶν. καιομένου δὲ τοῦ ἄστεος οἱ Λυδοί 
τε καὶ ὅσοι Περσέων ἐ ἐνῆσαν ἐν τῇ πόλι, ἀπολαμ- 
φθέντες πάντοθεν ὥστε τὰ περιέσχατα νεμομένου 
τοῦ πυρός, καὶ οὐκ ἔχοντες ἐξήλυσιν ἐ ἐκ τοῦ ἄστεος, 
συνέρρεον ἔς τε τὴν ἀγορὴν καὶ ἐπὶ τὸν Πακτωλὸν 
ποταμόν, ὅς σφι γῆγμα χρυσοῦ καταφορέων ἐκ 
τοῦ Τμώλου ιὰ μέσης τῆς ἀγορῆς ῥέει καὶ ἔπειτα 
ἐς τὸν Ἔρμον ποταμὸν ἐκδιδοῖ, ὃ δὲ € ἐς θάλασσαν" 
ἐπὶ τοῦτον δὴ | τὸν Πακτωλὸν καὶ ἐς τὴν ἀγορὴν 
ἀθροιξόμενοι οὗ τε Λυδοὶ καὶ οἱ Ηέρσαι ἠναγκά- 
ἕοντο ἀμύνεσθαι. οἱ δὲ Ίωνες ὁρέοντες τοὺς μὲν 
ἀμυνομένους τῶν πολεμίων τοὺς δὲ σὺν πλήθεϊ 
πολλῷ «προσφερομένους, ἐξανεχώρησαν δείσαντες 
πρὸς τὸ ὄρος τὸν Τμῶλον καλεόμενον, ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ 
ὑπὸ νύκτα ἀπαλλάσσοντο ἐπὶ τὰς νέας. 

102. Καὶ Σάρδιες μὲν ἐνεπρήσθησαν, ἐν δὲ 
αὐτῇσι καὶ ἱρὸν ἐπιχωρίης θεοῦ Κυβήβης' τὸ 


122 


BOOK V. 100-102 


Ephesian territory, and themselves marched inland 
with a great host, taking Ephesians to guide them 
on their way. Journeying beside the river Caicus, 
and crossing thence over Tmolus, they came to Sardis 
and took it, none withstanding them; all of it they 
took, save only the citadel, which was held by 
Artaphrenes himself with a great power. 

101. Now this it was that hindered them from 
plundering the city. The greater part of the 
houses in Sardis were of reeds, and as many as 
were of brick, even they had roofs of reeds. So it 
was that when one of these was set afire by a soldier, 
the flames spread from house to house all over 
the whole city. While the city was burning, 
the Lydians and all the Persians that were in the 
citadel, being hemmed in on every side (for the 
fire was consuming the outer parts), and having no 
exit from the city, came thronging into the market- 
place and to the river Pactolus, which flows through 
the market-place carrying down gold dust from 
Tmolus, and issues into the river Hermus as does 
the Hermus into the sea; they assembled in the 
market-place by this Pactolus, and there of necessity 
defended themselves, Lydians and Persians. When 
the Ionians saw some of their enemies defending 
themselves and 4 great multitude of others 
approaching, they were afraid, and drew off out 
of the city to the mountain called Tmolus; whence 
at nightfall they departed to their ships. 

102. So Sardis was burnt,! and therein the temple 
of Cybebe,? the goddess of that country; which 


1 In 498. 
* Or Cybele, the great goddess of the Phrygians and 
Lydians. 


123 


HERODOTUS 


σκηπτόμενοι οἱ Πέρσαι ὕστερον ἀντενεπίμπρασαν 
τὰ ἐν "λλησι ἱρά. τότε δὲ οἱ Πέρσαι οἱ ἐντὸς 
AXvos ποταμοῦ νομοὺς ἔχοντες, προπυνθανόµενοι 
- / ν 2 , ^ ^ 
ταῦτα, συνηλίζοντο καὶ ἐβοήθεον τοῖσι Λυδοῖσι. 
καί κως ἐν μὲν Σάρδισι οὐκέτι ἐόντας τοὺς Ἴωνας 
εὑρίσκουσι, ἑπόμενοι δὲ κατὰ στίβον αἱρέουσι 
WT > 4 3 > / . } /, M e 
Ιὐτοὺς ἐν Εφέσῳ. καὶ ἀντετάχθησαν μὲν οἱ 
, ν N e , N 
αωνες, συμβαλόντες δὲ πολλὸν ἑσσώθησαν. καὶ 
πολλοὺς αὐτῶν οἱ Πέρσαι φονεύουσι ἄλλους τε 
, z 3 . M . 3 , / 
ὀνομαστούς, ἐν δὲ δὴ καὶ Evarxtdnv στρατηγέοντα 
᾿Ερετριέων, στεφανηφόρους τε ἀγῶνας ἀναραιρη- 
κότα καὶ ὑπὸ Σιμωνίδεω τοῦ Κηίου πολλὰ 
αἰνεθέντα' οἳ δὲ αὐτῶν ἀπέφυγον τὴν μάχην, 
ἐσκεδάσθησαν ἀνὰ τὰς πόλιας. 
L4 
103. Τότε μὲν δὴ οὕτω ἠγωνίσαντο. μετὰ δὲ 
^ A 
᾿Αθηναῖοι μὲν τὸ παράπαν ἀπολιπόντες τοὺς 
Ἴωνας, ἐπικαλεομένου σφέας πολλὰ δι ἀγγέλων 
᾿Αρισταγόρεω, οὐκ ἔφασαν τιμωρήσειν σφι’ "loves 
δὲ τῆς ᾿Αθηναίων συμμαχίης στερηθέντες, οὕτω 
γάρ σφι ὑπῆρχε πεποιημένα ἐς Δαρεῖον, οὐδὲν δὴ 
ἧσσον τὸν πρὸς βασιλέα πόλεμον ἐσκευάξοντο. 
πλώσαντες δὲ ἐς τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον Ῥυξάντιόν 
τε καὶ τὰς ἄλλας πόλιας πάσας τὰς ταύτῃ ὑπ᾽ 
ἑωυτοῖσι ἐποιήσαντο, ἐκπλώσαντές τε ἔξω τὸν 
Ἑλλήσποντον .Καρίης τὴν πολλὴν προσεκτή- 
σαντο σφίσι σύμμαχον εἶναι' καὶ γὰρ τὴν Καῦνον 
πρότερον οὐ βουλομένην συμμαχέειν, ὡς ἐνέπρη- 
σαν τὰς Σάρδις, τότε σφι καὶ αὕτη προσεγένετο. 
104. Κύπριοι δὲ ἐθελονταί σφι πάντες προσ- 
εγένοντο πλὴν ᾿Αμαθουσίων' ἀπέστησαν γὰρ καὶ 


124 


BOOK V. 102-104 


burning the Persians afterwards made their pretext 
for burning the temples of Hellas. But, at this 
time, the Persians of the provinces this side! the 
Halys, on hearing of these matters, gathered 
together and came to aid the Lydians. It chanced 
that they found the Ionians no longer at Sardis; 
but following on their tracks they caught them at 
Ephesus. There the Ionians stood arrayed to meet 
them, but were utterly routed in the battle; many 
men of renown among them the Persians put to the 
sword, of whom was Evalcides the general of the 
Eretrians, one that had won crowns as victor in the 
lists and been greatly belauded by Simonides of 
Ceos ; those of the Ionians that escaped from the 
battle fled scattered, each to his city. 

103. Thus for the nonce they fared in their 
fighting. But presently the Athenians wholly 
separated themselves from the Ionians and refused 
to aid them, though Aristagoras sent messages of 
earnest entreaty ; yet the Ionians, though bereft of 
their Athenian allies, did none the less busily carry 
forward their war against the king, so heavily they 
stood committed by what they had done to Darius. 
They sailed to the Hellespont and made Byzantium 
subject to them, and all the other cities of that 
region ; then sailing out from the Hellespont they 
gained to their cause the greater part of Caria; for 
even Caunus, which till then had not willed to be 
their ally, did now join itself to them after the 
burning of Sardis. 

104. The Cyprians did likewise of their own free 
will, all save the people of Amathus; for these too 


| Lit. ‘‘ within”; that is, from the Greek point of view, 
and so west of the Halys. 


125 


HERODOTUS 


οὗτοι ὧδε ἀπὸ Μήδων. ἦν ᾿Ὀνήσιλος Γόργου μὲν 
τοῦ Σαλαμινίων βασιλέος ἀδελφεὸς νεώτερος, 
Χέρσιος δὲ τοῦ Σιρώμου τοῦ Εὐέλθοντος παῖς. 
οὗτος ὦνὴρ πολλάκις μὲν καὶ πρότερον τὸν Γόργον 
παρηγορέετο ἀπίστασθαι ἀπὸ Βασιλέος, τότε δέ, 
ὡς καὶ τοὺς Ἴωνας ἐπύθετο ἀπεστάναι, πάγχυ 
ἐπικείμενος ἐνῆγε: ὡς δὲ οὐκ ἔπειθε τὸν Τό γον, 
ἐνθαῦτά pw φυλάξας ἐξελθόντα τὸ ἄστυ τὸ αλα- 
μινίων ὁ ᾿Ονήσιλος ἅ ἅμα τοῖσι ἑωυτοῦ στασιώτῃσι 
ἀπεκλήισε τῶν πυλέων. Γόργος μὲν δὴ στερηθεὶς 
τῆς πόλιος ἔφευγε ἐς Μήδους, ᾿Ονήσιλος δὲ ἦρχε 
Σαλαμῖνος καὶ ἀνέπειθε πάντας Κυπρίους συναπί- 
στασθαι. τοὺς μὲν δὴ ἄλλους ἀνέπεισε, Ἄμαθου- 
σίους δὲ οὗ βουλομένους οἱ πείθεσθαι ἐπολιόρκεε 
προσκατήμενος. 

105. Ὀνήσιλος μέν νυν ἐπολιόρκεε ᾿Αμαθοῦντα. 
βασιλέι δὲ Δαρείῳ ὡς ἐξαγγέλθη Σάρδις ἁλούσας 
ἐμπεπρῆσθαι ὑπό τε ᾿Αθηναίων καὶ ᾿Ιώνων, τὸν 
δὲ ἡγεμόνα γενέσθαι τῆς συλλογῆς ὥστε ταῦτα 
συνυφανθῆναι τὸν Μιλήσιον ᾿Αρισταγόρην, πρῶτα 
μὲν λέγεται αὐτόν, ὡς ἐπύθετο ταῦτα, Ἰώνων 
οὐδένα λόγον ποιησάμενον, εὖ εἰδότα ὡς οὗτοί γε 
οὐ καταπροΐξονται ἀποστάντες, εἰρέσθαι οἵτινες 
εἶεν οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι, μετὰ δὲ πυθόμενον αἰτῆσαι τὸ 
τόξον, λαβόντα δὲ καὶ ἐπιθέντα δὲ ὀιστὸν ἄνω 
πρὸς τὸν οὐρανὸν ἀπεῖναι, καί μιν ἐς τὸν ἠέρα 
βάλλοντα εἰπεῖν “ Ὢ Ζεῦ, ἐκγενέσθαι μοι ᾿Αθη- 
ναίους τίσασθαι,᾽ εἴπαντα δὲ ταῦτα προστάξαι 
ἑνὶ τῶν θεραπόντων δεύπνου προκειμένου αὐτῷ 
ἐς τρὶς ἑκάστοτε εἰπεῖν “ Δέσποτα, μέμνεο τῶν 
᾿Αθηναίων.” 

100. Προστάξας δὲ ταῦτα εἶπε, καλέσας ἐς 
126 


BOOK V. 104-106 


revolted from the Medes in such manner as I will 
show. There was one Onesilus, a younger brother 
of Gorgus king of the Salaminians,! and son of 
Chersis, who was the son of Siromus, who was 
the son of Evelthon. This man had often before 
counselled Gorgus to revolt from Darius, and now 
when he learnt that the Ionians too had revolted he 
was very instant in striving to move him ; but when 
he could not persuade Gorgus, he and his faction 
waited till his brother had gone out of the city of 
Salamis, and shut him out of the gates. Gorgus 
then having lost his city took refuge with the 
Medes, and Onesilus was king of Salamis and over- 
persuaded all Cyprus to revolt with him, all save the 
Amathusians, who would not consent; and he sat 
down before their city and besieged it. 

105. Onesilus, then, besieged Amathus. But 
when it was told to Darius that Sardis had been 
taken and burnt by the Athenians and Ionians, and 
that Aristagoras the Milesian had been leader of 
the conspiracy for the weaving of this plan, at his 
first hearing of it (it is said) he took no account of 
the Ionians,—being well assured that they of all 
men would not go scatheless for their rebellion,— 
but asked who were the Athenians ; and being told, 
he called for his bow, which he took, and laid an 
arrow on it and shot it into the sky, praying as he 
sent it aloft, “O Zeus, grant me vengeance on the 
Athenians,” and therewithal he charged one of his 
servants to say to him thrice whenever dinner was 
set before him, “ Master, remember the Athenians.” 

106. Having given this charge, he called before 


1 Of Salamis in Cyprus. 


127 


HERODOTUS 


^ e ^ 
ὄψιν Ἱστιαῖον τὸν Μιλήσιον, τὸν 0 Δαρεῖος κατ- 
A , 715 , (κε 4 e ^ 
εἶχε χρόνον ἤδη πολλόν, ' Πυνθάνομαι Ἱστιαῖε 
hy ^ 
ἐπίτροπον τὸν σὀν, TQ σὺ Μίλητον ἐπέτρεψας, 
νεώτερα ἐς ἐμὲ πεποιηκέναι πρήγματα' ἄνδρας 
γάρ μοι ἐκ τῆς ἑτέρης ἠπείρου ἐπαγαγών, καὶ 
Ἴωνας σὺν αὐτοῖσι τοὺς δώσοντας ἐμοὶ δίκην τῶν 
ἐποίησαν, τούτους ἀναγνώσας ἅμα ἐκείνοισι ἔπε- 
σθαι, Σαρδίων µε ἀπεστέρησε. νῦν ὧν κῶς τοι 
ταῦτα φαίνεται ἔχειν καλῶς ; κῶς δὲ ἄνευ τῶν 
σῶν βουλευμάτων τούτων τι ἐπρήχθη ; ὅρα μὴ 
ἐξ ὑστέρης σεωυτὸν ἐν αἰτίῃ σχῆς.᾽ εἶπε πρὸς 
- ε ^ € ^ ^ 9 , yY 
ταῦτα Ἱστιαῖος “ Βασιλεῦ, κοῖον ἐφθέγξαο ἔπος, 
ἐμὲ βουλεῦσαι πρῆγμα ἐκ τοῦ σοί τι ἢ μέγα 1) 
N » hy 9 / r 9 A 
σμικρὸν ἔμελλε λυπηρὸν ἀνασχήσειν; τί ὃ ἂν 
^ ^ M 
ἐπιδιζήμενος ποιέοιµι ταῦτα, τεῦ δὲ ἐνδεὴς ἐών ; 
^ , 
τῷ πάρα μὲν πάντα ὅσα περ σοί, πάντων δὲ πρὸς 
/ ΄ 9 , , e^ , » ν 
σέο βουλευμάτων ἐπακούειν ἀξιεῦμαι. ἀλλ. εἴπερ 
τι τοιοῦτον οἷον σὺ εἴρηκας πρήσσει ὁ ἐμὸς ἐπί- 
τροπος, ἴσθι αὐτὸν ἐπ᾽ ἑωυτοῦ βαλόμενον meron- 
[4 > A \ » 9 \ 9 VA N , 
κέναι. ἀρχὴν δὲ ἔγωγε οὐδὲ ἐνδέκομαι τὸν λόγον, 
ὅκως τι Μιλήσιοι καὶ ὁ ἐμὸς ἐπίτροπος νεώτερον 
/ 
πρήσσουσι περὶ πρήγματα τὰ σά. εἰ Ò ἄρα TL 
"^ ^ ` . ^ PAY 9 s 4 ^ 
τοιοῦτο ποιεῦσι καὶ σὺ τὸ ἐὸν ἀκήκοας ὦ βασιλεῦ, 
4 ^ 
μάθε olov πρῆγμα ἐργάσαο ἐμὲ ἀπὸ θαλάσσης 
ἀνάσπαστον ποιήσας. "Ίωνες γὰρ οἴκασι ἐμεῦ 
9 ? A , e e^ ΄ 
ἐξ ὀφθαλμῶν σφι γενομένου ποιῆσαι τῶν πάλαι 
ο ?" , l4 * A 9 9 , ’ , [4 
ἵμερον εἶχον' ἐμέο δ᾽ ἂν ἐόντος ἐν Ἰωνίῃ οὐδεμία 
’ ^^ 
πόλις ὑπεκίνησε. νῦν ὧν ὡς τάχος ἄπες µε πορευ- 
θῆναι ἐς ᾿Ιωνίην, ἵνα τοι κεῖνά τε πάντα καταρ- 
128 


BOOK V. 106 


him Histiaeus the Milesian, whom Darius had now 
kept for a long while with him, and said: “I learn, 
Histiaeus! that your vicegerent, to whom you gave 
Miletus in charge, has done me strange wrong: he 
has brought men from the mainland overseas, and 
persuaded to follow them certain Ionians,—who 
shall yet pay me the penalty of their deeds,—and 
has robbed me of Sardis. Now, therefore, I ask 
you, how think you that this is well done? And 
how came such things to be done without counsel 
from you? Look well to it, that you have not cause 
to blame yourself hereafter.” Το this Histiaeus 
made answer: “Sire, what is this word that you 
utter—that I and none other should devise a plan 
whence aught great or small was like to arise for 
your hurt? And what then have I to desire, and 
what do I lack, that I should do that? All that you 
have is mine, and I am deemed worthy to hear all 
yourcounsels. Nay, if indeed my vicegerent has any 
such thing in hand as this whereof you speak, be 
well assured that he has acted of his own motion. 
For myself, I cannot even so much as believe the 
report that the Milesians and my vicegerent are 
doing you strange wrong. But if it appears that 
they are so dealing, and it is the truth, O king, that 
you have heard, then I bid you perceive what it was 
that you wrought when you brought me from the 
sea into exile. For it would seem that the Ionians 
have taken occasion by my being removed out of 
their sight to do that whereon their hearts had long 
been set; but had I been in Ionia no city would 
have stirred. Now therefore send me away on my 
journey to Ionia with all speed, that I may bring 
that country to its former peace, and deliver into 

129 

VOL, ΠΠ]. K 


HERODOTUS 


τίσω ἐς τὠυτὸ καὶ τὸν Μιλήτου ἐπίτροπον τοῦτον 
τὸν ταῦτα μηχανησάμενον ἐγχειρίθετον παραδῶ. 
ταῦτα δὲ κατὰ νόον τὸν σὸν ποιήσας, θεοὺς ἐπ- 
όμνυμι τοὺς βασιληίους μὴ μὲν πρότερον ἐκδύ- 
σασθαι τὸν ἔχων κιθῶνα καταβήσομαι ἐ ἐς ᾿Ιωνύην, 
πρὶν ἄν τοι Σ αρδὼ νῆσον τὴν μεγίστην δασμοφό- 
ρον ποιήσω. 

107. Ἱστιαῖος μὲν λέγων ταῦτα διέβαλλε, 
Δαρεῖος δὲ ἐπείθετο καί μιν ἀπίει, ἐντειλάμενος, 
ἐπεὰν τὰ ὑπέσχετό οἱ ἐπιτελέα ποιήσῃ, παρα- 
γίνεσθαί οἱ ὀπίσω ἐς τὰ Σοῦσα. 

108. Ἐν ᾧ δὲ ἡ ἡ ἀγγελίη τε περὶ τῶν Σαρδίων 
παρὰ βασιλέα ἆ ἀνήιε καὶ Δαρεῖος τὰ περὶ τὸ τόξον 
ποιήσας Ἱστιαίῳ ἐς λόγους ἦλθε καὶ Ἱστιαῖος 
μεμετιμένος ὑπὸ Δαρείου ἐκομίξετο ἐπὶ θάλασσαν, 
ἐν τούτῳ παντὶ TQ χρόνῳ ἐγίνετο τάδε. πολιορ- 
κέοντι τῷ Σαλαμινίῳ Ὀνησίλῳ ᾿Αμαθουσίους 
ἐξαγγέλλεται νηυσὶ στρατιὴν πολλὴν ἄγοντα 
Περσικὴν ᾿Αρτύβιον ἄνδρα Πέρσην προσδόκιμον | 
ἐς τὴν Κύπρον εἶναι" πυθόμενος δὲ ταῦτα ο 
Ὀνήσιλος κήρυκας διέπεμπε ἐς τὴν Ἰωνίην 
ἐπικαλεύμενος σφέας, Ἴωνες δὲ οὐκ ἐς μακρὴν 
βουλευσάμενοι ἧκον πολλῷ στόλῳ. Ἴωνές τε δὴ 
παρῆσαν ἐς τὴν Κύπρον καὶ οἱ Πέρσαι νηυσὶ δια- 
βάντες ἐκ τῆς Κιλικίης ἤισαν ἐπὶ τὴν Σαλαμῖνα 
πεζῇ. τῇσι δὲ νηυσὶ οἱ Φοίνικες περιέπλεον τὴν 
ἄκρην αἳ καλεῦνται Κληῖδες τῆς Κύπρου. 

109. Τούτου δὲ τοιούτου γινομένου ἔλεξαν οἱ 
τύραννοι τῆς Κύπρου, συγκαλέσαντες τῶν ᾿Ιώνων 
τοὺς στρατηγούς, τ "Άνδρες ` "Ίωνες, αἵρεσιν ὑμῖν 
δίδομεν ἡμεῖς οἱ Κύπριοι περι σος 


130 


BOOK V. 106-109 


your hands that vicegerent of Miletus who has 
devised all this. Then, when I have done this 
according to your desire, I swear by the gods of 
your kingship! that I will not doff the tunic which 
I wear when I go down to Ionia, ere I make Sardo,? 
the greatest of the isles of the sea, tributary to you.” 

107. Thus spoke Histiaeus, with intent to deceive ; 
and Darius consented and let him go, charging 
Histiaeus to appear before him at Susa when he 
should have achieved what he promised. 

108. Now while the message concerning Sardis 
went up to the king, and Darius, having done as I 
said with his bow, held converse with Histiaeus, and 
Histiaeus being suffered to go by Darius made his 
way to the sea, in all this time matters fell out as I 
shall show. While Onesilus of Salamis was besieging 
the Amathusians, news was brought him that Arty- 
bius, a Persian, was thought to be coming to Cyprus 
with a great Persian host ; learning which, Onesilus 
sent heralds about to Ionia to summon the people, 
and the Ionians after no long deliberation came with 
a great armament. So the Ionians were in Cyprus 
when the Persians, crossing from Cilicia, marched 
to Salamis by land, while the Phoenicians in their 
ships sailed round the headland which is called the 
Keys of Cyprus.? 

. 109. In this turn of affairs, the despots of Cyprus 
assembled the generals of the lonians, and said to 
them: *  Ionians, we Cyprians bid you choose which 


1 Cp. III. 65. In the inscription at Persepolis Darius 
invokes Ormazd and the ‘‘ gods of his race." 

2 Sardinia. . 

3 “The promontory (Cap St. André) at the end of the 
ong tongue of land now ‘the Carpass’” (How and Wells). 


141 
κ 2 


HERODOTUS 


προσφέρεσθαι, ἡ Πέρσῃσι ἢ Φοίνιξι. εἰ μὲν γὰρ 
πεζῇ βούλεσθε ταχθέντες Περσέων διαπειρᾶσθαι, 
ὥρη ἂν εἴη ὑμῖν ἐκβάντας ἐκ τῶν νεῶν τάσσεσθαι 
meth, ἡμέας δὲ ἐς τὰς νέας ἐσβαίνειν τὰς ὑμετέρας 
Φοίνιξι ἀνταγωνιευμένους: εἰ δὲ Φοινίκων μᾶλλον 
Βούλεσθε διαπειρᾶσθαι, ποιέειν χρεόν ἐστι ὑμέας, 
ὁκότερα ἂν δὴ τούτων ἕλησθε, ὅκως τὸ κατ᾽ ὑμέας 
ἔσται ἤ τε ᾿Ιωνίη καὶ ἡ Κύπρος ἐλευθέρη.᾽ εἶπαν 
Ἴ ὃς ταῦτα “΄ Ημέας δὲ ἀπέπεμψε τὸ κοινὸν 
wves πρὸς ταῦτα “' Ημέας δὲ ἀπέπεμ 
τῶν Ἰώνων φυλάξοντας τὴν θάλασσαν, ἀλλ οὖκ 
ἵνα Κυπρίοισι τὰς νέας παραδόντες αὐτοὶ πεζῇ 
Πέρσῃσι προσφερώμεθα. ἡμεῖς μέν νυν ém οὗ 
ἐτάχθημεν, ταύτῃ πειρησόμεθα εἶναι χρηστοί: 
ὑμέας δὲ χρεόν ἐστι ἀναμνησθέντας οἷα ἐπάσχετε 
δουλεύοντες πρὸς τῶν Μήδων, γίνεσθαι ἄνδρας 
ἀγαθούς." 

110. Ἴωνες μὲν τούτοισι ἀμείψαντο' μετὰ δὲ 
ἡκόντων ἐς τὸ πεδίον τὸ Σαλαμινίων τῶν Περσέων, 
διέτασσον οἱ βασιλέες τῶν Κυπρίων, τοὺς μὲν 
ἄλλους Κυπρίους κατὰ τοὺς ἄλλους στρατιώτας 
ἀντιτάσσοντες, Σαλαμινίων δὲ καὶ Σολίων aro- 
λέξαντες τὸ ἄριστον ἀντέτασσον Πέρσῃσι' Αρτυ- 
βίῳ δὲ τῷ στρατηγῷ τῶν Περσέων ἐθελοντὴς 
ἀντετάσσετο Ὀνήσιλος. 

111. Ἠλαυνε δὲ ἵππον ὁ ᾿Αρτύβιος δεδιδαγ- 
μένον πρὸς ὁπλίτην ἵστασθαι ὀρθόν. πυθόμενος 
Qv ταῦτα ὁ Ὀνήσιλος, ἦν γάρ οἱ ὑπασπιστὴς 
γένος μὲν Κὰρ τὰ δὲ πολέμια κάρτα δόκιμος καὶ 
ἄλλως λήματος πλέος, εἶπε πρὸς τοῦτον “ Πυνθά- 
voat τὸν ᾿Αρτυβίου ἵππον ἱστάμενον ὀρθὸν καὶ 
ποσὶ καὶ στόματι κατεργάξεσθαι πρὸς τὸν ἂν 
προσενειχθῇ. σὺ ὧν βουλευσάμενος εἰπὲ αὐτίκα 
132 


BOOK V. 109-111 


you will encounter, the Persians or the Phoenicians. 
For if you will set your army in array on land and 
try conclusions with the Persians, then it is time for 
you to get you out of your ships and array yourselves 
on land, and for us to embark in your ships to 
contend with the Phoenicians; but if you desire 
rather to try conclusions with the Phoenicians, you 
must so act, whichever you choose, that as far as 
in you lies Ionia and Cyprus shall be free." To this 
the Ionians answered, * Nay, we were sent by the 
common voice of Ionia to guard the seas, not to 
deliver our ships to men of Cyprus and encounter 
the Persians on land. We will essay then to bear 
ourselves bravely in the task whereto we were set ; 
and it is for you to prove yourselves valiant men, 
remembering what you suffered when you were 
slaves to the Medians." 

110. Thus answered the Ionians; and presently, 
the Persians being now in the plain of Salamis, the 
Cyprian kings ordered their battle line, arraying the 
chosen flower of the Salaminians and Solians over 
against the Persians and the rest of the Cyprians 
against the rest of the enemy's army ; Onesilus chose 
for himself a place where he had before him Artybius, 
the Persian general. 

111. Now the horse whereon Artybius rode was 
trained to fight with men-at-arms by rearing up. 
Hearing this, Onesilus said to his esquire (who was 
Carian born, of great renown in war, and a valiant 
man ever), *I learn that Artybius' horse rears up 
and kicks and bites to death whomsoever he en- 
counters. Bethink you then and tell me straightway 


133 


HERODOTUS 


ὁκότερον βούλεαι φυλάξας πλῆξαι, εἴτε τὸν ἵππον 
εἴτε αὐτὸν ᾿Αρτύβιον.᾽ εἶπε πρὸς ταῦτα ὁ ὁπάων 
αὐτοῦ “eQ βασιλεῦ, € ἕτοιμος μὲν ἐγώ εἰμι ποιέειν 
καὶ «ἀμφότερα καὶ τὸ .ἕτερον αὐτῶν, καὶ πάντως 
τὸ ἂν σὺ ἐπιτάσσῃς' ὡς μέντοι ἔμοιγε δοκέει εἶναι 
τοῖσι σοῖσι πρήγμασι προσφερέστερον, φράσω. 
βασιλέα μὲν καὶ στρατηγὸν χρεὸν εἶναι φημὶ 
βασιλέι τε καὶ στρατηγῷ προσφέρεσ αι. ἣν τε 
γὰρ κατέλῃς ἄνδρα στρατηγόν, μέγα TOL γίνεται, 
καὶ δεύτερα, ἦν σὲ ἐκεῖνος, τὸ μὴ γένοιτο, ὑπὸ 
ἀξιοχρέου καὶ ἀποθανεῖν ἡ ἡμίσεα συμφορή: ἡμέας 
δὲ τοὺς ὑπηρέτας ἑτέροισί τε ὑπηρέτῃσι προσφέ- 
ρεσθαι καὶ πρὸς ἵππον' τοῦ σὺ τὰς μηχανὰς 
μηδὲν φοβηθῇς" ἐγὼ γάρ τοι ὑποδέκομαι μή μιν 
ἀνδρὸς ἔτι γε μηδενὸς στήσεσθαι ἐ ἐναντίον. 

112. Ταῦτα εἶπε, καὶ μεταυτίκα συνέμισγε τὰ 
στρατόπεδα πεξῇ καὶ νηυσί. νηυσὶ μέν νυν Ίωνες 
ἄκροι γενόμενοι ταύτην τὴν ἡμέρην ὑπερεβάλοντο 
τοὺς Φοίνικας, καὶ τούτων Σάμιοι ἠρίστευσαν' 
πεζῇ δέ, ὡς συνῆλθε τὰ στρατόπεδα, συμπεσόντα 
ἐμάχοντο. κατὰ δὲ τοὺς στρατηγοὺς ἀμφοτέρους 
τάδε ἐ ἐγίνετο' ὡς προσεφέρετο πρὸς τὸν Ὀνήσιλον 
0 ᾿Αρτύβιος ἐπὶ τοῦ ἵππου κατήμενος, ὁ Ὀνή- 
σιλος κατὰ τὰ συνεθήκατο τῷ ὑπασπιστῇ παίει 
προσφερόμενον αὐτὸν τὸν ᾿Αρτύθιον: ἐπιβαλόντος 

È τοῦ ἵππου τοὺς πόδας ἐπὶ τὴν Ὀνησίλου 
ἀσπίδα, ἐνθαῦτα ὁ Κὰρ δρεπάνῳ πλήξας ar- 
αράσσει τοῦ ἵππου τοὺς πόδας. 

118. ᾿Αρτύβιος μὲν δὴ ò στρατηγὸς τῶν llep- 
σέων ὁμοῦ τῷ ἵππῳ πίπτει αὐτοῦ ταύτῃ. payo- 
μένων δὲ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων, Στησήνωρ τύραννος ἐὼν 
Κουρίου προδιδοῦ ἔχων δύναμιν ἀνδρῶν περὶ 
134 


BOOK V. 111-113 


which you will watch and smite, Artybius himself or 
his horse." Το this his henchman answered, “O 
King, ready am I to do either or both, and whatever 
your bidding be, that to do; yet I will tell you what 
I judge to accord best with your state. To my 
mind, it is right that king and general should by 
king and general be encountered. For if you lay 
low a man that is a general, you have achieved a 
great feat; and failing that, if he lay you low (as I 
pray he may not), it is but half the misfortune to be 
slain by a noble foe; and for us that are servants it 
is meet that we fight with servants like ourselves, 
yea, and with that horse; fear not his tricks; for 
I promise you that never again shall he do battle 
with any man." 

112. Thus he spoke; and immediately the mellay 
of the hosts began by land and sea. The Ionian 
shipmen showed surpassing excellence that day, 
and overcame the Phoenicians; among them, the 
Samians were most valorous ; and on land, when the 
armies met, they charged and fought. With the 
two generals it fared as I shall show.  Ártybius 
rode at Onesilus; Onesilus, as he had agreed with 
his esquire, dealt Artybius a blow as he bore down 
upon bim ; and when the horse smote his hoofs on 
Onesilus' shield, the Carian shore away the horse's 
legs with a stroke of his falchion. 

113. Thus and there fell Artybius the Persian 
general, with his horse. While the rest yet fought, 
Stesenor despot of Curium (which is said to be an 


135 


HERODOTUS 


ἑωυτὸν οὐ σμικρήν. οἱ δὲ Κουριέες οὗτοι λέγονται 
εἶναι ᾿Αργείων ἄποικοι. προδόντων δὲ τῶν Κου- 
ριέων αὐτίκα. καὶ τὰ Σαλαμινίων πολεμιστήρια 
ἅρματα τὠυτὸ τοῖσι Κουριεῦσι ἐποίεε. γινομένων 
δὲ τούτων κατυπέρτεροι ἦσαν οἱ Πέρσαι τῶν 
Κυπρίων. τετραμμένου δὲ τοῦ στρατοπέδου ἄλλοι 
τε ἔπεσον πολλοὶ καὶ δὴ καὶ Ὀνήσιλός τε ὁ 
Χέρσιος, ὅ ὃς περ τὴν Κυπρίων ἀπόστασιν ἔπρηξε, 
καὶ ὁ Σολίων βασιλεὺς ᾿Αριστόκυπρος 0 Φιλοκύ- 
πρου, Φιλοκύπρου δὲ τούτου τὸν Σόλων o ᾿Αθη- 
ναῖος ἀπικόμενος ἐς Κύπρον ἐν ἔπεσι αἴνεσε 
τυράννων μάλιστα. 

114. Ὀνησίλου μέν νυν ᾿Αμαθούσιοι, ὅ ὅτι σφέας 
ἐπολιόρκησε, ἀποταμόντες τὴν κεφαλὴν ἐκόμισαν 

ἐς ᾿Αμαθοῦντα καί μιν ἀνεκρέμασαν ὑπὲρ τῶν 
πυλέων' κρεμαμένης δὲ τῆς κεφαλῆς καὶ ἤδη 
ἐούσης κοίλης, ἐσμὸς μελισσέων ἐσδὺς ἐς αὐτὴν 
κηρίων μιν ἐνέπλησε. τούτου δὲ γενομένου τοιού- 
του, ἐχρέωντο yàp. περὶ αὐτῆς οἱ ᾿Αμαθούσιοι, 
ἐμαντεύθη σφι τὴν μὲν κεφαλὴν. κατελόντας 
θάψαι, ᾿Ονησίλφ δὲ θύειν ὡς ἥρωϊ ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος, 
καί σφι ποιεῦσι ταῦτα ἄμεινον συνοίσεσθαι. 

115. ᾿Αμαθούσιοι μέν νυν ἐποίευν ταῦτα καὶ τὸ 
μέχρι ἐμεῦ" Ἴωνες δὲ οἱ ἐν Κύπρῳ ναυμαχήσαντες 
ἐπείτε ἔμαθον τὰ πρήγματα τὰ ᾿Ονησίλου δι- 
εφθαρμένα καὶ τὰς πόλις τῶν Κυπρίων πολιορ- 
κευμένας τὰς ἄλλας πλὴν Σαλαμῖνος, ταύτην δὲ 
Γόργῳ τῷ προτέρῳ βασιλέι τοὺς Σαλαμινίους 
παραδόντας, αὐτίκα μαθόντες οἱ Ἴωνες ταῦτα 
ἀπέπλεον ἐς τὴν Ἰωνίην. τῶν δὲ ἐν Κύπρῳ 
πολίων ἀντέσχε χρόνον ἐπὶ πλεῖστον πολιορκευ- 
μένη Σόλοι,. τὴν πέριξ ὑπορύσσοντες τὸ τεῖχος 
πέμπτῳ μηνὶ εἶλον οἱ Πέρσαι. 

136 


BOOK V. 113-115 


Argive settlement) played the traitor, with his great 
company of men; and at the treachery of the 
Curians the war-chariots of the Salaminians did 
likewise. Thus it was brought about, that the 
Persians gained the upper hand over the Cyprians. 
So the army was routed, and many were there slain ; 
among whom was Onesilus, son of Chersis, who had 
wrought the Cyprian revolt, and the king of the 
Solians, Aristocyprus son of  Philocyprus — that 
Philocyprus whom Solon of Athens, when he came to 
Cyprus, extolled in a poem above all other despots. 

114. As for Onesilus, then, the Amathusians cut 
off his head and brought it to Amathus, where they 
set it aloft above their gates, because he had besieged 
their eity ; and the head being there set aloft, when 
it was hollow a swarm of bees entered it and filled it 
with their cells. On this an oracle was given to the 
Amathusians (for they had enquired concerning the 
matter) that they should take the head down and 
bury it, and offer yearly sacrifice to Onesilus as to a 
hero; so doing (said the oracle) they should fare 
the better. 

115. This the Amathusians did, and have done to 
this day. But when the Ionians of the sea-fight off 
Cyprus learnt that Onesilus' cause was lost, and that 
all the cities of Cyprus were beleaguered save only 
Salamis, which the Salaminians had delivered up to 
their former king Gorgus, straightway at this news 
they made sail away to Ionia. Of the Cyprian cities 
that which longest stood a siege was Soli; the 
Persians took it in the fifth month by digging a 
mine under its walls. 


137 


HERODOTUS 


116. Κύπριοι μὲν δὴ ἐνιαυτὸν ἐλεύθεροι γενό- 
μενοι αὗτις ἐκ νέης κατεδεδούλωντο. Δαυρίσης 
δὲ ἔχων Δαρείου θυγατέρα καὶ Ὑμαίης τε καὶ 
᾿Οτάνης ἄλλοι Πέρσαι στρατηγοί, ἔχοντες καὶ 
οὗτοι Δαρείου θυγατέρας, ἐπιδιώξαντες τοὺς ἐς 
Σάρδις στρατευσαμένους Ιώνων καὶ ἐσαράξαντες 
σφέας ἐς τὰς νέας, τῇ μάχῃ ὡς ἐπεκράτησαν, τὸ 
ἐνθεῦτεν ἐπιδιελόμενοι τὰς πόλις ἐπόρθεον. 

117. Δαυρίσης μὲν τραπόμενος πρὸς τὰς ἐν 
Ἑλλησπόντῳ πόλις εἷλε μὲν Δάρδανον, εἷλε δὲ 
"Αβυδόν τε καὶ Περκώτην καὶ Λάμψακον καὶ 
Παισόν. ταύτας μὲν ἐπ᾽ ἡμέρῃ ἑκάστη aipee, 
ἀπὸ δὲ Παισοῦ ἐλαύνοντί οἱ ἐπὶ Πάριον πόλιν 
ἦλθε ἀγγελίη τοὺς Κᾶρας τὠυτὸ Ἴωσι φρονή- 
σαντας ἀπεστάναι ἀπὸ Περσέων. ἆποστ έψας 
ὧν ἐκ τοῦ Ελλησπόντου ἤλαυνε τὸν στρατὸν ἐπὶ 
τὴν Καρίην. 

118. Kaí κως ταῦτα τοῖσι Καρσὶ ἐξαγγέλθη 
πρότερον ἡ τὸν Δαυρίσην ἀπικέσθαι: πυθόμενοι 
δὲ οἱ Κάρες συνελέγοντο ἐπὶ Λευκάς τε στήλας 
καλεομένας καὶ ποταμὸν Μαρσύην, ὃς ῥέων ἐκ τῆς 
Ἱδριάδος χώρης. ἐς τὸν Μαίανδρον. ἐκδιδοῖ. συλ- 
λεχθέντων δὲ τῶν Καρῶν ἐνθαῦτα ἐ ἐγίνοντο βουλαὶ 
ἄλλαι τε πολλαὶ καὶ ἀρίστη ye δοκέουσα εἶναι 
ἐμοὶ Πιξωδάρου τοῦ Μαυσώλου ἀνδρὸς Κιδυέος, 
ὃς τοῦ Κιλίκων βασιλέος Συεννέσιος εἶχε θυγα- 
τέρα" τούτου τοῦ ἀνδρὸς ἡ 7) γνώμη ἔφερε διαβάντας 
τὸν Μαίανδρον τοὺς Κᾶρας καὶ κατὰ νώτου ἔχον- 
τας τὸν ποταμὸν οὕτω συμβάλλει», ἵ ἵνα μὴ ἔχοντες 
ὀπίσω φεύγειν οἱ Κᾶρες αὐτοῦ τε μένειν ἀναγκα- 
ζόμενοι γινοίατο ἔτι ἀμείνονες τῆς φύσιος. αὕτη 


1 In 497. 
138 


BOOK V. 116-118 


116. So the Cyprians, having won freedom for a 
year, were enslaved once more.! Daurises and 
Hymaees and Otanes, all of them Persian generals 
and married to daughters of Darius, pursued after 
those Ionians who had marched to Sardis, and drove 
them to their ships; after which victory they 
divided the cities among themselves and sacked 
them. 

117. Daurises made for the cities of the Helles- 
pont and took Dardanus, Abydus, Percote, Lamp- 
sacus, and Paesus, each of these on its own day ; 
and as he marched from Paesus against Parius, news 
came to him that the Carians had made common 
cause with the Ionians and revolted from the 
Persians; wherefore he turned aside from the 
Hellespont and marched his army to Caria. 

118. It chanced that news of this was brought to 
the Carians before Daurises’ coming ; and when the 
Carians heard, they mustered at the place called 
the White Pillars, by the river Marsyas ? which flows 
from the region of Idria and issues into the 
Maeander. There they mustered, and many plans 
were laid before them, the best of which, in my 
judgment, was that of Pixodarus of Cindya, son of 
Mausolus (he had to wife the daughter of Syennesis, 
king of Cilicia); the purport of Pixodarus' opinion 
was, that the Carians should cross the Maeander and 
fight with the river at their back, that so being 
unable to flee and compelled to stand their ground 
they might prove themselves even braver than 
nature made them. Yet not this, but another 


2 Modern Tshina; not to be confused with the better 
known Marsyas in Phrygia, also a tributary of the 
Maeander. 


139 


HERODOTUS 


, , 9 7 [4 4 3 N ^ [4 

μέν νυν οὐκ ἐνίκα ἡ γνώμη, ἀλλὰ τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι 

. , / N / a À 
κατὰ νώτου γίνεσθαι τὸν Μαίανδρον μᾶλλον ἡ 
σφίσι, δηλαδὴ ἦν φυγὴ τῶν Περσέων γένηται καὶ 
ἑσσωθέωσι τῇ συμβολῆ, ὡς οὐκ ἀπονοστήσουσι 
ἐς τὸν ποταμὸν ἐσπίπτοντες. 

119. Μετὰ δὲ παρεόντων καὶ διαβάντων τὸν 
Μαίανδρον τῶν Περσέων, ἐνθαῦτα ἐπὶ τῷ Μαρσύῃ 
ποταμῷ συνέβαλόὀν τε τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι οἱ Κᾶρες 
καὶ μάχην ἐμαχέσαντο ἰσχυρὴν καὶ ἐπὶ χρόνον 

[4 , e 4 N ^ 
πολλόν, τέλος δὲ ἑσσώθησαν διὰ πλῆθος. Tep- 

/ A M 3 y ? / ^ 
σέων μὲν δὴ ἔπεσον ἄνδρες ἐς δισχιλίους, Καρῶν 
δὲ ἐς μυρίους. ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ οἱ διαφυγόντες αὐτῶν 

/ , / 3 N / 
κατειλήθησαν ἐς Λάβραυνδα ἐς Διὸς στρατίου 
ἱρόν, μέγα τε καὶ ἅγιον ἄλσος πλατανίστων. μοῦ- 

^ ^ ^ e ld 
νοι δὲ τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν Κᾶρες εἰσὶ of Διὶ στρατίῳ 
θυσίας ἀνάγουσι. κατειληθέντες δὲ ὧν οὗτοι 

^ e 
ἐνθαῦτα ἐβουλεύοντο περὶ σωτηρίης, ὁκότερα ἢ 

, [4 
παραδόντες σφέας αὐτοὺς Πέρσῃσι ἢ ἐκλιπόντες 
τὸ παράπαν τὴν ᾿Ασίην ἄμεινον πρήξουσι. 

120. Βουλευομένοισι δέ σφι ταῦτα παραγίνον- 

ε 
ται βοηθέοντες Μιλήσιοί τε καὶ οἱ τούτων σύμ- 
μαχοι' ἐνθαῦτα δὲ τὰ μὲν πρότερον οἱ Κᾶρες 

, e^ ε 
ἐβουλεύοντο μετῆκαν, of δὲ αὖτις πολεμέειν ἐξ 
ἀρχῆς ἀρτέοντο. καὶ ἐπιοῦσί τε τοῖσι Πέρσησι 
συμβάλλουσι καὶ μαχεσάμενοι ἐπὶ πλέον ἢ 

/ ^ 
πρὀτερον ἑσσώθησαν' πεσόντων δὲ τῶν πάντων 

^ 4 / 3 / 
πολλών μάλιστα Μιλήσιοι ἐπλήγησαν. 

121. Μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο τὸ τρῶμα ἀνέλαβον τε καὶ 
ἀνεμαχέσαντο οἱ Κᾶρες" πυθόμενοι γὰρ ὡς στρα- 

΄ ε 
τεύεσθαι ὁρμέαται οἱ Πέρσαι ἐπὶ τὰς πόλις 

/ / A , / € / 3 M 
σφέων, ἐλόχησαν τὴν ἐν Πηδάσῳ 000v, ἐς τὴν 

, 
ἐμπεσύντες οἱ Πέρσαι νυκτὸς διεφθάρησαν καὶ 
140 


BOOK V. 118-121 


opinion prevailed, to wit, that the Persians and not 
the Cilicians should have the Maeander at their 
back, the intent being that if the Persians were 
worsted in the battle and put to flight they should 
not escape but be hurled into the river. 

119. Presently, when the Persians had come and 
had crossed the Maeander, they and the Carians 
joined battle by the river Marsyas; the Carians 
fought obstinately and long, but at the last they 
were overcome by odds. Of the Persians there fell 
as many as two thousand men, and of the Carians 
ten thousand. "Those of them that escaped thence 
were driven into the precinct of Zeus of Armies at 
Labraunda,! a great and a holy grove of plane-trees. 
(The Carians are the only people known to us who 
offer sacrifices to Zeus by this name.) Being driven 
thither, they took counsel how best to save them- 
selves, whether it were better for them to surrender 
themselves to the Persians or depart wholly away 
from Asia. 

120. But while they took counsel, the Milesians 
and their allies came up to their aid; whereupon the 
Carians put aside their former plans, and prepared 
to wage a new war over again. They met the 
Persian attack and suffered a heavier defeat in the 
battle than the first; many of their whole army fell, 
but the Milesians were hardest stricken, 

121. Yet the Carians rallied and fought again 
after this disaster; for learning that the Persians 
had set forth to march against their cities, they 
beset the road with an ambush at Pedasus, wherein- 
to the Persians fell by night and perished, they and 


1 Site of the cult of a war-god, whose emblem was the 
λάβρυς or battle-axe. 


141 


HERODOTUS 


αὐτοὶ καὶ οἱ στρατηγοὶ αὐτῶν Δαυρίσης καὶ 
᾿Αμόργης καὶ Σισιμάκης' σὺν δέ σφι ἀπέθανε καὶ 

ὕρσος ὁ Γύγεω. τοῦ δὲ λόχου τούτου ἡγεμὼν 
ἦν “Ηρακλείδης Ἰβανώλλιος ἆ ἀνὴρ Μυλασσεύς. 

122. Οὗτοι μέν νυν τῶν Περσέων οὕτω δι- 
εφθάρησαν: Ὑμαίης δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς ἐὼν τῶν ἐπιδιω- 
ξάντων τοὺς ἐς Σάρδις στρατευσαμένους Ιώνων, 
τραπόμενος ἐς τὸν Προποντίδα εἷλε Κίον τὴν 
Μυσίην" ταύτην δὲ ἐξελών, ὡς ἐπύθετο τὸν 
Ἑλλήσποντον ἐκλελοιπέναι Δαυρίσην καὶ στρα- 
τεύεσθαι è ἐπὶ Καρίης, καταλιπὼν τὴν Προποντίδα 
ἐπὶ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον ἦγε τὸν στρατόν, καὶ εἷλε 
μὲν Αἰολέας πάντας ὅσοι τὴν ᾿Ιλιάδα νέμονται, 
εἷλε δὲ Γ έργιθας τοὺς ὑπολειφθέντας τῶν ἀρχαίων 
Τευκρῶν: αὐτός τε Ὑμαίης αἱρέων ταῦτα τὰ 
ἔθνεα νούσῳ τελευτᾷ ἐν τῇ Τρῳάδι. 

128. Οὗτος μὲν δὴ οὕτω ἐτελεύτησε, Apta- 
φρένης δὲ ὁ Σαρδίων ὕπαρχος καὶ Ὀτάνης ὁ 
τρύτος στρατηγὸς ἐτάχθησαν ἐπὶ τὴν Ἰωνίην καὶ 
τὴν προσεχέα Αἰολίδα στρατεύεσθαι. Ἰωνίης 
μέν νυν Κλαξομενὰς αἱρέουσι, Αἰολέων δὲ Κύμην. 

124. Αλισκομενέων δὲ τῶν πολίων, ἦν γὰρ ὡς 
διέδεξε᾽ ᾿Αρισταγόρης ὁ Μιλήσιος ψυχὴν οὐκ 
ἄκρος, ὃς ταράξας τὴν ᾿Ιωνύην καὶ ἐγκερασάμενος 
πρήγματα. μεγάλα δρησμὸν ἐβούλευε ὀρέων ταῦτα" 
πρὸς δέ οἱ καὶ ἀδύνατα ἐφάνη βασιλέα Δαρεῖον 
ὑπερβαλέσθαι: πρὸς ταῦτα δὴ ὧν συγκαλέσας 
τοὺς συστασιώτας ἐβουλεύετο, λέγων. ὡς ἄμεινον 
σφίσι εἴη κρησφύγετόν τι ὑπάρχον εἶναι, ἦν ἄρα 
ἐξωθέωνται ἐ ἐκ τῆς Μιλήτου, εἴτε δὴ ὧν ἐς Σαρδὼ 
ἐκ τοῦ τόπου τούτου ἄγοι ἐς ἀποικίην, εἴτε ἐς 


142 


ΒΟΟΚ V. 121-124 


their generals, Daurises and Amorges and Sisimaces ; 
and with these fell also Myrsus, son of Gyges. The 
captain of this ambuscade was Heraclides of Mylasas, 
son of Ibanollis. 

122. Thus did these Persians perish. Hymaees, 

who had also been one of those who pursued after 
the Ionians who marched on Sardis, turned now to- 
wards the Propontis, and there took Cius in Mysia ; 
having subdued which, when he heard that Daurises 
had left the Hellespont and was marching towards 
Caria, he left the Propontis and led his army to the 
Hellespont, and made himself master of all the 
Aeolians that dwell in the territory of Ilium, and of 
the Gergithae, who are all the remnant that is left 
of the ancient Teucri; but while he was conquering 
these nations, Hymaees himself died of a sickness in 
the Troad. 
. 123. So he died there ; and Artaphrenes, viceroy 
of Sardis, and Otanes, the third general, were 
appointed to lead the army against Ionia and the 
Aeolian territory on its borders. They took Clazo- 
menae in Ionia, and in Aeolia Cyme. 

124. Aristagoras the Milesian was a man of no 
high courage, as he plainly showed; for after he 
had troubled Ionia and thrown all into dire con- 
fusion, when he saw what he had done he began to 
bethink himself of flight ; and moreover it seemed 
to him to be impossible to overcome Darius; where- 
fore, while the cities were being taken, he called his 
fellow-rebels together and took counsel with them, 
saying that it was best for them to have some place 
of refuge provided, if they should be thrust out of 
Miletus; and questioning whether he should lead 
them thence to a settlement in Sardo, or Myrcinus 


143 


HERODOTUS 


Μύρκινον τὴν Ἠδωνῶν, τὴν Ἱστιαῖος ἐτείχεε 
παρὰ Δαρείου δωρεὴν λαβών. ταῦτα ἐπειρώτα 
ὁ ᾿Αρισταγόρης. 

195. Ἑκαταίου μέν͵ νυν τοῦ Ἡγησάνδρου, 
ἀνδρὸς λογοποιοῦ, τουτέων μὲν ἐς οὐδετέρην στέλ- 
λειν ἔφερε ἡ γνώμη, ἐν | Λέρῳ δὲ τῇ νήσῳ τεῖχος 
οἶκο μησάμενον ἡσυχίην ἆγειν, ἦν ἐκπέσῃ ἐκ 
τῆς Μιλήτου: ἔπειτα δὲ ἐκ ταύτης ὁρμώμενον 
κατελεύσεσθαι és τὴν Μίλητον. 

126. Ταῦτα μὲν δὴ “Ἑκαταῖος συνεβούλευε, 
αὐτῷ δὲ ᾿Αρισταγόρῃ 7 πλείστη γνώμη ἣν ἐς 
τὴν Μύρκινον ἀπάγειν. τὴν μὲν δὴ Μίλητον 
ἐπιτράπει Πυθαγόρῃ. ἀνδρὶ τῶν ἀστῶν δοκίμῳ, 
αὐτὸς δὲ παραλαβὼν πάντα τὸν βουλόμενον 
ἔπλεε ἐς τὴν Θ ηίκην, καὶ ἔσχε τὴν χώρην ἐπ᾽ 
ἣν ἐστάλη! ἐκ i ταύτης ὁρμώμενος ἀπόλλυται 
ὑπὸ Θρηίκων αὐτός τε ὁ ᾿Αρισταγόρης καὶ ὁ 
στρατὸς αὐτοῦ, πόλιν περικατήμενος καὶ βουλο- 
μένων τῶν Θρηίκων ὑποσπόνδων ἐξιέναι. 


144 


BOOK V. 124-126 


in Edonia, which Histiaeus had received as a gift from 
Darius and fortified. Thus questioned Aristagoras. 

125. Hecataeus the historian, son of Hegesander, 
inclined to the opinion that they should set forth to 
neither of these places, but that Aristagoras should 
build him a fortress in the island of Leros and there 
abide, if he were driven from Miletus; and after- 
wards he might set out from thence and return to 
Miletus. 

190. Such was the counsel of Hecataeus, but 
Aristagoras himself deemed it best to take his 
departure for Myrcinus. So he entrusted Miletus 
to Pythagoras, a citizen of repute, and himself 
sailed to Thrace with any that would follow him, 
and took possession of the place whither he had set 
out; and issuing from thence he was put to the 
sword by the Thracians, he and his army, while he 
beleaguered a town, even though the Thracians 
were ready to depart from it under treaty. 


145 
VOL. III L 


BOOK νι 


L 2 


Z 


1. ᾽Αρισταγόρης μέν vvv Ἰωνίην ἀποστήσας 
ο e^ e ^ . [4 / 
οὕτω τελευτᾷ. “Ἱστιαῖος δὲ ὁ Μιλήτου τύραννος 
μεμετιμένος ὑπὸ Δαρείου παρῆν ἐς Σάρδις" ἀπιγ- 
μένον δὲ αὐτὸν ἐκ τῶν Σούσων εἴρετο ᾿Αρταφρένης 
ε ^ 
0 Σαρδίων ὕπαρχος κατὰ κοῖόν τι δοκέοι "ovas 
, / » , Ww , , / A 
ἀπεστάναι. ὃ δὲ οὔτε εἰδέναι ἔφη ἐθώμαξέ τε τὸ 
γεγονός, ὡς οὐδὲν δῆθεν τῶν παρεόντων πρηγμά- 
των ἐπιστάμενος. ὁ δὲ ᾿Αρταφρένης ὀρέων αὐτὸν 
τεχνάζοντα εἶπε, εἰδὼς τὴν ἀτρεκείην τῆς amro- 
στάσιος, ' Οὕτω τοι Ἱστιαῖε ἔχει κατὰ ταῦτα τὰ 
’ - 
πρήγματα' τοῦτο τὸ ὑπόδημα ἔρραψας μὲν σύ, 
ὑπεδήσατο δὲ ᾿Αρισταγόρης." 
9 ^ 
2. ᾿Αρταφρένης μὲν ταῦτα ἐς τὴν ἀπόστασιν 
ἔχοντα εἶπε. Ἱστιαῖος δὲ δείσας ὡς συνιέντα Apra- 
φρένεα ὑπὸ τὴν πρώτην ἐπελθοῦσαν νύκτα ἀπέδρη 
Σιν / / ^ 3 ΄ ^ 
ἐπὶ θάλασσαν, βασιλέα Δαρεῖον ἐξηπατηκώς: ὃς 
Σαρδὼ νῆσον τὴν μεγίστην ὑποδεξάμενος κατεργά- 
σασθαι ὑπέδυνε τῶν ᾿Ιώνων τὴν ἡγεμονίην τοῦ 
* ^ 
πρὸς Δαρεῖον πολέμου. διαβὰς δὲ ἐς Χίον ἐδέθη 
N ^ 
ὑπὸ Χίων, καταγνωσθεὶς πρὸς αὐτῶν νεώτερα 
, 
πρήσσειν πρήγματα ἐς αὐτοὺς ἐκ Δαρείου. μα- 
/ ^ 
ὄντες μέντοι ot Χῖοι τὸν πάντα λόγον, ὡς 
/ 5 / Ww , [4 
πολέμιος εἴη βασιλέι, ἔλυσαν αὐτὸν. 


148 


BOOK VI 


1. Tuis was the end of Aristagoras, after he had 
brought about the Ionian revolt. But Histiaeus, 
the despot of Miletus, being let go by Darius, 
arrived in Sardis. When he came thither from 
Susa, Artaphrenes the governor of Sardis asked him 
for what reason he supposed the Ionians to have 
rebelled; Histiaeus said that he did not know, and 
that he marvelled at what had happened; pretend- 
ing to have no knowledge of the present troubles. 
But Artaphrenes saw that he dissembled, and said, 
speaking out of his exact knowledge of the story of 
the revolt: *I will tell you, Histiaeus, the truth of 
this business: it was you that stitched this shoe, and 
Aristagoras that put it on." 

2. Thus said Artaphrenes regarding the revolt; 
and Histiaeus, affrighted by Artaphrenes’ under- 
standing of the matter, fled at the next nightfall to 
the sea; for he had deceived Darius, promising to 
subdue Sardo, the greatest of the islands, with 
secret intent to make himself leader of the Ionians 
in their war against Darius. Crossing over to Chios, 
he was taken and bound by the Chians, they judging 
him to be sent by Darius to do them some mischief ; 
howbeit when they learnt the whole story of his 
enmity to the king they set him free. 


149 


HERODOTUS 


3. ᾿Ενθαῦτα δὴ. εὐρωτώμενος ὑπὸ τῶν ᾿Ιώνων 
ὁ Ἱστιαῖος κατ ὅ τι προθύμως οὕτω ἐπέστειλε 
τῷ ᾿Αρισταγόρῃ ἀπίστασθαι ἀπὸ βασιλέος καὶ 
κακὸν τοσοῦτον εἴη Ἴωνας ἐξεργασμένος, τὴν μὲν 
γενομένην αὐτοῖσι αἰτίην οὐ μάλα ἐξέφαινε, ὃ δὲ 
ἔλεγέ σφι ὡς Βασιλεὺς Δαρεῖος ἐβουλεύσατο 
Φοίνικας μὲν ἐξαναστήσας. ἐν τῇ. levi κατοικί- 
σαι, Ἴωνας δὲ ἐν τῇ Φοινίκῃ, καὶ τούτων εἵνεκα 
ἐπιστείλειε. οὐδέν τι πάντως ταῦτα βασιλέος 
βουλευσαμένου ἐδειμάτου τοὺς Ἴωνας. 

4. Μετὰ δὲ ὁ Ἱστιαῖος δι ἀγγέλου ποιεύμενος 
Ἑρμίππου ἀνδρὸς. ᾿Αταρνίτεω τοῖσι ἐν Σάρδισι 
ἐοῦσι Περσέων ἔπεμπε βυβλία, ὡς προλελε- 
σχηνευμένων αὐτῷ. ἀποστάσιος πέρ. ὁ δὲ 

""ρμιππος πρὸς τοὺς μὲν ἀπεπέμφθη οὗ διδοῖ, 
φέρων δὲ ἐνεχείρισε τὰ βυβλία Apraó évei’ ὃ δὲ 
μαθὼν πᾶν τὸ γινόμενον ἐκέλευε τὸν "Ερμιππον 
τὰ μὲν παρὰ τοῦ Ἱστιαίου δοῦναι «φέροντα τοῖσί 
περ ἔφερε, τὰ δὲ ἀμοιβαῖα τὰ παρὰ τῶν Περσέων 
ἀντιπεμπόμενα Ἱστιαίῳ ἑωντῷ δοῦναι. τούτων 
δὲ γενομένων φανερῶν ἀπέκτεινε ἐνθαῦτα πολλοὺς 
Περσέων ὁ ᾿Αρταφρένης. 

δ. Περὶ Σάρδις μὲν δὴ ἐγίνετο ταραχή. Ἶσ- 
τιαῖον δὲ ταύτης ἀποσφαλέντα τῆς ἐλπίδος Χῖοι 
κατῆγον ἐς Μίλητον, αὐτοῦ Ἱστιαίου δεηθέντος. 
οἱ δὲ Μιλήσιοι, ἄσμενοι ἁπαλλαχθέντες καὶ 
᾿Αρισταγόρεω, οὐδαμῶς πρόθυμοι ἦσαν ἄλλον 
τύραννον δέκεσθαι ἐς τὴν χώρην, οἷα ἐλευθερίης 
γευσάμενοι. καὶ δὴ νυκτὸς γὰρ ovens Bin 
ἐπειρᾶτο κατιὼν ὁ Ἱστιαῖος ἐς τὴν Μίλητον, 
τιτρώσκεται τὸν μηρὸν ὑπό Tev τῶν Μιλησίων. 
ὃ μὲν δὴ ὡς ἀπωστὸς τῆς ἑωυτοῦ γίνεται, ar- 


150 


BOOK VI. 3-5 


3. Then Histiaeus was asked by the Ionians, why 
he had so zealously charged Aristagoras to revolt 
from the king and done the Ionians so great harm; 
the true reason he did by no means reveal to them, 
but told them instead that king Darius had planned 
to remove the Phoenicians and settle them in Ionia, 
and the Ionians in Phoenice; for this reason, he 
said, he had sent the charge. No such plan had 
the king made; but Histiaeus would affright the 
Ionians. 

4. Presently  Histiaeus, using for messenger 
Hermippus, a man of Atarneus, sent letters to the 
Persians at Sardis; this he did, because they had 
ere now held converse with him about revolt. But 
Hermippus gave not these letters to those to whom 
he was sent, and carried and delivered them to 
Artaphrenes instead. Artaphrenes, learning all that 
was afoot, bade Hermippus carry Histiaeus' letters 
to those for whom he was bringing them, and give 
him those which the Persians sent in answer to 
Histiaeus. Thus these men became known to 


Artaphrenes, and he put many Persians there and 
then to death. | 

5. So troubles arose in Sardis. Histiaeus being 
disappointed of this hope, the Chians brought him 
back to Miletus, at his own entreaty. But the 
Milesians were glad enough to be rid of Aristagoras 
himself, and had no wish to receive another despot 
into their country, now that they had tasted of 
freedom; and when Histiaeus essayed by night to 
force his way into Miletus, he was wounded by a 
Milesian in the thigh. So, being thrust out from 


151 


HERODOTUS 


ικνέεται ὀπίσω ἐς τὴν Χίον: ἐνθεῦτεν δέ, οὐ γὰρ 
ἔπειθε τοὺς Χίους ὥστε ἑωυτῷ δοῦναι νέας, διέβη 
ἐς Μυτιλήνην καὶ ἔπεισε Λεσβίους δοῦναί οἱ 
νέας. οἳ δὲ πληρώσαντες ὀκτὼ τριήρεας ἔπλεον 
ἅμα Ἱστιαίῳ ἐς Βυζάντιον, ἐνθαῦτα δὲ ἱξόμενοι 
τὰς ἐκ τοῦ Πόντου ἐκπλεούσας τῶν νεῶν ἐλάμ- 
βανον, πλὴν ἢ ὅσοι αὐτῶν Ἱστιαίῳ ἔφασαν 
ἕτοιμοι εἶναι πείθεσθαι. 

6. Ἱστιαῖος μέν νυν καὶ Μυτιληναῖοι ἐποίευν 
ταῦτα. ἐπὶ δὲ Μίλητον αὐτὴν ναυτικὸς πολλὸς 
καὶ πεξὸς ἦν στρατὸς προσδόκιμος" συστραφέντες 
yàp οἱ στρατηγοὶ τῶν Περσέων καὶ ἓν ποιήσαντες 
στρατόπεδον ἤλαυνον ἐπὶ τὴν Μίλητον, τἆλλα 
πολίσματα περὶ ἐλάσσονος ποιησάμενοι. τοῦ δὲ 
ναυτικοῦ Φοίνικες μὲν ἦσαν προθυμότατοι, συνε- 
στρατεύοντο δὲ καὶ Κύπριοι νεωστὶ κατεστραμ- 
μένοι καὶ Κίλικές τε καὶ Αἰγύπτιοι. 

7. Ot μὲν én ἐπὶ τὴν Μίλητον καὶ τὴν ἄλλην 
Ἰωνίην ἐστρατεύοντο, Ἴωνες δὲ πυνθανόµενοι 
ταῦτα ἔπεμπον προβούλους σφέων αὐτῶν ἐς 
Πανιώνιον. ἀπικομένοισι δὲ τούτοισι ἐς τοῦτον 
τὸν χῶρον καὶ βουλευομένοισι ἔδοξε πεξὸν μὲν 
στρατὸν μηδένα συλλέγειν ἀντίξοον Πέρσῃσι, ἀλλὰ 
τὰ τείχεα ῥύεσθαι αὐτοὺς Μιλησίους, τὸ δὲ ναυτι- 
κὸν πληροῦν ὑπολιπομένους μηδεμίαν τῶν νεῶν, 
πληρώσαντας δὲ συλλέγεσθαι τὴν ταχίστην ἐς 
Λάδην προναυμαχήσοντας τῆς Μιλήτου. ἡ δὲ 
Λάδη ἐ ἐστὶ νῆσος μικρὴ ἐπὶ τῇ πόλι τῇ Μιλησίων 
κειμένη. 

8. Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα πεπληρωμένῃσι τῇσι νηυσὶ 
παρῆσαν οἱ Ἴωνες, σὺν δέ σφι καὶ Αἰολέων ὅ ὅσοι 
τὴν Λέσβον νέμονται. ἐτάσσοντο δὲ ὧδε. τὸ μὲν 
152 


BOOK VI. 5-8 


his own city, he went back to Chios; and there, 
when he could not persuade the Chians to give him 
ships, he crossed over to Mytilene and strove to 
persuade the Lesbians to give him ships. They 
manned eight triremes, and sailed with Histiaeus to 
Byzantium ; there they encamped, and seized all the 
ships that were sailing out of the Euxine, save when 
the crews consented to serve Histiaeus. 

6. Such were the doings of Histiaeus and the 
Mytilenaeans. As regards Miletus itself, there was 
expectation of a great fleet and army coming against 
it; for the Persian generals had joined their power 
together and made one host, which they led against 
Miletus, taking less account of the other fortresses. 
Of the fleet, the Phoenicians were the most eager 
to fight, and there came with them to the war 
the newly subdued Cyprians, and the Cilicians and 
Egyptians. 

7. These then coming to attack Miletus and the 
rest of Ionia, the Ionians, when they had word of it, 
sent men of their own to take counsel for them in 
the Panionium.! These, when they came to that 
place and there consulted, resolved to raise no land 
army to meet the Persians, but to leave the 
Milesians themselves to defend their walls, and to 
man their fleet to the last ship and muster with all 
speed at Lade, there to fight for Miletus at sea. - 
This Lade is an islet lying off the city of Miletus. 

8. The Ionians came presently thither with their 
ships manned, and as many Aeolians with them as 
dwell in Lesbos. And this was their order of 


1 Cp. I. 148. 
153 


HERODOTUS 


πρὸς τὴν ἠῶ εἶχον κέρας αὐτοὶ Μιλήσιοι, νέας 
παρε όμενοι ὀγδώκοντα: εἴχοντο δὲ τούτων Πριη- 
νέες Ἐνώδεκα νηυσὶ καὶ Μυήσιοι τρισὶ νηυσί, 
Μυησίων δὲ Τήιοι εἴχοντο ἑπτακαίδεκα νηυσί, 
Τηίων δὲ εἴχοντο Χῖοι ἑκατὸν νηυσί πρὸς δὲ 
τούτοισι ᾿Ερυθραῖοί τε ἐτάσσοντο καὶ Φωκαέες, 
᾿Ερυθραῖοι μὲν ὀκτὼ νέας παρεχόμενοι, Φωκαέες 
δὲ τρεῖς Φωκαέων δὲ εἴχοντο Λέσβιοι | νηυσὶ 
ἑβδομήκοντα. τελευταῖοι δὲ ἐτάσσοντο ἔχοντες 
τὸ πρὸς ἑσπέρην κέρας Σάμιοι ἑξήκοντα νηυσί. 
πάντων δὲ τούτων 0 σύμπας .ἀριθμὸς ἐγένετο 
τρεῖς καὶ πεντήκοντα καὶ τριηκόσιαι τριήρεες. 

9. Αὗται μὲν ᾿Ιώνων ἦσαν, τῶν δὲ Βαρβάρων 
τὸ πλῆθος τῶν νεῶν ἦσαν ἑξακόσιαι. ὡς δὲ καὶ 
αὗται ἀπίκατο πρὸς τὴν Μιλησίην καὶ ὁ πεξός 
σφι ἅπας παρῆν, ἐνθαῦτα οἱ Περσέων στρατηγοὶ 
πυθόμενοι τὸ πλῆθος τῶν Ἰάδων νεῶν καταρ- 
ρώδησαν μὴ οὐ δυνατοὶ γένωνται ὑπερβαλέσθαι, 
καὶ οὕτω οὔτε τὴν Μίλητον οἷοί τε ἔωσι ἐξελεῖν 
μὴ οὐκ ἐόντες ναυκράτορες, πρός τε Δαρείου κιν- 
δυνεύσωσι κακὸν τι λαβεῖν. ταῦτα ἐπιλεγόμενοι, 
συλλέξαντες τῶν ᾿]ώνων τοὺς τυράννους, of ὑπ᾽ 
᾿Αρισταγόρεω μὲν τοῦ Μιλησίου καταλυθέντες 
τῶν ἀρχέων ἔφευγον ἐς Μήδους, ἐτύγχανον δὲ 
τότε συστρατευόμενοι ἐπὶ τὴν Μίλητον, τούτων 
τῶν ἀνδρῶν τοὺς παρεόντας συγκαλέσαντες 
ἔλεγόν σφι τάδε. “' "Ανδρες Ἴωνες, νῦν τις ὑμέων 
εὖ ποιήσας φανήτω τὸν βασιλέος οἶκον' τοὺς 
γὰρ ἑωυτοῦ ἕκαστος ὑμέων πολιήτας πειράσθω 
ἀποσχίξων ἀπὸ τοῦ λοιποῦ συμμαχικοῦ. προ- 
ἴσχόμενοι δὲ ἐπαγγείλασθε τάδε, ὡς πείσονταί τε 
ἄχαρι οὐδὲν διὰ τὴν ἀπόστασιν, οὐδέ σφι οὔτε 


154 


BOOK VI. 8-9 


battle :—-The Milesians themselves had the eastern 
wing, bringing eighty ships; next to them were 
the men of Priene with twelve ships, and they of 
Myus with three; next to the men of Myus were 
the men of Teos with seventeen ships; next to 
these the Chians with a hundred ; near these in the 
line were the Erythraeans, bringing eight ships, and 
the Phocaeans with three, and next to these the 
Lesbians with seventy; last of all in the line were 
the Samians, holding the western wing with sixty 
ships. All these together attained to the number of 
three hundred and fifty-three triremes. 

9. These were the Ionian ships; the ships of the 
foreigners were six hundred. Now these, too, being 
come to the Milesian shore, and all their land power 
being there, the Persian generals, when they learnt 
the number of the Ionian ships, began to fear lest 
they should be too weak to overcome the Greeks, 
and thereby, if they had not the mastery of the sea, 
should fail of taking Miletus and peradventure be 
evilly entreated by Darius. Having this in mind, 
they assembled the despots of the Ionians, who had 
been deposed from their governments by Aristagoras 
of Miletus and had fled to the Medes, and were now 
as it chanced with the army that was led against 
Miletus; they assembled, I say, as many of these as 
were with them, and thus they addressed them: 
* Men of Ionia, let each one of you now show that 
he has done good service to the king's house; let 
every one of you essay severally to separate his own 
countrymen from the rest of the allied power. Set 
this before them, and promise withal, that they shall 
suffer no hurt for their rebellion, and that neither 


155 


HERODOTUS 


τὰ ἱρὰ οὔτε τὰ ἴδια ἐ ἐμπεπρήσεται, οὐδὲ βιαιότερον 
ἕξουσι οὐδὲν ἡ ἢ πρότερον εἶχον. εἰ δὲ ταῦτα μὲν 
οὐ ποιήσουσι, οἳ δὲ πάντως διὰ μάχης. ἐλεύσονται, 
τάδε ἤδη σφι λέγετε ἐπηρεάξοντες, τά περ σφέας 
κατέξει, ὡς ἑσσωθέντες τῇ μάχῃ ἐξανδραπο- 
διεῦνται, καὶ ὡς σφέων τοὺς παῖδας ἐκτομίας 
ποιήσομεν, τὰς δὲ παρθένους ἀνασπάστους ἐς 
Βάκτρα, καὶ ὡς τὴν χώρην ἄλλοισι παραδώ- 
σομεν. 

10. Οἳ μὲν δὴ ἔλεγον τάδε. τῶν δὲ Ἰώνων οἱ 
τύραννοι διέπεμπον νυκτὸς ἕκαστος ἐς τοὺς ἑωυτοῦ 
ἐξαγγελλόμενος. οἱ δὲ "Ίωνες, ἐς τοὺς καὶ dr- 
ἵκοντο αὗται αἱ ἀγγελίαι, ἀγνωμοσύνῃ τε διεχρέων- 
το καὶ οὐ προσίεντο τὴν προδοσίην" ἑωυτοῖσι δὲ 
ἕκαστοι ἐδόκεον μούνοισι ταῦτα τοὺς Πέρσας 
ἐξαγγέλλεσθαι. 

11. Ταῦτα μέν νυν ἰθέως ἀπικομένων ἐς τὴν 
Μίλητον τῶν Περσέων ἐγίνετο’ μετὰ δὲ τῶν 
Ιώνων συλλεχθέντων ἐς τὴν Λάδην ἐγίνοντο 
ἀγοραί, καὶ δή κού σφι καὶ ἄλλοι ἠγορόωντο, 
ἐν δὲ δὴ καὶ o Φωκαεὺς στρατηγὸς Διονύσιος 
λέγων τάδε. «Eri ξυροῦ γὰρ, ἀκμῆς ἔχεται ἡμῖν 
τὰ πρήγματα, ἄνδρες Ἴωνες, ἢ εἶναι ἐλευθέροισι 
ἢ δούλοισι, καὶ τούτοισι ὡς δρηπέτῃσι' νῦν ὧν 
ὑμεῖς ἦν μὲν βούλησθε ταλαιπωρίαξ ἐνδέκεσθαι, 
τὸ παραχρῆμα μὲν πόνος ὑμῖν ἔσται, οἷοί τε δὲ 
ἔσεσθε ὑπερβαλόμενοι τοὺς ἐναντίους εἶναι ἐλεύ- 
θεροι' εἰ δὲ μαλακίῃ τε καὶ ἀταξίῃ διαχρήσησθε, 
οὐδεμίαν ὑμέων ἔχω ἐλπίδα μὴ οὐ δώσειν ὑμέας 
δίκην βασιλέι. τῆς. ἀποστάσιος. ἀλλ᾽ ἐμοί τε 
πείθεσθε καὶ ἐμοὶ ὑμέας αὐτοὺς ἐπιτρέψατε' καὶ 
ὑμῖν ἐγώ, θεῶν τὰ ἴσα νεμόντων, ὑποδέκομαι ἢ 
156 


BOOK VI. 9-11 


their temples shall be burnt nor their houses, nor 
shall they in any regard be more violently used than 
aforetime. But if they will not be so guided, and 
nothing will serve them but fighting, then utter a 
threat that shall put constraint upon them, and tell 
them that if they are worsted in battle they shall be 
enslaved; we will make eunuchs of their boys, and 
carry their maidens captive to Bactra, and deliver 
their land to others." 

10. Thus said the generals; the Ionian despots 
sent their messages by night, each to his own 
countrymen; but the Jonians to whom these 
messages did indeed come were stubborn and would 
have none of the treachery, each part thinking that 
the Persians made this offer to it alone. 

11. This befel immediately after the Persians’ 
coming to Miletus. Presently, the Ionians being 
gathered at Lade, assemblies of them were held; 
among those whom I suppose to have addressed 
them were Dionysius the Phocaean general, who 
spoke thus: ‘Our cause, Ionians, stands on the 
very razor-edge of decision whether we be freemen 
or slaves, yea, runaway slaves; now therefore if 
you consent to endure hardness, you will have toil 
for the present time, but it will be in your power to 
overcome your enemies and gain freedom; but if 
you will still be slothful and disorderly, I see nothing 
that can save you from being punished by the king 
for your rebellion. Nay, do you take my word, and 
entrust yourselves to me; and I promise you that 
(if heaven deal fairly with us) either our enemies 


157 


HERODOTUS | 


ov συμμίξειν τοὺς πολεμίους ἢ συμμίσγοντας 
πολλὸν ἐλασσωθήσεσθαι.” 

12. Ταῦτα ἀκούσαντες οἱ Ἴωνες ἐπιτράπουσι 
σφέας αὐτοὺς τῷ Διονυσίῳ. ὃ δὲ ἀνάγων ἑκάστοτε 
ἐπὶ κέρας τὰς νέας, ὅκως τοῖσι ἐρέτῃσι χρήσαιτο 
διέκπλοον ποιεύμενος τῇσι νηυσὶ δι ἀλληλέων 
καὶ τοὺς ἐπιβάτας ὁπλίσειε, τὸ λοιπὸν τῆς ἡμέρης 
τὰς νέας ἔχεσκε ἐπ᾽ ἀγκυρέων, παρεῖχέ τε τοῖσι 
Ἴωσι πόνον δι ἡμέρης. μέχρι μέν νυν ἡμερέων 
ἑπτὰ ἐπείθοντό τε καὶ ἐποίευν τὸ κελευόμενον: 
τῇ δὲ ἐπὶ ταύτῃσι οἱ Ἴωνες, οἷα ἀπαθέες ἐόντες 
πόνων τοιούτων τετρυμένοι τε ταλαιπωρίησί τε 
καὶ ἡλίῳ, ἔλεξαν πρὸς ἑωυτοὺς τάδε. “Tiva 
δαιμόνων παραβάντες τάδε ἀναπίμπλαμεν; οἵτινες 
παραφρονήσαντες καὶ ἐκπλώσαντες ἐκ τοῦ νόου 
ἀνδρὶ Φωκαέι ἀλαξόνι, παρεχομένῳ νέας τρεῖς, ἐπι- 
τρέψαντες ἡμέας αὐτοὺς ἔχομεν: ὃ δὲ παραλαβὼν 
ἡμέας λυμαίνεται λύμησι ἀνηκέστοισι, καὶ δὴ 
πολλοὶ μὲν ἡμέων ἐς νούσους πεπτώκασι, πολλοὶ 
δὲ ἐπίδοξοι τὠυτὸ τοῦτο πείσεσθαι εἰσί, πρό τε 
τούτων τῶν κακῶν ἡμῖν γε κρέσσον καὶ ὅ τι ὧν 
ἄλλο παθεῖν ἐστι καὶ τὴν μέλλουσαν δουληίην 
ὑπομεῖναι ἥτις ἔσται, μᾶλλον ἢ τῇ παρεούσῃ 
συνέχεσθαι. φέρετε, τοῦ λοιποῦ μὴ πειθώμεθα 
αὐτοῦ. ταῦτα ἔλεξαν, καὶ μετὰ ταῦτα αὐτίκα 
πείθεσθαι οὐδεὶς ἤθελε, GAN οἷα στρατιὴ 
σκηνάς τε πηξάμενοι ἐν τῇ νήσῳ ἐσκιητροφέοντο 
καὶ ἐσβαίνειν οὐκ ἐθέλεσκον ἐς τὰς νέας οὐδ᾽ 
ἀναπειρᾶσθαι. 

13. Μαθόντες δὲ ταῦτα τὰ γινόμενα ἐκ τῶν 
Ἰώνων οἱ στρατηγοὶ τῶν Σαμίων ἐνθαῦτα δὴ παρ᾽ 


158 


x 


BOOK VI. 11-13 


shall not meet us in battle, or if they so do they 
shall be utterly vanquished." 

12. When the Ionians heard this, they put them- 
selves in Dionysius hands. He then ever put out 
to sea with ships in column, and having used the 
rowers to pierce each other's line of ships,! and 
armed the fighting men on board, he would for 
the rest of the day keep the fleet at anchor; 
all day he made the Ionians work. For seven 
days they obeyed him and did his bidding; but 
on the next day, untried as they were in such 
labour and worn out by hard work and the sun's 
heat, the Ionians began to say each to other, 
* Against what god have we sinned that we fulfil 
this hard measure? We have gone clean daft and 
launched out into folly, committing ourselves into 
the hands of this Phocaean braggart, who brings but 
three ships; and having got us he afflicts us with 
afflictions incurable, whereby many of us have fallen 
sick already and many are like so to do; better than 
these ills it were for us to endure any and every lot, 
and abide this coming slavery whatsoever it be, 
rather than be oppressed by that which is now upon 
us. Marry, let us obey him no longer!" Thus they 
said ; and from that day no man would obey: they 
built them booths on the island (as though they had 
been an army) wherein they lived sheltered from the 
sun, and never would embark in their ships nor 
exercise themselves therein. 

13. But when the generals of the Samians learnt 
of this that the Ionians did, they bethought them of 


1 This manœuvre consisted in forcing a way through the 
enemy's line and attacking the broadside or stern of his 
ships. 


159 


HERODOTUS 


Αἰάκεος τοῦ Συλοσῶντος κείνους τοὺς πρότερον 
ἔπεμπε λόγους ὁ Αἰάκης κελευόντων τῶν Περσέων, 
δεόμενος σφέων ἐκλιπεῖν τὴν ᾿Ιώνων συμμαχίην' 
οἱ Σάμιοι ὧν ὁρῶντες ἐοῦσαν ἅμα μὲν ἀταξίην 
πολλὴν ἐκ τῶν Ἰώνων ἐδέκοντο τοὺς λόγους, ἅμα 
δὲ κατεφαίνετό σφι εἶναι ἀδύνατα τὰ βασιλέος 
πρήγματα ὑπερβαλέσθαι, εὖ δὲ ἐπιστάμενοι ὡς 
εἰ καὶ τὸ παρεὸν ναυτικὸν ὑπερβαλοίατο τὸν 
Δαρεῖον, ἄλλο σφι παρέσται πενταπλήσιον. προ- 
φάσιος ὧν ἐπιλαβόμενοι, ἐπείτε τάχιστα εἶδον 
τοὺς Ἴωνας οὐ βουλομένους εἶναι χρηστούς, ἐν 
κέρδει ἐποιεῦντο περιποιῆσαι Ta τε ἱρὰ τὰ 
σφέτερα καὶ τὰ ἴδια. ὁ δὲ Αἰάκης, παρ᾽ ὅτευ 
τοὺς λόγους ἐδέκοντο οἱ Σάμιοι, παῖς μὲν ἣν 
Συλοσῶντος τοῦ Αἰάκεος, τύραννος δὲ ἐὼν Σάμου 
ὑπὸ τοῦ Μιλησίου ᾿Αρισταγόρεω ἀπεστέρητο 
τὴν ἀρχὴν κατά περ οἱ ἄλλοι τῆς Ἰωνίης 
τύραννοι. 

14, Τότε ὧν ἐπεὶ ἐπέπλεον οἱ Φοίνικες, οἱ 
loves ἀντανῆγον καὶ αὐτοὶ τὰς νέας ἐπὶ κέρας. 
ὡς δὲ καὶ ἀγχοῦ ἐγίνοντο καὶ συνέμισγον ἀλλή- 
λοισι, τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν οὐκ ἔχω ἀτρεκέως συγγράψαι 
οἵτινες τῶν Ιώνων ἐγίνοντο ἄνδρες κακοὶ ἢ ἀγαθοὶ 
ἐν τῇ ναυμαχίῃ ταύτῃ' ἀλλήλους γὰρ καταιτι- 
vrtal. λέγονται δὲ Σάμιοι ἐνθαῦτα κατὰ τὰ 
συγκείμενα πρὸς τὸν Αἰάκεα ἀειράμενοι τὰ ἱστία 
ἀποπλῶσαι ἐκ τῆς τάξιος ἐς τὴν Σάμον, πλὴν 
ἕνδεκα νεῶν' τουτέων δὲ οἱ τριήραρχοι παρέμενον 
καὶ ἐναυμάχεον ἀνηκουστήσαντες τοῖσι στρατη- 
γοῖσι' καί σφι τὸ κοινὸν τῶν Σαμίων ἔδωκε διὰ 
τοῦτο τὸ πρῆγμα ἐν στήλῃ ἀναγραφῆναι πατρό- 
θεν ὡς ἀνδράσι ἀγαθοῖσι γενομένοισι, καὶ ἔστι 
16ο 


BOOK VI. 13-14 


that message which Aeaces son of Syloson had 
already sent them at the Persians’ bidding, entreat- 
ing them to desert the Ionian alliance ; now there- 
fore, when they saw much disorder on the Ionian 
side, they consented to the message; moreover, it 
seemed to them to be a thing impossible to overcome 
the king’s power, and they were well assured that 
if they overcame Darius’ present fleet they would 
have another fivefold greater on their hands. 
Therefore as soon as they saw that the Ionians 
would not be serviceable, they laid hold on that for 
a pretext, thinking themselves in luck's way so to 
save their temples and their own houses. This 
Aeaces, to whose message the Samians consented, 
was son of Syloson the son of Aeaces, and had been 
despot of Samos, till he was deposed from his 
government by Aristagoras of Miletus, even as the 

other Ionian despots. © 
14. Now therefore, when the Phoenician fleet 
came sailing against them, the Ionians for their part 
put out to sea with their ships in column. When 
they drew near together and met in battle, which of 
the Ionians did thereafter quit themselves ill or well 
in that sea-fight my history cannot with exactness 
record; for they all blame each other. But this is 
said, that the Samians, according to their compact 
with Aeaces, did then make all sail for Samos, 
leaving their post, all save eleven ships, the eaptains 
whereof stood their ground and fought, disobeying 
their admirals; and by reason of this deed the 
Samian people granted them for their valour that 
their names and their fathers’ should be engraved 
on a pillar, which pillar now stands in their 
161 


VOL. III, M 


HERODOTUS 


αὕτη ἡ στήλη ἐν τῇ ἀγορῇ. ἰδόμενοι δὲ καὶ Λέσ- 
βιοι τοὺς προσεχέας φεύγοντας τὠυτὸ ἐποίευν 
τοῖσι Σαμίοισι: ὣς δὲ καὶ οἱ πλεῦνες τῶν lover 
ἐποίευν τὰ αὐτὰ ταῦτα. 

15. Τῶν δὲ παραμεινάντων ἐν τῇ ναυμαχίῃ 
περιέφθησαν τρηχύτατα Χῖοι ὡς ἀποδεικνύμενοί 
τε ἔργα λαμπρὰ, καὶ οὐκ ἐθελοκακέοντες. παρεί- 
χοντο μὲν γάρ, ὥσπερ καὶ πρότερον εἰρέθη, νέας 
ἑκατόν, καὶ ἐπ᾽ ἑκάστης αὐτέων ἄνδρας τεσσε- 
ράκοντα τῶν ἀστῶν λογάδας ἐπιβατεύοντας. 
ὁρέοντες δὲ τοὺς πολλοὺς τῶν συμμάχων προδι- 
δόντας οὐκ ἐδικαίευν γίνεσθαι τοῖσι κακοῖσι αὐτῶν 
ὅμοιοι, ἀλλὰ μετ᾽ ὀλίγων συμμά ων μεμουνωμένοι 
διεκπλέοντες ἐναυμάχεον, ἐς τῶν πολεμίων 
ἑλόντες νέας συχνὰς ἀπέβαλον τῶν σφετερέων 
τὰς πλεῦνας. 

16. Χῖοι μὲν n τῇσι λοιπῇσι τῶν νεῶν ἀπο- 
φεύγουσι ἐς τὴν ἑωυτῶν: ὅσοισι δὲ τῶν Χίων 
ἀδύνατοι ἦσαν αἱ νέες ὑπὸ τρωμάτων, οὗτοι δὲ 
ὡς ἐδιώκοντο καταφυγγάνουσι πρὸς τὴν Μυκάλην. 
νέας μὲν δὴ αὐτοῦ ταύτῃ ἐποκείλαντες κατέλιπον, 
ot δὲ πεζῃ ἐκομίξοντο διὰ τῆς ἠπείρου. ἐπειδὴ 
δὲ ἐσέβαλον ἐς τὴν ᾿Εφεσίην κομιξόμενοι οἱ Χῖοι, 
νυκτός τε γὰρ ἀπίκατο ἐς αὐτὴν καὶ ἐόντων 
τῇσι γυναιξὶ αὐτόθι θεσμοφορίων, ἐνθαῦτα δὴ οἱ 
Ἐφέσιοι, οὔτε προακηκοότες ὡς εἶχε περὶ τῶν 
Χίων ἰδόντες τε στρατὸν ἐς τὴν χώρην ἐσβε- 
βληκότα, πάγχυ σφέας καταδόξαντες εἶναι 
κλῶπας καὶ ἰέναι ἐπὶ τὰς γυναῖκας, ἐξεβοήθεον 
πανδημεὶ καὶ ἔ ἔκτεινον τοὺς Χίους. 

17. Οὗτοι μὲν τοίνυν τοιαύτῃσι περιέπεπτον 
τύχῃσι. Διονύσιος δὲ ὁ Φωκαεὺς ἐπείτε ἔμαθε 
162 


o Y -----α 


BOOK VI. 14-17 


market-place. But the Lesbians, seeing their neigh- 
bours fly, did even as the Samians; and so, too, the 
greater part of the Ionians did likewise. 

15. Of those that stood their ground in the sea- 
fight, most roughly handled were the Chians, for 
they would not be cravens but achieved deeds of 
renown. They brought an hundred ships, as I have 
before told, to the fleet, and on each ship were forty 
picked men of their citizens ; and seeing themselves 
betrayed by the greater part of their allies they 
thought shame to bear themselves like the baser 
sort of the rest, but albeit with none but a few 
allies to aid them they fought on and broke the 
enemy's line, till they had taken many of his ships 
but lost the greater part of their own. 

16. So with the remnant of their ships the Chians 
fled to their own country; but the crews of the 
Chian ships that were crippled by hurts fled before 
the pursuit to Mycale. There the men beached and 
left their ships, and made their way thence across 
the mainland. But when the Chians entered the 
lands of Ephesus on their march, it chanced that 
they came by night and the women were keeping 
their Thesmophoria; and the Ephesians thereupon, 
never having heard the story of the Chians and 
seeing an army invading their country, were fully 
persuaded that these were robbers come after their 
women ; so they mustered all their force and slew 
the Chians. 

17. They, then, met with such fate as I have said. 
As for Dionysius the Phocaean, when he saw that 

163 
M 2 


HERODOTUS 


τῶν Ιώνων τὰ πρήγματα διεφθαρμένα, νέας ἑλὼν 
τρεῖς τῶν πολεμίων ἀπέπλεε ἐς μὲν Φώκαιαν 
οὐκέτι, εὖ εἰδὼς ὡς ἀνδραποδιεῖται σὺν τῇ ἄλλῃ 
Ἰωνίῃ' ὃ δὲ ἐθέως ὡς εἶχε ἔπλεε ἐς Φοινίκην, 
γαύλους δὲ ἐνθαῦτα καταδύσας καὶ χρήματα 
λαθὼν πολλὰ ἔπλεε ἐς Σικελίην, ὁρμώμενος δὲ 
ἐνθεῦτεν ληιστῆς κατεστήκεε Ἑλλήνων μὲν οὐδε- 
νός, Καρχηδονίων δὲ καὶ T Γυρσηνῶν. 

18. Οἱ δὲ Πέρσαι ἐπείτε τῇ ναυμαχίῃ ἐνίκων 
τοὺς Ἴωνας, τὴν Μίλητον πολιορκέοντες ἐκ γῆς 
καὶ θαλάσσης καὶ ὑπορύσσοντες τὰ τείχεα καὶ 
παντοίας μηχανὰς προσφέροντες, αἱρέουσι κατ 
ἄκρης ἕ ἕκτῳ ἔτεϊ ἀπὸ τῆς ἀποστάσιος τῆς ᾿Αριστα- 
γόρεω καὶ ἠνδραποδίσαντο τὴν πόλιν, ὥστε συµ- 
πεσεῖν τὸ πάθος τῷ χρηστηρίῳ τῷ ἐς Μίλητον 
γενομένῳ. 

19. Χρεωμένοισι γὰρ ᾿Αργείοισι ἐν Δελφοῖσι 
περὶ σωτηρίης τῆς πόλιος τῆς σφετέρης ἐχρήσθη 
ἐπίκοινον χρηστήριον, τὸ μὲν ἐς αὐτοὺς τοὺς 
᾿Αργείους φέρον, τὴν δὲ παρενθήκην ἔχρησε ἐς 
Μιλησίους. τὸ μέν νυν ἐς τοὺς ᾿Αργείους ἔχον, 
ἐπεὰν κατὰ τοῦτο γένωμαι τοῦ λόγου, τότε μνη- 
σθήσομαι" τὰ δὲ τοῖσι Μιλησίοισι οὐ παρεοῦσι 
ἔχρησε, ἔχει ὧδε. 


καὶ τότε δή, Μίλητε κακῶν ἐπιμήχανε ἔργων, 
πολλοῖσιν δεῖπνόν τε καὶ ἀγλαὰ δῶρα γενήσῃ, 
σαὶ δ᾽ ἄλοχοι πολλοῖσι πόδας νίψουσι κομήταις, 
νηοῦ 6 ἡμετέρου Διδύμοις ἄλλοισι μελήσει. 


1 In 494. 
? Didyma (oftener called Branchidae), was near Miletus ; 
the temple was of Apollo Aibvuévs. ΟΡ. I. 46. 


164 


BOOK VI. 17-19 


the Ionian cause was lost, he sailed away with three 
enemy ships that he had taken; but not to Phocaea, 
now that he knew well that it would be enslaved 
with the rest of Ionia; he sailed then and there 
with a straight course to Phoenice instead, and 
having sunk there certain galleons and taken much 
substance he made sail to Sicily, making which his 
station he set up for a pirate, robbing Carchedonians 
and Tyrrhenians, but no Greeks. 

18. When the Persians had vanquished the 
Ionians by sea, they laid siege to Miletus by sea 
and land, mining the walls and using every device 
against it, till in the sixth year after the revolt of 
Aristagoras they took the city high and low and 
enslaved it.! Thus did this calamity accord with the 
oracle concerning Miletus. 

19. For when the Argives enquired at Delphi of 
the safety of their city, there was given them an 
oracle of twofold import, part of it regarding the 
Argives themselves, but there was an oracle added 
thereto for the Milesians, Of that which concerned 
the Argives I will then make mention when I come 
to that part of my history; but this was the 
prophecy given to the Milesians, they not being 
then present: 


In that day, Miletus, thou planner of works that 
are evil, 

Thou for a banquet shalt serve and a guerdon rich 
of the spoiler ; 

Many the long-locked gallants whose feet shall be 
washed by thy women ; 

Woe for my Didyman ? shrine! no more shall its 
ministers tend it. 


165 


HERODOTUS 


τότε δὴ ταῦτα τοὺς Μιλησίους κατελάμβανε, ὁκότε 
ἄνδρες μὲν οἱ πλεῦνες ἐκτείνοντο ὑπὸ τῶν Περσέων 
ἐόντων κομητέων, γυναῖκες δὲ καὶ τέκνα ἐν ἀνδρα- 
πόδων λόγῳ ἐγίνοντο, ἱρὸν δὲ τὸ ἐν Διδύμοισι καὶ 
0 νηός τε καὶ τὸ χρηστήριον συληθέντα ἐνεπίμ- 
πρατο. τῶν ὃ ἐν τῷ ἱρῷ τούτῳ χρημάτων πολ- 
λάκις μνήμην ἑτέρωθι τοῦ λόγου ἐποιησάμην. 

20. ᾿Ενθεῦτεν οἱ ζωγρηθέντες τῶν Μιλησίων 
ἤγοντο ἐς Σοῦσα. βασιλεὺς δὲ σφέας Δαρεῖος 
κακὸν οὐδὲν ἄλλο ποιήσας κατοίκισε ἐπὶ τῇ Ἔρυ- 
θρῇ καλεομένῃ, θαλάσσῃ ἐν “Autry πόλι, παρ᾽ ἣν 
Τίγρης ποταμὸς παραρρέων ἐς θάλασσαν ἐξιεῖ. 
τῆς δὲ Μιλησίων χώρης αὐτοὶ μὲν οἱ | Πέρσαι εἶχον 
τὰ περὶ τὴν πόλιν καὶ τὸ πεδίον, τὰ δὲ ὑπερά- 
κρια ἔδοσαν Καρσὶ Πηδασεῦσι ἐκτῆσθαι. 

21. Παθοῦσι δὲ ταῦτα Μιλησίοισι πρὸς Ilep- 
σέων οὐκ ἀπέδοσαν τὴν ὁμοίην Συβαρῖται, ot λᾶόν 
τε καὶ Σκίδρον οἴκεον τῆς πόλιος ἀπεστερημένοι. 
Συβάριος γὰρ ἁλούσης ὑπὸ Κροτωνιητέων Μιλή- 
σιοι πάντες ἡβηδὸν ἀπεκείραντο τὰς κεφαλὰς καὶ 
πένθος µέγα προσεθήκαντο' πόλιες γὰρ αὗται 
μάλιστα δὴ τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν ἀλλήλησι ἐξεινώθη- 
cav' οὐδὲν ὁμοίως καὶ ᾿Αθηναῖοι. ᾿Αθηναῖοι μὲν 
γὰρ δῆλον ἐ ἐποίησαν ὑπεραχθεσθέντες τῇ Μιλήτου 
ἁλώσι τῇ τε ἄλλη πολλαχῇ, καὶ δὴ καὶ ποιήσαντι 
Φρυνίχῳ δρᾶμα Μιλήτου ἅλωσιν καὶ διδάξαντι 
ἐς δάκρυά τε ἔπεσε τὸ θέητρον, καὶ ἐζημίωσάν μιν 
ὡς ἀναμνήσαντα οἰκήια κακὰ χιλίῃσι -δραχμῇσι, 
καὶ ἐπέταξαν μηδένα χρᾶσθαι τούτῳ τῷ δράματι. 

22, Μίλητος μέν νυν MO ἠρήμωτο, Za- 


166 


BOOK VI. 19-22 


All this now came upon the Milesians ; for the most 
part of their men were slain by the long-haired 
Persians, and their women and children were 
accounted as slaves, and the temple at Didyma with 
its shrine and place of divination was plundered and 
burnt. Of the wealth that was in this temple I 
have often spoken elsewhere in my history. 

20. After that, the captive Milesians were brought 
to Susa. King Darius did them no further hurt, but 
settled them by the sea called Red, in the city 
called Ampe, whereby flows the river Tigris as it 
issues into the sea. Of the Milesian land the 
Persians themselves held what was nearest to the 
city, and the plain, giving the hill country into 
the possession of Carians from Pedasa. 

21. Now when the Milesians suffered all this at 
the hands of the Persians, the men of Sybaris (who 
had lost their city and dwelt in Laüs and Scidrus) 
gave them no just requital for what they had done; 
for when Sybaris was taken by the men of Croton, 
all the people of Miletus, young and old, shaved 
their heads and made great public lamentation; no 
cities within my knowledge were ever so closely 
joined in friendship as these. The Sybarites did 
nothing after the Athenian manner. For the 
Athenians, besides that they signified in many other 
ways their deep grief for the taking of Miletus, did 
this in especial :—Phrynichus having written a play 
entitled “The Fall of Miletus " and set it on the 
stage, the whole theatre brake into weeping; and 
they fined Phrynichus a thousand drachmae for 
bringing to mind a calamity that touched them so 
nearly, and forbade for ever the acting of that play. 

22. Miletus then was left empty of its people. 


167 


HERODOTUS 


/ δὰ ^ 7 » A \ » M M 16 , 
µίων δὲ τοῖσί τι ἔχουσι τὸ μὲν ἐς τοὺς Μήδους ἐκ 
τῶν στρατηγῶν τῶν σ ετέρων ποιηθὲν οὐδαμῶς 
ἤρεσκε, ἐδόκεε δὲ μετὰ τὴν ναυμαχίην αὐτίκα 
βουλευομένοισι, πρὶν ἤ σφι ἐς τὴν χώρην ἀπικέ- 
σθαι τὸν τύραννον Aidxea, ἐς ἀποικίην ἐκπλέειν 

δὲ / 18 , \ Αἱ / .. ὃ , 
μηδὲ μένοντας Μηδοισί τε καὶ Αἰάκεϊ δουλεύειν. 

^ e \ / 
Ζαγκλαῖοι γὰρ οἱ ἀπὸ Σικελίης τὸν αὐτὸν χρόνον 
τοῦτον πέμποντες ἐς τὴν Iwvinv ἀγγέλους ἐπεκα- 
λέοντο τοὺς "Ίωνας ἐς Καλὴν ἀκτήν, βουλόμενοι 

3 / , / > ή ε A M [14 
αὐτόθι πόλιν κτίσαι ᾿Ιώνων. ἡ δὲ Καλὴ αὕτη 
, . , L4 A A A . 
ἀκτὴ καλεομένη ἔστι μὲν Σικελῶν, πρὸς δὲ Γυρση- 
νίην τετραμμένη τῆς Σικελίης. τούτων ὧν ἐπικα- 
λεομένων οἱ Σάμιοι μοῦνοι ᾿Ιώνων ἐστάλησαν, σὺν 

/ / € » , 9 e / 
δέ σφι Μιλησίων οἱ ἐκπεφευγότες' ἐν ᾧ τοιόνδε 
δή τι συνήνεικε γενέσθαι. | 

23. Σάμιοι γὰρ κομιζόμενοι ἐς Σικελίην ἐγίνοντο 
9 ^ ^ » ’ \ ^ 
ἐν Λοκροῖσι τοῖσι ᾿Επιζεφυρίοισι, καὶ Ζαγκλαῖοι 

ε - "^ 

αὐτοί τε καὶ ὁ βασιλεὺς αὐτῶν, τῷ οὔνομα ἣν 
Σκύθης, περικατέατο πόλιν τῶν Σικελῶν ἐξελεῖν 
Βουλόμενοι. μαθὼν δὲ ταῦτα ὁ ᾿Ρηγίου τύραννος 
3 ’ ’ $^ ΄ - ld 

Αναξίλεως, τότε ἐὼν διάφορος τοῖσι Ζαγκλαίοισι, 
συμμίξας τοῖσι Σαμίοισι ἀναπείθει ὡς χρεὸν εἴη 

? ^ 
Καλὴν μὲν ἀκτήν, ἐπ ἣν ἔπλεον, ἐᾶν χαίρειν, τὴν 

\ ΄ - > ^ z 3 A 
δὲ Ζάγκλην σχεῖν ἐοῦσαν ἔρημον ἀνδρῶν. πειθο- 
μένων δὲ τῶν Σαμίων καὶ σχόντων τὴν Ζάγκλην, 
ἐνθαῦτα οἱ Ζαγκλαῖοι, ὡς ἐπύθοντο ἐχομένην τὴν 
πόλιν ἑωυτῶν, ἐβοήθεον αὐτῇ καὶ ἐπεκαλέοντο 
ε / . / , . \ / 
Ιπποκράτεα τὸν [Γέλης τύραννον' ἦν γὰρ δή σφι 
οὗτος σύμμαχος. ἐπείτε δὲ αὐτοῖσι καὶ ὁ Imro- 
κράτης σὺν τῇ στρατιῇ ἧκε βοηθέων, Σκύθην μὲν 


1 Zancle is the later Messene, modern Messina, 


168 


BOOK VI. 22-23 


But as regards the Samians, their men of substance 
were ill-pleased by the dealings of their generals 
with the Medes; after the sea-fipht they took 
counsel straightway and resolved that before Aeaces 
the despot came to their country they would sail 
away to a colony, rather than remain and be slaves 
to the Medes and Aeaces. For the people of Zancle! 
in Sicily about this time sent messengers to Ionia 
inviting the Ionians to the Fair Coast, desiring there 
to found an Ionian city. This Fair Coast, as it is 
called, is in Sicily, in that part which looks towards 
Tyrrhenia. At this invitation, then, the Samians 
alone of the Ionians, with those Milesians who had 
escaped, set forth ; and in their journey a thing befel 
them such as I will show. 

23. As they voyaged to Sicily the Samians came 
to the country of the Epizephyrian? Locrians at a 
time when the people of Zancle and their king 
(whose name was Scythes) were besieging a Sicilian 
town, desiring to take it. Learning this, Anaxilaus 
the despot of Rhegium, being then at feud with 
the Zanclaeans, consorted with the Samians and 
persuaded them from their purpose ; they had best, 
he said, leave off their voyage to the Fair Coast, and 
seize Zancle while it was deserted by its men. To 
this the Samians consented and seized Zancle ; where- 
at the Zanclaeans, when they learnt of the taking of 
their city, came to deliver it, calling to their aid 
Hippocrates the despot of Gela, who was their ally. 
But Hippocrates, when he came bringing his army 
to aid them, put Scythes the monarch of Zancle and 


2 “The epithet distinguishes the Italiot colony from the 
Locrians of the mother country " (How and Wells). 


169 


HERODOTUS 


τὸν μούναρχον τῶν Ζαγκλαίων ὡς ἀποβαλόντα 
τὴν πόλιν ὁ Ἱπποκράτης πεδήσας καὶ τὸν ἆδελ.- 
φεὸν αὐτοῦ Ἠυθογένεα ἐς Ἴνυκα πόλιν ἀπέπεμψε, 
τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς Ζαγκλαίους κοινολογησάµενος 
τοῖσι Σαμίοισι καὶ ὅρκους δοὺς καὶ δεξάμενος 
προέδωκε. Mea Bos δέ οἱ ἦν εἰρημένος ὅδε ὑπὸ τῶν 
Σαμίων, πάντων τῶν ἐπίπλων καὶ ἀνδραπόδων τὰ 
ἡμίσεα μεταλαβεῖν τῶν ἐν τῇ πόλι, τὰ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῶν 
ἀγρῶν πάντα “Ἱπποκράτεα λαγχώνειν. τοὺς μὲν 
δὴ πλεῦνας τῶν Ζαγκλαίων αὐτὸς ἐν ἀνδραπόδων 
λόγῳ εἶχε δήσας, τοὺς δὲ κορυφαίους αὐτῶν τρι- 
ηκοσίους ἔδωκε τοῖσι Σαμίοισι -κατασφάξαι' οὐ 
μέντοι οἷ γε Σάμιοι ἐ ἐποίησαν ταῦτα. 

24. Σκύθης δὲ ὁ τῶν Ζαγκλαίων μούναρχος ἐκ 
τῆς Ἴνυκος ἐκδιδρήσκει ἐς Ἱ μέρην, ἐκ δὲ ταύτης 
παρῆν ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίην καὶ ἀνέβη παρὰ βασιλέα 
Δαρεῖον" καί μιν ἐνόμισε Δαρεῖος πάντων ἀνδρῶν 
δικαιότατον εἶναι, ὅσοι ἐκ τῆς Ἑλλάδος Tap 
ἑωυτὸν ἀνέβησαν. καὶ γὰρ παραιτησάμενος Ba- 
σιλέα ἐς Σικελίην ἆ ἀπίκετο καὶ. αὖτις ἐκ τῆς Σικε- 
Mins ὀπίσω παρὰ βασιλέα, ἐ ἐς ὃ γήραϊ μέγα ὄλβιος 
ἐὼν ἐτελεύτησε ἐν Πέρσῃσι. Σάμιοι δὲ ama- 
λαχθέντε Μήδων ἀπονητὶ πόλιν καλλίστην 
Ζάγκλην περιεβεβλέατο. 

25. Μετὰ δὲ τὴν ναυμαχίην τὴν ὑπὲρ Μιλήτου 
γενομένην Φοίνικες κελευσάντων Περσέων κατ- 
ῆγον ἐς Σάμον Αἰάκεα τὸν Συλοσῶντος ὦ ὡς πολλοῦ 
τε ἄξιον γενόμενον σφίσι καὶ μεγάλα κατεργασά- 
μενον" καὶ Σαμίοισι μούνοισι τῶν ἀποστάντων 
ἀπὸ Δαρείου διὰ τὴν ἔκλειψιν τῶν νεῶν ἐν τῇ 
ναυμαχίῃ οὔτε ἡ πόλις οὔτε τὰ ἱρὰ ἐνεπρήσθη. 
Μιλήτου δὲ ἁλούσης αὐτίκα Καρίην ἔσχον οἱ 
170 


BOOK VI. 23-25 


his brother Pythogenes in chains for Scythes’ losing 
of the city, and sent them away to the town of Inyx; 
and for the rest of the people of Zancle, he betrayed 
them into the hands of the Samians, with whom he 
had taken counsel and exchanged oaths of agree- 
ment. The price which the Samians covenanted to 
give him was, that Hippocrates should take for his 
share half of the movable goods and of the slaves 
in the city, and all that was in the country. The 
greater number of the Zanclaeans were kept in 
chains as slaves by Hippocrates himself; three 
hundred, that were their chief men, he delivered to 
the Samians to be put to death; but the Samians 
did not so with them. 

24. Scythes the monarch of Zancle escaped from 
Inyx to Himera, and thence being arrived in Asia 
went up the country to king Darius. He was 
esteemed by Darius the most honest man of all who 
had come up to him from Hellas; for he returned 
by the king’s permission to Sicily and from Sicily 
back again to Darius; at the last he ended his life in 
Persia, full of years and of great possessions. Thus 
lightly did the Samians plant themselves in that 
most excellent city of Zancle, when they had 
escaped from the Medes. 

25. After the fight at sea for Miletus, the 
Phoenicians at the Persians’ bidding brought Aeaces, 
son of Syloson, back to Samos, for the high worth of 
his service to them, and his great achievements; 
and by reason of the desertion of their ships in the 
sea-fight the Samians were the only rebel people 
whose city was not burnt, northeir temples. Miletus 
being taken, the Persians thereby at once gained 
possession of Caria, some of the towns submitting 


171 


HERODOTUS 


Πέ έρσαι, τὰς μὲν ἐθελοντὴν τῶν πολίων ὑποκυψά- 
σας, τὰς δὲ ἆ ἀνάγκῃ προσηγάγοντο. 

20. Ταῦτα μὲν δὴ οὕτω ἐγίνετο. Ἱστιαίῳ δὲ τῷ 
Μιλησίῳ ἐόντι περὶ Βυζάντιον καὶ συλλαμβάνοντι 
τὰς Ἰώνων ὀλκάδας ἐκπλεούσας ἐκ τοῦ Πόντου 
ἐξαγγέλλεται τὰ περὶ τὴν Μίλητον γενόμενα. τὰ 
μὲν δὴ περὶ Ἑλλήσποντον ἔ ἔχοντα πρήγματα ἐπι- 
τράπει Βισάλτῃ ᾿Απολλοφάνεος παιδὶ ᾿Αβυδηνῷ, 
αὐτὸς δὲ ἔ ἔχων Λεσβίους ἐς Χίον ἔπλεε, καὶ Χίων 
φρουρῇ οὐ προσιεµένῃ μιν συνέβαλε ἐν Κοίλοισι 
καλεομένοισι τῆς Χίης χώρης. τούτων τε δὴ 
ἐφόνευσε συχνούς, καὶ τῶν λοιπῶν Χίων, οἷα δὴ 
κεκακωμένων ἐκ τῆς ναυμαχίης, ὁ Ἱστιαῖος ἔχων 
τοὺς. Λεσβίους ἐπεκράτησε, ἐκ Πολίχνης τῆς Χίων 
ὁρμώμενος. 

27. Φιλέει δέ κως προσημαίνειν, εὖτ᾽ ἂν μέλλῃ 

, N ^ / A y €» X M 
μεγάλα κακὰ ἢ πόλι ἢ ἔθνεϊ ἔσεσθαι' καὶ γὰρ 
Χίοισι πρὸ τούτων σημήια μεγάλα ἐγένετο τοῦτο 
μέν σφι πέμψασι ἐς Δελφοὺς χορὸν νεηνιέων 
ἑκατὸν δύο .μοῦνοι τούτων ἀπενόστησαν, τοὺς δὲ 
ὀκτώ τε καὶ ἐνενήκοντα αὐτῶν λοιμὸς ὑπολαβὼν 
ἀπήνεικε' τοῦτο δὲ ἐ ἐν τῇ πόλι τὸν αὐτὸν τοῦτον 
χρόνον, ὀλίγον πρὸ τῆς ναυμαχίης, παισὶ γράμ- 
ματα διδασκομένοισι ἐνέπεσε ἡ στέγη, ὥστε ἀπ᾽ 
ἑκατὸν καὶ εἴκοσι παίδων εἷς μοῦνος ἀπέφυγε. 
ταῦτα μέν σφι σημήια ὁ θεὸς προέδεξε, μετὰ δὲ 
ταῦτα ἡ ναυμαχίη ὑπολαβοῦσα € ες γόνυ τὴν πόλιν 
ἔβαλε, ἐπὶ δὲ τῇ ναυμαχίῃ ἐπεγένετο Ἱστιαῖος 
Λεσβίους d ἄγων' κεκακωμένων δὲ τῶν Χίων, κατα- 
στροφὴν εὐπετέως αὐτῶν ἐποιήσατο. 

28, ᾿Ενθεῦτεν δὲ ὁ Ἱστιαῖος ἐστρατεύετο ἐπὶ 
Θάσον ἄγων ᾿Ιώνων καὶ Αἰολέων συχνούς. mepi- 
172 


<- m 


BOOK VI. 25-28 


themselves of their own accord and others being 
subdued perforce. 

26. All this fell out as I have said. But Histiaeus 
the Milesian was at Byzantium, seizing the Ionian 
merchant ships as they sailed out of the Euxine, 
when he had news of the business of Miletus. 
Thereupon, leaving all matters concerning the 
Hellespont in charge of Bisaltes of Abydos, son 
of Apollophanes, he himself sailed with Lesbians to 
Chios, and there did battle in the Hollows of Chio£ 
(as they are called) with Chian guardships that would 
not receive him. Many of their crews he slew; the 
rest of the people of the country (so crippled were 
they by the sea-fight) Histiaeus with his Lesbians 
subdued to his will, coming out from Polichne in 
Chios. | 

27. Ever is some warning given by heaven, when 
great ills threaten cities or nations; for before all 
this plain signs had been sent to the Chians. Ofa 
band of a hundred youths whom they had sent to 
Delphi two only returned, ninety-eight being caught 
and carried off by pestilence; moreover, at about 
this same time, a little before the sea-fight, the roof 
fell in on boys at school, insomuch that of a hundred 
and twenty of them one alone escaped. These 
signs had been shown to them by heaven; there- 
after the sea-fight brake upon them and beat the 
city to its knees, and with that came Histiaeus and 
the Lesbians to end what the sea-fight began ; and 
the Chians being in so evil a case, he easily subdued 
them. 

28. Thence Histiaeus brought a great force of 
Ionians and Aeolians against Thasos. But while he 


173 


HERODOTUS 


κατημένῳ δέ οἱ Θάσον ἦλθε ἀγγελίη ὡς οἱ Φοί- 
» / 9 ^ / , A 2 
νικες ἀναπλέουσι ἐκ τῆς Μιλήτου ἐπὶ τὴν ἄλλην 
Ἰωνίην. πυθόμενος δὲ ταῦτα Θάσον μὲν ἀπόρ- 
θητον λείπει, αὐτὸς δὲ ἐς τὴν Λέσβον ἠπείγετο 
ἄγων πᾶσαν τὴν στρατιήν. ἐκ Λέσβου δὲ Mpat- 
νούσης οἱ τῆς στρατιῆς πέρην διαβαίνει, ἐκ τοῦ 
᾿;Αταρνέος ὡς ἀμήσων τὸν σῖτον τόν τε ἐνθεῦτεν 
\ 2 / \ ^ ^ 3 N 
καὶ τὸν ἐκ Καΐκου πεδίου τὸν τῶν Μυσῶν. ἐν δὲ 
ντούτοισι τοῖσι χωρίοισι ἐτύγχανε ἐὼν "Αρπαγος 
ἀνὴρ Πέρσης στρατηγὸς στρατιῆς οὐκ ὀλίγης' 
ὅς οἱ ἀποβάντι συμβαλὼν αὐτόν τε “Ἱστιαῖον 
ζωγρίη ἔλαβε καὶ τὸν στρατὸν αὐτοῦ τὸν πλέω 
διέφθειρε. | 
ε ^ 
29. ᾿Εζωγρήθη δὲ ὁ Ἱστιαῖος ὧδε. ὡς ἐμάχοντο 
οἱ Ἕλληνες τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι ἐν τῇ Μαλήνη τῆς 
᾿Αταρνείτιδος χώρης, οἳ μὲν συνέστασαν χρόνον 
€ ^ 
ἐπὶ πολλόν, ἡ δὲ ἵππος ὕστερον ὁρμηθεῖσα ἐπι- 
πίπτει τοῖσι "Ελλησι. τό τε δὴ ἔργον τῆς ἵππου 
τοῦτο ἐγένετο, καὶ τετραμμένων τῶν Ἑλλήνων ὁ 
ε ^ 3 ld > 3 / e b! / 
Ιστιαῖος ἑλπίζων οὐκ ἀπολέεσθαι ὑπὸ βασιλέος 
διὰ τὴν παρεοῦσαν ἁμαρτάδα φιλοψυχίην τοιήνδε 
τινὰ ἀναιρέεται. ὡς φεύγων τε κατελαμβάνετο 
ὑπὸ ἀνδρὸς Πέρσεω καὶ ὡς καταιρεόµενος ὑπ᾽ 
» ^ y , 4 ^ 
αὐτοῦ ἔμελλε συγκεντηθήσεσθαι, Περσίδα γλῶσ- 
σαν μετεὶς καταμηνύει ἑωυτὸν ὡς εἴη Ἱστιαῖος ὁ 
Μιλήσιος. 
90. Ei uév νυν, ὡς ἐζωγρήθη, ἄχθη ἀγόμενος 
\ / ^ A » ? A y Ν 
παρὰ βασιλέα Δαρεῖον, ὃ δὲ οὔτ᾽ ἂν ἔπαθε κακὸν 
οὐδὲν δοκέειν ἐμοί, ἀπῆκέ T ἂν αὐτῷ τὴν αἰτίην: 
νῦν δέ μιν αὐτῶν τε τούτων εἵνεκα καὶ ἵνα μὴ 
διαφυγὼν αὖτις μέγας παρὰ βασιλέι γένηται, 
?, / ε / σ . e M 
Αρταφρένης re 0 Σαρδίων ὕπαρχος καὶ ὁ λαβὼν 
174 


BOOK VI. 28-30 


beleaguered Thasos there came to him a message 
that the Phoenicians were putting out to sea from 
Miletus to attack the rest of Ionia; learning which 
he left Thasos unsacked, and made haste instead 
with all his army to Lesbos. Thence, for his men 
were anhungered, he crossed over with intent to 
reap from Atarneus the corn of that place and the 
Mysian corn of the Caicus plain. Now it chanced 
that in that region was Harpagus, a Persian, having 
no small force under him; who, when Histiaeus 
landed, met him in battle and took Histiaeus him- 
self alive and slew the greater part of his army. 

29. Histiaeus was taken prisoner after this wise : 
the Greeks fought with the Persians at Malene in 
the country of Atarneus, and for a long time the 
armies battled foot to foot, till the Persian horse 
charged and fell upon the Greeks; thus it was they 
that achieved the victory; then, the Greeks being 
routed, Histiaeus, supposing that the king would 
not put him to death for his late transgression, did 
what showed him to love his life too well. Being 
overtaken in his flight by a Persian, and so caught 
and like to be stabbed, he cried out in the Persian 
language and discovered himself for Histiaeus of 
Miletus. | 

30. Now had he been taken prisoner and brought 
on his way to king Darius, no harm had been done 
him (to my thinking) and the king had forgiven his 
guilt; but as it was, Histiaeus being brought to 
Sardis, there both by reason of what he had done, 
and for fear that he might escape and again win 
power at the court, Artaphrenes, viceroy of Sardis, 


175 


HERODOTUS 


Αρπαγος, ὡς ἀπίκετο ἀγόμενος ἐς Σάρδις, τὸ μὲν 
αὐτοῦ σῶμα αὐτοῦ ταύτῃ ἀνεσταύρωσαν, τὴν δὲ 
κεφαλὴν ταριχεύσαντες ἀνήνεικαν παρὰ βασιλέα 
Δαρεῖον ἐς Σοῦσα. Δαρεῖος δὲ πυθόμενος ταῦτα 
καὶ ἐπαιτιησάμενος τοὺς ταῦτα ποιήσαντας ὅτι 
μιν οὐ ζώοντα ἀνήγαγον ἐς ὄψιν τὴν ἑωυτοῦ, τὴν 
κεφαλὴν τὴν Ἱστιαίου λούσαντάς τε καὶ περιστεί- 
λαντας εὖ ἐνετείλατο θάψαι ὡς ἀνδρὸς μεγάλως 
ἑωυτῷ τε καὶ Πέρσῃσι εὐεργέτεω. 

81. Τὰ μὲν περὶ Ἱστιαῖον οὕτω ἔσχε. ὁ δὲ 
ναυτικὸς στρατὸς ὁ Περσέων χειμερίσας περὶ 
Μίλητον, τῷ δευτέρῳ ἔτεϊ | ὡς ἀνέπλωσε, αἱρέει 
εὐπετέως τὰς νήσους τὰς πρὸς τῇ ἠπείρῳ κειμένας, 
Χίον καὶ Λέσβον καὶ Τένεδον. ὅκως δὲ λάβοι 
τινὰ τῶν νήσων, ὡς ἑκάστην αἱρέοντες οἱ βάρ- 
βαροι ἐσαγήνευον τοὺς ἀνθρώπους. σαγηνεύουσι 
δὲ τόνδε τὸν τρόπον" ἀνὴρ ἀνδρὸς ἁψάμενος τῆς 
χειρὸς ἐκ θαλάσσης τῆς Bopnins ἐπὶ τὴν νοτίην 
διήκουσι, καὶ ἔπειτα διὰ πάσης τῆς νήσου διέρ- 
χονται ἐκθηρεύοντες͵ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους. αἱρεον δὲ 
καὶ τὰς ἐν τῇ ἠπείρῳ. πόλιας τὰς 'Iaóas κατὰ 
ταὐτά, πλὴν οὐκ ἐσαγήνευον τοὺς ἀνθρώπους’ οὐ 
γὰρ οἷά τ᾽ ἦν. 

32. ᾿Ενθαῦτα Περσέων: οἱ στρατηγοὶ οἱ οὐκ ἐγεύ- 
σαντο τὰς ἀπειλὰς τὰς ἐπηπείλησαν τοῖσι Ἴωσι 
στρατοπεδευομένοισι ἐναντία σφίσι. ὡς γὰρ δὴ 
ἐπεκράτησαν τῶν πολίων, παῖδάς τε τοὺς εὐειδε- 
στάτους ἐκλεγόμενοι ἐξέταμνον καὶ ἐποίευν ἀντὶ 
εἶναι ἐνόρχιας εὐνούχους καὶ παρθένους τὰς καλ.- 
λιστευούσας ἀνασπάστους παρὰ Βασιλέα" ταῦτά 
τε δὴ ἐποίευν καὶ τὰς πόλιας ἐνεπίμπρασαν 
αὐτοῖσι τοῖσι ἱροῖσι. οὕτω τε τὸ τρίτον "Ίωνες 


176 


BOOK VI. 30-32 


and Harpagus who had taken Histiaeus, impaled 
his body on the spot, and sent his head embalmed to 
king Darius at Susa." When Darius learnt of this he 
blamed those who had so done, because they had 
not brought Histiaeus before him alive; for the 
head, he gave command that it should be washed 
and buried with full observance, as the head of one 
that had done great good to Darius himself and to 
Persia. 

31. Thus it fared with Histiaeus. The Persian 
fleet wintered at Miletus, and putting out to sea in 
the next year easily subdued the islands that lie off 
the mainland, Chios and Lesbos and Tenedos. 
Whenever they took an island, the foreigners would 
“net” each severally. This is the manner of their 
doing it:—the men link hands and make a line 
reaching from the northern sea to the southern, and 
then advance over the whole island hunting the 
people down. They took likewise also the Ionian 
cities of the mainland, albeit not by netting the 
people ; for that was not possible. 

32. There the Persian generals failed not to fulfil 
the threats which they had uttered against the 
lonians when they were encamped over against 
them; for when they had gained the mastery over 
the cities, they chose out the comeliest boys and 
castrated them, making them eunuchs instead of 
men, and they carried the fairest maidens away to 
the king; this they did, and burnt the cities, yea, 
and their temples. Thus thrice had the Ionians 


177 
VOL. LI. N 


HERODOTUS 


κατεδουλώθησαν, πρῶτον μὲν ὑπὸ Λυδῶν, δὶς δὲ 
ἐπεξῆς τότε ὑπὸ Περσέων. 

33. ᾿Απὸ δὲ Ἰωνίης ἀπαλλασσόμενος ὁ ναυτι- 
KOS στρατὸς τὰ ἐπ’ ἀριστερὰ ἐσπλέοντι τοῦ Ἕλλη- 
σπόντου aipee πάντα' τὰ γὰρ ἐπὶ δεξιὰ αὐτοῖσι 
τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι ὑποχείρια ἦν γεγονότα κατ᾿ ἤπει- 
pov. εἰσὶ δὲ αἱ ἐν τῇ Εὐρώπῃ aide τοῦ Ἕλλη- 
σπόντου, Χερσόνησός τε, ἐν τῇ πόλιες συχναὶ 
ἔνεισι, καὶ Πέρινθος καὶ τὰ τείχεα τὰ ἐπὶ Θρηίκης 
καὶ Σηλυμβρίη τε καὶ Βυζάντιον. Βυξάντιοι μέν 
νυν καὶ οἱ πέρηθε Καλχηδόνιοι οὐδ᾽ ὑπέμειναν 
ἐπιπλέοντας τοὺς Φοίνικας, ἀλλ᾽ οἴχοντο ἀπολι- 
πόντες τὴν σφετέρην ἔσω ἐς τὸν Εὔξεινον πόντον, 
καὶ ἐνθαῦτα πόλιν Μεσαμβρίην οἴκησαν. οἱ δὲ 
Φοίνικες κατακαύσαντες ταύτας τὰς χώρας τὰς 
καταλεχθείσας τράπονται ἐπί τε Προκόννησον 
καὶ ᾿Αρτάκην, πυρὶ δὲ καὶ ταύτας νείµαντες ἔπλεον 
αὖτις ἐς τὴν Χερσόνησον ἐξαιρήσοντες τὰς ἐπι- 
λοίπους τῶν πολίων, ὅσας πρότερον προσσχόντες 
οὐ κατέσυραν. ἐπὶ δὲ Κύξικον οὐδὲ ἔπλωσαν 
ἀρχήν: αὐτοὶ γὰρ Κυξικηνοὶ ἔτι πρότερον τοῦ 
Φοινίκων ἐσπλόου ἐγεγόνεσαν ὑπὸ βασιλέι, Οἱ- 
Bápei τῷ Μεγαβάζου ὁμολογήσαντες τῷ ἐν" 
Δασκυλείῳ ὑπάρχῳ. 

94, Tis δὲ Χερσονήσου πλὴν Καρδίης πόλιος 
τὰς ἄλλας πάσας ἐχειρώσαντο οἱ Φοίνικες. ἐτυ- 
ράννευε δὲ αὐτέων μέχρι τότε Μιλτιάδης ὁ Κίμωνος 
τοῦ Στησαγόρεω, κτησαμένου τὴν ἀρχὴν ταύτην 
πρότερον Μιλτιάδεω τοῦ Κυψέλου τρόπῳ τοιῷδε. 
εἶχον Δόλογκοι Θρήικες τὴν Χερσόνησον ταύτην. 
οὗτοι ὧν οἱ Δόλογκοι πιεσθέντες πολέμῳ ὑπὸ 
᾿Αψινθίων ἐς Δελφοὺς ἔπεμψαν τοὺς βασιλέας 
178 


BOOK VI. 32-34 


been enslaved, first by the Lydians and then once 
and now yet again by the Persians. 

33. Then the fleet departed from Ionia and took 
all that lay on the left hand of the entrance of the 
Hellespont; for what was to the right had been 
subdued by the Persians themselves from the side of 
the land. These are the regions of Europe that 
belong to the Hellespont, —the Chersonese, wherein 
are many towns; Perinthus, and the forts that lie 
towards Thrace, and Selymbria and Byzantium. 

"he people of Byzantium, and they of Calchedon 
beyond, did not even await the onfall of the 
Phoenicians, but left their own land and fled away 
within the Euxine, and there settled in the town 
Mesambria. The Phoenicians, having burnt these 
places aforesaid, turned against Proconnesus and 
Artace, and having given these also to the flames 
sailed back to the Chersonese to make an end of the 
remnant of the towns, as many as they had not 
destroyed at their former landing. But against 
Cyzicus they did not so much as sail at all; for the 
Cyzicenes had before this visitation of the fleet 
already made themselves the king's subjects, by an 
^greement which they made with the viceroy at 
Dascyleum, Oebares son of Megabazus. 

34. As for the Chersonese, the Phoenicians 
subdued all the towns in it, save only Cardia. 
These had been ruled till then by Miltiades son 
of Cimon who was the son of Stesagoras. This 
sovereignty had been formerly won by Miltiades son 
of Cypselus in such manner as I will now show. The 
Dolonci, who were Thracians, possessed this Cher- 
sonese; they then, being hard pressed in war by 
the Apsinthians, sent their princes to Delphi to ask 

179 
N 2 


HERODOTUS 


περὶ τοῦ πολέμου χρησομένους. ἡ δὲ Πυθίη σφι 
ἀνεῖλε οἰκιστὴν ἐπάγεσθαι ἐπὶ τὴν χώρην τοῦτον 
ὃς ἂν σφέας ἀπιόντας ἐκ τοῦ ἱροῦ πρῶτος ἐπὶ 
ξείνια καλέσῃ. ἰόντες δὲ οἱ Δόλογκοι τὴν ἱρὴν 
ὁδὸν διὰ Φωκέων τε καὶ Βοιωτῶν ἤισαν καί 
σφεας ὡς οὐδεὶς ἐκάλεε, ἐκτράπονται ἐπ᾿ ᾿Αθηνέων. 

95. Εν δὲ τῇσι ᾿Αθήνῃσι τηνικαῦτα εἶχε μὲν 
τὸ πᾶν κράτος Πεισίστρατος, ἆ ἀτὰρ ἐδυνάστευέ γε 
καὶ Μιλτιάδης ὁ Κυψέλου ἐὼν οἰκίης τεθριπ- 
ποτρόφου, τὰ μὲν ἀνέκαθεν dm Αἰακοῦ τε καὶ 
Αἰγίνης γεγονώς, τὰ δὲ νεώτερα ᾿Αθηναῖος, Φι- 
λαίου τοῦ Αἴαντος παιδὸς γενομένου. πρώτου τῆς 
οἰκίης ταύτης ᾿Αθηναίου. οὗτος ὁ Μιλτιάδης 
κατήμενος ἐν τοῖσι προθύροισι τοῖσι ἑωυτοῦ, 
ὁρέων τοὺς Δολόγκους παριόντας ἐσθῆτα € ἔχοντας 
οὐκ ἐγχωρίην καὶ αἰχμὰς προσεβώσατο καί σφι 
rn ἐπηγγείλατο καταγωγὴν καὶ ξείνια. 

ù δὲ δεξάμενοι καὶ ξεινισθέντες ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ ét- 
ἔφαινον πᾶν τὸ μαντήιον, ἐκφήναντες δὲ ἐδέοντο 
αὐτοῦ τῷ θεῷ μιν πείθεσθαι. Μιλτιάδεα δὲ ἀκού- 
σαντα παραυτίκα ἔπεισε ὁ λόγος οἷα ἀχθόμενόν 
τε τῇ Πεισιστράτου ἀρχῇ καὶ βουλόμενον ἐκπο- 
δὼν εἶναι. αὐτίκα δὲ ἐστάλη ἐς Δελφούς, ἐ ETEL- 
ρησόμενος τὸ χρηστήριον εἰ ποιοίη τά περ αὐτοῦ 
οἱ Δόλογκοι προσεδέοντο. 

80. Κελευούσης δὲ καὶ τῆς Ivins, οὕτω δὴ 
Μιλτιάδης ὁ Κυψέλου, Ὀλύμπια ἀναραιρηκὼς 
πρότερον τούτων τεθρίππῳ, τότε παραλαβὼν 
᾿Αθηναίων πάντα τὸν βουλόμενον μετέχειν τοῦ 
στόλου ἔπλεε ἅμα τοῖσι Δολόγκοισι, καὶ ἔσχε 


1 **'The Sacred Way seems to have led E. by Daulis, 
180 


BOOK VI. 34-36 


. an oracle concerning the war; and the priestess in 
her reply bade them bring him in to found their 
state who should first offer them hospitality when 
they departed from the temple. Then the Dolonci 
followed the Sacred Way! and journeyed through 
Phocis and Boeotia ; and when none invited them in 
they turned aside towards Athens. 

35. Now at this time the supreme ruler of Athens 
was Pisistratus, but Miltiades also, son of Cypselus, 
was a man of power; he was of a house that kept 
four-horse chariots, tracing his earliest descent from 
Aeacus and Aegina, but by later lineage Athenian ; 
the first Athenian of that house was Philaeus son of 
Aias. This Miltiades, as he sat in his porch, saw the 
Dolonci pass by with raiment and spears of foreign 
fashion, and he hailed them, and when they 
approached offered them lodging and hospitality. 
They consented thereto ; and when he had received 
them as guests they laid before him all the words of 
the oracle, and entreated him to obey the god. 
Hearing this, Miltiades was persuaded by what they 
said; for he was impatient of the rule of Pisistratus 
and desired to be away from it. Forthwith he set 
out for Delphi, to enquire of the oracle if he should 
do as the Dolonci entreated him. 

36. The priestess too bidding him consent, there- 
upon Miltiades son of Cypselus, that Miltiades who 
had ere now won a race of four-horse chariots at 
Olympia, took with him all Athenians who desired 
to share his enterprise, and sailing with the Dolonci 


Panopeus, and Chaeronea, then S. E. by Coronea, Haliartus, 
and Thebes, then S. over Cithaeron to Eleusis, whence it 
was continued to Athens by the best-known ὁδὸς iepd.” (How 
and Wells.) 


181 


HERODOTUS 


τὴν χώρην' καί μιν οἱ . ἐπαγαγόμενοι τύραννον 
κατεστήσαντο. ὃ δὲ πρῶτον μὲν ἀπετείχισε τὸν 
ἰσθμὸν τῆς Χερσονήσου ἐκ Κα ϱδίης πόλιος ἐς 
Πακτύην, ἵνα μὴ ἔχοιεν σφέας οἱ Αψίνθιοι δηλέ- 
εσθαι ἐσβάλλοντες ἐς τὴν χώρην. εἰσὶ δὲ οὗτοι 
στάδιοι ἕξ τε καὶ τριήκοντα τοῦ ἰσθμοῦ" ἀπὸ δὲ 
τοῦ ἰσθμοῦ τούτου ἡ Χερσόνησος ἔ ἔσω πᾶσα ἐστὶ 
σταδίων εἴκοσι καὶ τετρακοσίων ' τὸ μῆκος. 

81. ᾿Αποτειχίσας ὧν τὸν αὐχένα τῆς Χερσονή- 
σου ὃ Μιλτιάδης καὶ τοὺς ᾿Αψινθίους τρόπῳ 
τοιούτῳ ὠσάμενος, τῶν λοιπῶν πρώτοισι ἐπολέ- 
puce Λαμψακηνοῖσιε" καί pav οἱ Λαμψακηνοὶ 
λοχήσαντες αἱρέουσι ξωγρίῃ. ἦν δὲ ὁ ὁ Μιλτιάδης 
Κροίσῳ τῷ Avo ἐν γνώμῃ γεγονώς: πυθόμενος 
ὧν ὁ Κροῖσος ταῦτα, πέμπων προηγόρευε τοῖσι 
Λαμψακηνοῖσι μετιέναι Μιλτιάδεα: εἰ δὲ μή 
σφεας πίτυος τρόπον ἀπείλεε ἐκτρίψειν. πλανω- 
μένων δὲ τῶν Λαμψακηνῶν ἐν τοῖσι λόγοισι τὸ 
θέλει τὸ ἔπος εἶναι τό σφι, ἀπείλησε ὁ Κροῖσος, 
πύτυος τρόπον ἐκτρίψειν, μόγις κοτὲ è μαθὼν τῶν τις 
πρεσβυτέρων εἶπε τὸ ἐόν, ὅτι πίτυς μούνη πάντων 
δενδρέων ἐκκοπεῖσα βλαστὸν οὐδένα μετιεῖ ἀλλὰ 
πανώλεθρος ἐξαπόλλυται. δείσαντες ὧν οἱ Λαμ- 
ψακηνοὶ Ἀροΐσον λύσαντες μετῆκαν Μιλτιάδεα. 

98. Οὗτος μὲν δὴ διὰ Κροῖσον ἐκφεύγει, μετὰ δὲ 
τελευτᾷ ἄπαις, τὴν ἀρχήν τε καὶ τὰ χρήματα 
παραδοὺς Στησαγόρῃ τῷ Κίμωνος ἀδελφεοῦ παι- 
δὶ ὁμομητρίου. καί οἱ τελευτήσαντι Χερσονησῖ- 
ται θύουσι ὡς νόμος οἰκιστῇ, καὶ ἀγῶνα ἱππικόν 
τε καὶ γυμνικὸν ἐπιστᾶσι, ἐν τῷ Λαμψακηνῶν 

! Across the isthmus οἵ the peninsula of Gallipoli, near 
Bulair ; à distance of about four and a half miles. 

182 


BOOK VI. 36-38 


gained possession of their country; and they who 
had brought him in made him their despot. First 
he built a wall across the isthmus of the Chersonese 
from the town Cardia to Pactye,! that so the Apsin- 
thians might not be able to harm them by invading 
the country. The breadth of the isthmus is six-and- 
thirty furlongs ; and the length of the Chersonese on 
the hither side of that isthmus is four hundred and 
twenty furlongs. 

37. Having then built a wall across the neck of 
the Chersonese, and thus thrust the Apsinthians 
back, Miltiades made war upon the Lampsacenes 
first of all the rest; and they lay in ambush and 
took him captive. But Miltiades was well known to 
Croesus the Lydian; wherefore Croesus, learning of 
what had been done, warned the men of Lampsacus 
to let Miltiades go; * or," he threatened, “I will 
raze you from the earth like a pine-tree." The men 
of Lampsacus were all astray in their counsels as to 
what this threat of Croesus to them (that he would 
raze them like a pine-tree) might mean, till after 
much seeking one of their elders at last told them 
the truth, to wit, that the pine is the only tree that 
sends forth no shoots after it is cut down, but 
perishes utterly; wherefore in fear of Croesus they 
freed Miltiades and let him go. 

38. So Miltiades was saved by Croesus ; but after- 
wards he died childless, leaving his government and 
his possessions to Stesagoras, the son of his full 
brother Cimon ; and since his death the men of the 
Chersonese have ever offered him such sacrifice as is 
a founder's right, ordaining days for horse-races and 
feats of strength, wherein no man of Lampsacus 


183 


HERODOTUS 


οὐδενὶ ἐγγίνεται ἀγωνίζεσθαι. πολέμου δὲ ἐόντος 
A 4 M Ss / aN 
πρὸς Λαμψ ακηνοὺς καὶ Στησαγόρεα κατέλαβε 
ἀποθανεῖν ἄπαιδα, πληγέντα τὴν κεφαλὴν πελέκεῖ 
ἐν τῷ πρυτανηίῳ πρὸς ἀνδρὸς αὐτομόλου μὲν τῷ 
λόγῳ πολεμίου δὲ καὶ ὑποθερμοτέρου τῷ ἔργῳ. 
39. Τελευτήσαντος δὲ καὶ Στησαγόρεω τρόπῳ 
τοιῷδε, ἐνθαῦτα Μιλτιάδεα τὸν Κίμωνος, Στησα- 
/ ~ A , , / 
γόρεω δὲ τοῦ τελευτήσαντος ἀδελφεόν, καταλαμ- 
ψόμενον τὰ πρήγματα ἐπὶ Χερσονήσου ἀποστέλ.- 
λουσι τριήρεϊ οἱ Πεισιστρατίδαι, οἵ μιν καὶ ἐν 
?, ΄ > / = e , / ^ ^ 
Αθήνησι ἐποίευν εὖ ὡς οὐ συνειδότες δῆθεν τοῦ 
πατρὸς Κίμωνος αὐτοῦ τὸν θάνατον, τὸν ἐγὼ ἐν 
ἄλλῳ λόγῳ σημανέω ὡς ἐγένετο. Μιλτιάδης δὲ 
ἀπικόμενος ἐς τὴν Χερσόνησον εἶχε κατ᾽ οἴκους, 
A > A / . , [4 e 
τὸν ἀδελφεὸν Στησαγόρεα δηλαδὴ ἐπιτιμέων. οἱ 
δὲ Χερσονησῖται πυνθανόμενοι ταῦτα συνελέχθη- 
σαν ἀπὸ πασέων τῶν πολίων οἱ δυναστεύοντες 
πάντοθεν, κοινῷ δὲ στόλῳ ἀπικόμενοι ὡς συλ.- 
Ἀυπηθησόμενοι ἐδέθησαν ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ. Μιλτιάδης 
τε δὴ ἴσχει τὴν Χερσόνησον, πεντακοσίους βόσκων 
ἐπικούρους, καὶ γαμέει Ὀλόρου τοῦ Θρηίκων 
βασιλέος τὴν θυγατέρα Ἡγησιπύλην. 
40. Οὗτος δὲ ὁ Κίμωνος Μιλτιάδης νεωστὶ μὲν 
9 4 » . , 4 / 
ἐληλύθεε ἐς τὴν Χερσόνησον, κατελάμβανε δέ μιν 
ἐλθόντα ἄλλα τῶν καταλαβόντων πρηγμάτων 
Nelly ead irae τρίτῳ μὲν γὰρ érei πρὸ τούτων 
κύθας ἐκφεύγει. Σκύθαι γὰρ οἱ νομάδες ἐρε- 
θισθέντες ὑπὸ Βασιλέος Δαρείου συνεστράφησαν 
καὶ ἤλασαν μέχρι τῆς Χερσονήσου ταύτης" τού- 
τους ἐπιόντας οὐκ ὑπομείνας ὁ Μιλτιάδης ἔφευγε 
184 


BOOK VI. 38-40 


is suffered to contend. But in the war against the 
Lampsacenes Stesagoras too met his end and died 
childless ; he was smitten on the head with an axe 
in the town-hall by one that feigned to be a deserter 
but in truth was an enemy and a man of violence. 
.89. Such having been the end of Stesagoras, 
Miltiades son of Cimon and brother of the dead 
Stesagoras was sent in a trireme to the Chersonese, 
there to take control of the country, by the sons of 
Pisistratus; these had already used him well at 
Athens, feigning that they had not been accessory 
to the death of Cimon his father, the manner 
whereof I will relate in another place. Being 
come to the Chersonese, Miltiades kept himself 
within his house, professing thus to honour the 
memory of his brother Stesagoras. When this was 
known to the people of the Chersonese, the ruling 
men gathered together from all their cities on 
every side, and came in a body, as with intent to 
show fellow-feeling with his mourning; but he put 
them in bonds. So Miltiades made himself master 
of the Chersonese ; there he maintained a guard of 
five hundred men, and married Hegesipyle the 
daughter of Olorus, king of Thrace. 

40. But not long after this Miltiades, son of 
Cimon, had come to the Chersonese, he was over- 
taken by a visitation heavier than the former. For 
he had been driven from the country three years ere 
this! by the Scythians, their nomad tribes, provoked 
by Darius, having gathered themselves together and 
ridden as far as the Chersonese aforesaid. Not abid- 
ing their onset, Miltiades fled from the Chersonese, 


1 In 493. τρίτῳ μὲν γάρ, κ.τ.λ. explains how it was that 
Miltiades had been till now absent from the Chersonese. 


185 


HERODOTUS 


Χερσόνησον, ἐς ὃ of τε Σκύθαι ἀπαλλάχθησαν 
καὶ ἐκεῖνον Δόλογκοι κατήγαγον ὀπίσω. ταῦτα 
μὲν δὴ τρίτῳ ἔτεϊ πρότερον ἐγεγόνεε τῶν τότε μιν 
κατεχόντων. 

41, Τότε δὲ πυνθανόμενος εἶναι. τοὺς Φοίνικας 
ἐν Τενέδῳ, πληρώσας τριήρεας πέντε χρημάτων 
τῶν παρεόντων ἀπέπλεε ἐς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας. καὶ 
ὥσπερ ὁρμήθη ἐκ Καρδίης πόλιος ἔπλεε διὰ τοῦ 
Μέλανος κόλπου" παραμεἰβετό τε τὴν _Xepoovn- 
σον καὶ οἱ Φοίνικές οἱ περιπίπτουσι τῆσι νηυσί. 
αὐτὸς μὲν δὴ Μιλτιάδης σὺν τῇσι τέσσερσι τῶν 
νεῶν καταφεύγει ἐς Ἴμβρον, τὴν δέ οἱ πέμπτην 
τῶν νεῶν κατεῖλον διώκοντες οἱ Φοίνικες. τῆς δὲ 
νεὸς ταύτης ἔτυχε τῶν Μιλτιάδεω παίδων ὁ πρε- 
σβύτατος ἄρχων Μητίοχος, οὐκ ἐκ τῆς Ὀλόρου 
τοῦ Θρήικος ἐὼν. θυγατρὸς ἀλλ. ἐξ ἄλλης" καὶ 
τοῦτον ἅμα τῇ νηὶ εἶλον οἱ Φοίνικες, καί μιν πυθό- 
μενοι ὡς εἴη Μιλτιάδεω παῖς ἀνήγαγον παρὰ 
βασιλέα, δοκέοντες χάριτα π᾿; καταθήσε- 
σθαι, ὅτι δὴ Μιλτιάδης γνώμην ἀπεδέξατο ἐ ἐν τοῖσι 
Ἴωσι πείθεσθαι κελεύων τοῖσι Σκύθῃσι, ὅτε οἱ 
Σκύθαι προσεδέοντο λύσαντας τὴν σχεδίην ἆπο- 
πλέειν ἐς τὴν ἑωυτῶν. Δαρεῖος δέ, ὡς οἱ | Φοίνικες 
Μητίοχον τὸν Μιλτιάδεω ἀνήγαγον, ἐποίησε κα- 
κὸν μὲν οὐδὲν Μητίοχον, ἀγαθὰ δὲ συχνά: καὶ γὰρ 
οἶκον καὶ κτῆσιν ἔδωκε καὶ Περσίδα γυναῖκα, ἐκ τῆς 
οἱ τέκνα ἐγένετο τὰ ἐς Πέρσας κεκοσμέαται. Μιλ- 
τιάδης δὲ ἐξ Ἴμβρου ἀπικνέεται ἐς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας. 

42. Καὶ κατὰ τὸ ἔτος τοῦτο ἐκ τῶν Περσέων οὐδὲν 
ἐπὶ πλέον ἐγένετο τούτων ἐς νεῖκος φέρον ` Ίωσι, 
ἀλλὰ τάδε μὲν χρήσιμα κάρτα τοῖσι Ἴωσι é L ἐγένετο 
τούτου τοῦ ἔτεος' ᾿Αρταφρένης ὁ Σαρδίων ὕπαρχος 
186 


BOOK VI. 40-42 


till the Scythians departed and the Dolonci brought 
him back again. All this had happened three 
years before the matters that now engaged him. 

41. But now, learning that the Phoenicians were in 
Tenedos, he sailed away to Athens with five triremes 
laden with the possessions that he had by him. 
Setting sail from Cardia he crossed the Black Bay, 
and as he sailed past the Chersonese the Phoenician 
ships fell in with him. Miltiades himself escaped 
with four of his ships to Imbros, but the fifth was 
pursued and overtaken by the Phoenicians. Now, 
it chanced that the captain of this ship was 
Metiochus, the eldest son of Miltiades by another 
wife, not the daughter of Olorus the Thracian ; this 
man the Phoenicians took captive with his ship, 
and hearing that he was Miltiades son brought him 
up to the king; they thought that this would be 
a very thankworthy service, seeing that Miltiades 
had given his voice among the Ionians for obeying 
the Scythians when they demanded of the Ionians 
that they should break the bridge of boats and sail 
away to their homes. But when the Phoenicians 
brought Miltiades' son Metiochus before him, Darius 
did him no hurt but much good, giving him a 
house, and substance, and a Persian wife, who bore 
him children that were reckoned as Persians. As 
for Miltiades, he made his way from Imbros to 
Athens. 

42. In this year! no further deed of enmity was 
done by the Persians against the Ionians; but at 
this same time certain things happened which 
greatly benefited them. Artaphrenes viceroy of 


1 493. 
187 


HERODOTUS 


μεταπεμψάμενος ἀγγέλους ἐκ τῶν πολίων συνθήκας 
σφίσι αὐτοῖσι τοὺς Ἴωνας ἠνάγκασε ποιέεσθαι, 
ἵνα δοσίδικοι εἶεν καὶ μὴ ἀλλήλους φέροιέν τε καὶ 
ἄγοιεν. ταῦτά τε ἠνάγκασε ποιέειν, καὶ τὰς χώρας 
μετρήσας σφέων κατὰ παρασάγγας, τοὺς καλέουσι 
οἱ Πέρσαι τὰ τριήκοντα στάδια, κατὰ δὴ τούτους 
μετρήσας φόρους ἔταξε ἑκάστοισι, οἳ κατὰ ώρην 
διατελέουσι ἔ ἔχοντες ἐκ τούτου τοῦ χρόνου αἰεὶ ἔτι 
καὶ ἐς ἐμὲ ὡς ἐτάχθησαν ἐξ ᾿Αρταφρένεος' ἐτάχ- 
θησαν δὲ σχεδὸν κατὰ ταὐτὰ καὶ πρότερον εἶχον. 
καί σφι ταῦτα μὲν εἰρηναῖα ἦν. 
48. "Apa δὲ τῷ ἔαρι, τῶν ἄλλων καταλελυμένων 
στρατηγῶν ἐκ βασιλέος, Μαρδόνιος ὁ 0 Γοβρύεω 
κατέβαινε ἐπὶ θάλασσα», στρατὸν πολλὸν μὲν 
κάρτα πεξὸν. ἅμα ἀγόμενος πολλὸν δὲ ναντικόν, 
ἡλικίην τε νέος ἐὼν καὶ νεωστὶ γεγαμηκὼς βασι- 
λέος Δαρείου θυγατέρα ᾿Αρτοξώστρην' ἄγων δὲ τὸν 
στρατὸν τοῦτον ὁ Μαρδόνιος ἐπείτε ἐγένετο ἐν τῇ 
Κιλικίῃ, αὐτὸς μὲν ἐπιβὰς ἐπὶ νεὸς ἐκομίξετο ἅ ἅμα 
τῇσι ἄλλῃσι νηυσί, στρατιὴν δὲ τὴν πεζὴν ἄλλοι 
ἡγεμόνες. ἦγον ἐπὶ τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον. ὡς δὲ 
παραπλέων τὴν ᾿Ασίην ἀπίκετο ὁ Μαρδόνιος ἐς 
τὴν Ἰωνίην, ἐνθαῦτα μέγιστον θῶμα ἐ ἐρέω τοῖσι μὴ 
ἀποδεκομένοισι Ἑλλήνων Περσέων τοῖσι ἑπτὰ 
᾿Οτάνεα γνώμην ἀποδέξασθαι ὡς χρεὸν εἴη δημο- 
κρατέεσθαι Πέρσας' τοὺς γὰρ τυράννους τῶν 
Ἰώνων καταπαύσας πάντας ὁ Μαρδόνιος δηµοκρα- 
τίας κατίστα ἐς τὰς πόλιας. ταῦτα δὲ ποιήσας 
ἠπείγετο ἐς τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον. ὡς δὲ συνελέχθη 
μὲν χρῆμα πολλὸν νεῶν συνελέχθη δὲ καὶ πεζὸς 
στρατὸς πολλός, διαβάντες τῇσι νηυσὶ τὸν Ἑλλή- 


188 


BOOK Vl. 42-43 


Sardis summoned to him ambassadors from the 
cities and compelled the Ionians to make agree- 
ments among themselves, that they might submit 
to redress at law and not harry and plunder each 
other. This he compelled them to do; and he 
measured their lands by parasangs, which is the 
Persian name for a distance of thirty furlongs, and 
appointed that each people should according to 
this measurement pay a tribute which has remained 
fixed ever since that time to this day, even as it 
was ordained by Artaphrenes; the sum appointed 
was about the same as that which they had 
rendered heretofore. This then tended to their 
peace. 

43. But at the beginning of spring,! the other 
generals being now deposed by the king from their 
offices, Mardonius son of Gobryas, a man young in 
years and lately wedded to Darius’ daughter Arto- 
zostre, came down to the coast at the head of a very 
great army and fleet; with which when Mardonius 
was come to Cilicia, he himself embarked on ship- 
board and sailed with the rest of his ships, while the 
land army was led by other captains to the Helles- 
pont. When Mardonius arrived at Ionia in his voyage 
by the coast of Asia, he did a thing which I here set 
down for the wonder of those Greeks who will not 
believe Otanes to have declared his opinion among 
the Seven that democracy was best for Persia:? 
Mardonius deposed all the Ionian despots and set up. 
democracies in their cities. This done, he made all 
speed for the Hellespont; and a great multitude of 
ships and a great army being there assembled, the 
Persians crossed the Hellespont on shipboard and 


1 492. 2 JII. 80. 
189 


HERODOTUS 


σποντον ἐπορεύοντο διὰ τῆς Εὐρώπης, ἐπορεύοντο 
δὲ ἐπί τε ' Epérpiav καὶ ᾿Αθήνας. 

44. Αὗται μὲν ὧν σφι πρόσχημα ἦσαν τοῦ 
στόλου' ἀτὰρ ἐν νόῳ ἔχοντες ὅσας ἂν πλείστας 
δύνωνται καταστρέφεσθαι τῶν Ελληνίδων πολίωγ, 
τοῦτο μὲν δὴ τῇσι νηυσὶ (Θασίους οὐδὲ χεῖρας 
ἀνταειραμένους κατεστρέψαντο, τοῦτο δὲ τῷ πεζῷ 
Μακεδόνας πρὸς τοῖσι ὑπάρχουσι δούλους προσ- 
εκτήσαντο' τὰ γὰρ ἐντὸς Μακεδόνων ἔθνεα πάντα 
σφι ἦν ἤδη ὑποχείρια γεγονότα. ἐκ μὲν δὴ Θάσου 
διαβαλόντες πέρην ὑπὸ τὴν ἤπειρον ἐκομίξοντο 
μέχρι ᾿Ἀκάνθου, ἐκ δὲ ᾿Ακάνθου ὁρμώμενοι τὸν 
"Αθων περιέβαλλον. ἐπιπεσὼν δέ σφι περιπλέουσι 
Βορέης ἄνεμος μέγας τε καὶ ἄπορος κάρτα τρηχέως 
περιέσπε, πλήθεϊ πολλὰς τῶν νεῶν ἐκβάλλων πρὸς 
τὸν Αθων. λέγεται γὰρ τριηκοσίας μὲν τῶν νεῶν 
τὰς διαφθαρείσας εἶναι, ὑπὲρ δὲ δύο μυριάδας 
ἀνθρώπων. ὥστε γὰρ θηριωδεστάτης ἐούσης τῆς 
θαλάσσης ταύτης τῆς περὶ τὸν "Αθων, of μὲν ὑπὸ 
τῶν θηρίων διεφθείροντο ἁρπαξόμενοι, οἳ δὲ πρὸς 
τὰς πέτρας ἁρασσόμενοι οἳ δὲ αὐτῶν νέειν οὐκ 
ἐπιστέατο καὶ κατὰ τοῦτο διεφθείροντο, ob δὲ ῥύγεϊ. 

45. Ὁ μὲν δὴ ναυτικὸς στρατὸς οὕτω ἔπρησσε, 
Μαρδονίῳ δὲ καὶ τῷ πεζῷ στρατοπεδευομένῳ ἐν 
Μακεδονίῃ νυκτὸς Ἠρύγοι Θρήικες ἐπεχείρησαν' 
καί σφεων πολλοὺς φονεύουσι οἱ Βρύγοι, Μαρδό- 
νιον δὲ αὐτὸν τρωματίζουσι. οὐ μέντοι οὐδὲ αὐτοὶ 
δουλοσύνην διέφυγον πρὸς Περσέων" οὐ γὰρ δὴ 
πρότερον ἀπανέστη ἐκ τῶν χωρέων τουτέων Μαρδό- 
vios πρὶν ἤ σφεας ὑποχειρίους ἐποιήσατο. τούτους 
μέντοι καταστρεψάμενος ἀπῆγε τὴν στρατιὴν 
ὀπίσω, ἅτε τῷ πεζῷ τε προσπταίσας πρὸς τοὺς 
190 


BOOK VI. 43-45 


marched through Europe, with Eretria and Athens 
for their goal. 

44. This wasthe avowed end of their expedition ; 
but their intent being to subdue as many of the 
Greek cities as they could, first their fleet subdued 
the Thasians, who did not so much as lift up their 
hands against it; and next, their land army added 
the Macedonians to the slaves that they had already ; 
for all the nations nearer to them than Macedonia. 
had been made subject to the Persians ere this. 
Crossing then over from Thasos they voyaged near 
the land as far as Acanthus, and putting out from 
thence they would have rounded Athos. But as 
they sailed, there brake upon them a north wind 
great and irresistible, and dealt very roughly with 
them, driving many of their ships upon Athos; 
three hundred, it is said, was the tale of the ships 
that perished, and more than twenty thousand men. 
For inasmuch as these coasts of Athos abounded in 
wild beasts, some were carried off by these and so 
perished; others were dashed against the rocks; 
and those of them that could not swim perished by 
reason of that, and others again by the cold. 

45. Thus then it fared with the fleet; as for 
Mardonius and his land army, while they were 
encamped in Macedonia the Brygi of Thrace 
attacked them by night, and slew many of them, 
wounding Mardonius himself. Nevertheless not 
even these themselves could escape being enslaved 
by the Persians; for Mardonius did not depart out 
of those lands before he had made them subject to 
him. Yet when he had subdued them, he led his 
host away homewards, seeing that the Brygi had 


IQI 


HERODOTUS 


Ῥρύγους , καὶ τῷ ναυτικῷ. μεγάλως περὶ "Abov. 
οὗτος μέν νυν ὁ στόλος αἰσχρῶς ἀγωνισάμενος 
ἀπαλλάχθη ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίην. 

46. Δευτέρῳ δὲ ἔτεϊ τούτων ὁ ) Δαρεῖος πρῶτα μὲν 
Θασίους διαβληθέντας ἱ ὑπὸ τὼν ἀστυγειτόνων ὡς 
ἀπόστασιν μηχανῴατο, πέμψας ἄγγελον ἐκέλευε 
σφέας τὸ τεῖχος περιαιρέειν καὶ τὰς νέας ἐς 
“Άβδηρα κομίξειν. οἱ γὰρ δὴ Θάσιοι, οἷα ὑπὸ 
“Ἱστιαίου τε τοῦ Μιλησίου πολιορκηθέντες καὶ 
προσόδων ἐ ἐουσέων μεγαλέων, ἐχρέωντο τοῖσι χρή- 
μασι νέας τε ναυπηγεύμενοι μακρὰς καὶ τεῖχος 
ἰσχυρότερον περιβαλλόμενοι. ἡ δὲ πρόσοδός σφι 
ἐγίνετο ἔκ τε τῆς ἠπείρου καὶ ἀπὸ τῶν μετάλλων" 
ἐκ μέν γε τῶν ἐκ Σκαπτησύλης τῶν χρυσέων μετ- 
άλλων τὸ ἐπίπαν ὀγδώκοντα τάλαντα προσήιε, ἐκ 
δὲ τῶν ἐν αὐτῇ Θάσῳ ἑλάσσω μὲν τούτων, συχνὰ 
δὲ οὕτω ὥστε, τὸ ἐπίπαν Θασίοισι ἐοῦσι καρπῶν 
ἀτελέσι , προσήιε ἀπό τε τῆς ἠπείρου καὶ τῶν μετ- 
άλλων ἔτεος ἑκάστου διηκόσια τάλαντα, ὅτε δὲ τὸ 
πλεῖστον προσῆλθε, τριηκόσια. 

4T. Εἶδον δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς τὰ μέταλλα ταῦτα, καὶ 
μακρῷ ἦν αὐτῶν θωμασιώτατα τὰ οἱ Φοίνικες 
ἀνεῦρον οἱ μετὰ Θάσου κτίσαντες τὴν νῆσον ταύ- 
την, ἥτις νῦν ἀπὸ τοῦ Θάσου τούτου τοῦ Φοίνικος 
τὸ οὔνομα ἔσχε. τὰ δὲ μέταλλα τὰ Φοινικικὰ 
ταῦτα ἐστὶ τῆς Θάσου μεταξὺ Αἰνύρων τε χώρου 
καλεομένου καὶ Κοινύρων, ἀντίον δὲ Σαμοθρήίκης, 
ὄρος μέγα ἀνεστραμμένον ἐν τῇ ἑητήσι. τοῦτο 
μέν νυν ἐστὶ τοιοῦτον. οἱ δὲ Θάσιοι τῷ βασιλέι 
κελεύσαντι καὶ τὸ τεῖχος τὸ σφέτερον κατεῖλον καὶ 
τὰς νέας τὰς πάσας ἐκόμισαν ἐς "Άβδηρα. 

48. Μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο ἀπεπειρᾶτο ὁ Δαρεῖος τῶν 
192 


BOOK VI. 45-48 


dealt a heavy blow to his army and Athos a blow 
yet heavier to his fleet. This expedition then after 
an inglorious adventure returned back to Asia. 

46. In the next year after this,! Darius first sent 
a message bidding the Thasians, of whom it was 
falsely reported by their neighbours that they were 
planning rebellion, destroy their walls and bring 
their ships to Abdera. For the Thasians, inasmuch 
as they had been besieged by Histiaeus of Miletus 
and had great revenues, had used their wealth to 
build their ships of war and encompass themselves 
with stronger walls. Their revenue came from the 
mainland and the mines. Eighty talents for the 
most part they drew from the gold-mines of the 
* Digged Forest ";? and from the mines of Thasos 
itself, albeit less than that, yet so much that the 
Thasians, paying no tax for their crops, drew for the 
most part a yearly revenue from the mainland and 
the mines of two hundred talents, and three hundred 
when the revenue was greatest. 

41. I myself have seen these mines; most marvel- 
lous by far were those of them that were found by 
the Phoenicians who came with Thasos and planted 
a settlement in this island, which is now called after 
that Phoenician Thasos. These Phoenician mines 
are between the place called Aenyra and Coenyra in 
Thasos, over against Samothrace ; they are in a great 
hill that has been digged up in the searching. Thus 
much I have to say of this. The Thasians at the 
king's command destroyed their walls and brought 
all their ships to Abdera. 

48. After this, Darius essayed to learn whether 


1 491. 2 On the Thracian coast, opposite Thasos. 


193 
VOL. II. ο 


HERODOTUS 


Ἑλλήνων ὅ τι ἐν νόῳ ἔχοιεν, κότερα πολεμέειν 
ἑωυτῷ n παραδιδόναι σφέας αὐτούς. διέπεμπε ὦ ὧν 
κήρυκας ἄλλους ἄλλῃ τάξας ἀνὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα, 
κελεύων αἰτέειν βασιλέι γῆν τε καὶ ὕδωρ. τούτους 
μὲν δὴ ἐς τὴν Ἑλλάδα ἔ ἔπεμπε, ἄλλους δὲ κήρυκας 
διέπεµπε ἐς τὰς ἑωυτοῦ δασμοφόρους πόλιας τὰς 
παραθαλασσίους, κελεύων νέας τε μακρὰς καὶ 
ἱππαγωγὰ πλοῖα ποιέεσθαι. 

49. Οὗτοί τε δὴ παρεσκευάξοντο ταῦτα, καὶ τοῖσι 
ἥκουσι ἐς τὴν “Ελλάδα κήρυξι πολλοὶ μὲν ἠπειρω- 
τέων ἔδοσαν τὰ προΐσχετο αἰτέων ὁ Πέρσης, 
πάντες δὲ νησιῶται ἐς τοὺς ἀπικοίατο αἰτήσοντος. 
οἵ τε δὴ ἄλλοι νησιῶται διδοῦσι γῆν τε καὶ ὕδωρ 
Δαρείῳ καὶ δὴ καὶ Αἰγινῆται. ποιήσασι δέ σφι 
ταῦτα ἰθέως ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἐπεκέατο, δοκέοντές τε ἐπὶ 
σφίσι ἐ ἐπέχοντας τοὺς Αἰγινήτας δεδωκέναι ὡς ἅμα 
τῷ Πέρσῃ ἐπὶ σφέας στρατεύωνται, καὶ ἄσμενοι 
προφάσιος ἐπελάβοντο, φοιτέοντές τε ἐς τὴν Σπάρ- 
την κατηγόρεον τῶν Αἰγινητέων τὰ πεποιήκοιεν 
προδόντες τὴν Ἑλλάδα. 

50. Πρὸς ταύτην δὲ τὴν κατηγορίην Κλεομένης 
ὁ ᾿Αναξανδρίδεω βασιλεὺς ἐὼν Σπαρτιητέων διέβη 
ἐς Αἴγιναν, βουλόμενος συλλαβεῖν Αἰγινητέων 
τοὺς αἰτιωτάτους. ὡς δὲ € ἐπειρᾶτο συλλαμθάνων, 
ἄλλοι τε δὴ ἐγίνοντο αὐτῷ ἀντίξοοι τῶν Αἰγινη- 
τέων, ἐν δὲ δὴ καὶ Κριὸς ὁ Πολυκρίτου μάλιστα, 
ὃς οὐκ ἔφη αὐτὸν οὐδένα ἄξειν χαίροντα. Aiywn- 
τέων" ἄνευ γάρ μιν παρτιητέων τοῦ κοινοῦ ποιέειν 
ταῦτα, ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίων ἀναγνωσθέντα χρήμασι" 
ἅμα γὰρ ἄν μιν τῷ ἑτέρῳ -Βασιλέι ἐλθόντα συλ. 
λαμβάνειν. ἔλεγε δὲ ταῦτα ἐξ ἐπιστολῆς τῆς 
Δημαρήτου. Κλεομένης δὲ ἀπελαυνόμενος ἐκ τῆς 


194 


BOOK VI. 48-50 


the Greeks purposed to wage war against him or to 
surrender themselves. Therefore he sent heralds 
this way and that about Hellas as they were severally 
appointed, bidding them demand a gift of earth and 
water for the king. These he despatched to Hellas, 
and others he sent severally to his own tributary 
cities of the sea-coast, commanding that ships of war 
and transports for horses be built. 

49. So the cities set about these preparations ; and 
the heralds that went to Hellas received that which 
the king's proclamation demanded, from many of the 
dwellers on the mainland and all the islanders to 
whom they came with the demand. Among the 
islanders that gave earth and water to Darius were 
the Aeginetans. These by so doing straightway 
brought the Athenians upon them, who supposed 
the Aeginetans to have given the gift out of enmity 
against Athens, that so they might join with the 
Persians in attacking the Athenians; and, gladly 
laying hold of this pretext, they betook themselves 
to Sparta and there accused the Aeginetans of an 
act that proved them traitors to Hellas. 

50. On this impeachment, Cleomenes, son of 
Anaxandrides, being then a king of Sparta, crossed 
over to Aegina, that he might lay hands on the 
guiltiest of its people. But when he essayed to lay 
hands on them, Crius son of Polycritus, with other 
Aeginetans at his back, withstood him, and bade 
Cleomenes take no man of Aegina, or he would rue 
it; “for,” said he, “ you have no authority from the 
Spartans for what you do; had you such, the other 
king had come with you to take us." This he said, 
being so instructed in a letter by Demaratus. Being 
thus compelled to depart from Aegina, Cleomenes 

195 
ο 2 


HERODOTUS 


Αἰγίνης εἴρετο τὸν Κριὸν 6 τι οἱ εἴη τὸ οὔνομα: ὃ 
δέ οἱ τὸ ἐὸν ἔφρασε. ὁ δὲ Κλεομένης πρὸς αὐτὸν 
ἔφη “ "δη νῦν καταχαλκοῦ ὦ κριὲ τὰ κέρεα, ὡς 
συνοισόµενος μεγάλῳ KAKO.” 

51. Ἔν δὲ τῇ Σπάρτῃ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον ὑπο- 
μένων Δημάρητος ὁ ᾿Αρίστωνος διέβαλλε τὸν 
Κλεομένεα, ἐὼν βασιλεὺς καὶ οὗτος Σπαρτιητέων, 
οἰκίης δὲ τῆς ὑποδεεστέρης, κατ ἄλλο μὲν οὐδὲν 
ὑποδεεστέρης' ἀπὸ γὰρ τοῦ αὐτοῦ γεγόνασι κατὰ 
πρεσβυγενείην δέ κως τετίμηται μᾶλλον ἡ Eùpv- 
σθένεος. 

52. Λακεδαιμόνιοι γὰρ ὁμολογέοντε οὐδενὶ 
ποιητῇ λέγουσι αὐτὸν ᾿Αριστόδημον τὸν ᾿Αριστο- 
μάχου τοῦ Κλεοδαίου τοῦ "Ύλλου βασιλεύοντα 
ἀγαγεῖν σφεας ἐς ταύτην τὴν χώρην τὴν νῦν ἐκτέα- 
ται, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ τοὺς ᾿Αριστοδήμου παῖδας. μετὰ δὲ 
χρόνον οὐ πολλὸν ᾿Αριστοδήμῳ τεκεῖν τὴν γυναῖκα, 
τῇ οὔνομα εἶναι Αργείην θυγατέρα δὲ αὐτὴν λέγουσι 
εἶναι Αὐτεσίωνος τοῦ Τισαμενοῦ τοῦ Θερσάνδρου 
τοῦ Πολυνείκεος᾽ ταύτην δὴ τεκεῖν δίδυμα, ἐπιδόν- 
τα δὲ τὸν ᾿Αριστόδημον τὰ τέκνα νούσῳ τελευτᾶν. 
Λακεδαιμονίους δὲ τοὺς τότε ἐόντας βουλεῦσαι 
κατὰ νόμον βασιλέα τῶν παίδων τὸν πρεσβύτερον 
ποιήσασθαι. οὔκων δή σφεας ἔχειν ὁκότερον ἕλων- 
ται ὥστε καὶ ὁμοίων καὶ ἴσων ἐόντων" οὐ δυναµέ- 
νους δὲ γνῶναι, ἢ καὶ πρὸ τούτου, ἐπειρωτᾶν τὴν 
τεκοῦσαν. τὴν δὲ οὐδὲ αὐτὴν φάναι διαγινώσκειν. 
εἰδυῖαν μὲν καὶ τὸ κάρτα λέγειν ταῦτα, βουλομένην 
δὲ εἴ κως ἀμφότεροι γενοίατο βασιλέες. τοὺς ὧν δὴ 


1 Κριός -- ram. 
3 “The most probable origin of this anomaly” (the dual 


196 


BOOK VI. 50-52 


asked Crius what was his name; and when Crius told 
him what it was, “ Now is the time to put bronze on 
your horns, Sir Ram,” 1 said Cleomenes, * for great 
calamity will confront you.” 

. 51. All this time Demaratus son of Ariston abode 
at Sparta and spread evil reports of Cleomenes. 
This Demaratus was also king of Sparta, but of the 
less worthy family of the two; not indeed in any 
other regard less worthy (for they have a common 
ancestor), but the house of Eurysthenes has in some 
sort the greater honour by right of primogeniture.? 

52. For by the Lacedaemonian story, wherewith 
no poet agrees, it was Aristodemus (the son of 
Aristomachus, who was the son of Cleodaeus, who 
was the son of Hyllus), and not his sons, who led 
them to that land which they now possess. After 
no long time Aristodemus' wife, whose name was 
Argeia, bore him offspring; she, they say, was 
daughter of Autesion, who was the son of Tisamenus, 
who was the son of Thersander, who was the son of 
Polynices; she bore him twins; Aristodemus lived 
to see the children, and presently died of a sickness. 
The Lacedaemonians of that day planned to follow 
their custom and make the eldest of the children 
king. But the children being in all respects alike, 
they knew not which to choose; and when they 
could not judge between them, or perchance even 
before they had essayed, they asked the mother. 
But she said that she knew no better than the 
Lacedaemonians which was the elder ; this she said, 
though she knew right well, because she desired that 
by some means both might be made kings. Being 


kingship) ‘‘is the fusion of two distinct communities whose 
chiefs shared the throne.” How and Wells, p. 82. 


197 


HERODOTUS 


Λακεδαιμονίους ἀπορέειν, ἀπορέοντας δὲ πέμπειν 
ἐς Δελφοὺς ἐπει ησομένους ὅ τι χρήσωνται τῷ 
πρήγματι. τὴν δὲ Πυθίην σφέας κελεύειν ἀμφό- 
τερα τὰ παιδία ἡγήσασθαι βασιλέας, τιμᾶν δὲ 
μᾶλλον τὸν γεραίτερον. τὴν μὲν δὴ Ἰυθίην 
ταῦτά σφι ἀνελεῖν, τοῖσι δὲ Λακεδαιμονίοισι 
ἀπορέουσι οὐδὲν ἧσσον ὅκως ἐξεύρωσι αὐτῶν τὸν 
πρεσβύτερον, ὑποθέσθαι ἄνδρα Μεσσήνιον τῷ 
οὔνομα εἶναι Πανίτην' ὑποθέσθαι δὲ τοῦτον τὸν 
Πανίτην τάδε τοῖσι Λακεδαιμονίοισι, φυλάξαι τὴν 
γειναμένην ὁκότερον τῶν παίδων πρότερον λούει 
καὶ σιτίζει: καὶ ἣν μὲν κατὰ ταὐτὰ φαίνηται αἰεὶ 
ποιεῦσα, τοὺς δὲ πᾶν ἕξειν ὅσον τι καὶ δίζηνται καὶ 
θέλουσι ἐξευρεῖν, ἣν δὲ πλανᾶται καὶ ἐκείνη ἐναλλὰξ 
ποιεῦσα, δῆλά σφι ἔσεσθαι ὡς οὐδὲ ἐκείνη πλέον 
οὐδὲν οἶδε, ἐπ᾿ ἄλλην τε τραπέσθαι σφέας ὁδόν. 
ἐνθαῦτα δὴ τοὺς Σπαρτιήτας κατὰ τὰς τοῦ Μεσ- 
σηνίου ὑποθήκας φυλάξαντας τὴν μητέρα τῶν 
᾿Αριστοδήμου παίδων λαθεῖν κατὰ ταὐτὰ τιμῶσαν 
τὸν πρότερον καὶ σίτοισι καὶ λουτροῖσι, οὐκ 
εἰδυῖαν τῶν εἵνεκεν ἐφυλάσσετο. λαβόντας. δὲ τὸ 
παιδίον τὸ τιμώμενον πρὸς τῆς γειναμένης ὡς ἐὸν 
πρότερον τρέφειν. ἐν τῷ δημοσίῳ’ καί οἱ οὔνομα 
τεθῆναι Εὐρυσθένεα, τῷ δὲ Προκλέα. τούτους 
ἀνδρωθέντας αὐτούς τε ἀδελφεοὺς ἐόντας λέγουσι 
διαφόρους εἶναι τὸν. πάντα χρόνον τῆς ζόης ἀλλή- 
λοισι, καὶ τοὺς ἀπὸ τούτων γενομένους ὡσαύτως 
διατελέειν. 

53. Ταῦτα μὲν Λακεδαιμόνιοι λέγουσι μοῦνοι 
Ἑλλήνων" τάδε δὲ κατὰ τὰ λεγόμενα ὑπ᾽ ᾿Ελλή- 
νων ἐγὼ γράφω, τούτους τοὺς Δωριέων βασιλέας 
μέχρι μὲν δὴ Περσέος τοῦ Δανάης, τοῦ θεοῦ 
108 


BOOK VI. 52-53 


then in a quandary (so the story goes), the Lacedae- 
monians sent to Delphi to enquire how they should 
deal with the matter. The priestess bade them make 
both the children kings, but honour the first of them 
most. On this answer of the priestess, the Lacedae- 
monians knowing no better than before how to dis- 
cover the eldest child, a certain Messenian, called 
Panites, gave them counsel ; and this was his counsel, 
that they should watch the mother and see which of 
the children she washed and fed before the other; 
and if in this she should ever follow one rule, they 
would then have all that they sought and desired to 
discover ; but if she changed about in her practice at 
haphazard, then it would be manifest to the Lacedae- 
monians that she know no more than they did, and 
they must betake them to some other means. There- 
upon the Spartans did as the Messenian counselled, 
and watching the mother of Aristodemus' children, 
found her ever preferring the first-born of the two 
when she fed and washed them, she not knowing 
wherefore she was watched. So they took the child 
that was preferred by its mother and brought it up 
at the public charge as the first-born; and they 
called it Eurysthenes, and the other Procles. These 
two brothers, it is said, when they came to man's 
estate, were everat feud with each other as long 
as they lived, and their descendants too continued 
in the same state. 

53. Such is the story told by the Lacedaemonians, 
but by no other Greeks. But I in what I write 
follow the Greek report, and hold that the Greeks are 
right in recording these kings of the Dorians as far 
back as to Perseus son of Danaë, — wherein they make 


199 


HERODOTUS 


^ / 
ἀπεόντος, καταλεγομένους ὀρθῶς ὑπ᾽ "Ελλήνων 
καὶ ἀποδεικνυμένους ὡς εἰσὶ Ελληνες ἤδη γὰρ 
- N 
τηνικαῦτα ἐς "Ελληνας οὗτοι ἐτέλεον. ἔλεξα δὲ 
- / 
μέχρι Περσέος τοῦδε εἵνεκα, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἀνέκαθεν 
/ 
ἔτι ἔλαβον, ὅτι οὐκ ἔπεστι ἐπωνυμίη Περσέι οὐδε- 
/ \ ^ e € / 9 ΄ 
μία πατρὸς θνητοῦ, ὥσπερ Ἡρακλέι Αμϕιτρυων. 
- 4 
ἤδη -ὧν ὀρθῷ λόγῳ χρεωμένῳ μέχρι Περσέος 
ὀρθῶς εἴρηταί µοι ἀπὸ δὲ Δανάης τῆς ᾿Ακρισίου 
^ / 
καταλέγοντι τοὺς ἄνω αἰεὶ πατέρας αὐτῶν φαινοί- 
ατο ἂν ἐόντες οἱ τῶν Δωριέων ἡγεμόνες Αἰγύπτιοι 
ἰθαγενέες. 
- / 
54. Ταῦτα μέν νυν κατὰ τὰ "Ελληνες λέγουσι 
ε / 
γεγενεηλόγηται ὡς δὲ ὁ παρὰ Περσέων λόγος 
λέγεται, αὐτὸς ὁ Περσεὺς ἐὼν ᾿Ασσύριος ἐγένετο 
"E 3 > » e II / , " \ δὲ 
λλην, ἀλλ. οὐκ οἱ Ἱ]ερσέος προγονοι τοὺς 6€ 
, / 
᾿Ακρισίου γε πατέρας ὁμολογέοντας κατ᾽ οἰκηιό- 
τητα Περσέι οὐδέν, τούτους δὲ εἶναι, κατά περ 
"EXX : Αἱ f 
NVES λέγουσι, Αιγυπτίους. 
- ^ e 
55. Καὶ ταῦτα μέν vvv περὶ τούτων εἰρήσθω. à 
, , 
τι δὲ ἐόντες Αἰγύπτιοι καὶ ὅ τι ἀποδεξάμενοι 
ἔλαβον τὰς Δωριέων βασιληίας, ἄλλοισι γὰρ περὶ 
αὐτῶν εἴρηται, ἐάσομεν αὐτά' τὰ δὲ ἄλλοι οὐ KAT- 
ελάβοντο, τούτων μνήμην ποιήσομαι. 
/ ^ ^ ^ 
56. Γέρεά τε δὴ τάδε τοῖσι βασιλεῦσι Σπαρτιῆ- 
’ 
ται δεδώκασι, ἱρωσύνας δύο, Διός τε Λακεδαίμονος 
\ N , / . / 3 / 9 ^ 
καὶ Διὸς οὐρανίου, καὶ πόλεμον ἐκφέρειν ἐπ᾽ ἣν ἂν 
΄. 
Βούλωνται χώρην, τούτου δὲ μηδένα εἶναι Σπαρ- 
τιητέων διακωλυτήν, εἰ δὲ μὴ αὐτὸν ἐν τῷ ἄγεῖ 


1 i.e. Zeus; Perseus being by one legend son of Zeus and 
Danaé. 


2 But in VII. 150 the Persian story is, that Perseus was 
200 


BOOK VI. 53-56 


no mention of the god,!—and in proving the said kings 
to be Greek; for by Perseus’ time they had come to 
be reckoned as Greeks. As far back as Perseus, I 
say, and I take the matter no farther than that, 
because none is named as the mortal father of 
Perseus, as Amphitryon is named father of Heracles. 
It is plain, then, that I have right reason on my side 
when I say that the Greek record is right as far back 
as to Perseus ; farther back than that, if the king's 
ancestors in each generation, from Danaé daughter 
of Acrisius upward, be reckoned, then the leaders of 
the Dorians will be shown to be true-born Egyptians. 

54. Thus have I traced their lineage according to 
the Greek story ; but the Persian tale is, that Perseus 
himself was an Assyrian, and became a Greek, which 
his forbears had not been ; as for Acrisius (say the 
Persians),? his ancestors had no bond of kinship with 
Perseus, and they indeed were, as the Greeks say, 
Egyptians. 

55. Enough of these matters. Now the reason 
why and for what achievements these men, being 
Egyptian, won the kingship of the Dorians, has 
been told by others; of this therefore I will say 
nothing, and will make mention of matters which 
others have not touched. 

56. These prerogatives, then, the Spartans have 
given to their kings:—They shall have two priest- 
hoods, of Zeus called Lacedaemon,’ and Zeus of 
Heaven; they shall wage war against what land 
soever they will, and no Spartan shall hinder them 
son of Danaé daughter of Acrisius. Evidently the Perseus 
legends are manifold and inconsistent. 

5 Here, as often, the cult of an ‘‘Olympian” deity is 
identified with an earlier local worship ; cp. Zeus Amphiaraus, 
Zeus Agamemnon. 

20I 


HERODOTUS 


ἐνέχεσθαι. στρατευομένων δὲ πρώτους ἰέναι τοὺς 
βασιλέας, ὑστάτους δὲ ἀπιέναι' ἑκατὸν δὲ ἄνδρας 
λογάδας ἐπὶ στρατιῆς φυλάσσειν αὐτούς' προ- 
βάτοισι δὲ χρᾶσθαι ἐν τῇσι ἐξοδίῃσι ὁκόσοισι ἂν 
ὧν ἐθέλωσι, τῶν δὲ θυομένων πάντων τὰ δέρματά 
τε καὶ τὰ νῶτα λαμβάνειν σφέας. 

57. Ταῦτα μὲν τὰ ἐμπολέμια, τὰ δὲ ἄλλα τὰ 
εἰρηναῖα κατὰ τάδε σφι δέδοται. ἦν θυσίη τις 
δηµοτελὴς ποιέηται, πρώτους ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖπνον ἴζειν 
τοὺς βασιλέας, καὶ ἀπὸ τούτων πρῶτον ἄρχεσθαι 
διπλήσια νέμοντας ἑκατέρῳ τὰ πάντα ἢ τοῖσι 
ἄλλοισι δαιτυµόνεσι, καὶ σπονδαρχίας εἶναι τούτων 
καὶ τῶν τυθέντων τὰ δέρματα. νεομηνίας δὲ πάσας 
καὶ ἑβδόμας ἱσταμένου τοῦ μηνὸς δίδοσθαι ἐκ τοῦ 
δημοσίου ἱρήιον τέλεον ἑκατέρῳ ἐς ᾿Απόλλωνος καὶ 
μέδιμνον ἀλφίτων καὶ οἴνου τετάρτην Λακωνικήν, 
καὶ ἐν τοῖσι ἀγῶσι πᾶσι προεδρίας ἐξαιρέτους. 
καὶ προξείνους ἀποδεικνύναι τούτοισι προσκεῖσθαι 
τοὺς ἂν ἐθέλωσι τῶν ἀστῶν, καὶ Πυθίους αἱρέεσθαι 
δύο ἑκάτερον. οἱ δὲ Πύθιοι εἰσὶ θεοπρόποι ἐς 
Δελφούς, σιτεόµενοι μετὰ τῶν βασιλέων τὰ δημό- 
σια. μὴ ἐλθοῦσι δὲ τοῖσι βασιλεῦσι ἐπὶ τὸ 
δεῖπνον ἀποπέμπεσθαί σφι ἐς τὰ οἰκία ἀλφίτων τε 
δύο χοίνικας ἑκατέρῳ καὶ οἴνου κοτύλην, παρεοῦσι 
δὲ διπλήσια πάντα δίδοσθαι τὠυτὸ δὲ τοῦτο καὶ 
πρὸς ἰδιωτέων κληθέντας ἐπὶ δεῖπνον τιμᾶσθαι. 
τὰς δὲ μαντηίας τὰς γινομένας τούτους φυλάσσειν, 


? is uncertain ; for 


1 The content of a ‘‘ Laconian τετάρτη 
the date, see How and Wells ad loc. 

* Usually, the πρόξενος is à citizen who out of friendship 
for a particular state undertakes the protection of its 


nationals in his city ; e.g. Miltiades at Athens is the πρόξενος 
202 


BOOK VI. 56-57 


therein, on peril of being laid under the curse. 
When the armies go forth the kings shall be first 
in the advance and last in the retreat. A hundred 
chosen men shall guard them in their campaigns. 
They shall use for sacrifice at the setting out of their 
expeditions as many sheep and goats as they will, 
and shall take the hides and the chines of all 
sacrificed beasts. 

57. Such are their rights in war; in peace the 
powers given them are according as I shall now 
show. At all public sacrifices the kings shall be first 
to sit down to the banquet, and shall be first served, 
each of them receiving a portion double of what is 
given to the rest of the company ; theirs shall be 
the first libations, and theirs the hides of the 
sacrificed beasts. At each new moon and each 
seventh day of the first part of the month, there 
shall be given to each of them from the public store 
a full-grown victim for Apollo's temple, and a bushel 
of barley-meal and a Laconian quart! of wine, and 
chief seats set apart for them at the games. More- 
over, to these it shall belong to appoint what citizens 
soever they will to be protectors of foreigners ;? and 
they shall choose the Pythians, each of them two. 
(The Pythians are messengers sent to enquire at 
Delphi, who eat with the kings at the public charge.) 
And if the kings come not to the public dinner there 
shall be sent to their houses two choenixes of barley- 
meal and half a pint of wine, but when they come they 
shall receive a double share of everything ; and the 
same honour shall be theirs when they are bidden by 
private citizensto dinner. All oracles that are given 


of Sparta. But here he is apparently an official appointed 
to watch over the interests of all foreign residents. 


203 


HERODOTUS 


συνειδέναι δὲ καὶ τοὺς Πυθίους. δικάξειν δὲ μού- 
νους τοὺς βασιλέας τοσάδε μοῦνα, πατρούχου τε 
παρθένου πέρι, ἐς τὸν ἱκνέεται ἔχειν, ἣν μή περ ὁ 
πατὴρ αὐτὴν ἐγγυήσῃ, καὶ ὁδῶν δημοσιέων πέρι' 
καὶ ἤν τις θετὸν παῖδα ποιέεσθαι ἐθέλη, βασιλέων 
ἐναντίον ποιέεσθαι. καὶ παρίξειν. βουλεύουσι τοῖσι 
γέρουσι ἐοῦσι δυῶν δέουσι τριήκοντα᾽ ἦν δὲ μὴ 
ἔλθωσι, τοὺς μάλιστά σφι τῶν ο δες προσήκον- 
τας ἔχειν τὰ τῶν βασιλέων γέρεα, δύο ψήφους 
τιθεµένους, τρίτην δὲ τὴν ἑωυτῶν. 

58. Tatra μὲν ζῶσι τοῖσι βασιλεῦσι δέδοται 
ἐκ τοῦ κοινοῦ τῶν Σπαρτιητέων, ἀποθανοῦσι δὲ 
τάδε. ὑππέες περιαγγέλλουσι τὸ γεγονὸς κατὰ 
πᾶσαν τὴν Λακωνικήν, κατὰ δὲ τὴν πόλιν γυναῖκες 
περιιοῦσαι λέβητα κροτέουσι. ἐπεὰν ὧν τοῦτο 
γίνηται τοιοῦτο, ἀνάγκη ἐξ οἰκίης ἑκάστης ἐλευ- 
θέρους δύο καταμιαίνεσθαι, ἄνδρα τε καὶ γυναῖκα" 
μὴ ποιήσασι δὲ τοῦτο ζημίαι μεγάλαι ἐπικέαται. 
νόμος δὲ τοῖσι Λακεδαιμονίοισι κατὰ τῶν βασιλέων 
τοὺς θανάτους ἐστὶ ὠντὸς καὶ τοῖσι βαρβάροισι 
τοῖσι ἐν τῇ Acin τῶν γὰρ ὧν βαρβάρων οἱ 
πλεῦνες τῷ αὐτῷ νόμῳ χρέωνται κατὰ τοὺς θανά- 
τους τῶν βασιλέων. ἐπεὰν γὰρ ἀποθάνῃ βασιλεὺς 
Λακεδαιμονίων, ἐκ πάσης δεῖ Λακεδαίμονος, χωρὶς 
Σπαρτιητέων, ἀριθμῷ τῶν περιοίκων ἀναγκαστοὺς 
ἐς τὸ κῆδος ἰέναι. τούτων ὧν καὶ τῶν εἱλωτέων καὶ 
αὐτῶν Σπαρτιητέων ἐπεὰν συλλεχθέωσι ἐ ἐς τὠυτὸ 
πολλαὶ χιλιάδες σύμμιγα τῆσι γυναιξί, κὀπτονταί 


1 ** Herodotus, though the expression is obscure, probably 
means not that each king had two votes, but that two votes 


204 


BOOK VI. 57—58 


shall be in the king's keeping, the Pythians also 
being cognisant thereof. The kings alone shall 
judge concerning the rightful possessor of an un- 
wedded heiress, if her father have not betrothed 
her, and concerning the public ways, but in no 
other cases. And if a man desire to adopt a son 
he shall do it in the presence of the kings. And 
they shall sit with the twenty-eight elders in council ; 
but if they come not thereto, then those elders that 
are nearest of kin to them shall have the king's 
prerogative, giving two votes over and above the 
third which is their own.! | 

98. These rights have the kings received from the 
Spartan commonwealth for their lifetime ; when they 
die, their rights are as I shall nowshow. Horsemen 
proclaim their death in all parts of Laconia, and in 
the city women go about beating on a caldron, So 
when this is done, two free persons from each house, 
a man and a woman, must needs put on the signs of 
defilement, or incur heavy penalties if they fail so to 
do. The Lacedaemonians have the same custom at 
the deaths of their kings as have the foreign people 
of Asia; for the most of the foreigners use the same 
custom at their kings' deaths. For when a king of 
the Lacedaemonians is dead, from all Lacedaemon, 
besides the Spartans, such and such a number of 
their subject neighbours must perforce come to the 
funeral. These then and the helots and the Spartans 
themselves being assembled in one place to the 
number of many thousands, together with the 
women, they zealously smite their foreheads and 


were given for the two absent kings, and that the vote of 
the relative who acted as proxy for both was the third." 
How and Wells, p. 87. 


205 


HERODOTUS 


τε τὰ μέτωπα προθύμως καὶ οἰμωγῇ διαχρέωνται 
ἀπλέτῳ, φάμενοι τὸν ὕστατον αἰεὶ ἀπογενόμενον 
τῶν βασιλέων, τοῦτον δὴ γενέσθαι ἄριστον. ὃς 
δ᾽ ἂν ἐν πολέμῳ τῶν βασιλέων ἀποθάνῃ, τούτῳ δὲ 
εἴδωλον σκευάσαντες ἐν κλίνῃ εὖ ἐστρωμένῃ 
3 , , b \ LA , M / € / 

ἐκφέρουσι. ἐπεὰν δὲ θάψωσι, ἀγορὴ δέκα ἡμερέων 

9 e 4 ο , , / 9 hy 
οὐκ ἵσταταί σφι οὐδ᾽ ἀρχαιρεσίη συνίζει, ἀλλὰ 
πενθέουσι ταύτας τὰς ἡμέρας. 

59. Συμφέρονται δὲ ἄλλο οὗτοι τόδε τοῖσι 
Πέρσησι' ἐπεὰν ἀποθανόντος τοῦ βασιλέος ἄλλος 
> / 4 . € 9 N 3 ^ vy 
ἐνίστηται βασιλεύς, οὗτος 0 ἐσιὼν ἐλευθεροῖ ὅστις 
τι Σπαρτιητέων τῷ βασιλέι ἢ τῷ δημοσίῳ ὤφειλε' 
3 3 . / e ΄ . ~ 
ἐν δ᾽ αὖ Πέρσῃσι ὁ κατιστάµενος βασιλεὺς τὸν 
προοφειλόμενον φόρον μετιεῖ τῆσι πόλισι πάσῃσι. 

60. Συμφέρονται δὲ καὶ τάδε Αἰγυπτίοισι 
Λακεδαιμόνιοι' οἱ κήρυκες αὐτῶν καὶ αὐληταὶ καὶ 
μάγειροι ἐκδέκονται τὰς πατρωίας τέχνας, καὶ 
αὐλητής τε αὐλητέω γίνεται καὶ μάγειρος μαγεί- 
ρου καὶ κῆρυξ κήρυκος οὐ κατὰ λαμπροφωνίην 
, / » / / , 
ἐπιτιθέμενοι ἄλλοι σφέας παρακλήίουσι, ἀλλὰ 
κατὰ τὰ πάτρια ἐπιτελέουσι. 

61. Ἑαῦτα «μὲν δὴ οὕτω γίνεται. τότε δὲ τὸν 
Κλεομένεα ἐόντα ἐν τῇ Αἰγίνῃ καὶ κοινὰ τῇ 
Ἑλλάδι ἀγαθὰ προεργαξόµενον ὁ Δημάρητος διέ- 
βαλε, οὐκ Αἰγινητέων οὕτω κηδόμενος ὡς φθ ove 
καὶ ἄγῃ χρεώμενος. «Κλεομένης δὲ νοστήσας ἀπ᾽ 
Αἰγίνης ἐβούλευε τὸν Δημάρητον παῦσαι τῆς 
βασιληίης, διὰ πρῆγμα τοιόνδε ἐπίβασιν ἐ ἐς αὐτὸν 
ποιεύμενος. ᾿Αρίστωνι βασιλεύοντι ἐν Σπάρτη 
καὶ γήμαντι γυναῖκας δύο παῖδες οὐκ ἐγίνοντο. καὶ 


206 


BOOK VI. 58-61 


make long and loud lamentation, calling that king 
that is lateliest dead, whoever he be, the best of all 
their kings. Whenever a king is slain in war, they 
make an image of him and carry it out on a well- 
bedecked bier, and after burial, for ten days there- 
after there is no meeting for market or assize, nor 
for choosing of magistrates, but these are days of 
mourning. 

59. Here is another matter wherein the Lacedae- 
monians are like to the Persians :—When one king 
is dead and another takes his office, this successor 
releases from debt what Spartan soever owed any- 
thing to the king or the commonwealth ; so too 
among the Persians the king at the beginning of his 
reign forgives all cities their arrears of tribute. 

60. Moreover the Lacedaemonians are like the 
Egyptians, in that their heralds and flute-players 
and cooks inherit the craft from their fathers, a 
flute-player's son being a flute-player, and a cook's 
son a cook, and a herald's son a herald ; no others 
usurp their places, making themselves heralds by 
loudness of voice; they ply their craft by right of 
birth, 

61. Such is the way of these matters. But at the 
time whereof I speak, while Cleomenes was in 
Aegina, there working for what should be afterwards 
the common advantage of Hellas, Demaratus spread 
ill reports of him, less because he cared for the 
Aeginetans, than out of jealousy and malice. When 
Cleomenes returned back from Aegina, he planned 
to depose Demaratus from his kingship; for what 
cause he thus assailed him I will now show. Ariston, 
king of Sparta, had married two wives, but no 
children were born to him.  Believing that he 


207 


HERODOTUS 


οὐ γὰρ συνεγινώσκετο αὐτὸς τούτων εἶναι αἴτιος, 
γαμέει τρίτην γυναῖκα ὧδε δὲ γαμέει. ἣν οἱ 
φίλος τῶν Σπαρτιητέων ἀνήρ, τῷ προσεκέετο τῶν 
ἀστῶν μάλιστα ὁ ᾿Αρίστων. τούτῳ τῷ ἀνδρὶ 
ἐτύγχανε ἐοῦσα γυνὴ καλλίστη μακρῷ τῶν ἐν 
Σπάρτῃ γυναικῶν, καὶ ταῦτα μέντοι καλλίστη ἐξ 
αἰσχίστης γενομένη. ἐοῦσαν γάρ μιν τὸ εἶδος 
φλαύρην ἡ τροφὸς αὐτῆς, οἷα ἀνθρώπων τε ὀλβίων 
θυγατέρα καὶ δυσειδέα ἐ ἐοῦσαν, πρὸς δὲ καὶ ὁρῶσα 
τοὺς γονέας συμφορὴν τὸ εἶδος αὐτῆς ποιευμένους, 
ταῦτα ἕκαστα | μαθοῦσα ἐπιφράξεται τοιάδε" ἐφόρεε 
αὐτὴν ἀνὰ πᾶσαν ἡμέρην ἐς τὸ τῆς Ἑλένης ἱρόν. 
τὸ Ó ἐστὶ ἐν τῇ 'Θεράπνῃ καλεομένῃ ὕπερθε τοῦ 
Φοιβηίου ἱ ἱροῦ. ὅκως δὲ ἐ ἐνείκειε ἡ τροφός, πρὸς τε 
τῶγαλμα iota καὶ ἐλίσσετο τὴν θεὸν ἀπαλλάξαι 
τῆς δυσμορφίης τὸ παιδίον. καὶ δή κοτε ἀπιούσῃ 
ἐκ τοῦ ἱροῦ τῇ τροφῷ γυναῖκα λέγεται ἐπιφανῆναι, 
ἐπιφανεῖσαν δὲ ἐπειρέσθαι. μιν ὅ τι φέρει ἐν τῇ 
ἀγκάλη, καὶ τὴν φράσαι ὡς παιδίον φορέει, τὴν 
δὲ κελεῦσαί οἱ δέξαι, τὴν δὲ οὐ φάναι" ἀπειρῆσθαι 
γάρ οἱ ἐκ τῶν γειναμένων μηδενὶ ἐπιδεικνύναι" τὴν 
δὲ πάντως ἑωυτῇ κελεύειν ἐπιδέξαι. ὁρῶσὰν δὲ 
τὴν γυναῖκα περὶ πολλοῦ ποιευμένην ἰδέσθαι, οὕτω 
δὴ τὴν τροφὸν δέξαι τὸ παιδίον" τὴν δὲ κατα- 
ψώσαν τοῦ παιδίου τὴν κεφαλὴν εἶπαι ὡς καλ- 
λιστεύσει πασέων τῶν ἐν Σπάρτῃ γυναικῶν. ἀπὸ 
μὲν δὴ ταύτης τῆς ἡμέρης μεταπεσεῖν τὸ εἶδος. 
γαμέει δὲ δή μιν ἐς γάμου ὥρην ἀπικομένην' "Αγητος 
ὁ ᾿Αλκείδεω, οὗτος δὴ ὁ τοῦ ᾿Αρίστωνος φίλος. 

62. Τὸν δὲ ᾿Αρίστωνα ἔκνιζε ἄρα τῆς γυναικὸς 
ταύτης ὁ ἔρως' μηχανᾶται δὴ τοιάδε’ αὐτός τε τῷ 


208 


BOOK VI. 61-62 


himself was not in fault, he married a third wife; 
and this was how it came about. There was a certain 
Spartan who was Ariston's nearest and dearest 
friend. This man had a wife who was by far the 
fairest of Spartan women, yet albeit she was now the 
fairest she had been most ill-favoured. For, she 
being of mean aspect, her nurse having in mind that 
the daughter of a wealthy house was so uncomely, 
and that her parents took her appearance much to 
heart, bethought her for these reasons of a plan, 
and carried the child every day to the shrine of 
Helen, which is in the place called Therapne,! above 
the temple of Phoebus. Thither the nurse would 
bear the child, and set her by the image, and pray 
the goddess to deliver her from her ill looks. Now 
on a day, as the nurse was departing out of the 
temple, a woman (it is said) appeared to her, and 
asked her what she bore in her arms. “It is a 
child," said the nurse. * Show it to me," said the 
woman. “ That,’ quoth the nurse, “I cannot do; 
for I am forbidden by the parents to show it to any." 
** Nay," said the woman, “ but you must by all means 
show me the child." So when the nurse saw that 
the woman was very desirous to see the child, she 
did then show it; whereupon the woman stroked 
the child's head, and said that this should be the 
fairest of all Spartan ladies. From that day, it is 
said, the child's appearance changed ; and when she 
came to marriageable age she was wedded to that 
friend of Ariston, Agetus son of Alcidas. 

62. But Ariston, it would seem, conceived a 
passion for this woman ; and this was his device to 


1 S.E. of Sparta; the legendary burial-place of Menelaus 
and Helen. The foundations of a temple are still visible. 
209 
VOL. III, P 


' HERODOTUS è è- 


ἑταίρῳ, τοῦ ἣν ἡ γυνὴ αὕτη, ὑποδέκεται δωτίνην 
δώσειν τῶν ἑωυτοῦ πάντων ἕν, τὸ ἂν αὐτὸς ἐκεῖνος 
ἕληται, καὶ τὸν ἑταῖρον ἑωυτῷ ἐκέλευε ὡσαύτως τὴν 
ὁμοίην διδόναι" ὃ ὃ δὲ οὐδὲν φοβηθεὶς ἀμφὶ τῇ γυναικί, 
ὀρέων ἐοῦσαν καὶ ᾿Αρίστωνι γυναῖκα, καταινέει 
ταῦτα" ἐπὶ τούτοισι δὲ ὅρκους ἐπήλασαν. μετὰ 
δὲ αὐτός Teo A ρύστων ἔδωκε τοῦτο, ὅ τι .δὴ ἢ ἦν, τὸ 
εἵλετο τῶν κειμηλίων τῶν ᾿Αρίστωνος ὁ "Ayrrros, 
kai αὐτὸς τὴν ὁμοίην -ξητέων φέρεσθαι παρ᾽ 
ἐκείνου, ἐνθαῦτα δὴ τοῦ ἑταίρου τὴν γυναῖκα 
ἐπειρᾶτο ἀπάγεσθαι. ὃ δὲ πλὴν τούτου μούνου τὰ 
ἄλλα ἔφη καταινέσαι' ἀναγκαξόμενος μέντοι τῷ 
τε ὅρκῳ καὶ τῆς ἀπάτης τῇ παραγωγῇ ἀπιεῖ 
ἀπάγεσθαι. 

68. Οὕτω μὲν δὴ τὴν τρίτην ἐσηγάγετο γυναῖκα 
ὁ ᾿Αρίστων, τὴν δευτέρην ἀποπεμψάμενος. ἐν δέ οἱ 
χρόνῳ ἐλάσσονι καὶ οὐ ) πληρώσασα τοὺς δέκα μῆνας 
7 γυνὴ αὕτη τίκτει τοῦτον δὴ τὸν Δημάρητον. καί 
τίς οἱ τῶν οἰκετέων ἐν θώκῳ κατημένῳ μετὰ τῶν 
ἐφόρων ἐξαγγέλλει ὥς οἱ παῖς γέγονε. ὃ δὲ 
ἐπιστάμενός τε τὸν χρόνον τῷ ἠγάγετο τὴν γυναῖκα 
καὶ ἐπὶ δακτύλων συμβαλλόμενος τοὺς -μῆνας, εἶπε 
ἀπομόσας “Οὐκ ἂν ἐμὸς εἴη. τοῦτο ἤκουσαν μὲν 
οἱ ἔφοροι, πρῆγμα μέντοι οὐδὲν ἐποιήσαντο τὸ 
παραυτίκα. ὁ δὲ παῖς ηὔξετο, καὶ τῷ ᾿Αρίστωνι 
τὸ εἰρημένον μετέμελε' παῖδα γὰρ τὸν ᾿Δημάρητον 
ἐς τὰ μάλιστά οἱ ἐνόμισε εἶναι. Δημάρητον δὲ 
αὐτῷ οὔνομα ἔθετο διὰ τόδε" πρότερον τούτων παν- 
δημεὶ Σπαρτιῆται ᾿Αρίστωνι, á ὡς ἀνδρὶ εὐδοκιμέοντι 
διὰ πάντων δὴ τῶν Βασιλέων τῶν ἐν Σπάρτῃ 
γενομένων, ἀρὴν ἐποιήσαντο παῖδα γένεσθαι. 

64. Διὰ τοῦτο μέν οἱ τὸ οὔνομα Δημάρητος 
210 


** BOOK VI. 62-64 


get her. He promised his friend, the husband of 
this woman, that he would make him a present of 
some one of his possessions, whatever the friend 
himself should choose, on condition that his friend 
should give him a recompense in like manner. 
Having no fear for his wife,—seeing that Ariston 
had a wife also,—Agetus consented thereto; and 
they swore an oath upon it. Then Ariston gave 
Agetus whatsoever it was that he chose out of 
Ariston’s treasures; for himself, as the recompense 
that he was fain to win from Agetus, he essayed to 
take away his friend's wife. Agetus said he would 
consent to all else, save only that; howbeit he was 
compelled by his oath and the trick whereby he was 
decéived, and suffered Ariston to take her. 

63. Thus Ariston brought home his third wife, 
having divorced the second; and in a shorter time 
than the full ten months his wife bore him a child, 
the Demaratus aforesaid. He was sitting in council 
with the ephors when one of his household came to 
tell him that a son was born to him; and knowing 
the time of his marriage, he reckoned the months 
on his fingers and said, with an oath, “ The boy can- 
not be mine.” The ephors heard that; but for the 
nonce they took no account of it. As the boy grew, 
Ariston repented him of what he had said; for he 
believed Demaratus to be in very truth his son. He 
called him Demaratus, because ere this the whole 
** people " of the Spartans had “ prayed ” that Ariston 
might have a son, he being held in greater honour 
than any king of Sparta. 

64. For that cause the name Demaratus was 

21I 


P 2 


HERODOTUS 


ἐτέθη' χρόνου δὲ προϊόντος ᾿Αρίστων μὲν ἀπέθανε, 
Δημάρητος δὲ ἔσχε τὴν βασιληίην. ἔδεε δέ, ὡς 
ἔοικε, ἀνάπυστα γενόμενα ταῦτα καταπαῦσαι 
Δημάρητον τῆς βασιληίης διὰ τὰ . A Κλεομένεϊ 
διεβλήθη μεγάλως πρότερόν τε ὁ Δημάρητος ἀπ- 
αγαγὼν τὴν στρατιὴν ἐξ Ἐλευσῖνος, καὶ δὴ καὶ 
τότε ἐπ Αἰγινητέων τοὺς μηδίσαντας διαβάντος 
Κλεομένεος. 

65. Ὁρμηθεὶς ὧν ἀποτίνυσθαι ὁ Κλεομένης 
συντίθεται Λευτυχίδῃ τῷ Μενάρεος τοῦ "Άγιος, 
ἐόντι οἰκίης τῆς αὐτῆς Δημαρήτῳ, ἐπ᾽ ᾧ τε, ἦν 
αὐτὸν καταστήσῃ βασιλέα ἀντὶ Δημαρήτου, ἕψε- 
ταί οἱ ἐπ᾽ Αἰγινήτας. ὁ δὲ Λευτυχίδης ἦν ἐχθρὸς 
τῷ Δημαρήτῳ μάλιστα γεγονὼς διὰ πρῆγμα 
τοιόνδε" ἁρμοσαμένου, Λευτυχίδεω Ἡέρκαλον: τὴν 
Χίλωνος τοῦ Δημαρμένου θυγατέρα, ὁ ο Δημάρητος 
ἐπιβουλεύσας à ἀποστερέει Λευτυχίδεα τοῦ γάμου, 
φθάσας αὐτὸς τὴν Πέρκαλον å ἁρπάσας καὶ σ OV 
γυναῖκα. κατὰ τοῦτο μὲν τῷ Λευτυχίδῃ ἡ 7) ἔχ pn 
ἡ ἐς τὸν Δημάρητον ἐγεγόνεε, τότε δὲ ἐκ τῆς 
Κλεομένεος προθυμίης ὁ Λευτυχίδης κατόμνυται 
Δημαρήτῳ, φὰς αὐτὸν οὐκ ἱκνεομένως βασιλεύειν 

παρτιητέων οὐκ ἐόντα παῖδα ᾿Αρίστωνος" μετὰ 
δὲ τὴν κατωμοσίην ἐδίωκε, ἀνασώξων ἐ ἐκεῖνο τὸ ἔπος 
τὸ εἶπε ᾿Αρίστων : τότε ὅτε οἱ ἐξήγγειλε ὁ οἰκέτης 
παῖδα γεγονέναι, ὃ δὲ συμβαλόμενος τοὺς μῆνας 
ἀπώμοσε φὰς οὐκ ἑωυτοῦ μιν εἶναι. τούτου 
ἐπιβατεύων τοῦ ῥήματος ὁ Λευτυχίδης ἀπέφαινε 
τὸν Δημάρητον οὔτε ἐξ Αρίστωνος γεγονότα οὔτε 
ἱκνευμένως βασιλεύοντα Σπάρτης, τοὺς ἐφόρους 
μάρτυρας παρεχόμενος κείνους οἳ τότε ἐτύγχανον 

1 Perhaps Herodotus wrote διὰ τοίηνδε τινὰ αἰτίην. 
212 


4 


BOOK VI. 64-65 


given to the boy; and as time went on Ariston 
died, and Demaratus obtained his kingship. But 
fate (it would seem) willed that these matters should 
be discovered and lose Demaratus his kingship for 
some such reason as this. Cleomenes had been 
bitterly at enmity with Demaratus ere this, when 
Demaratus led his army away from Eleusis, and as 
bitterly now when he himself had crossed over to 
punish those Aeginetans who espoused the Persian 
cause. 

65. Being therefore desirous of revenge, Cleomenes 
made an agreement with a man of Demaratus' family, 
Leutychides son of Menares, who was the son of 
Agis, that if he made Leutychides king in De- 
maratus' stead, Leutychides should go with him 
against the Aeginetans. Now Leutychides was a 
mortal foe of Demaratus; for he having been 
betrothed to Percalus, daughter of Chilon the son 
of Demarmenus, Demaratus had plotted and robbed 
Leutychides of his bride, carrying her off before the 
marriage and wedding her himself. Such was the 
reason of Leutychides' feud with Demaratus; and 
now by Cleomenes' instigation he brought an 
accusation against Demaratus, alleging him to be no 
rightful king of Sparta, seeing that he was not the 
son of Ariston; which accusation being laid he im- 
peached Demaratus in court, ever keeping in mind 
what Ariston had said when the servant brought 
news of the birth of a son, and on a reckoning of the 
months he swore that the boy was none of his. On 
that saying Leutychides took his stand, and strove 
to prove that Demaratus was no son of Ariston or 
rightful king of Sparta, by calling as witnesses those 


213 


HERODOTUS 


/ r 97 \ > 2 : ^ 3 , 
πάρεδροί τε ἐόντες καὶ ἀκούσαντες ταῦτα ᾿Αρί- 
στωνος. 

66. Τέλος δὲ ἐόντων περὶ αὐτῶν νεικέων, ἔδοξε 
Σπαρτιήτῃσι ἐπειρέσθαι τὸ χρηστήριον τὸ ἐν 
Δελφοῖσι εἰ ᾿Αρίστωνος εἴη παῖς ὁ Δημάρητος. 
ἀνοίστου δὲ γενομένου ἐκ προνοίης τῆς Κλεομένεος 
3 M 4 3 ^ OPE [4 
ἐς τὴν Πυθίην, ἐνθαῦτα προσποιέεται Κλεομένης 
Κόβωνα τὸν ᾿Αριστοφάντου, ἄνδρα ἐν Δελφοῖσι 
δυναστεύοντα μέγιστον, ὁ δὲ Κύβων Περίαλλαν 

. , , / M , , 7 
τὴν πρόμαντιν ἀναπείθει τὰ Κλεομένης ἐβούλετο 

/ / e \ ο / 3 / 
λέγεσθαι λέγειν. οὕτω δὴ ἡ Πυθίη ἐπειρωτώντων 
τῶν θεοπρόπων ἔκρινε μὴ ᾿Αρίστωνος εἶναι Δημά- 
ρητον παῖδα. ὑστέρῳ μέντοι χρόνῳ ἀνάπυστα 
ἐγένετο ταῦτα, καὶ Κόβων τε ἔφυγε ἐκ Δελφῶν 
καὶ Περίαλλα ἡ πρόμαντις ἐπαύσθη τῆς τιμῆς. 

67. Κατὰ μὲν δὴ Δημαρήτου τὴν κατάπαυσιν 

- / [4 > / 9 \ 7 
τῆς βασιληίης οὕτω ἐγένετο, ἔφυγε δὲ Δημάρητος 
, , , / , e^ , / N 
ἐκ Σπάρτης ἐς Μήδους ἐκ τοιοῦδε ὀνείδεος. μετὰ 
τῆς βασιληίης τὴν κατάπαυσιν ὁ Δημάρητος ἦρχε 
αἱρεθεὶς ἀρχήν. ἦσαν μὲν δὴ γυμνοπαιδίαι, θεωμέ- 
νου δὲ τοῦ Δημαρήτου ὁ Λευτυχίδης γεγονὼς ἤδη 
N LENA! , > 9 / / . 4 
βασιλεὺς αὐτὸς avr ἐκείνου, πέμψας τὸν θερά- 
ποντα ἐπὶ γέλωτί τε καὶ λάσθῃ εἰρώτα τὸν 
Δημάρητον ὁκοῖόν τι εἴη τὸ ἄρχειν μετὰ τὸ βασι- 
λεύειν. ὃ δὲ ἀλγήσας τῷ ἐπειρωτήματι εἶπε φὰς 
αὐτὸς μὲν ἀμφοτέρων ἤδη πεπειρῆσθαι, κεῖνον δὲ 
οὔ, τὴν μέντοι ἐπειρώτησιν ταύτην ἄρξειν Λακε- 
δαιμονίοισι ἢ μυρίης κακότητος ἢ μυρίης εὐδαι- 
μονίης. ταῦτα δὲ εἴπας καὶ κατακαλυψ-άμενος ἤιε 
214 


BOOK VI. 65-67 


ephors who had then been sitting in council and 
heard Ariston say that. 

66. At the last, the matter being in dispute, the 
Spartans resolved to enquire of the Delphic oracle 
if Demaratus were the son of Ariston. This was 
reported to the Pythian priestess by the instigation 
of Cleomenes ; who then gained the aid of Cobon son 
of Aristophantus, a man of very great power at 
Delphi; and Cobon over-persuaded Perialla, the 
prophetess, to say what Cleomenes desired to be 
said. On this the priestess, when the messengers 
enquired of her, gave judgment that Demaratus was 
not the son of Ariston. But at a later day these 
doings were discovered; Cobon was banished from 
Delphi and Perialla the prophetess was deprived of 
her honourable office. | 

67. This then was how Demaratus was deposed 
from his kingship; and he betook himself from 
Sparta into banishment among the Medes by reason 
of a reproach of which I will now tell. After he 
was deposed, Demaratus held an office whereto he 
had been elected. Now while the festival of the 
Naked Men! was celebrating, and Demaratus watch- 
ing it, Leutychides, having by this time been made 
king in his place, sent his servant to ask Demaratus 
by way of mere mockery and insult how he liked 
his office after being a king.  Wroth at that question, 
Demaratus made answer that he had made trial of 
both states, which Leutychides had not; but of that 
question (he said) 'twas likelier that huge calamity 
would come upon Lacedaemon than huge prosperity. 
Thus he spoke, and covering his head he quitted the 


! A midsummer festival, celebrated at Sparta by bands 
of naked boys and men, 


215 


HERODOTUS 


ἐκ τοῦ θεήτρου ἐς τὰ ἑωυτοῦ οἰκία, αὐτίκα δὲ 
παρασκευασάμενος ἔθυε τῷ Διὶ βοῦν, θύσας δὲ 
τὴν μητέρα ἐκάλεσε. 

68. ᾿Απικομένῃ δὲ τῇ μητρὶ ἐσθεὶς ἐς τὰς χεῖράς 
οἱ τῶν σπλάγχνων κατικέτευε, τοιάδε λέγων. eo 
μῆτερ, θεῶν σε τῶν τε ἄλλων καταπτόμενος ixe- 
τεύω καὶ τοῦ ἑρκείου Διὸς τοῦδε φράσαι μοι τὴν 
ἀληθείην, τίς μεν ἐστὶ πατὴρ ὀρθῷ λόγῳ. Λευτι'- 
χίδης μὲν γὰρ ἔφη ἐν τοῖσι νείκεσι λέγων κυέουσάν 
σε ἐκ τοῦ προτέρου ἀνδρὸς οὕτω ἐλθεῖν παρὰ 
᾿Αρίστωνα' οἱ δὲ καὶ τὸν µαταιότερον͵ λόγον 
λέγοντες φασί σε ἐλθεῖν παρὰ τῶν οἰκετέων τὸν 
ὀνοφορβόν, καὶ ἐμὲ ἐκείνου εἶναι παῖδα. ἐγώ. σε 
ὧν μετέρχομαι τῶν θεῶν εἰπεῖν TONNO ES οὔτε 
γάρ, εἶ περ πεποίηκάς τι τῶν λεγομένων, μούνη δη 
πεποίηκας, μετὰ πολλέων δέ ὅ ὅ τε λόγος πολλὸς 
ἐν Σπάρτῃ ὡς ᾿Αρίστωνι σπέρμα παιδοποιὸν οὐκ 
ἐνῆν" τεκεῖν γὰρ à ἄν οἱ καὶ τὰς προτέρας γυναῖκας.” 

69. Ὃ μὲν δὴ τοιαῦτα ἔλεγε, ἣ δὲ ἀμείβετο 
τοῖσιδε. “Q παῖ, ἐπείτε με λιτῇσι μετέρχεαι 
εἰπεῖν τὴν ἀληθείην, πᾶν ἐς σὲ κατειρήσεται 
τὠληθές. ὥς HE ἠγάγετο ᾿Αρίστων ἐς ἑωυτοῦ, 
νυκτὶ τρίτῃ ἀπὸ τῆς πρώτης ἦλθέ μοι φάσμα 
εἰδόμενον ᾿Αρίστωνι, συνευνηθὲν δὲ τοὺς στεφά- 
νους τοὺς εἶχε ἐμοὶ περιετίθεε. καὶ τὸ μὲν 
οἰχώκεε, ἧκε δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα ᾿Αρίστων. ὡς δέ 
με εἶδε ἔ ἔχουσαν. στεφάνους, εὐρώτα τίς εἴη µοι ὁ 
Sous" ἐγὼ δὲ ἐφάμην ἐ ἐκεῖνον, ὃ δὲ οὐκ ὑπεδέκετο. 
ἐγὼ δὲ κατωμνύμην φαμένη αὐτὸν οὐ ποιέειν 
καλῶς ἀπαρνεόμενον' ὀλίγῳ γάρ τι πρότερον 
ἐλθόντα καὶ συνευνηθέντα δοῦναί μοι τοὺς στεφά- 
νους. ὀρέων δέ µε κατομνυμένην ὁ ᾿Αρίστων 
216 


BOOK VI. 67-69 


theatre and went to his own house; there he made 
ready and sacrificed an ox to Zeus; after which 
sacrifice he called to him his mother. 

68. She came, and he put a part of the entrails in 
her hands, and said in entreaty: “My mother, I 
entreat you in the name of the gods, but especially 
Zeus of the household in whose presence we stand : 
tell me now truly, who was in very deed my father. 
For Leutychides said in those disputes, that you had 
asonin you by your first husband when you came to 
Ariston ; and others there are that have a yet more 
random tale, saying that you consorted with one of 
the household that was the ass-keeper, and that it 
is his son that I am. "Therefore I entreat you by 
the gods to tell me the truth; for if you have done 
aught such as they say of you, not you only but 
many other women have done the like; and it is 
currently reported at Sparta that Ariston had it not 
in him to be a father, else would his former wives 
have borne him children." 

69. Thus he spoke, and thus she answered him: 
* My son, since you pray and entreat me to tell you 
the truth, the whole truth shall be told to you. On 
the third night after Ariston had brought me to his 
house, there came to me an appearance like to 
Ariston, and lay with me, and then put on me the 
garlands which he had. So when that figure was 
gone, presently Ariston came to me. Seeing the 
garlands on me, he asked me who had given them; 
I said they were his gift, but he denied it. Then I 
said, and swore it, that he did not well to deny it ; 
for, I told him, he had come but a little while ago 
and lain with me and so given me the garlands. 
When Ariston saw that I swore to that, he per- 


217 


HERODOTUS 


ἔμαθε ὡς θεῖον εἴη τὸ πρῆγμα. καὶ τοῦτο μὲν 
οὐ στέφανοι ἐφάνησαν ἐόντες ἐκ τοῦ ἡρωίου τοῦ 
παρὰ τῇσι θύρησι τῆσι αὐλείῃσι ἱδρυμένου, τὸ 
καλέουσι ᾿Αστροβάκου, τοῦτο δὲ οἱ μάντιες τὸν 
αὐτὸν τοῦτον ἥρωα ἀναίρεον εἶναι. οὕτω ὦ παῖ 
ἔχεις πᾶν, ὅσον τι καὶ .Βούλεαι πυθέσθαι' ἢ ἢ γὰρ 
ἐκ τοῦ ἥρωος τούτου γέγονας, καί τοι πατήρ ἐστι 
᾿Αστρόβακος ò ἥρως, 7 ᾿Αρίστων' ἐν γάρ σε τῇ 
νυκτὶ ταύτῃ ἀναιρέομαι. τῇ δέ σευ μάλιστα 
κατάπτονται οἱ .ἐχθροί, λέγοντες ὡς αὐτὸς 0 
᾿Αρίστων, ὅτε αὐτῷ σὺ ἠγγέλθης γεγενημένος, 
πολλῶν ἀκουόντων οὐ φήσειέ σε ἑωυτοῦ εἶναι (τὸν 
χρόνον γάρ, τοὺς δέκα μῆνας, οὐδέκω ἐξήκειν), 
ἀιδρείῃ τῶν τοιούτων κεῖνος τοῦτο ἀπέρριψε τὸ 
ἔπος. τίκτουσι γὰρ γυναῖκες καὶ ἐννεάμηνα καὶ 
ἑπτάμηνα, καὶ οὐ πᾶσαι δέκα μῆνας ἐκτελέσασαι" 
ἐγὼ δὲ σὲ ὦ παῖ ἑπτάμηνον ἔτεκον. ἔγνω δὲ καὶ 
αὐτὸς ὁ ᾿Αρίστων οὐ μετὰ πολλὸν χρόνον ὡς 
ἀνοίῃ τὸ ἔπος ἐκβάλοι τοῦτο. λόγους δὲ ἄλλους 
περὶ γενέσιος τῆς σεωυτοῦ μὴ δέκεο' τὰ γὰρ 
ἀληθέστατα πάντα ἀκήκοας. ἐκ δὲ ὀνοφορβῶν 
αὐτῷ τε Λευτυχίδῃ καὶ τοῖσι ταῦτα λέγουσι 
τίκτοιεν αἱ γυναῖκες. παῖδας. 

Τ0. Ἢ μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ἔλεγε, ὃ δὲ πυθόμενός τε 
τὰ ἐβούλετο καὶ ὁ ἐπόδια λαβὼν ἐ ἐπορεύετο ἐς λιν, 
τῷ λόγῳ pas ὡς ἐς Δελφοὺς χρησόμενος τῷ χρη- 
στηρίῳ πορεύεται. Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ ὑποτοπη- 
θέντες Δημάρητον δρησμῷ ἐπιχειρέειν ἐδίωκον. 
καί κως ἔφθη ἐς Ζάκυνθον διαβὰς 0 Δημάρητος 
ἐκ τῆς Ἤλιδος" ἐπιδιαβάντες δὲ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι 
αὐτοῦ τε ἅπτοντο καὶ τοὺς θεράποντας αὐτοῦ 
ἀπαιρέονται. μετὰ δέ, οὐ γὰρ ἐξεδίδοσαν αὐτὸν 
218 


BOOK VI. 69-70 


ceived that the hand of heaven was in the matter ; 
and not only were the garlands plainly seen to have 
come from the hero's shrine they call Astrobacus' 
shrine, that stands by the door of the courtyard, but 
the diviners declared that it was that same hero, 
Astrobacus, that had visited me. Thus, my son, you 
have all that you desire to know; for either you are 
the son of that hero, and the hero Astrobacus is your 
father, or Ariston is; for on that night did I con- 
ceive you. « But as touching the plea that they most 
urge against you, namely, that Ariston himself, 
when your birth was announced to him, said in the 
hearing of many that you were not his son, the full 
ten months’ time being not completed: that was an 
idle word that he spoke, as not knowing the truth of 
such matters; for not all women complete the full 
ten months’ time, but some bear children after nine 
months, or even after seven; and you, my son, were 
born after seven months. It was not long ere 
Ariston himself came to know that this was a foolish 
word that had escaped him. Give no credence to 
any other tales concerning your birth; for this is 
very truth that I have told you; and for Leutychides 
himself and those that tell such tales, may Bey be 
cuckolded by their ass-keepers.”’ 

70. Thus his mother spoke. Demaratus, having 
learnt what he desired, took provision for the way and 
journeyed to Elis, pretending that he journeyed to 
Delphi to enquire of the oracle. But the Lacedae- 
monians suspected that he planned to escape, and 
pursued after him; Demaratus was by some means 
beforehand with them and crossed the sea from Elis 
to Zacynthus; the Lacedaemonians crossed over 
after him and strove to lay hands on him, carrying 


219" 


HERODOTUS 


οἱ Ζακύνθιοι, ἐνθεῦτεν διαβαίνει ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίην 
παρὰ βασιλέα Δαρεῖον. ὃ δὲ ὑπεδέξατό τε αὐτὸν 
μεγαλωστὶ καὶ γῆν τε καὶ πόλιας ἔδωκε. οὕτω 
ἀπίκετο ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίην Δημάρητος καὶ τοιαύτῃ 
χρησάμενος τύχη, ἄλλα τε Λακεδαιμονίοισι συχνὰ 
ἔργοισί τε καὶ γνώμῃσι ἀπολαμπρυνθείς, ἐν δὲ δὴ 
καὶ Ὀλυμπιάδα σφι ἀνελόμενος τεθρίππῳ προσ- 
έβαλε, μοῦνος τοῦτο πάντων δὴ τῶν γενομένων 
βασιλέων ἐν Σπάρτη ποιήσας. : 

71. Λευτυχίδης δὲ o Mevápeos Δημαρήτου κατα- 
παυσθέντος A ἐδέξατο τὴν βασιληίην, καί οἱ γίνε- 
ται παῖς Ζευξίδημος, τὸν δὴ Κυνίσκον μετεξέτεροι 
Σπαρτιητέων ἐκάλεον. οὗτος ὁ Ζευξίδημος οὐκ 
ἐβασίλευσε Σπάρτης, πρὸ Λευτυχίδεω γὰρ τε- 
λευτᾷ, λιπὼν παῖδα ᾿Αρχίδημον. Λευτυχίδης δὲ 
στερηθεὶς Ζευξιδήμου γαμέει δευτέρην γυναῖκα 
Εὐρυδάμην τὴν ἐοῦσαν Μενίου ἀδελφεὴν Διακτο- 
ρίδεω δὲ θυγατέρα, ἐκ τῆς οἱ ἔρσεν μὲν γίνεται 
οὐδέν, θυγάτηρ δὲ Λαμπιτώ, τὴν ᾿Αρχίδημος ὃ 
Ζευξιδήμου γαμέει δόντος αὐτῷ en 

72. Οὐ μὲν οὐδὲ Λευτυχίδης κατεγήρα ἐν 
Σπάρτῃ, ἀλλὰ τίσιν τοιήνδε τινὰ Δημαρήτῳ 
ἐξέτισε. ἐστρατήγησε Λακεδαιμονίοισι ἐς Θεσ- 
σαλίην, παρεὸν δέ οἱ πάντα ὑποχείρια ποιήσα- 
σθαι ἐδωροδόκησε ἀργύριον πολλόν: ἐπ᾿ αὐτοφώρῳ 
δὲ ἁλοὺς αὐτοῦ ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ, ἐπικατήμενος 
χειρίδι πλέῃ ἀργυρίου, ἔφυγε ἐκ Σπάρτης ὑπὸ δι- 
καστήριον ὑπαχθείς, καὶ τὰ οἰκία οἱ κατεσκάφη" 
ἔφυγε δὲ ἐς Τεγέην καὶ ἐτελεύτησε ἐν ταύτῃ. 

73. Ταῦτα μὲν δὴ ἐγένετο χρόνῳ ὕστερον: τότε 
δὲ ὡς τῷ Κλεομένεϊ ὡδώθη τὸ ἐς τὸν Δημάρητον 


229 


BOOK VI. 70-73 


off his servants. Then, the. Zacynthians refusing to 
give him up, he crossed thence to Asia and betook 
himself to king Darius, who received him royally and 
gave him lands and cities. Thus and after such 
adventures came Demaratus to Asia, a man that had 
gained much renown in Lacedaemon by his many 
achievements and his wisdom, but most by making 
over to the state the victory in a chariot-race that 
he had won at Olympia; he was the only king of 
Sparta who did this. | 

71. Demaratus being deposed, Leutychides son 
of Menares succeeded to his kingship; and there 
was born to him a son, Zeuxidemus, called by some 
of the Spartans Cyniscus. This Zeuxidemus never 
came to be king of Sparta; for he died in 
Leutychides' lifetime, leaving a son, Archidemus. 
Having thus lost Zeuxidemus, Leutychides married 
a second wife, Eurydame, sister of Menius and 
daughter of Diactorides; by her he had no male 
issue, but a daughter, Lampito, to whom Archidemus 
son of Zeuxidemus was married by Leutychides. 

72. But neither did Leutychides himself win to 
old age in Sparta; he was punished for his dealing 
with Demaratus, as I wil show: he led a Lace- 
daemonian army to Thessaly,! and when he might 
have subdued all the country he took a great bribe; 
and being caught in the very act of hoarding a 
sleeve full of silver there in the camp, he was 
brought before a court and banished from Sparta, 
and his house destroyed; and he went into exile at 
Tegea and there died. 

73. This befel long afterwards; but at the time 
of my story, Cleomenes, his dealing in the matter of 


1 The date is uncertain ; about 475 or 470, probably. 
221 


HERODOTUS 


πρῆγμα, αὐτίκα παραλαβὼν Λευτυχίδεα ἥιε ἐπὶ 
τοὺς Αἰγινήτας, δεινόν τινά σφι ἔγκοτον. διὰ τὸν 
προπηλακισμὸν ἔχων. οὕτω δὴ οὔτε οἱ -Αἰγινῆται, 
ἀμφοτέρων τῶν βασιλέων ἡκόντων ἐπ᾽ αὐτούς, 
ἐδικαίευν ἔτι ἀντιβαίνειν, ἐκεῖνοί τε ἐπιλεξάμενοι 
ἄνδρας δέκα Αἰγινητέων τοὺς πλείστου ἀξίους καὶ 
πλούτῳ καὶ γένεϊ ἦγον καὶ ἄλλους καὶ δὴ καὶ 
Κριόν τε τὸν Πολυκρίτου καὶ Κάσαμβον τὸν 
᾿Αριστοκράτεος, οἵ περ εἶχον μέγιστον. κράτος" 
ἀγαγόντες δὲ σφέας ἐς γῆν τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν παρα- 
ήκην παρατίθενται ἐ ἐς τοὺς ἐχθίστους Αἰγινήτησι 
᾿Αθηναίους. 

74, Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα Κλεομένεα ἐπάιστον γενό- 
μενον κακοτεχνήσαντα ἐς Δημάρητον δεῖμα ἔλαβε 
Σπαρτιητέων, καὶ ὑπεξέσχε € ἐς Θεσσαλίην. ἐνθεῦ- 
Te δὲ ἀπικόμενος ἐς τὴν ᾿Αρκαδίην νεώτερα 
ἔπρησσε πρήγματα, συνιστὰς τοὺς ᾿Αρκάδας ἐπὶ 
τῇ Σπάρτη, ἄλλους τε -ὅρκους προσάγων σφι 5 
μὲν ἕψεσθαι σφέας αὐτῷ τῇ ἂν ἐξηγέηται, καὶ δὴ 
καὶ ἐς Νώνακριν πόλιν πρόθυμος ἡ ἦν τῶν ᾿Αρκάδων 
τοὺς προεστεῶτας ἀγινέων ἐξορκοῦν τὸ Στυγὸς 
ὕδωρ. ἐν δὲ ταύτῃ τῇ πόλι λέγεται εἶναι ὑπὸ 
τῶν ᾿Αρκάδων τὸ Στυγὸς ὕδωρ, καὶ δὴ καὶ ἔστι 
τοιόνδε τι ὕδωρ ὀλίγον φαινόμενον. ἐκ πέτρης 
στάξει ἐς ἄγκος, τὸ δὲ ἄγκος αἱμασιῆς τις περι- 
θέει κύκλος. ἡ δὲ Νώνακρις, è ἐν τῇ ἡ πηγὴ αὕτη 
τυγχάνει ἐοῦσα, πόλις ἐστὶ τῆς ᾿Ἀρκαδίης πρὸς 

ενεῷ. 

15. Μαθόντες δὲ Κλεομένεα Λακεδαιμόνιοι ταῦ- 
τα πρήσσοντα, κατῆγον αὐτὸν δείσαντες ἐπὶ τοῖσι 
αὐτοῖσι ἐς Σπάρτην τοῖσι καὶ πρότερον ἦρχε. 
κατελθόντα δὲ αὐτὸν αὐτίκα ὑπέλαβε μανίη 
222 


BOOK VI. 73-75 


Demaratus being so sped, forthwith took Leuty- 
chides with him and went to punish the Aeginetans, 
against whom he was terribly wroth by reason of 
their despiteful usage of him. When the Aeginetans 
saw that both the kings were come after them, they 
now deemed it best to offer no further resistance ; 
and the kings chose out ten men of Aegina who were 
most honoured for wealth and lineage, among them 
Crius son of Polycritus and Casambus son of 
Aristocrates, the two most powerful men in Aegina ; 
these they carried to Attica and gave them into the 
keeping of the Athenians, the bitterest foes of the 
 Aeginetans. 

74. After this, Cleomenes' treacherous plot against 
Demaratus became known ; and he was seized with 
fear of the Spartans and slunk away into Thessaly. 
Coming thence into Arcadia he wrought disorder 
in that country; for he strove to unite the Arcadians 
against Sparta; besides his other ways of binding 
them by oath to follow him to whatsoever enterprise 
he led them, he was fain to bring the chief men in 
Arcadia to the town of Nonacris and make them to 
swear by the water of Styx.! Near this town is 
said to be the Arcadian water of Styx, and this 
is its nature: it is a stream, small to behold, that 
flows from a cliff into a pool; a wall of stones runs 
round the pool. Nonacris, where this spring rises, 
is a town of Arcadia nigh to Pheneus. 

75. When the Lacedaemonians learnt that such 
was Cleomenes' intent, they took fright, and brought 
him back to Sparta, there to be king as he had 
heretofore been. But Cleomenes had ere now been 


1 The ‘‘water of Styx” is a mountain torrent flowing 
through a desolate ravine on the N. face of Chelmos. 


223 


HERODOTUS 


νοῦσος, ἐόντα καὶ πρότερον ὑπομαργότερον" ὅκως 
γὰρ τεῷ ἐντύχοι Σπαρτιητέων, ἐνέχραυε ἐς τὸ 
πρόσωπον τὸ σκῆπτρον. ποιέοντα δὲ αὐτὸν ταῦ- 
τα καὶ παραφρονήσαντα ἔδησαν οἱ προσήκοντες 
ἐν ξύλῳ" ὃ δὲ δεθεὶς τὸν φύλακον μουνωθέντα 
ἐδὼν τῶν ἄλλων αἰτέει μάχαιραν: οὐ βουλομένου 
δὲ τὰ . πρῶτα τοῦ φυλάκου διδόναι ἀπείλεε τά 
μιν αὖτις ποιήσει, ἐς ὃ δείσας τὰς ἀπειλὰς ὁ 
φύλακος (ἦν γὰρ τῶν τις εἱλωτέων) διδοῖ οἱ 
μάχαιραν. Κλεομένης δὲ παραλαβὼν τὸν σίδη- 
ρον ἄρχετο ἐκ τῶν. κνημέων ἑωυτὸν λωβώμενος” 
ἐπιτάμνων γὰρ κατὰ μῆκος τὰς σάρκας προέβαινε 
ἐκ τῶν κνημέων ἐς τοὺς μηρούς, ἐκ δὲ τῶν μηρῶν 
ἔς τε, τὰ ἰσχία καὶ τὰς , λαπάρας, ἐς ὃ ἐς τὴν 
γαστέρα ἀπίκετο, καὶ ταύτην καταχορδεύων ar- 
έθανε τρόπῳ τοιούτῳ, ὡς μὲν οἱ πολλοὶ λέγουσι 
᾿Ελλήνων, ὅτι τὴν Πυθίην ἀνέγνωσε τὰ περὶ 
Δημαρήτου λέγειν γενόμενα, ὡς δὲ ᾿Αθηναῖοι 
μοῦνοι λέγουσι, διότι ἐς ᾿Ελευσῖνα ἐσβαλὼν 
ο. τὸ τέμενος τῶν θεῶν, ὡς δὲ ᾿Αργεῖοι, ὅτι 

ιροῦ αὐτῶν τοῦ "Άργου ᾿Αργείων τοὺς Kata- 
φυγόντας ἐκ τῆς μάχης καταγινέων κατέκοπτε 
καὶ αὐτὸ τὸ ἄλσος ἐν ἀλογίῃ ἔχων ἐνέπρησε. 

76. Κλεομένεϊ γὰρ. μαντευομένῳ ἐν Δελφοῖσι 
ἐχρήσθη᾽ Αργος αἱρήσειν" ἐπείτε δὲ Σπαρτιήτας 
ἄγων ἀπίκετο ἐπὶ ποταμὸν ᾿Ερασῖνον, ὃ ὃς λέγεται 
ῥέειν ἐκ τῆς Στυμφαλίδος λίμνης" τὴν γὰρ. δὴ 
λίμνην ταύτην ἐς χάσμα ἀφανὲς ἐκδιδοῦσαν ἆνα- 
φαίνεσθαι ἐν "Apyei, τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ τὸ ὕδωρ ἤδη 


1 Cp. ch. 80. 
* The Stymphalian lake, near the base of Cyllene, dis- 


224 


BOOK VI. 75-76 


not wholly in his right mind, and now he fell sick of 
a madness; for any Spartan that he met he would 
smite in the face with his staff. For so doing, and 
for the frenzy that was on him, his nearest of kin 
made him fast in the stocks. But hesaw in his bonds 
that his guard was left alone and none by, and he 
asked him for a dagger; the guard at first would not 
give it, but Cleomenes threatening what he would 
do to him thereafter, the guard, who was a helot, 
was affrighted by the threats and gave him the 
dagger. Then Cleomenes took the weapon and set 
about gashing himself from his shins upwards ; from 
the shin to the thigh he cut his flesh lengthways, 
and from the thigh to the hip and the flank, till he 
reached the belly, and cut it into strips; thus he 
died, as the most of the Greeks say, because 
he over-persuaded the Pythian priestess to tell 
the tale of Demaratus; as the Athenians say (but 
none other) because he invaded Eleusis and laid 
waste the precinct of the gods; and as the Argives 
` say, because when Argives had taken refuge after 
the battle in their temple of Argus! he brought them 
out thence and cut them down, and held the sacred 
grove itself in no regard but burnt it. 

16. For when Cleomenes was seeking a divination 
at Delphi, an oracle was given him that he should 
take Argos. When he came with Spartans to the 
' river Erasinus, which is said to flow from the Stym- 
phalian? lake (for this lake, they say, issues into a 
cleft out of sight and reappears at Argos, and from 
that place onwards the stream is called by the 
charges itself into a cavern at the foot of a cliff; the river 


which reappears near Argos (the Erasinus) has been generally 
identified with this stream. 


225 
VOL. III. Q 


HERODOTUS 


τοῦτο ὑπ ᾿Αργείων Ἐρασῖνον. καλέεσθαι" ἀπικό- 
μενος ὃ ὧν o Κλεομένης ἐ ἐπὶ τὸν ποταμὸν τοῦτον 
ολ αὐτῷ' καὶ οὐ γὰρ ἐκαλλιέρεε οὐδαμῶς 
διαβαίνειν μιν, ἄγασθαι μὲν ἔφη τοῦ ᾿Ερασίνου 
οὐ προδιδόντος τοὺς πολιήτας, ᾿Αργείους μέντοι 
οὐδ᾽ ὣς χαιρήσειν. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ἐξαναχωρήσας 
τὴν στρατιὴν κατήγαγε ἐς Θυρέην, σφαγιασάμενος 
δὲ τῇ θαλάσσῃ ταῦρον πλοίοισι σφέας ἤγαγε ἔς τε 
τὴν Τιρυνθίην χώρην καὶ Ναυπλίην. 

7T. ᾿Αργεῖοι δὲ ἐβοήθεον πυνθανόμενοι ταῦτα 
ἐπὶ θάλασσαν' ὡς δὲ ἀγχοῦ μὲν ἐγίνοντο τῆς 
Τίρυνθος, χώρῳ δὲ ἐν τούτῳ τῷ κέεται Ἡσίπεια 
οὔνομα, μεταίχμιον οὐ μέγα ἀπολιπόντες ἵζοντο 
ἀντίοι τοῖσι Λακεδαιμονίοισι. ἐνθαῦτα δὴ οἱ 
᾿Αργεῖοι τὴν μὲν ἐκ τοῦ φανεροῦ μάχην οὐκ 
ἐφοβέοντο, ἀλλὰ μὴ δόλῳ αἱρεθέωσι' καὶ γὰρ δή 
σφι ἐς τοῦτο τὸ πρῆγμα εἶχε τὸ χρηστήριον τὸ 
ἐπέκοινα ἔχρησε ἡ Πυθίη τούτοισί τε καὶ Μιλη- 
σίοισι, λέγον ὧδε. 


ἀλλ᾽ ὅταν ἡ θήλεια τὸν ἄρσενα νικήσασα 

ἐξελάσῃ καὶ κῦδος ἐν ᾿Αργείοισιν ἄρηται, 

πολλὰς ᾿Αργείων ἀμφιδρυφέας τότε θήσει. 

ὡς ποτέ τις ἐρέει καὶ ἐπεσσομένων ἀνθρώπων 

s ud ὄφις τριέλικτος ! ἀπώλετο δουρὶ capa- 
σθείς. 


ταῦτα δὴ πάντα συνελθόντα τοῖσι ᾿Αργείοισι 
φόβον παρεῖχε. καὶ δή σφι πρὸς ταῦτα ἔδοξε 

1 Stein, following the best MSS., reads ἀέλικτος; but the 
words appear to be otherwise unknown ; I prefer τριέλικτος, 
for which there is some MS. authority. 


226 


BOOK VI. 56-7; 


Argives Erasinus),—when Cleomenes came to this 
river he sacrificed victims to it; and being in nowise 
able to get favourable omens for his crossing, he 
said that he honoured the Erasinus for keeping true 
to its countrymen, but that even so the Argives 
should not go unscathed. Presently he withdrew 
thence and led his army seaward to Thyrea, where 
he sacrificed a bull to the sea and carried his men on 
shipboard to the region of Tiryns, and Nauplia. 

77. Hearing of this, the Argives came to the 
coast to do battle with him; and when they had 
come near Tiryns and were at the place called 
Hesipaea, they encamped over against the Lacedae- 
monians, leaving but a little space between the 
armies. There the Argives had no fear of fair 
fighting, but rather of being worsted by guile; for 
it was that which was signified by the oracle which 
the Pythian priestess gave to the Argives and 
Milesians in common, which ran thus: 


Woe for the day when a woman shall vanquish a 
man in the battle,! 
Driving him far from the field and winning her 
glory in Argos: 
Many an Argive dame her cheeks shall be rending 
in sorrow. 
Yea, and in distant days this word shall be spoken 
of mortals : 
. © There lay slain by the spear that thrice-twined 
terrible serpent." 


All these things meeting together — fear among 
the Argives. Therefore they resolved to defend 


1 This would be fulfilled by a victory of the female Σπάρτη 
over the male "Αργος. 
227 
ϱ 2 


HERODOTUS 


TÓ κήρυκι τῶν πολεμίων χρᾶσθαι, δόξαν δέ σφι 
ἐποίεον τοιόνδε' ὅκως ὁ Σπαρτιήτης κῆρυξ προση- 
μαίνοι τι Λακεδαιμονίοισι, ἐποίευν καὶ οἱ ᾿Αργεῖοι 
τὠυτὸ τοῦτο. 

78. Μαθὼν δὲ ὁ Κλεομένης ποιεῦντας τοὺς 
᾿Αργείους ὁκοῖόν τι ὁ σφέτερος κῆρυξ σημήνειε, 
παραγγέλλει σφι, ὅταν σημήνῃ ὁ κῆρυξ ποιέεσθαι 
ἄριστον, τότε ἀναλαβόντας τὰ ὅπλα χωρέειν és 
TOUS ᾿Αργείους. ταῦτα καὶ ἐγένετο ἐπιτελέα ἐκ τῶν 
Λακεδαιμονίων: ἄριστον γὰρ ποιευμένοισι τοῖσι 
᾿Αργείοισι ἐκ τοῦ κηρύγματος ἐπεκέατο, καὶ 
πολλοὺς μὲν ἐφόνευσαν. αὐτῶν, πολλῷ δέ τι 
πλεῦνας ἐς τὸ ἄλσος τοῦ "Αργου καταφυγόντας 
περιιζόµενοι ἐφύλασσον. 

19. ᾿Ενθεῦτεν δὲ ὁ Κλεομένης ἐποίεε τοιόνδε. 
ἔχων αὐτομόλους. ἄνδρας καὶ πυνθανόμενος τού- 
των, ἐξεκάλεε πέμπων κήρυκα ὀνομαστὶ λέγων 
τῶν ᾿Αργείων τοὺς ἐν τῷ ἱρῷ ἀπεργμένους, ἐξεκά- 
Mee δὲ φὰς αὐτῶν ἔχειν τᾶ ἄποινα. ἄποινα δὲ 
ἐστὶ Πελοποννησίοισι δύο μνέαι τεταγμέναι κατ 
ἄνδρα. αἱ μάλωτον € ἐκτίνειν. κατὰ πεντήκοντα δὴ 
ὧν τῶν Αργείων ὡς ἑκάστους ἐκκαλεύμενος ὁ 
Κλεομένης ἔκτεινε. ταῦτα δέ κως γινόμενα έλε- 
λήθεε τοὺς λοιποὺς τοὺς ἐν τῷ. τεμένεϊ. ἅτε γὰρ 
πυκνοῦ ἐόντος τοῦ ἄλσεος, οὐκ ὥρων οἱ ἐντὸς τοὺς 
ἐκτὸς ὅ τι ἔπρησσον, πρίν γε δὴ αὐτῶν. τις ἀναβὰς 
ἐπὶ δένδρον κατεῖδε τὸ ποιεύμενον. οὔκων δὴ ἔτι 
καλεόμενοι ἐξήισαν. 

80. ᾿Ενθαῦτα δὴ ὁ Κλεομένης ἐκέλευε πάντα 
τινὰ τῶν εἱλωτέων περινέειν ὕλη τὸ ἄλσος, τῶν 
δὲ πειθομένων ἐνέπρησε τὸ ἄλσος. καιομένου δὲ 


228 


BOOK VI. 77-8o 


themselves by making the enemies’ herald serve 
them, and, being so resolved, whenever the Spartan 
herald cried any command to the Lacedaemonians 
they, too, did the very thing that he bade. 

78. When Cleomenes saw that the Argives did 
whatever was bidden by his herald, he gave command 
that when the herald cried the signal for the men 
to breakfast, they should then put on their armour 
and attack the Argives. The Lacedaemonians per- 
formed this bidding: for when they assaulted the 
Argives they caught them breakfasting in obedience 
to the herald’s signal; many of them they slew, and 
more by far of the Argives fled for refuge into the 
grove of Argus, where the Lacedaemonians en- 
camped round and closely watched them. 

79. Then Cleomenes’ plan was this: he had with 
him certain deserters, from whom he made due 
enquiry, and then sent a herald calling the names of 
the Argives that were shut up in the sacred precinct 
and inviting them to come out; saying therewith, 
that he had their ransom. Now among the Pelo- 
ponnesians there is a fixed ransom to be paid for 
every prisoner, two minae for each. So Cleomenes 
invited about fifty Argives to come out, one after 
another, and slew them. It happened that this slay- 
ing was unknown to the rest that were in the temple 
precinct; for the grove being thick, they that were 
within could not see how it fared with them that 
were without, till one of them climbed a tree and 
saw what was being done. Thereafter they would 
not come out at the herald’s call. 

.. 80. On that Cleomenes bade all the helots pile 
wood about the grove; they obeyed, and he burnt 
the grove. When the fire was now burning, he 


229 


HERODOTUS 


no 9 / ^ ? / / ” - 
ἤδη ἐπείρετο τῶν τινα αὐτομόλων τίνος εἴη θεῶν 
τὸ ἄλσος" ὃ δὲ ἔφη "Αργου εἶναι. ὃ δὲ ὡς ἤκουσε, 
ἀναστενάξας μέγα elme“ O Απολλον χρηστήριε, 
ἡ μεγάλως µε ἠπάτηκας φάμενος "Αργος αἱρήσειν' 
συμβάλλομαι È ἐξήκειν μοι τὸ χρηστήριον." 

δΙ. Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ὁ Κλεομένης τὴν μὲν πλέω 
στρατιὴν ἀπῆκε ἀπιέναι ἐς Σπάρτην, χιλίους δὲ 
αὐτὸς λαβὼν τοὺς ἀριστέας ἤιε ἐς τὸ "Hpatov 
θύσων" βουλόμενον δὲ αὐτὸν θύειν ἐπὶ τοῦ βωμοῦ 
0 ὑἱρεὺς ἀπηγόρευε, φὰς οὐκ ὅσιον εἶναι ξείνῳ 
αὐτόθι θύειν. ὁ δὲ Κλεομένης τὸν ἱρέα ἐκέλευε 
τοὺς εἴλωτας ἀπὸ τοῦ βωμοῦ ἀπάγοντας µαστι- 
γῶσαι, καὶ αὐτὸς ἔθυσε' ποιήσας δὲ ταῦτα ἀπήιε 
ἐς τὴν Σπάρτην. 

82. Νοστήσαντα δέ μιν ὑπῆγον οἱ ἐχθροὶ ὑπὸ 
τοὺς ἐ όρου», φάμενοί μιν δωροδοκήσαντα οὐκ 
ἑλεῖν τὸ "Αργος, παρεὸν εὐπετέως μιν ἑλεῖν. ὃ δέ 
σφι ἔλεξε, οὔτε εἰ Ψ ευδόµενος οὔτε εἰ ἀληθέα 
λέγων, ἔχω σαφηνέως εἶπαι, ἔλεξε δ᾽ ὧν φάμενος, 
ἐπείτε δὴ τὸ τοῦ Αργου ἱρὸν εἶλον, δοκέειν οἱ 
ἐξεληλυθέναι τὸν τοῦ θεοῦ χρησμόν πρὸς ὧν 
ταῦτα οὗ δικαιοῦν πειρᾶν τῆς πόλιος, πρίν γε δὴ 
ἱροῖσι χρήσηται καὶ μάθη εἴτε οἱ ὁ θεὸς παραδιδοῖ 
εἴτε ἐμποδὼν ἕστηκε καλλιερευμένῳ δὲ ἐν τῷ 
Ἡραίῳ ἐκ τοῦ ἀγάλματος τῶν στηθέων φλόγα 
πυρὸς ἐκλάμψαι, μαθεῖν δὲ αὐτὸς οὕτω τὴν ἀτρε- 
κείην, ὅτι οὐκ αἱρέει τὸ Άργος. εἰ μὲν γὰρ ἐκ 
τῆς κεφαλῆς τοῦ ἀγάλματος ἐξέλαμψε, αἱρέειν ἂν 
κατ ἄκρης τὴν πόλιν, ἐκ τῶν στηθέων δὲ Aap- 


1 About four miles N.E. of Argos. 
230 


BOOK VI. 80-82 


asked of one of the deserters, to what god the grove 
was sacred ; **to Argus,” said the man; when he heard 
that he cried loudly and lamentably : ** Apollo, thou 
god of oracles, sorely hast thou deceived me with thy 
word that I should take Argos; this, I guess, is the 
fulfilment of that prophecy." 

81. Presently Cleomenes sent the more part of his 
army back to Sparta; he himself took with him a 
thousand that were his best warriors, and went to 
the temple of Here,! there to sacrifice. But when he 
would have sacrificed on the altar the priest forbade 
him, saying that no stranger might lawfully sacrifice 
there. Thereupon Cleomenes bade the helots bring 
the priest away from the altar and scourge him, and 
he himself offered sacrifice ; which done, he returned 
to Sparta. 

82. But after his returning his enemies brought 
him before the ephors, saying that it was for a bribe 
that he had not taken Argos, when he might have 
taken it easily. But Cleomenes alleged (whether 
falsely or truly, I cannot rightly say; but this he 
alleged in his speech) that he had supposed the 
god's oracle to be fulfilled by his taking of the temple 
of Argus; wherefore, he had thought it best not to 
make any assay on the city before he should have 
enquired by sacrifice and learnt whether the god 
would deliver it to him or withstand him; and while 
he took omens in Here's temple a flame of fire had 
shone forth from the breast of the image, whereby 
he had learnt the truth of the matter, that Argos 
was not for his taking. For (said he) had the flame 
come out of the head of the image, he would have 
taken the city from head to foot utterly; but its 
coming from the breast signified that he had done as 


231 


á HERODOTUS 


ψαντος πᾶν οἱ πεποιῆσθαι ὅσον ὁ θεὸς ἐβούλετο 
γενέσθαι. ταῦτα λέγων πιστά τε καὶ οἰκότα 
ἐδόκεε Σπαρτιήτῃσι λέγειν, καὶ διέφυγε πολλὸν 
τοὺς διώκοντας. 

89. "Αργος δὲ ἀνδρῶν ἐχηρώθη οὕτω ὥστε οἱ 
δοῦλοι αὐτῶν ἔσχον πάντα τὰ πρήγματα ἄρχοντές 
τε καὶ διέποντες, ἐς ὃ ἐπήβησαν οἱ τῶν ἀπολο- 
μένων παῖδες" ἔπειτα σφέας οὗτοι ἀνακτώμενοι 
ὀπίσω ἐς ἑωυτοὺς τὸ "Αργος ἐξέβαλον' ἐξωθεύ- 
μενοι δὲ οἱ δοῦλοι μάχῃ ἔσχον Τίρυνθα. τέως μὲν 
δή σφι ἡ ἦν ἄρθμια € ἐς ἀλλήλους, ἔπειτα δὲ ἐς τοὺς 
δούλους ἦλθε ἀνὴρ μάντις Κλέανδρος, γένος ἐὼν 
Φιγαλεὺς ἀπ᾽ ᾿Αρκαδίης" οὗτος τοὺς δούλους adv- 
έγνωσε ἐπιθέσθαι τοῖσι δεσπότῃσι. ἐκ τούτου δὴ 
πόλεμός σφι ἦν ἐπὶ χρόνον συχνόν, ἐς ὃ δὴ μόγις 
οἱ ᾿Αργεῖοι ἐπεκράτησαν. 

84. ᾿Αργεῖοι μέν νυν διὰ ταῦτα ο φασὶ 
μανέντα ἀπολέσθαι κακῶς: αὐτοὶ δὲ X Σπαρτιῆται 
φασὶ ἐκ δαιμονίου μὲν οὐδενὸς μανῆναι Κλεομένεα, 
Σκύθῃσι δὲ ὁμιλήσαντά μιν ἀκρητοπότην γενέσθαι 
καὶ ἐκ τούτου μανῆναι. Σκύθας γὰρ τοὺς νομάδας, 
ἐπείτε σφι Δαρεῖον ἐμβαλεῖν ἐς τὴν χώρην, μετὰ 
ταῦτα μεμονέναι μιν τίσασθαι, πέμψαντας δὲ ἐς 
Σπάρτην συμμαχίην τε ποιέεσθαι καὶ συντίθεσθαι 
ὡς χρεὸν εἴη αὐτοὺς μὲν τοὺς Σκύθας παρὰ Φᾶσιν 
ποταμὸν πειρᾶν ἐς τὴν Μηδικὴν ἐσβάλλειν, σφέας 
δὲ τοὺς Σπαρτιήτας κελεύειν ἐξ ᾿Εφέσου ὁρμωμέ- 
νους ἀναβαίνειν καὶ ἔπειτα ἐς τὠυτὸ ἀπαντᾶν. 
Κλεομένεα δὲ λέγουσι ἡκόντων τῶν Σκυθέων ἐπὶ 
ταῦτα ὁμιλέειν σφι μεζόνως, ὁμιλέοντα δὲ μᾶλλον 
τοῦ ἱκνεομένου μαθεῖν τὴν ἀκρητοποσίην παρ᾽ 


232 


BOOK VI. 82-84 


much as it was the god's will should happen. This 
plea of his seemed to the Spartans to be credible 
and reasonable, and he far outdistanced the pursuit 
of his accusers. | 
. 83. But Argos was so wholly widowed of her men, 
that their slaves took all in possession, and ruled and 
governed, till the sons of them that were slain came to 
man's estate. Then these recovered Argos for them- 
selves and cast out the slaves, who, being thrust out, 
took possession of Tiryns by force. For a while they 
were at peace with each other; but presently there 
came to the slaves one Cleander, a prophet, a man 
of Phigalea in Arcadia by birth; he persuaded the 
slaves to attack their masters. From this out for a 
long time there was war between them, till at last 
with much ado the Argives got the upper hand.! 

84. This was the reason (say the Argives) of 
Cleomenes’ madness and his evil end; but the 
Spartans themselves say, that heaven had no hand in 
Cleomenes' madness, but by consorting with Scythians 
he became a drinker of strong wine, and thence the 
madness came. For (so they say) the nomad 
. Seythians, after Darius had invaded their land, were 
fain to be revenged upon him, and made an alliance 
with Sparta by messengers sent thither; whereby it 
was agreed, that the Scythians themselves should 
essay to invade Media by way of the river Phasis, 
while the Spartans by their counsel should set out 
and march inland from Ephesus, and meet the 
Scythians. When the Scythians had come with this 
intent, Cleomenes, it is said, kept too close company 
with them, and by consorting with them out of 
measure learnt from them to drink strong wine ; and 


1 About 468, apparently. 
230 


HERODOTUS 


αὐτῶν: ἐκ τούτου δὲ μανῆναί μιν νομίξουσι 
Σπαρτιῆται. ἔκ τε τόσου, ὡς αὐτοὶ λέγουσι, 
ἐπεὰν ζωρότερον βούλωνται πιεῖν, “ ᾿Ἐπισκύθι- 
σον λέγουσι. οὕτω δὴ Σπαρτιῆται τὰ περὶ 
Κλεομένεα λέγουσι" ἐμοὶ δὲ δοκέει τίσιν ταύτην 
ὁ Κλεομένης Δημαρήτῳ ἐκτῖσαι. 

85. Τελευτήσαντος δὲ Κλεομένεος ὡς ἐπύθοντο 
Αἰγινῆται, ἔπεμπον ἐς Σπάρτην ἀγγέλους κατα- 
βωσομένους Λευτυχίδεω περὶ τῶν ἐν ᾿Αθήνῃσι 
ὁμήρων ἐχομένων. Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ δικαστήριον 
συναγαγόντες ἔγνωσαν περιυβρίσθαι Αἰγινήτας 
ὑπὸ Λευτυχίδεω, καί μιν κατέκριναν ἔκδοτον 
ἄγεσθαι ἐς Αἴγιναν ἀντὶ τῶν ἐν ᾿Αθήνῃσι ἐχομέ- 
νων ἀνδρῶν. μελλόντων δὲ ἄγειν τῶν Αἰγινητέων 
τὸν Λευτυχίδεα, εἶπέ σφι Θεασίδης ὁ ὁ Λεωπρέπεος, 
ἐὼν ἐν Σπάρτῃ δόκιμος ἀνήρ, “H βουλεύεσθε 
ποιέειν, ἄνδρες Αἰγινῆται; τὸν Βασιλέα τῶν 
Σπαρτιητέων ἔκδοτον γενόμενον ὑπὸ τῶν πολιη- 
τέων ἄγειν; εἰ νῦν ὀργῆ χρεώμενοι ἔγνωσαν οὕτω 
Σπαρτιῆται, ὅκως ἐξ ὑστέρης μή τι ὑμῖν, nv 
ταῦτα πρήσσητε, πανώλεθρον | κακὸν ἐς τὴν 
χώρην ἐμβάλωσι." ταῦτα ἀκούσαντες οἱ Αἰγι- 
νῆται ἔσχοντο τῆς -ἀγωγῆς, ὁμολογίῃ. δὲ ἐχρή- 
σαντο τοιῇδε, ἐπισπόμενον Λευτυχίδεα ἐ ἐς ᾿Αθήνας 
ἀποδοῦναι Αἰγινήτῃσι τοὺς ἄνδρας. 

86. Ὡς δὲ ἀπικόμενος Λευτυχίδης ἐς τὰς ᾿Αθή- 
νας ἀπαίτεε τὴν παραθήκην, οἱ ὃ ᾿Αθηναῖοι προ- 
ο εἷλκον οὐ βουλόμενοι ἀποδοῦναι, φάντες 

ύο σφέας ἐόντας βασιλέας παραθέσθαι καὶ οὐ 
δικαιοῦν τῷ ἑτέρῳ ἄνευ τοῦ ἑτέρου ἀποδιδόναι" 
οὐ φαμένων δὲ ἀποδώσειν τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων, ἔλεξέ 


234 


BOOK VI. 84-86 


this the Spartans hold to have been the cause of his 
madness. Ever since, as they themselves say, when 
they desire a strong draught they will call for 
*a Scythian cup." Such is the Spartan story of 
Cleomenes; but to my thinking, it was for what he 
did to Demaratus that he was punished thus. 

85. When Cleomenes was dead, and the Aeginetans 
heard of it, they sent messengers to Sparta to cry for 
justice on Leutychides, for the matter of the hostages 
that were held at Athens. The Lacedaemonians 
then assembled a court and gave judgment that 
Leutychides had done violence to the Aeginetans ; 
and they condemned him to be given up and carried 
to Aegina, in requital for the men that were held at 
Athens. But when the Aeginetans were about to 
carry Leutychides away, a man of repute at Sparta, 
Theasides, son of Leoprepes, said to them, * Men of 
Aegina, what is this that you purpose to do? Would 
you have the king of the Spartans given up to you 
by the citizens and carry him away? Nay, if the 
Spartans have now so judged in their anger, look to 
it lest at a later day, if you do as you purpose, they 
bring utter destruction upon your country." Hearing 
this, the Aeginetans stayed their hand from carrying 
the king away, and made an agreement that Leuty- 
chides should go with them to Athens and restore 
the men to the Aeginetans. 

86. So when Leutychides came to Athens and 
demanded that what had been entrusted be restored, 
and the Athenians, being loath to restore it, made 
excuses, and said that, having been charged with the 
trust by both the kings, they deemed it wrong to 
restore it to the one alone without the other, —when 
the Athenians refused to restore, Leutychides said to 


235 


HERODOTUS 


σφι Λευτυχίδης τάδε. ut ᾿Αθηναῖοι, ποιέετε 
μὲν ὁκότερα Βούλεσθε αὐτοί: καὶ γὰρ ἀποδιδόντες 
ποιέετε ὅσια, καὶ μὴ ἀποδιδόντες τὰ ἐναντία τού- 
TOV' ὁκοῖον μέντοι τι ἐν τῇ Σπάρτῃ συνηνείχθη 
γενέσθαι περὶ παρακαταθήκης, Βούλομαι ὑμῖν 
εἶπαι. λέγομεν ἡμεῖς οἱ Σπαρτιῆται γενέσθαι 
ἐν τῇ Λακεδαίμονι κατὰ τρίτην γενεὴν τὴν ἀπ᾽ 
ἐμέο Γλαῦκον Ἐπικύδεος παῖδα' τοῦτον τὸν ἄνδρα 
φαμὲν τά τε ἆλλα πάντα περιήκειν τὰ πρῶτα, 
καὶ δὴ καὶ ἀκούειν ἄριστα δικαιοσύνης πέρι 
πάντων ὅσοι τὴν Λακεδαίμονα τοῦτον τὸν χρό- 
νον οἴκεον. συνενειχθῆναι δέ οἱ ἐν χρόνῳ i ἔκνευ- 
μένῳ τάδε λέγομεν. ἄνδρα Μιλήσιον ἆ ἀπικόμενον 
ἐς Σπάρτην βούλεσθαί οἱ ἐλθεῖν ἐς λόγους προ- 
ἴσχόμενον τοιάδε. ' Εἰμὶ μὲν Μιλήσιος, ἥκω δὲ τῆς 
σῆς Γλαῦκε βουλόμενος δικαιοσύνης ἀπολαῦσαι. 
ὡς γὰρ δὴ ἀνὰ πᾶσαν μὲν τὴν ἆλλην Ἑλλάδα, ἐν 
δὲ καὶ περὶ Ἰωνίην τῆς σῆς δικαιοσύνης ἦν λόγος 
πολλός, ἐμεωυτῷ λόγους ἐδίδουν καὶ ὅτι ἐπικίνδυνος 
ἐστὶ αἰεί κοτε ἡ ᾿Ιωνίη, ἡ δὲ -Πελοπόννησος dopa- 
λέως ἱδρυμένη, καὶ διότι χρήματα οὐδαμὰ τοὺς aù- 
τούς ἐστι ὁρᾶν ἔχοντας. ταῦτά τε ὧν ἐπιλεγομένῳ 
καὶ Βουλευομένῳ ἔδοξέ μοι τὰ ἡμίσεα πάσης τῆς 
οὐσίης ἐξαργυρώσαντα θέσθαι παρὰ σέ, εὖ έξεπι- 
σταμένῳ ὥς μοι. κείμενα ἔσται παρὰ σοὶ σόα. σὺ δή 
μοι καὶ τὰ χρήματα δέξαι καὶ τάδε τὰ σύμβολα 
σῶξε λαβών" ὃς ὃ ἃ ἂν ἔχων ταῦτα ἀπαιτέῃ, τούτῳ 
ἀποδοῦναι. ὁ μὲν δὴ ἀπὸ Μιλήτου ἥκων ξεῖνος 
τοσαῦτα ἔλεξε, Γλαῦκος δὲ ἐδέξατο τὴν παρακα- 
ταθήκην ἐπὶ τῷ εἰρημένῳ λόγῳ. χρόνου δὲ πολ- 
λοῦ διελθόντος ἦλθον ἐς Σπάρτην τούτου τοῦ 
παραθεμένου τὰ χρήματα οἱ παῖδες, ἐλθόντες δὲ 
236 


BOOK VI. 86 


them: * Men of Athens, do whichever thing you 
desire; if you restore, you do righteously, if you 
restore not you do contrariwise; yet hear from me 
the story of what befel at Sparta in the matter of a 
trust. It is told by us Spartans that three genera- 
tions agone there was at Lacedaemon one Glaucus, 
son of Epicydes. This man (so the story goes) added 
to his other excellences a reputation for justice above 
all men who at that time dwelt in Lacedaemon. 
But in the fitting time this, as it is told, befel 
him :—There came to Sparta a certain man of 
Miletus, desiring to hold converse with Glaucus, and 
making him this proffer: ‘Iam,’ he said, ‘of Miletus, 
and hither am I come, Glaucus! to reap advantage 
from your justice. For seeing that all about Hellas 
and Ionia too there was much talk of your justice, I 
bethought me in myself that Ionia is ever a land of 
dangers and Peloponnesus securely stablished, and 
in Ionia nowhere are the same men seen continuing 
in possession of wealth. Considering and taking 
counsel concerning these matters, I resolved to turn 
the half of my substance into silver and give it into 
your charge, being well assured that it will lie safe 
for me in your keeping. Do you then receive the 
sum, and take and keep these tokens; and restore 
the money to him that comes with the like tokens 
and demands it back.’ Thus spoke the stranger 
who had come from Miletus, and Glaucus received 
the trust according to the agreement. When a long 
time had passed, there came to Sparta the sons of 
the man who had given the money in trust; they 


23] 


HERODOTUS 


ἐς λόγους τῷ Γλαύκῳ καὶ ἀποδεικνύντες τὰ σύμ- 
βολα ἀπαίτεον τὰ χρήματα" ὃ δὲ διωθέετο ἆ ἀντυπο- 
κρινόμενος τοιάδε. «Οὔτε μέμνημαι τὸ πρῆγμα 
οὔτε µε περιφέρει οὐδὲν εἰδέναι τούτων τῶν ὑμεῖς 
λέγετε, βούλομαί τε ἀναμνησθεὶς ποιέειν πᾶν τὸ 
δίκαιον" καὶ γὰρ εἰ ἔλαβον, ὀρθῶς ἀποδοῦναι, καὶ 
εἴ ye ἀρχὴν μὴ ἔλαβον, νόμοισι τοῖσι Ελλήνων 
χρήσομαι ἐς ὑμέας. ταῦτα ὧν ὑμίν ἀναβάλλομαι 
κυρώσειν͵ ἐς τέταρτον μῆνα ἀπὸ τοῦδε. οἱ μὲν 
δῆ Μιλήσιοι συμφορὴν ποιησάμενοι ἀπαλλάσ- 
σοντο ὡς ἀπεστερημένοι τῶν χρημάτων, Γλαῦκος 
δὲ ἐ ἐπορεύετο ἐς Δελφοὺς χρησόμενος τῷ χρηστη- 
pip. ἐπειρωτῶντα δὲ αὐτὸν τὸ χρηστήριον ei 
ὅρκῳ τὰ χρήματα ληίσηται, ἡ Πυθίη μετέρχεται 
τοῖσιδε τοῖσι ἔπεσι. 


Γλαῦκ᾽ ᾿Επικυδείδη, τὸ μὲν αὐτίκα κέρδιον 
οὕτω 

ὅρκῳ νικῆσαι καὶ χρήματα ληίσσασθαι. 

ὄμνυ, ἐπεὶ θάνατός γε καὶ εὔορκον μένει ἄνδρα. 

ἀλλ, ὅρκου πάις ἐστίν, ἀνώνυμος, οὐδ᾽ ἔπι 
χεῖρες 

οὐδὲ modes’ κραιπνὸς δὲ μετέρχεται, εἰς ὅ κε 
πᾶσαν 

συμμάρψας ὀλέσῃ γενεὴν καὶ οἶκον ἅπαντα. 

ἀνδρὸς δ᾽ εὐόρκου γενεὴ μετόπισθεν ἀμείνων. 


ταῦτα ἀκούσας ὁ Γλαῦκος συγγνώμην τὸν θεὸν 
παραιτέετο αὐτῷ ἴσχειν τῶν ῥηθέντων. ἡ δὲ 
Πυθίη ἔφη τὸ πειρηθῆναι τοῦ θεοῦ καὶ τὸ ποιῆσαι 
ἴσον δύνασθαι. Γλαῦκος μὲν δὴ µεταπεμψά- 


238 


BOOK VI. 86 


spoke with Glaucus, showing him the tokens and 
demanding the money back. But Glaucus put them 
off with a demurrer: ‘I have no remembrance, he 
said, ‘of the matter, nor am I moved to any know- 
ledge of that whereof you speak; let me bring it to 
mind, and I will do all that is just; if I took the 
money I will duly restore it, and if I never took it at 
all I will deal with you according to the customs of 
the Greeks. Suffer me, therefore, to delay making 
my words good till the fourth month from this day.’ 
So the Milesians went away in sorrow, as men 
robbed of their possessions; but Glaucus journeyed 
to Delphi, to enquire of the oracle. When he asked 
the oracle whether he should swear and so ravish the 
money, the Pythian priestess threatened him in these 
verses : 
Hear, Epicydes’ son: ’twere much to thy present 
advantage 
Couldst thou prevail by an oath and ravish the 
stranger's possessions : 
Swear an thou wilt; death waits for the just no 
` less than the unjust. 
Ay—but an oath hath a son, a nameless avenger 
of evil: 
Hands hath he none, nor feet; yet swiftly he 
runneth pursuing, 
Grippeth his man at the last and maketh an end 
of his offspring. 
Better endureth the line of the man that sweareth 
not falsely. 
When Glaucus heard that, he entreated the god to 
pardon him for what he had said. But the priestess 
answered, that to tempt the god and to do the deed 
were of like effect. Glaucus, then, sent for the 


239 


HERODOTUS 


μενος τοὺς Μιλησίους ξείνους ἀποδιδοῖ σφι τὰ 
χρήματα. τοῦ δὲ εἵνεκα ὁ λόγος, ὅδε ὦ ᾿Αθηναῖοι 
ὁρμήθη λέγεσθαι ἐς ὑμέας, εἰρήσεται" Γλαύκου 
νῦν οὔτε τι ἀπόγονον ἐστὶ οὐδὲν οὔτ᾽ ἱστίη οὐδεμία 
νομιξομένη εἶναι Γλαύκου, ἐκτέτριπταί τε πρόρ- 
ριξος ἐ ἐκ Σπάρτης. οὕτω ἀγαθὸν μηδὲ διανοέεσθαι 
περὶ παρακαταθήκης ἄλλο γε ἢ ἀπαιτεόντων 
ἀποδιδόναι.” 

87. Λευτυχίδης μὲν εἴπας ταῦτα, ὥς οἱ οὐδὲ 
οὕτω ἐσήκουον οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι, ἀπαλλάσσετο' οἱ δὲ 
Αἰγινῆται, πρὶν τῶν πρότερον ἀδικημάτων δοῦναι 
δίκας τῶν ἐς ᾿Αθηναίους ὕβρισαν Θηθαίοισι 
χαριξόμενοι, ἐ ἐποίησαν τοιόνδε. μεμφόμενοι τοῖσι 
᾿Αθηναίοισι καὶ ἀξιοῦντες ἀδικέεσθαι, ὡς τιμω- 
ρησόμενοι τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους παρεσκευάζοντο" καὶ 
ἦν yap δὴ τοῖσι ᾿Αθηναίοισι πεντετηρὶς ἐπὶ è Lourie, 
λοχήσαντες ὧν .τὴν θεωρίδα νέα εἶλον πλήρεα 
ἀνδρῶν τῶν πρώτων ᾿Αθηναίων, λαβόντες δὲ τοὺς 
ἄνδρας ἔδησαν. 

88. ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ παθόντες ταῦτα πρὸς Αἰγινη- 
τέων οὐκέτι ἀνεβάλλοντο μὴ οὐ τὸ πᾶν μηχανή- 
σασθαι ἐπ᾿ Αἰγινήτῃσι. καὶ ἦν γὰρ N ικόδροµος 
Κνοίθου καλεόμενος ἐν τῇ Αἰγίνῃ ἀνὴρ δόκιμος, 
οὗτος μεμφόμενος μὲν τοῖσι Αἰγινήτῃσι προτέρην 
ἑωυτοῦ ἐξέλασιν ἐκ τῆς νήσου, μαθὼν δὲ τότε 
τοὺς. ᾿Αθηναίους ἀναρτημένους ἔρδειν Αἰγινήτας 
κακῶς, συντίθεται᾽ ᾿Αθηναίοισι προδοσίην Αἰγίνης, 
φράσας ἐν τῇ τε ἡμέρη ἐπιχειρήσει καὶ ἐκείνους 
ἐς τὴν ἥκειν δεήσει βοηθέοντας. 

89. Μετὰ ταῦτα καταλαμβάνει μὲν κατὰ τὰ 
συνεθήκατο Ἀθηναίοισι ὁ Νικόδρομος τὴν παλαιὴν 
καλεομένην πόλιν, ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ οὐ παραγίνονται 
240 


BOOK VI. 86-89 


Milesian strangers and restored them their money ; 
but hear now, Athenians! why I began to tell you 
this story. ‘There is at this day no descendant of 
Glaucus, nor any household that bears Glaucus’ 
name ; he and his have been utterly uprooted out of 
Sparta. So good a thing it is not even to design 
aught concerning a trust, save the restoring of it on 
demand." 

87. Thus spoke Leutychides; but even so the 
Athenians would not listen to him, and he took his 
departure. But the Aeginetans, before paying the 
penalty for the high-handed wrong they had done 
the Athenians to please the Thebans, did as I will 
show. Having a grudge against Athens and deeming 
themselves wronged, they prepared to take vengeance 
on the Athenians. Among these there was now 
a five-yearly festival toward on Sunium; wherefore 
the Aeginetans set an ambush and took the ship that 
bore deputies to the festival, with many noble 
Athenians therein, and put in prison the men whom 
they took. | 

88. Thus mishandled by the Aeginetans, the 
Athenians delayed no longer to devise all mischief 
against Aegina. Now there was one Nicodromus, 
son of Cnoethus by name, a notable man in Aegina. 
He, having a grudge against the Aeginetans for his 
former banishment from the island, and learning now 
that the Athenians were set upon doing hurt to the 
Aeginetans, agreed with the Athenians to betray 
Aegina to them, naming the day whereon he would 
essay it and whereon they must come to aid him. 

89. Presently, according to his agreement with the 
Athenians, Nicodromus took possession of the Old 
City, as it was called; but the Athenians failed of 

241 

VOL. ΠΠ. R 


HERODOTUS 


ἐς δέον' οὐ γὰρ ἔτυχον ἐοῦσαι νέες σφι ἀξιόμαχοι 
τῇσι Αἰγινητέων συμβαλεῖν. ἐν ᾧ ὧν Κορινθίων 
ἐδέοντο χρῆσαι σφίσι νέας, ἐν τούτῳ διεφθάρη τὰ 
πρήγματα. οἱ δὲ Κορίνθιοι, ἦσαν yap σφι τοῦτον 
τὸν χρόνον φίλοι ἐς τὰ μάλιστα, ᾿Αθηναίοισι 
διδοῦσι δεομένοισι εἴκοσι νέας, διδοῦσι δὲ πεντα- 
δράχµους ἀποδόμενοι: δωρεὴν γὰρ ἐν τῷ νόμῳ οὐκ 
ἐξῆν δοῦναι. ταύτας τε δὴ λαβόντες οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι 
καὶ τὴς σφετέρας, πληρώσαντες ἑβδομήκοντα 
νέας τὰς ἁπάσας, ἔπλεον ἐπὶ τὴν Αἴγιναν καὶ 
ὑστέρησαν ἡμέρῃ μιῇ τῆς συγκειμένης. 

90. Νικόδρομος δέ, ὡς οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἐς τὸν 
καιρὸν οὐ παρεγίνοντο, ἐς πλοῖον ἐσβὰς ἐκδιδρή- 
σκει ἐκ τῆς Αἰγίνης: σὺν δέ οἱ καὶ ἄλλοι ἐκ τῶν 
Αἰγινητέων εἵποντο, τοῖσι ᾿Αθηναῖοι Σούνιον 
οἰκῆσαι ἔδοσαν. ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ οὗτοι ὁρμώμενοι 
ἔφερόν τε καὶ ἦγον τοὺς ἐν τῇ νήσῳ Αἰγινήτας. 

9]. Ταῦτα μὲν δὴ ὕστερον ἐγίνετο. Αἰγινητέων 
δὲ οἱ παχέες ἐπαναστάντος τοῦ δήμου. σφι ἅμα 
Νικοδρόμῳ ἐ ἐπεκράτησαν, καὶ ἔπειτα σφέας χειρω- 
σάμενοι ἐξῆγον ἀπολέοντες. ἀπὸ τούτου δὲ καὶ 
ἄγος σφι ἐγένετο, TO ἐκθύσασθαι ovK οἷοί τε 
ἐγένοντο ἐπιμηχανώμενοι, ἀλλ᾽ ἔφθησαν EKTE- 
σόντες πρότερον ἐκ τῆς νήσου ἤ σφι ἵλεον γενέσθαι 
τὴν θεὀν. ἑπτακοσίους γὰρ δὴ τοῦ δήμου ξωγρή- 
σαντες ἐξῆγον ὡς ἀπολέοντες, εἷς δέ τις τούτων 
ἐκφυγὼν τὰ δεσμὰ καταφεύγει πρὸς πρόθυρα 
Δήμητρος θεσµοφόρου, ἐπιλαμβανόμενος δὲ τῶν 
ἐπισπαστήρων εἴχετο’ οἳ LI ἐπείτε µιν ἀποσπάσαι 
οὐκ οἷοί τε ἀπέλκοντες ἐγίνοντο, ἀποκόψαντες 


242 


BOOK VI. 89-91 


arriving at the right time; for it chanced that they 
had not ships enough to cope with the Aeginetans ; 
wherefore they entreated the Corinthians to lend 
them ships, and by that delay their business was 
thwarted. The Corinthians, being at that time their 
close friends, consented to the Athenians' entreaty 
and gave them twenty ships, at a price of five 
drachmas apiece; for by their law they could not 
make a free gift of them. Taking these ships and 
their own, the Athenians manned seventy in all and 
sailed for Aegina, whither they came a day later 
than the time agreed. 

90. But Nicodromus, the Athenians not being at 
hand on the day appointed, took ship and escaped 
from Aegina, he and other Aeginetans with him, to 
whom the Athenians gave Sunium to dwell in; 
making which their headquarters they harried the 
Aeginetans of the island. 

91. This was done after the time whereof I have 
spoken.! But the rich men of Aegina gained the 
mastery over the commonalty, who had risen against 
them with Nicodromus, and having made them captive 
led them out to be slain. For this cause a curse fell 
upon them, whereof for all their devices they could 
not rid themselves by sacrifice, but they were driven 
out of their island ere the goddess would be merciful 
to them. For they had taken seven hundred of the 
commonalty alive; and as they led these out for 
slaughter one of them escaped from his bonds and 
fled to the temple gate of Demeter the Lawgiver, 
. where he laid hold of the door-handles and clung 
to them; so when his enemies could not drag him 
away for all their striving, they cut off his hands, 


1 That is, it was done between 490 and 480. 


243 
R 2 


HERODOTUS 


αὐτοῦ τὰς χεῖρας ἦγον οὕτω, αἱ χεῖρες δὲ ἐκεῖναι 
ἐμπεφυκυῖαι ἦσαν τοῖσι ἐπισπάστροισι. 

92. Ταῦτα μέν νυν σφέας αὐτοὺς οἱ Αἰγινῆται 
ἐργάσαντο, ᾿Αθηναίοισι δὲ ἥκουσι ἐναυμάχησαν 
νηυσὶ ἑβδομήκοντα, ἑσσωθέντες δὲ τῇ ναυμαχίῃ 
ἐπεκαλέοντο τοὺς αὐτοὺς καὶ πρότερον, ᾿Αργείους. 
καὶ δή σφι οὗτοι μὲν οὐκέτι βοηθέουσι, μεμφόμενοι 
ὅτι Αἰγιναῖαι νέες ἀνάγκῃ λαμφθεῖσαι ὑπὸ Κλεο- 
μένεος ἔσχον τε ἐς τὴν ᾿Αργολίδα χώρην καὶ 
συναπέβησαν Λακεδαιμονίοισι, συναπέβησαν δὲ 
καὶ ἀπὸ Σικυωνιέων νεῶν ἄνδρες τῇ αὐτῇ ταύτῃ 
ἐσ βολῇ" καί σφι ὑπ ᾿Αργείων ἐπεβλήθ η ζημίη 
χίλια τάλαντα ἐκτῖσαι, πεντακόσια ἑκατέρους. 
Σικυώνιοι μέν νυν συγγνόντες ἀδικῆσαι ὡμολό- 
yncav ἑκατὸν τάλαντα ἐκτίσαντες ἀζήμιοι εἶναι, 
Αἰγινῆται δὲ οὔτε συνεγινώσκοντο ἡσάν τε αὖθα- 
δέστεροι. διὰ δὴ ὧν σφι ταῦτα δεομένοισι ἀπὸ 
μὲν τοῦ δημοσίου οὐδεὶς ᾿Αργείων ἔτι ἐβοήθεε, 
ἐθελονταὶ δὲ ἐ ἐς χιλίους: ἦγε δὲ αὐτοὺς στρατηγὸς 
ἀνὴρ ᾧ οὔνομα, Εὐρυβάτης, ἀνὴρ πεντάεθλον 
ἐπασκήσας. τούτων οἱ πλεῦνες οὐκ ἀπενόστησαν 
ὀπίσω, ἀλλ᾽ ἐτελεύτησαν UT ᾿Αθηναίων ἐν Αὐγίνῃ' 
αὐτὸς δὲ ὁ στρατηγὸς Εὐρυβάτης μουνομαχίην 
ἐπασκέων τρεῖς μὲν ἄνδρας τρόπῳ τοιούτῳ κτείνει, 
ὑπὸ δὲ τοῦ τετάρτου Σωφάνεος τοῦ Δεκελέος 
ἀποθνήσκει. 

93. Αἰγινῆται δὲ ἐοῦσι ἀτάκτοισι τοῖσι ᾿Αόη: 
ναίοισι συμβαλόντες τῇσι νηυσὶ ἐνίκησαν, καί 
σφεων νέας τέσσερας αὐτοῖσι τοῖσι ἀνδράσι 
εἶλον. 

94. ᾿Αθηναίοισι μὲν δὴ πόλεμος συνῆπτο πρὸς 


244 


BOOK VI. 91-94 


and so brought him off; and those hands were left 
clinging fast to the door-handles. 

92. Thus the Aeginetans dealt with each other ; 
when the Athenians had come, they fought with 
them at sea with seventy ships, and being worsted 
in the sea-fight they asked help of the Argives, as 
they had done before. But this time the Argives 
would not aid them, for a grudge that they bore the 
Aeginetans; since ships of Aegina had been taken 
perforce by Cleomenes and put in on the Argolid 
coast, where their crews landed with the Lacedae- 
monians; and there were men too from ships of 
Sicyon that took part in this same onfall; and the 
Argives laid on them the payment of a fine of a 
thousand talents, each people five hundred. The 
Sicyonians owned that they had done wrongfully 
and agreed to go scathless for a payment of a hundred 
talents, but the Aeginetans made no such confession, 
and were stiff-necked. For this cause the Argive 
state sent no man at their entreaty to aid them, but 
about a thousand came of their own will, led by a 
captain whose name was Eurybates, a man practised 
in the five contests.! Of these the greater part 
never returned back but met their death by the 
hands of the Athenians in Aegina; Eurybates 
himself, their captain, fought in single combat and 
thus slew three men, but was slain by the fourth, 
Sophanes the son of Deceles. 

93. The Aeginetan ships found the Athenians in 
disarray, and attacked and overcame them, taking 
four Athenian ships and their crews. 

94. Thus Athens and Aegina grappled together in 


1 The *Pentathlum ' consisted of jumping, discus-throwing, 
spear-throwing, running, and wrestling. 


245 


HERODOTUS 


Αἰγινήτας. ὁ δὲ Πέρσης τὸ ἑωυτοῦ ἐποίεε, ὥστε 
ἀναμιμνήσκοντός τε αἰεὶ τοῦ θεράποντος μεμνῆσθαί 
μιν τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων, καὶ Πεισιστρατιδέων προσ- 
κατημένων καὶ διαβαλλόντων ᾿Αθηναίους, à ἅμα δὲ 
Βουλόμενος ὁ Δαρεῖος ταύτης ἐχόμενος τῆς. προ- 
φάσιος καταστρέφεσθαι τῆς “Ελλάδος τοὺς μὴ 
δόντας αὐτῷ γῆν τε καὶ ὕδωρ. Μαρδόνιον μὲν δὴ 
φλαύρως πρήξαντα τῷ στόλῳ παραλύει τῆς 
στρατηγύης, ἄλλους δὲ στρατηγοὺς ἀποδέξας 
ἀπέστειλε ἐπὶ τε ᾿Ερέτριαν καὶ ᾿Αθήνας, Δᾶτίν τε 
ἐόντα Μῆδον γένος καὶ ᾿Αρταφρένεα τὸν Apra- 
deu παῖδα, ἀδελφιδέον ἑωυτοῦ" ἐντειλάμενος 
€ ἀπέπεμπε ἐξανδραποδίσαντας ᾿Αθήνας καὶ 
᾿Ερέτριαν ἀνάγειν ἑωυτῷ ἐς ὄψιν τὰ ἀνδράποδα. 
96. Ὡς δὲ οἱ στρατηγοὶ οὗτοι οἱ ἀποδεχθέντες 
πορευόμενοι παρὰ βασιλέος ἆ ἀπίκοντο τῆς Κιλικίης 
ἐς τὸ ᾽Αλήιον πεδίον, ἅ ἅμα ἀγόμενοι πεζον στρατὸν 
πολλόν τε καὶ εὖ ἐσκευασμένον, ἐνθαῦτα στρατο- 
πεδευομένοισι ἐπῆλθε μὲν ὁ ναυτικὸς πᾶς στρατὸς 
ὁ ἐπιταχθεὶς -ἑκάστοισι, παρεγένοντο δὲ καὶ αἱ 
ἱππαγωγοὶ νέες, τὰς TQ προτέρῳ ἔτεϊ προεῖπε 
τοῖσι ἑωυτοῦ δασμοφόροισι Δαρεῖος ἑτοιμάξειν. 
ἐσβαλόμενοι δὲ τοὺς ἵππους ἐς ταύτας καὶ τὸν 
πεζὸν στρατὸν ἐσβιβάσαντες ἐς τὰς νέας, ἔπλεον 
ἑξακοσίῃσι τριήρεσι ἐς τὴν Ἰωνίην. ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ 
οὐ παρὰ τὴν ἤπειρον. εἶχον τὰς νέας ἰθὺ τοῦ τε 
Ἑλλησπόντου καὶ τῆς Θρηίκης, ἀλλ᾽ ἐκ Σάμου 
ὁρμώμενοι παρά τε Ἰκάριον καὶ διὰ νήσων τὸν 
πλόον ἐποιεῦντο, ὡς μὲν ἐμοὶ δοκέειν, δείσαντες 
μάλιστα τὸν περίπλοον τοῦ "Abw, ὅτι τῷ προτέρῳ 
ἔτεϊ ποιεύμενοι ταύτῃ τὴν κομιδὴν μεγάλως 


246 


BOOK VI. 94-95 


war. But the Persian was going about his own 
business; for his servant was ever reminding him 
to remember the Athenians,! and the Pisistratidae 
were at his elbow maligning the Athenians, and 
moreover Darius desired to take this pretext for 
subduing all the men of Hellas that had not given 
him earth and water. As for Mardonius, who had 
fared so ill with his armament, him he dismissed 
from his command, and appointed other generals 
to lead his armies against Athens and Eretria, Datis 
a Mede, and his own nephew Artaphrenes son of 
Artaphrenes; and the charge he gave them at their 
departure was, to enslave Athens and Eretria, and 
bring the slaves into his presence. 

95. When these the appointed generals on their 
way from the king's presence were arrived at the 
Aleian plain in Cilicia, bringing with them a host 
great and well furnished, there they encamped- and 
were overtaken by all the armament of ships that 
was assigned to each portion; and the transports 
too for horses came up, that in the year before this 
Darius had bidden his tributary subjects to make 
ready. Having cast the horses into these, and em- 
barked the land army in the ships, they sailed to 
Ionia with six hundred triremes. Thence they held 
their course not by the mainland and straight 
towards the Hellespont and Thrace, but setting 
forth from Samos they sailed by the Icarian sea and 
from island to island; this, to my thinking, was 
because they feared above all the voyage round 
Athos, seeing that in the year past they had come 
to great disaster by holding their course that way; 


1 Cp. V. 105. 
247 


HERODOTUS 


προσέπταισαν' πρὸς δὲ καὶ ἡ Νάξος σφέας 
ἠνάγκαξε πρότερον οὐκ ἁλοῦσα. 

96. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ ἐκ τοῦ Ἱκαρίου πελάγεος Tpos- 
φερόμενοι προσέμιξαν τῇ Νάξῳ, ἐπὶ ταύτην γὰρ 
δὴ πρώτην ἐπεῖχον στρατεύεσθαι οἱ Πέρσαι 
μεμνημένοι τῶν πρότερον οἱ Νάξιοι πρὸς τὰ 
ὄρεα οἴχοντο φεύγοντες οὐδὲ ὑπέμειναν. οἱ δὲ 
Πέρσαι ἀνδραποδισάμενοι τοὺς κατέλαβον αὐτῶν, 
ἐνέπρησαν καὶ τὰ ἱρὰ καὶ τὴν πόλιν. ταῦτα δὲ 
ποιήσαντες ἐπὶ τὰς ἄλλας νήσους ἀνήγοντο. 

97. Ἐν ᾧ δὲ οὗτοι ταῦτα ἐποίευν, οἱ Δήλιοι 
ἐκλιπόντες καὶ αὐτοὶ τὴν, Δῆλον οἴχοντο φεύγοντες 
ἐς Τῆνον. τῆς δὲ στρατιῆς καταπλεούσης ὁ Δᾶτις 
προπλώσας οὐκ ἔα τὰς νέας πρὸς τὴν Δῆλον 
προσορμίζεσθαι, ἀλλὰ πέρην ἐν τῇ 'Ῥηναίῃ' αὐτὸς 
δὲ πυθόμενος í ἵνα ἦσαν οἱ Δήλιοι, πέμπων κήρυκα 
ἠγόρευέ σφι τάδε. '“"Ανδρες ipot, τί φεύγοντες 
οὗ εσθε, οὐκ ἐπιτήδεα καταγνόντες κατ ἐμεῦ ; 
ἐγὼ γὰρ καὶ αὐτὸς ἐπὶ τοσοῦτό γε φρονέω καί μοι 
ἐκ βασιλέος ὧδε ἐπέσταλται, ἐν τῇ χώρῃ οἱ δύο 
θεοὶ ἐ ἐγένοντο, ταύτην μηδὲν σίνεσθαι) μήτε αὐτὴν 
τὴν χώρην μήτε τοὺς οἰκήτορας αὐτῆς. νῦν ὧν 
καὶ ἄπιτε ἐπὶ τὰ ὑμέτερα. αὐτῶν καὶ τὴν νῆσον 
νέμεσθε." ταῦτα μὲν ἐπεκηρυκεύσατο τοῖσι 
Δηλίοισι, μετὰ δὲ .Ἀιβανωτοῦ τριηκόσια τάλαντα 
κατανήσας ἐπὶ τοῦ βωμοῦ ἐθυμίησε. 

98. Δᾶτις μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ποιήσας ἔπλεε ἅμα τῷ 
στρατῷ ἐπὶ τὴν ᾿Ερέτριαν πρῶτα, ἅμα ἀγόμενος 
καὶ Ἴωνας καὶ Αἰολέας. μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον ἐνθεῦτεν 
ἐξαναχθέντα Δῆλος ἐκινήθη, ὡς ἔλεγον Δήλιοι, 
καὶ πρῶτα καὶ ὕστατα μέχρι ἐμεῦ σεισθεῖσα. καὶ 


248 


BOOK VI. 95-98 


and moreover Naxos constrained them, in that they 
had not yet taken it. 

96. When they approached Naxos from the Icarian 
sea and came to land (for it was Naxos which the 
Persians purposed first to attack), the Naxians, 
mindful of what had before happened,! fled away to 
the mountains, not abiding their coming. The 
Persians enslaved all of them that they caught, and 
burnt even their temples and their city ; which done, 
they set sail for the other islands. 

97. While they so did, the Delians also left Delos 
and fled away to Tenos. But Datis, when his host 
was sailing landwards, went before it in his ship and 
bade his fleet anchor not off Delos, but across the 
water off Rhenaea; and being informed where 
the Delians were, he sent a herald to them with 
this proclamation: * Holy men, why have you fled 
away, and so misjudged my intent? For it is my 
own desire, and the king's command to me, to do no 
harm to the land wherein the two gods? were born, 
neither to the land itself nor to those that dwell 
therein. Now, therefore, I bid you return to your 
homes and dwell in your island." ‘This proclamation 
he made to the Delians, and presently laid upon the 
altar and burnt there three hundred talents’ weight 
of frankincense. 

98. This done, Datis sailed with his host against 
Eretria first, taking with him Ionians and Aeolians ; 
and after he had put out thence to sea, there was an 
earthquake in Delos, the first and last, as the Delians 
say, before my time. This portent was sent by 

1 This probably refers to the Persian treatment of rebels, 


described in chs. 31 and 32. 
? Apollo and Artemis. 


249 


HERODOTUS 


τοῦτο μέν κου τέρας ἀνθρώποισι τῶν μελλόντων 
ἔσεσθαι κακῶν ἔφαινε ὁ θεός. ἐπὶ γὰρ Δαρείου 
τοῦ Ὑστάσπεος καὶ Ξέρξεω τοῦ Δαρείου καὶ 
᾿Αρτοξέρξεω τοῦ Ξέρξεω, τριῶν τουτέων ἐπεξῆς 
γενεέων, ἐγένετο πλέω κακὰ τῇ Ελλάδι 5 ἐπὶ 
εἴκοσι ἄλλας γενεὰς τὰς πρὸ Δαρείου γενομένας, 
τὰ μὲν ἀπὸ τῶν Περσέων αὐτῇ γενόμενα, τὰ δὲ 
ἀπ] αὐτῶν τῶν κορυφαίων. περὶ τῆς ἀρχῆς πολε- 
μεόντων. οὕτω οὐδὲν ἡ ἣν ἀεικὲς κινηθῆναι Δῆλον 
τὸ πρὶν ἐοῦσαν ἀκίνητον. καὶ ἐν χρησμῷ ἣν 
γεγραμμένον περὶ αὐτῆς ὧδε. 
κινήσω καὶ Δῆλον ἀκίνητόν περ ἐοῦσαν. 

δύναται δὲ κατὰ “Ελλάδα γλῶσσαν ταῦτα τὰ 
οὐνόματα, Δαρεῖος ἐρξείης, Ξέρξης ἀρήιος, ᾿Άρτο- 
ξέρξης μέγας ἀρήιος. τούτους μὲν δὴ τοὺς 

ασιλέας ὧδε ἂν ὀρθῶς κατὰ γλῶσσαν τὴν 
σφετέρην | Ἕλληνες καλέοιεν. 

99. Οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι « ὡς ἀπήειραν ἐκ τῆς Δήλου, 
προσῖσχον πρὸς τὰς νήσους, ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ στρατιήν 
τε παρελάμβανον καὶ ὁμήρους τῶν νησιωτέων 
παῖδας ἐλάμβανον. ὡς δὲ περιπλέοντες τὰς 

νήσους προσέσχον καὶ ἐς Κάρυστον, οὐ γὰρ δή 

σφι οἱ Καρύστιοι οὔτε ὁμήρους ἐδίδοσαν οὔτε 
ἔφασαν ἐπὶ πόλιας ἀστυγείτονας στρατεύεσθαι, 
λέγοντες ᾿Ερέτριάν τε καὶ ᾿Αθήνας, ἐνθαῦτα τού- 
τους ἐπολιόρκεόν τε καὶ τὴν γῆν σφεων € ἔκειρον, ἐς 
ὃ καὶ οἱ Καρύστιοι παρέστησαν ἐς τῶν Περσέων 
τὴν γνώμην. 

100. Ἐρετριέες δὲ πυνθανόμενοι τὴν στρατιὴν 
τὴν Περσικὴν, ἐπὶ σφέας ἐπιπλέουσαν ᾿Αθηναίων 
ἐδεήθησαν σφίσι βοηθοὺς γενέσθαι. ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ 
25ο 


BOOK VI. 98-100 


heaven, as I suppose, to be an omen of the ills that 
were coming on the world. For in three generations, 
that is, in the time of Darius son of Hystaspes and 
Xerxes son of Darius and Artoxerxes son of Xerxes,! 
more ills befel Hellas than in twenty generations 
before Darius; which ills came in part from the 
Persians and in part from the wars for preéminence 
among the chief of the nations themselves. Thus 
it was no marvel that there should be an earthquake 
in Delos where none had been ere that. Also there 
was an oracle concerning Delos, wherein it was 
written : 


Delos itself will I shake, that ne’er was shaken 
aforetime. E 


Now as touching the names of those three kings, 
Darius signifies the Doer, Xerxes the Warrior, 
Artoxerxes the Great Warrior ; and such the Greeks 
would rightly call them in their language. 

99. Launching out to sea from Delos, the 
foreigners put in at the islands, and gathered an 
army thence and took the sons of the islanders 
for hostages. When in their voyage about the 
islands they came to Carystos, the Carystians gave 
them no hostages and refused to join with them 
against neighbouring cities, whereby they signified 
Eretria and Athens; wherefore the Persians be- 
sieged them and laid waste their land, till the 
Carystians too came over to their side. 

100. The Eretrians, when they learnt that the 
Persian host was sailing to attack them, entreated 
aid from the Athenians. These did not refuse the 


1 522-424. 
251 


HERODOTUS 


οὐκ ἀπείπαντο τὴν ἐπικουρίην, ἀλλὰ τοὺς τετρα- 
κισχιλίους τοὺς κληρουχέοντας τῶν ἱπποβοτέων 
Χαλκιδέων τὴν χώρην, τούτους σφι διδοῦσι 
τιμωρούς. τῶν δὲ ᾿Ερετριέων ἦν ἄρα οὐδὲν ὑγιὲς 
βούλευμα, of μετεπέμποντο μὲν ᾿Αθηναίους, 
ἐφρόνεον δὲ διφασίας ἰδέας. οἳ μὲν γὰρ αὐτῶν 
ἐβουλεύοντο ἐκλιπεῖν TOV πόλιν ἐς τὰ ἄκρα τῆς 
Εὐβοίης, ἄλλοι δὲ αὐτῶν ἴδια κέρδεα προσδεκόµενοι 
παρὰ τοῦ Πέρσεω οἴσεσθαι προδοσίην ἐσκευά- 
ζοντο. μαθὼν δὲ τούτων ἑκάτερα ὡς εἶχε Αἰσχίνης 
ὁ Ν όθωνος, € ἐὼν τῶν ᾿Ερετριέων τὰ πρῶτα, φράξει 
τοῖσι ἥκουσι ᾿Αθηναίων πάντα τὰ παρεόντα σφι 
πρήγματα, προσεδέετό τε ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι σφέας 
ἐς τὴν σφετέρην, i ίνα μὴ προσαπόλωνται. οἱ δὲ 
᾿Αθηναῖοι ταῦτα Αἰσχίνῃ συμβουλεύσαντι πεί- 
θονται. 

101. Καὶ οὗτοι μὲν διαβάντες ἐς Ὠρωπὸν 
ἔσωξον σφέας αὐτούς" οἱ δὲ Πέρσαι. πλέοντες 
κατέσχον τὰς νέας τῆς ᾿Ερετρικῆς χώρης κατὰ 
Τέμενος καὶ Χοι έας καὶ Αὐγίλεα, κατασχόντες 
δὲ ταῦτα τὰ χωρία αὐτίκα ἵππους τε ἐξεβάλλοντο 
καὶ παρεσκευάξοντο ὡς προσοισόµενοι τοῖσι ἐχ- 
θροῖσι. οἱ δὲ ᾿Ερετριέες ἐπεξελθεῖν μὲν καὶ 
μαχέσασθαι οὐκ ἐποιεῦντο βουλήν, εἶ κως δὲ 
διαφυλάξαιεν τὰ τείχεα, τούτου σφι πέρι ἔμελε, 
ἐπείτε ἐνίκα μὴ ἐκλιπεῖν τὴν. πόλιν. προσβολῆς 
δὲ γινομένης καρτερῆς πρὸς τὸ τεῖχος ἔπιπτον ἐπὶ 
ἓξ ἡμέρας πολλοὶ μὲν ἀμφοτέρων" τῇ δὲ ἑβδόμῃ 
Εὔφορβος τε ὁ ᾿Αλκιμάχου καὶ Φίλαγρος ὁ 
Κυνέου ἄνδρες τῶν ἀστῶν δόκιμοι προδιδοῦσι 
τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι. οἳ δὲ ἐσελθόντες ἐς τὴν πόλιν 
τοῦτο μὲν τὰ ἱρὰ συλήσαντες ἐνέπρησαν, ἀποτινύ- 
252 


BOOK VI. roo-101 


aid, but gave the Eretrians for their defenders the 
four thousand tenant farmers that held the land of 
the Chalcidian horse-breeders.! But it would seem 
that all was unstable in the designs of the Eretrians ; 
for they sent to the Athenians for aid, but their 
counsels were divided ; the one part of them planned 
to leave the city and make for the heights of Euboea, 
the other part plotted treason in hope so to win 
advantage for themselves from the Persians. Then 
Aeschines son of Nothon, who was a leading man in 
Eretria, out of his knowledge of both designs told 
those Athenians who had come how matters stood, 
and entreated them, moreover, to depart to their 
own country, lest they should perish like the rest ; 
and the Athenians in this followed Aeschines' advice. 

101. So they saved themselves by crossing over 
to Oropus ; the Persians in their sailing held their 
course for Temenos and Choereae and Aegilea, all 
in Eretrian territory, and having taken possession of 
these places they straightway disembarked their 
horses and made preparation to attack their enemies. 
The Eretrians had no design of coming out and 
fighting; all their care was to guard their walls, if 
they could, seeing that it was the prevailing counsel 
not to leave the city. The walls were stoutly 
attacked, and for six days many fell on both sides ; 
but on the seventh two Eretrians of repute, Euphor- 
bus son of Alcimachus and Philagrus son of Cineas, 
betrayed the city to the Persians. These entered 
the city and plundered and burnt the temples, in 


1 Cp. V. 77. 
253 


HERODOTUS 


μενοι τῶν ἐν Σάρδισι κατακανθέντων ἱρῶν, τοῦτο 
δὲ τοὺς ἀνθρώπους ἠνδραποδίσαντο κατὰ τὰς 
Δαρείου ἐντολάς. 

102. Χειρωσάμενοι δὲ τὴν ᾿Ερέτριαν καὶ ἐπι- 
σχόντες ὀλίγας ἡ ἡμέρας ἔπλεον ἐς γῆν τὴν ᾿Αττικήν, 
κατέργοντές τε πολλὸν καὶ δοκέοντες ταὐτὰ τοὺς 
᾿Αθηναίους ποιήσειν τὰ καὶ τοὺς Ἐρετριέας 
ἐποίησαν. καὶ ἦν γὰρ ὁ Μαραθὼν ἐπιτηδεότατον 
χωρίον τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς ἐνιππεῦσαι καὶ ἀγχοτάτω 
τῆς Ἔρετρίης, è ἐς τοῦτό σφι κατηγέετο Ἱππίης ὁ 
Πεισιστράτου. 

109. ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ ὡς ἐπύθοντο ταῦτα, ἐβοήθεον 
καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐς τὸν Μαραθῶνα. ἦγον δὲ σφέας 
στρατηγοὶ δέκα, τῶν ὁ δέκατος ἦν Μιλτιάδης: 
τοῦ τὸν πατέρα Κίμωνα τὸν Στησαγόρεω κατέλαβε 
φυγεῖν ἐξ ᾿Αθηνέων Πεισίστρατον τὸν Ἱπποκρά- 
τεος. καὶ αὐτῷ φεύγοντι Ὀλυμπιάδα ἀνελέσθαι 
τεθρίππῳ συνέβη, καὶ ταύτην μὲν. τὴν νίκην 
ἀνελόμενον μιν τὠυτὸ ἐξενείκασθαι, τῷ ὁμομητρίῳ 
ἀδελφεῷ Μιλτιάδῃ: μετὰ δὲ τῇ ὑστέρῃ Ὄλυμ- 
πιάδι τῇσι αὐτῇσι ἵπποισι νικῶν παραδιδοῖ 
Πεισιστράτῳ ἀνακηρυχθῆναι, καὶ τὴν νίκην 
παρεὶς τούτῳ κατῆλθε e ἐπὶ τὰ ἑ ἑωυτοῦ ὑπόσπονδος. 
καί μιν ἀνελόμενον τῆσι αὐτῇσι ἵπποισι ἄλλην 
Ὀλυμπιάδα κατέλαβε ἀποθανεῖν ὑπὸ τῶν Ile- 
σιστράτου παίδων, οὐκέτι περιεόντος αὐτοῦ 
Πεισιστράτου" κτείνουσι δὲ οὗτοί μιν κατὰ τὸ 
πρυτανήιον νυκτὸς ὑπείσαντες ἄνδρας. τέθαπται 
δε Κίμων πρὸ τοῦ ἄστεος, πέρην τῆς διὰ Κοίλης 
καλεομένης ὁδοῦ" καταντίον δ᾽ αὐτοῦ αἱ ἵπποι 
τεθάφαται αὗται αἱ τρεῖς Ὀλυμπιάδας ἀνελόμεναι. 
ἐποίησαν δὲ καὶ ἄλλαι ἵπποι ἤδη τὠυτὸ τοῦτο 
254 


BOOK VI. 1o1-103 


revenge for the temples that were burnt at Sardis; 
moreover they enslaved the townspeople, according 
to Darius’ “command. 

102. Having subdued Eretria they delaved for a 
few days, and then sailed to the Attic land, pressing 
hard forward and thinking that they would do to the 
Athenians what they had done to the Eretrians; and 
Marathon ! being the fittest part of Attica for horse- 
men to ride over, and nearest to Eretria, thither they 
were guided by Hippias son of Pisistratus. 

103. When the Athenians learnt of this, they too 
marched out to Marathon. Ten generals led them, 
of whom the tenth was Miltiades, whose father, 
Cimon son of Stesagoras, had been, as fate would 
have it, banished from Athens by Pisistratus son of 
Hippocrates. Beingan exile, he had the luck to win 
the prize for four-horse chariots at Olympia, by this 
victory gaining the same honour as his mother’s son 
Miltiades had won. At the next Olympiad he was 
a winner again with the same team of mares, but 
suffered Pisistratus to be proclaimed victor, for which 
surrender of his victory he returned to his home 
under treaty. A third Olympic prize he won with 
the same team ; after that, Pisistratus himself being 
now dead, fate willed that Miltiades should be slain 
by Pisistratus’ sons; these suborned men and slew 
him by night in the town-hall. Cimon lies buried 
outside the city, beyond the road that is called 
Through the Hollow; and the mares that won 
him the three Olympic prizes are buried over 
against his grave. None others save the mares of 


1 For a detailed discussion of various questions connected 
with the battle of Marathon, readers are referred to How 
and Wells, Appendix XVIII. 


255 


HERODOTUS 


Εὐαγόρεω Λάκωνος, πλέω δὲ τουτέων οὐδαμαί. ὁ 
μὲν δὴ πρεσβύτερος τῶν παίδων τῷ Κίμωνι 
Στησαγόρης ἦν τηνικαῦτα παρὰ τῷ πάτρῳ 
Μιλτιάδῃ τρεφόμενος ἐν τῇ Χερσονήσῳ, ὁ δὲ 
νεώτερος παρ᾽ αὐτῷ Κίμωνι ἐν ᾿Αθήνησι, οὔνομα 
ἔχων ἀπὸ τοῦ οἰκιστέω τῆς Χερσονήσου Μιλτιάδεω 
Μιλτιάδης. 

104. Οὗτος δὴ ὧν τότε ὁ Μιλτιάδης ἥκων ἐκ 
τῆς Χερσονήσου καὶ ἐκπεφευγὼς διπλόον θάνατον 
ἐστρατήγεε ᾿Αθηναίων. ἅμα μὲν γὰρ οἱ Φοίνικες 
αὐτὸν οἱ ἐπιδιώξαντες μέχρι Ἴμβρου περὶ πολλοῦ 
ἐποιεῦντο λαβεῖν τε καὶ ἀναγαγεῖν παρὰ βασιλέα" 
ἅμα δὲ ἐκφυγόντα τε τούτους καὶ ἀπικόμενον ἐς 

τὴν ἑωυτοῦ δοκέοντά τε εἶναι ἐν σωτηρίῃ ἤδη, τὸ 
ἐνθεῦτέν pw οἱ ἐχθροὶ ὑποδεξάμενοι ὑπὸ δικαστή- 
ριον αὐτὸν ἀγαγόντες ἐδίωξαν τυραννίδος τῆς ἐν 
Χερσονήσῳ. ἀποφυγὼν δὲ καὶ τούτους στρατηγὸς 
οὕτω ᾿Αθηναίων ἀπεδέχθη, αἱρεθεὶς ὑπὸ τοῦ 
δήμου. 

106. Καὶ πρῶτα μὲν ἐόντες ἔτι ἐν τῷ ἄστεϊ οἱ 
στρατηγοὶ ἀποπέμπουσι ἐς Σπάρτην κήρυκα 
Φειδιππίδην ᾿Αθηναῖον μὲν ἄνδρα, ἄλλως δὲ 
ἡμεροδρόμην τε καὶ τοῦτο μελετῶντα" τῷ δή, ὡς 
αὐτός τε ἔλεγε Φειδιππίδης καὶ ᾿Αθηναίοισι 
ἀπήγγελλε, περὶ τὸ Παρθένιον ὄρος τὸ ὑπὲρ 
Τεγέης ὁ o Πὰν περιπίπτει" βώσαντα δὲ τὸ οὔνομα 
τοῦ Φειδιππίδεω τὸν Ilava ᾿Αθηναίοισι κελεῦσαι 
ἀπαγγεῖλαι, δι ὅ τι ἑωυτοῦ οὐδεμίαν ἐπιμελείην 
ποιεῦνται ἐόντος εὐνόου ᾿Αθηναίοισι καὶ πολλαχῇ 
γενομένου σφι ἤδη χρησίμου, τὰ Ó ἔτι καὶ ἐσο- 
μένου. καὶ ταῦτα μὲν ᾿Αθηναῖοι, καταστάντων 
σφι εὖ ἤδη τῶν πρηγμάτων, πιστεύσαντες εἶναι 
256 


BOOK VI. 103-105 


the Laconian Evagoras had ever achieved the same. 
Now Stesagoras, the eldest of Cimon's sons, was at 
that time being brought up in the Chersonese with 
Miltiades his uncle; but the younger, named Miltiades 
after that Miltiades who planted a settlement on the 
Chersonese, was with Cimon himself at Athens. 

104. This Miltiades, then, had now come from the 
Chersonese and was a general of the Athenian army, 
after twice escaping death; for the Phoenicians, who 
held him in chase as far as Imbros, set great store by 
catching him and bringing him before the king ; and 
when he had escaped from them to his country and 
supposed himself to be now in safety, he was next 
met by his enemies, who haled him before a court 
and would have justice on him for his rule of the 
Chersonese. From them too he was freed, and after 
that was appointed a general of the Athenians by 
the people's choice. 

105. And first, while they were yet in the city, 
ihe generals sent as a herald to Sparta Phidippides, 
an Athenian, and one, moreover, that was a runner 
of long distances and made that his calling. This 
man, as he said himself and told the Athenians, when 
he was in the Parthenian hills above Tegea, met with 
Pan; who,calling to Phidippides by name, bade him 
say to the Athenians, * Why is it that ye take no 
thought for me, that am your friend, and ere now have 
oft been serviceable to you, and will be so again?" 
This story the Athenians believed to be true, and 
when their state won to prosperity they founded a 


257 
VOL. III S 


HERODOTUS 


ἀληθέα ἱδρύσαντο ὑπὸ τῇ ἀκροπόλι Πανὸς ἱρόν, 
καὶ αὐτὸν ἀπὸ ταύτης τῆς ἀγγελίης θυσίησι 
ἐπετείοισι καὶ λαμπάδι ἱλάσκονται. 

106. Τότε δὲ πεμφθεὶς | ὑπὸ τῶν στρατηγῶν ὁ 
Φειδιππίδης οὗτος, ὅτε πέρ οἱ ἔφη καὶ τὸν Π]ᾶνα 
φανῆναι, δευτεραῖος ἐκ τοῦ ᾿Αθηναίων ἄστεος ἦν 
ἐν Σπάρτῃ, ἀπικόμενος δὲ ἐπὶ τοὺς ἄρχοντας 
ἔλεγε «Ὢ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, ᾿Αθηναῖοι i ὑμέων δόντα: 
σφίσι βοηθῆσαι καὶ μὴ περιιδεῖν πόλιν ἀρχαιοτά- 
την ἐν τοῖσι "Ελλησι δουλοσύνῃ περιπεσοῦσαν 
πρὸς ἀνδρῶν βαρβάρων" καὶ γὰρ. νῦν ᾿Ερέτριά τε 
ἠνδραπόδισται καὶ πόλι λογίμῳ uP Ἑλλὰς γέγονε 
ἀσθενεστέρη." ὃ μὲν δή σφι τὰ ἐντεταλμένα 
ἀπήγγελλε, τοῖσι δὲ ἕαδε μὲν βοηθέειν ᾿Αθηναίοισι, 
ἀδύνατα δέ σφι ἦν τὸ παραυτίκα ποιέειν ταῦτα, 
οὐ βουλομένοισι λύειν τὸν νόμον" ἦν γὰρ ἰσταμένου 
τοῦ μηνὸς εἰνάτη, εἰνάτη δὲ οὐκ ἐξελεύσεσθαι 
ἔφασαν μὴ οὐ πλήρεος ἐόντος τοῦ κύκλου. 

107. Οὗτοι μέν νυν τὴν, πανσέληνον ἔμενον. 
τοῖσι δὲ βαρβάροισι κατηγέετο Ἱππίης 0 Πεισι- 
στράτου ἐς τὸν Μαραθῶνα, τῆς παροιχοµένης 
VUKTOS ὄψιν ἰδὼν τοιήνδε: ἐδόκεε ὁ Ἱππίης τῇ 
μητρὶ τῇ ἑωυτοῦ συνευνηθῆναι. συνεβάλετο ὧν 
ἐκ τοῦ ὀνείρου κατελθὼν ἐς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας καὶ 
ἀνασωσάμενος τὴν ἀρχὴν τελευτήσειν ἐν τῇ 
ἑωυτοῦ γηραιός. ἐκ μὲν δὴ τῆς ὄψιος συνεβάλετο 
ταῦτα, τότε δὲ κατηγεόµενος τοῦτο μὲν τὰ 
ἀνδράποδα τὰ ἐξ Ἐρετρίης ἀπέβησε ἐς τὴν νῆσον 
τὴν Στυρέων, καλεομένην δὲ Αἰγλείην, τοῦτο δὲ 


! According to Isocrates the distance traversed was 150 
miles, 


258 


BOOK VI. τος-το] 


temple of Pan beneath the acropolis, and for that 
message sought the gods' favour with yearly sacrifices 
and torch-races. 

106. But now,at the time when he was sent by 
the generals and said that Pan had appeared to him, 
this Phidippides was at Sparta on the day after he 
left Athens ;! and he came before the rulers and said, 
* Lacedaemonians, the Athenians entreat you to 
send them help, and not suffer a most ancient city 
of Hellas to be brought into bondage by foreigners ; 
for even now Eretria has been enslaved, and Hellas 
is the weaker by the loss of a notable city." Thus 
Phidippides gave the message wherewith he was 
charged, and the Lacedaemonians resolved to send 
help to the Athenians; but they could not do this 
immediately, being loath to break their law; for it 
was the ninth day of the first part of the month, and 
they would make no expedition (they said) on the 
ninth day, when the moon was not full.? 

107. So they waited for the full moon. As for the 
Persians, they were guided to Marathon by Hippias 
son of Pisistratus. Hippias in the past night had 
seen a vision in his sleep, wherein he thought that 
he lay with his own mother; he interpreted this 
dream to signify that he should return to Athens and 
recover his power, and so die an old man in his own 
mother-country. Thus he interpreted the vision ; for 
the nonce, being the Persians' guide, he carried the 
slaves taken in Eretria to the island of the Styreans 
called Aeglea; moreover, it was he who made the 


2 This statement probably applies only to the month 
Carneius (Attic Metageitnion), when the Carneia was cele- 
brated at Sparta in honour of Apollo, from the 7th to the 
15th of the month, 


259 


HERODOTUS 


/ » N ^ . / e 
καταγομένας ἐς τὸν Μαραθῶνα τὰς νέας ὅρμιζε 
οὗτος, ἐκβάντας τε ἐς γῆν τοὺς βαρβάρους 
διέτασσε. καί οἱ ταῦτα διέποντι ἐπῆλθε πταρεῖν 
τε καὶ βῆξαι μεξόνως ἢ ὡς ἐώθεε οἷα δέ οἱ 
πρεσβυτέρῳ ἐόντι τῶν ὀδόντων οἱ πλεῦνες ἐσεί- 

΄ 9 σ ^ , , , / e A 
οντο' τούτων Qv ἕνα τῶν ὀδόντων ἐκβάλλει ὑπὸ 

, o / , / WB) M / , ^ 
Bins βήξας' ἐκπεσόντος δὲ ἐς τὴν ψάμμον αὐτοῦ 
9 / \ A 2 ^ e \ » 
ἐποιέετο σπουδὴν πολλὴν ἐξευρεῖν. ὡς δὲ οὐκ 
3 / / e ε 3 / 3 / 9 M . 
ἐφαίνετο οἱ ὁ ὀδών, ἀναστενάξας εἶπε πρὸς τοὺς 

, "7i *H ^ 5o , e / > / δέ 
παραστάτας γῆ ἥδε οὐκ ἡμετέρη ἐστί, οὐδέ μιν 
δυνησόμεθα ὑποχειρίην ποιήσασθαι" ὁκόσον δέ τι 
μοι μέρος μετῆν, ὁ ὀδὼν μετέχει.᾽ 

108. Ἱππίης μὲν δὴ ταύτῃ τὴν ὄψιν συνεβάλετο 
, , > / \ / , 
ἐξεληλυθέναι. ᾿Αθηναίοισι δὲ τεταγμένοισι ἐν 
τεμένεϊ “Ἡρακλέος ἐπῆλθον βοηθέοντες Πλαταιέες 
πανδημεί. καὶ γὰρ καὶ ἐδεδώκεσαν σφέας αὐτοὺς 

- , / e / M , e \ 
τοῖσι Αθηναίοισι οἱ Πλαταιέες, καὶ πόνους ὑπέρ 
αὐτῶν οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι συχνοὺς ἤδη ἀναραιρέατο: 
ἔδοσαν δὲ ὧδε. πιεζεύμενοι ὑπὸ Θηβαίων οἱ 
Π]λαταιέες ἐδίδοσαν πρῶτα παρατυχοῦσι Κλεο- 
μένεϊ τε τῷ νε καὶ Λακεδαιμονίοισι 
σφέας αὐτούς. δὲ οὐ δεκόµενοι ἔλεγόν σφι 
τάδε. '' Ἡμεῖς μὲν ἑκαστέρω τε οἰκέομεν, καὶ ὑμῖν 
τοιήδε. τις γίνοιτ᾽ ἂν ἐπικουρίη ψυχρή" φθαίητε 
γὰρ ἂν πολλάκις ἐξανδραποδισθέντες ἢ τινα 
πυθέσθαι ἡμέων. συμβουλεύομεν δὲ ὑμῖν δοῦναι 
ὑμέας αὐτοὺς ᾿Αθηναίοισι, πλησιοχώς οισι τε 
ἀνδράσι καὶ τιμωρέειν ἐοῦσι οὐ κακοῖσι," ταῦτα 
συνεβούλευον οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι οὐ κατὰ τὴν 
εὐνοίην οὕτω τῶν Πλαταιέων ὡς βουλόμενοι τοὺς 


26ο 


BOOK VI. 107-108 


. Ships to anchor when they had put in at Marathon, 
and who set the foreigners in array when they were 
landed. Now while he dealt with these matters he 
fell a-sneezing and a-coughing more violently than 
he was wont; he was well stricken in years, and the 
most of his teeth were loose; whereby the violence 
of his cough made one of his teeth to fall out. It 
fell into the sand, and Hippias used all diligence to 
find it; but the tooth being nowhere to be seen, he 
said lamentably to them that stood by, “ This land is 
none of ours, nor shall we avail to subdue it; my 
tooth has all the share of it that was for me.” 

108. This then Hippias guessed to be the fulfil- 
ment of his dream. The Athenians were arrayed in 
the precinct of Heracles, and now the whole power 
of the Plataeans came to their aid; for the Plataeans 
had put themselves under the protection of Athens,! 
and the Athenians had taken upon them many 
labours for their sake. The manner of the Plataeans’ 
so doing was this:—Being hard pressed by the 
Thebans, they had offered themselves to the first 
comers, Cleomenes son of Anaxandrides and the 
Lacedaemonians ; but these would not accept them, 
and said: * We dwell afar off, and such aid as ours 
would be found but cold comfort to you; for you 
might be enslaved many times over ere any of us 
heard of it. We counsel you to put yourselves in the 
protection of the Athenians, who are your neighbours, 
and can defend you right well.” This counsel the. 
Lacedaemonians gave not so much out of their 
goodwill to the Plataeans, as because they desired 
that the Athenians should bring trouble on them- 

! In 519, according to Thucydides (iii. 68) ; Grote gives a 
later date. 


261 


HERODOTUS 


᾿Αθηναίους ἔχειν. πόνους συνεστεῶτας Βοιωτοῖσι. 
Λακεδαιμόνιοι μέν νυν Πλαταιεῦσι ταῦτα συνε- 
βούλευον, ot δὲ οὐκ ἠπίστησαν, ἀλλ Αθηναίων 
ἱρὰ ποιεύντων τοῖσι δυώδεκα θεοῖσι ἱκέται ἱζόμενοι 
ἐπὶ τὸν βωμὸν ἐδίδοσαν σφέας αὐτούς. (Θηβαῖοι 
δὲ πυθόμενοι ταῦτα ἐστρατεύοντο ἐπὶ τοὺς IIa- 
ταιέας, ᾿Αθηναῖοι δέ σφι ἐβοήθεον. μελλόντων 
δὲ συνάπτειν μάχην Κορίνθιοι οὐ περιεῖδον, 
παρατυχόντες δὲ καὶ καταλλάξαντες ἐπιτρεψάν- 
των ἀμφοτέρων οὔρισαν τὴν χώρην ἐπὶ τοῖσιδε, 
éav Θηβαίους Βοιωτῶν τοὺς μὴ βουλομένους ἐς 
Βοιωτοὺς τελέειν. Κορίνθιοι μὲν δὴ ταῦτα γνόντες 
ἀπαλλάσσοντο, Αθηναίοισι δὲ ἀπιοῦσι ἐπεθήκαντο 
Βοιωτοί, ἐπιθέμενοι δὲ ἑσσώθησαν, τῇ μάχῃ. 
ὑπερβάντες δὲ οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι τοὺς οἱ Κορίνθιοι 
ἔθηκαν Πλαταιεῦσι εἶναι οὔρους, τούτους ὑπερ- 
βάντες τὸν ᾿Ασωπὸν αὐτὸν ἐποιήσαντο οὖρον 
Θηβαίοισι πρὸς Πλαταιέας εἶναι καὶ Ὑσιάς. 
ἔδοσαν μὲν δὴ οἱ Πλαταιέες σφέας αὐτοὺς 
᾿Αθηναίοισι τρόπῳ τῷ εἰρημένῳ, ἧκον δὲ τότε ἐς 
Μαραθῶνα βοηθέοντες. 

109, Τοῖσι δὲ ᾿Αθηναίων στρατηγοῖσι ἐγίνοντο 
δίχα αἱ γνῶμαι, τῶν μὲν οὐκ ἐώντων συμβαλεῖν 
(ὀλίγους γὰρ εἶναι στρατιῇ τῇ Μήδων συμβάλ- 
λειν) τῶν δὲ καὶ Μιλτιάδεω κελευόντων. ὡς δὲ 
δίχα.τε ἐγίνοντο καὶ ἐνίκα 7) τοις τῶν γνωμέων, 
ἐνθαῦτα, ἦν. γὰρ ἐνδέκατος ψηφιδ οφόρος ὁ τῷ 
κυάμῳ λαχὼν ᾿Αθηναίων πολεμαρχέειν (τὸ πα- 


1 The twelve gods were Zeus, Hera, Poseidon, Demeter, 
Apollo, Artemis, Hephaestus, Athene, Ares, Aphrodite, 


262 


BOOK VI. 108-109 


selves by making enemies of the Boeotians. The 
Lacedaemonians, then, gave them this counsel ; the 
Plataeans obeyed it, and when the Athenians were 
sacrificing tothe twelve gods! they came as suppliants 
and sat them down by the altar, and so put them- 
selves under protection. Hearing of this the 
Thebans sent an army against the Plataeans, and 
the Athenians came to the Plataeans' aid; but 
when they were about to join battle, the Corinthians 
would not suffer them ; as they chanced to be there, 
they made a reconciliation at the instance of both 
the parties, and drew a frontier line on the condition 
that the Thebans should not meddle with such 
Boeotians as desired not to be reckoned as part 
and parcel of Boeotia. Having given this judgment 
the Corinthians took their departure ; but when the 
Athenians were on their way home the Boeotians set 
upon them and were worsted in the fight. The 
Athenians then made a frontier beyond that which 
had been assigned by the Corinthians for the Pla- 
taeans, and set the Asopus itself for the Theban 
border on the side of Plataea and Hysiae.—In the 
manner aforesaid the Plataeans had put themselves 
in the protection of the Athenians, and now they 
came to Marathon to aid them. 

109. But the counsels of the Athenian generals 
were divided ; some advised that they should not 
fight, thinking they were too few to do battle with 
the Median army, and some, of whom was Miltiades, 
that they should. Now there was an eleventh that 
had a vote, namely, that Athenian who had been 


Hermes, Hestia. The βωμὸς was a central altar in the agora, 
from which distances were reckoned. 


263 


HERODOTUS 


λαιὸν γὰρ ᾿Αθηναῖοι ὁμόψηφον τὸν πολέμαρχον 
ἐποιεῦντο τοῖσι στρατηγοῖσι), ἦν δὲ τότε πολέ- 
µαρχος Καλλίμαχος ᾽Αφιδναῖος. πρὸς τοῦτον 
ἐλθὼν Μιλτιάδης ἔλεγε τάδε. “Ἔν σοὶ νῦν Καλ.- 
λίμαχε ἐστὶ ἢ καταδουλῶσαι ᾿Αθήνας ἡ ἐλευθέρας 
ποιήσαντα μνημόσυνα λιπέσθαι ἐς τὸν ἅπαντα 
ἀνθρώπων βίον οἷα οὐδὲ ᾿Αρμόδιός τε καὶ Api- 
στογείτων λείπουσι. νῦν γὰρ δὴ ἐξ οὗ ἐγένοντο 
᾿Αθηναῖοι ἐς κίνδυνον ἥκουσι μέγιστον, καὶ ἦν 
μέν γε ὑποκύψωσι τοῖσι Μήδοισι, δέδοκται τὰ 
πείσονται παραδεδομένοι Ἱππίῃ, ἣν δὲ περιγένη- 
ται αὕτη ἡ πόλις, οἵη τε ἐστὶ πρώτη τῶν Ἑλληνί- 
δων πολίων γενέσθαι. κῶς ὧν δὴ ταῦτα οἷά τε 
ἐστὶ γενέσθαι, καὶ κῶς ἐς σέ τοι τούτων ἀνήκει 
τῶν πρηγμάτων τὸ κῦρος ἔχειν, νῦν ἔρχομαι φρά- 
σων. ἡμέων τῶν στρατηγῶν ἐόντων δέκα δίχα 
γίνονται αἱ γνῶμαι, τῶν μὲν κελευόντων τῶν δὲ οὗ 
συμβάλλειν. ἣν μέννυν μὴ συμβάλωμεν, ἔλπομαι 
τινὰ στάσιν μεγάλην διασείσειν ἐμπεσοῦσαν τὰ 
᾿Αθηναίων φρονήματα ὥστε μηδίσαι" jv δὲ cvp- 
βάλωμεν πρίν τι καὶ σαθρὸν ᾿Αθηναίων μετεξε- 
τέροισι ἐγγενέσθαι, θεῶν τὰ ἴσα νεμόντων οἷοί τε 
εἰμὲν περιγενέσθαι τῇ συμβολῇ. ταῦτα ὧν πάντα 
ἐς σὲ νῦν τείνει καὶ ἐκ σέο ἤρτηται. ἦν γὰρ σὺ 
γνώμῃ τῇ ἐμῇ προσθῇ, ἐ ἔστι τοι πατρίς τε : ἐλευθέρη | 
καὶ πόλις πρώτη τῶν ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι: ἦν δὲ τὴν 
τῶν ἀποσπευδόντων τὴν συμβολὴν ἕλῃ, ὑπάρξει 
τοι τῶν ἐγὼ κατέλεξα ἀγαθῶν τὰ ἐναντία.᾽ 

110. Ταῦτα λέγων ὁ Μιλτιάδης προσκτᾶται 
τὸν Καλλίμαχον' προσγενομένης δὲ τοῦ πολεμάρ- 
264 


BOOK VI. 109-110 


chosen as polemarch! by lot,—for by old Athenian 
custom the polemarch voted among the generals, — 
and at this time the polemarch was Callimachus of 
Aphidnae ; so their counsels being divided and the 
worse opinion like to prevail, Miltiades betook him- 
self to this man.  * Callimachus," said he, “it is for 
you to-day to choose, whether you will enslave 
Athens, or free her and thereby leave such a 
memorial for all posterity as was left not even by 
Harmodius and Aristogiton. For now is Athens in 
greater peril than ever since she was first a city ; 
and if her people bow their necks to the Medes, 
their fate is certain, for they will be delivered over 
to Hippias; but if our city be saved, she may well 
grow to be the first of Greek cities. How then this 
can be brought about, and how it comes that the 
deciding voice in these matters is yours, I will now 
show you. We ten generals are divided in counsel, 
some bidding us to fight and some to forbear. Now 
if we forbear to fight, it is likely that some great 
schism will rend and shake the courage of our people 
till they make friends of the Medes ; but if we join 
battle before some at Athens be infected by corrup- 
tion, then let heaven but deal fairly with us, and we 
may well win in this fight. It is you that all this 
concerns; all hangs on you; for if you join yourself 
to my opinion, you make your country free and your 
city the first in Hellas; but if you choose the side of 
them that would persuade us not to fight, you will 
have wrought the very. opposite of the blessings 
whereof I have spoken." | 

110. By this plea Miltiades won Callimachus to be 
his ally; and with the polemarch’s vote added it 


1 One of the nine archons, all chosen by lot. 


265 


HERODOTUS 


χου τῆς γνώμης ἐκεκύρωτο συμβάλλειν. μετὰ δὲ 
οἱ στρατηγοὶ τῶν ἡ γνώµη ἔφερε συμβάλλειν, ὡς 
ἑκάστου αὐτῶν ἐγίνετο πρυτανηίη τῆς ἡμέρης, 
Μιλτιάδη παρεδίδοσαν' ὃ δὲ δεκόµενος οὔτι κω 
συμβολὴν ἐποιέετο, πρίν γε δὴ αὐτοῦ πρυτανηΐη. 
ἐγένετο. 

111. Ὡς δὲ ἐς ἐκεῖνον περιῆλθε, ἐνθαῦτα δὴ 
ἐτάσσοντο ὧδε οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι, ὡς συμβαλέοντες" τοῦ 
μὲν δεξιοῦ κέρεος ἡγέετο ὁ πολέμαρχος Καλλί- 
μαχος' ὁ γὰρ νόμος τότε εἶχε οὕτω τοῖσι ᾿Αθη- 
ναίοισι, τὸν πολέμαρχον ἔχειν κέρας τὸ δεξιόν’ 
ἡγεομένου δὲ τούτου ἐξεδέκοντο ὡς ἀριθμέοντο αἱ 
φυλαὶ ἐχόμεναι, ἀλληλέων, τελευταῖοι δὲ ἐτάσ- 
σοντο ἔχοντες τὸ εὐώνυμον κέρας Πλαταιέες. ἀπὸ 
ταύτης [γάρ] σφι τῆς μάχης, ᾿Αθηναίων θυσίας 
ἀναγόντων ἐς τὰς πανηγύριας τὰς ἐν τῇσι πεντετη- 
ρίσι γινομένας, κατεύχεται ὁ κῆρυξ ὁ ᾿Αθηναῖος 
ἅμα τε ᾿Αθηναίοισι λέγων γίνεσθαι τὰ ἀγαθὰ καὶ 
Πλαταιεῦσι. τότε δὲ τασσομένων τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων 
ἐν τῷ Μαραθῶνι ἐγίνετο τοιόνδε τι' τὸ στρατό- 
πεδον ἐξισούμενον τῷ Μηδικῷ στρατοπέδῳ, τὸ 
μὲν αὐτοῦ μέσον ἐγίνετο ἐπὶ τάξιας ὀλίγας, ᾽ καὶ 
ταύτῃ EL ἀσθενέστατον τὸ στρατόπεδον, τὸ δὲ 
κέρας ἑκάτερον ἔρρωτο πληθεὶ. 

112. Ὡς δέ σφι διετέτακτο καὶ τὰ σφάγια ἐ ἐγί- 
νετο καλά, ἐνθαῦτα ὡς ἀπείθησαν οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι 
δρόμῳ i ἵεντο ἐς τοὺς βαρβάρους. ἦσαν δὲ στάδιοι 
οὐκ ἐλάσσονες τὸ μεταίχμιον αὐτῶν ἢ ὀκτώ. οἱ 
δὲ Πέρσαι ὁρέοντες δρόμῳ ἐπιόντας παρεσκευά- 
ἕοντο ὡς δεξόμενοι, μανίην τε τοῖσι ᾿Αθηναίοισι 
ἐπέφερον καὶ πάγχυ ὀλεθρίην, ὀρέοντες αὐτοὺς 


266 


BOOK VI. r1o-112 


was resolved to fight. Thereafter the generals 
whose counsel was for fighting made over to Mil- 
tiades the day's right of leading that fell to each 
severally ;! he received it, but would not join battle - 
till the day of his own leadership came round. 

111. When his turn came, then were the Athenians 
arrayed for battle as I shall show : the right wing 
was commanded by Callimachus the polemarch ; for 
it was then the Athenian custom, that the holder of 
that office should have the right wing. He being 
there captain, next to bim came the tribes one after 
another in the order of their numbers ?; last of all the 
Plataeans were posted on the left wing. Ever since 
that fight, when the Athenians bring sacrifices to the 
assemblies that are held at the five-yearly festivals,’ 
-the Athenian herald prays that all blessings may be 
granted to Athenians and Plataeans alike. But now, 
when the Athenians were arraying at Marathon, it 
so fell out that their line being equal in length to 
the Median, the middle part of it was but a few 
ranks deep, and here the line was weakest, each wing 
being strong in numbers. 

112. Their battle being arrayed and the omens of 
sacrifice favouring, straightway the Athenians were 
let go and charged the Persians at a run. There 
was between the armies a space of not less than 
eight furlongs. When the Persians saw them coine 
running they prepared to receive them, deeming the 
Athenians frenzied to their utter destruction, who 


1 Each general seems to have been generalissimo in turn. 

2 There was a fixed official order ; but Plutarch’s account 
of the battle places certain tribes according to a different 
system. Perhaps the battle-order was determined by lot. 

3 e. g. the great Panathenaea, and the festival of Poseidon. 


267 


HERODOTUS 


ὀλίγους καὶ τούτους δρόμῳ ἐπειγομένους, οὔτε ἵπ- 
που ὑπαρχούσης σφι οὔτε τοξευμάτων. ταῦτα 
μέν νυν οἱ βάρβαροι κατείκαξον" ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ 
- ἐπείτε ἀθρόοι προσέμιξαν ᾿ τοῖσι βαρβάροισι, ἐ ἐμά- 
χοντο ἀξίως λόγου. πρῶτοι μὲν γὰρ Ἑλλήνων 
πάντων τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν δρόμῳ ἐς πολεμίους ἐχρή- 
σαντο, πρῶτοι δὲ ἀνέσχοντο ἐσθῆτά τε Μηδικὴν 
ὁρέοντες καὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας ταύτην ἡσθημένους" τέως 
δὲ - ἦν τοῖσι "Ἕλλησι καὶ τὸ οὔνομα τὸ Μήδων 
φόβος ἀκοῦσαι. 

119. Μαχομένων δὲ ἐν τῷ Μαραθῶνι χρόνος 
ἐγίνετο πολλός, καὶ τὸ ) μὲν μέσον τοῦ στρατοπέδου 
ἐνίκων οἱ βάρβαροι, τῇ Πέρσαι τε αὐτοὶ καὶ Σάκαι 
ἐτετάχατο' κατὰ τοῦτο μὲν δὴ ἐνίκων οἱ βάρβαροι 
καὶ ῥήξαντες ἐδίωκον ἐς τὴν μεσόγαιαν, τὸ δὲ 
κέρας ἑκάτερον. ἐνίκων ᾿Αθηναῖοί τε καὶ Πλαταιέες" 
νικῶντες δὲ τὸ μὲν τετραμμένον τῶν βαρβάρων 
φεύγειν ἔων; τοῖσι δὲ τὸ μέσον ῥήξασι αὐτῶν 
συναγαγόντες τὰ κέρεα, ἀμφότερα ἐμάχοντο, καὶ 
ἐνίκων ᾿Αθηναῖοι. φεύγουσι δὲ τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι 
εἵποντο κόπτοντες, ἐς ὃ ἐς τὴν θάλασσαν ἀπικό- 
μενοι πῦρ τε αἴτεον καὶ ἐπελαμβάνοντο τῶν νεῶν. 

114. Καὶ τοῦτο μὲν. ἐν τούτῳ τῷ πόνῳ ὁ πολέ- 
μαρχος διαφθείρεται, ἀνὴρ γενόμενος ἀγαθός, ἀπὸ 
δ᾽ ἔθανε τῶν στρατηγῶν Στησίλεως ὁ Θρασύλεω' 
τοῦτο δὲ Κυνέγειρος ὁ Εὐφορίωνος, ἐνθαῦτα ἐπι- 
λαμβανόμενος τῶν ἀφλάστων νεός, τὴν χεῖρα 
ἀποκοπεὶς πελέκεϊ πίπτει, τοῦτο δὲ ἄλλοι ᾿Αθη- 
ναίων πολλοί τε καὶ ὀνομαστοί. 

115. Ἑπτὰ μὲν δὴ τῶν νεῶν ἐπεκράτησαν τρόπῳ 
τοιῷδε ᾿Αθηναῖοι" τῇσι δὲ λοιπῆσι οἱ βάρβαροι 
ἐξανακρουσάμενοι, καὶ ἀναλαβόντες ἐκ τῆς νήσου 
268 


BOOK VI. 112-115 


being (as they saw) so few were yet charging thein 
at speed, albeit they had no horsemen nor archers. 
Such was the imagination of the foreigners; but the 
Athenians, closing all together with the Persians, 
fought in memorable fashion ; for they were the first 
Greeks, within my knowledge, who charged their 
enemies ,at a run, and the first who endured the 
sight of Median garments and men clad therein ; 
till then, the Greeks were affrighted by the very 
name of the Medes. 

113. For a long time they fought at Marathon; 
and the foreigners overcame the middle part of the 
line, against which the Persians themselves and the 
Sacae were arrayed; here the foreigners prevailed 
and broke the Greeks, pursuing them inland. But 
on either wing the Athenians and Plataeans were 
victorious; and being so, they suffered the routed of 
their enemies to fly, and drew their wings together 
to fight against those that had broken the middle of 
their line; and here the Athenians had the victory, 
and followed after the Persians in their flight, 
hewing them down, till they came to the sea. 
There they called for fire and laid hands on the 
ships. 

114. In this work was slain Callimachus the 
polemarch, after doing doughty deeds; there too 
died one of the generals, Stesilaus son of Thrasylaus ; 
moreover, Cynegirus! son of Euphorion fell there, 
his hand smitten off by an axe as he laid hold of a 
ship's poop, and many other famous Athenians. 

115. Seven ships the Athenians thus won; with 
the rest the Persians pushed off from shore, and 


1 Brother of the poet Aeschylus. 
269 


HERODOTUS 


ἐν τῇ ἔλιπον τὰ ἐξ Ερετρίης ἀνδράποδα, περι- 
έπλεον Σούνιον, βουλόμενοι φθῆναι τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους 
ἀπικόμενοι ἐς τὸ ἄστυ. αἰτίην δὲ ἔ ἔσ xe. ἐν ᾿Αθη- 
ναίοισι ἐξ ᾿Αλκμεωνιδέων μηχανῆς αὐτοὺς ταῦτα 
ἐπινοησῆναι' τουτους γὰρ συνθεμένους τοῖσι Πέρ- 
σῃσι ἀναδέξαι ἀσπίδα ἐ ἐοῦσι ἤδη ἐν τῇσι νηυσί. 

116. Οὗτοι μὲν δὴ περιέπλεον Σούνιον: ᾿Αθη- 
ναῖοι δὲ ὡς ποδῶν εἶχον τάχιστα ἐβοήθεον ἐς τὸ 
ἄστυ, καὶ ἔφθησ ἀν τε ἀπικόμενοι πρὶν ἡ τοὺς 
βαρβάρους ἥκειν, καὶ ἐστρατοπεδεύσαντο ἀπι- 
γμένοι ἐξ Ἡρακλείου τοῦ ἐν Μαραθῶνι ἐν ἄλλῳ 
“Ἡρακλείῳ τῷ ἐν Κυνοσάργεϊ. οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι 
τῇσι νηυσὶ ὑπεραιωρηθέντες Φαλήρου, τοῦτο γὰρ 
ἦν ἐπίνειον τότε τῶν. ᾿Αθηναίων, ὑπὲρ τούτου 
ἀνακωχεύσαντες τὰς νέας ἀπέπλεον ὀπίσω ἐς τὴν 
᾿Ασίην. . 

117. ᾿Εν ταύτῃ τῇ ἐν Μαραθῶνι μάχῃ ἀπέθανον 
τῶν βαρβάρων κατὰ ἑξακισχιλίους καὶ τετρα- 
κοσίους ἄνδρας, ᾿Αθηναίων δὲ ἑκατὸν καὶ ἐνενή- 
κοντα καὶ δύο. ἔπεσον μὲν ἀμφοτέρων, τοσοῦτοι. 
συνήνεικε δὲ αὐτόθι θῶμα γενέσθαι τοιόνδε, ᾿Αόη- 
ναῖον .ἄνδρα ᾿Επίζηλον τὸν Κουφαγόρεω ἐν τῇ 
συστάσι μαχόμενόν τε καὶ ἄνδρα γινόμενον ἆγα- 
θὸν τῶν ὀμμάτων στερηθῆναι οὔτε πληγέντα οὐδὲν 
τοῦ σώματος οὔτε βληθέντα, καὶ τὸ λοιπὸν τῆς 
Cons διατελέειν ἀπὸ τούτου τοῦ χρόνου. ἐόντα 
τυφλόν. λέγειν δὲ αὐτὸν περὶ τοῦ πάθεος ἤ ἤκουσα 
τοιόνδε τινὰ λόγον, ἄνδρα οἵ δοκέειν ὁπλίτην AVTI- 
στῆναι μέγαν, τοῦ τὸ γένειον τὴν ἀσπίδα πᾶσαν 
σκιάξειν' τὸ δὲ φάσμα τοῦτο ἑωυτὸν μὲν παρ- 
εξελθεῖν, τὸν δὲ ἑωυτοῦ παραστάτην ἀποκτεῖναι. 
ταῦτα μὲν δὴ ᾿Επίζηλον ἐπυθόμην λέγειν. 

270 


BOOK VI. 115-117 


taking the Eretrian slaves from the island wherein 
they had left them, sailed round Sunium, hoping to 
win to the city before the Athenians' coming. There 
was an accusation rife at Athens that this plan arose 
from a device of the Alcmeonidae, who, it was said, 
made a compact with the Persians and held up a 
shield for them to see when they were now on 
shipboard. 

116. So they sailed round Sunium; but the 
Athenians marched back with all speed to defend 
their city, and outstripped the foreigners in their 
coming ; they came from one precinct of Heracles at 
Marathon, and encamped in another at Cynosarges. 
The foreign fleet lay a while off Phalerum, which 
was then the Athenians' arsenal ; there they anchored, 
and thence sailed away back to Asia. 

117. In this fight at Marathon there were slain of 
the foreigners about six thousand four hundred men, 
and of the Athenians a hundred and ninety-two. 
These are the numbers of them that fell on both 
sides. And it fell out that a marvellous thing 
happened: a certain Athenian, Epizelus son of 
Cuphagoras, while he fought doughtily in the 
mellay lost the sight of his eyes, albeit neither 
stabbed in any part nor shot, and for the rest of 
his life continued blind from that day. I heard 
that he told the tale of this mishap thus: a tall 
man-at-arms (he said) encountered him, whose 
beard spread all over his shield; this ‘apparition 
passed Epizelus by, but slew his neighbour in the 
line. Such was the tale Epizelus told, as I heard. 


271 


HERODOTUS 


118. Δᾶτις δὲ πορευόµενος ἅμα τῷ στρατῷ ἐς 
τὴν ᾿Ασίην, ἐπείτε ἐγένετο ἐν Μυκόνῳ, εἶδε ὄψιν 
ἐν τῷ ὕπνῳ. καὶ ἥτις μὲν ἣν ἡ ὄψις, οὐ λέγεται" 
ὃ δέ, ὡς ἡμέρη. τάχιστα ἐπέλαμψε, ζήτησιν 
ἐποιέετο τῶν νεῶν, εὑρὼν δὲ ἐν νηὶ Φοινίσση 
ἄγαλμα ᾿Απόλλωνος κεχρυσωμένον ἐπυνθάνετο 
ὁκόθεν σεσυλημένον εἴη, πυθόμενος δὲ ἐξ οὗ ἦν 
ἱροῦ, ἔπλεε τῇ ἑωυτοῦ νηὶ ἐς Δῆλον: καὶ ἀπίκατο 
γὰρ τηνικαῦτα οἱ Δήλιοι ὀπίσω ἐς τὴν νῆσον, 
κατατίθεταί τε ἐς τὸ ἱρὸν τὸ ἄγαλμα καὶ ἐντέλ.- 
λεται τοῖσι Δηλίοισι ἀπαγαγεῖν τὸ ἄγαλμα ἐς 
Δήλιον τὸ Θηβαίων: τὸ Ò ἔστι ἐπὶ θαλάσσῃ 
Χαλκίδος καταντίον. Δᾶτις μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ἐντει- 
λάμενος ἀπέπλεε, τὸν δὲ ἀνδριάντα τοῦτον Δήλιοι 
οὐκ ἀπήγαγον, ἀλλά μιν δι ἐτέων εἴκοσι Θηβαῖοι 
αὐτοὶ ἐκ θεοπροπίου ἐκομίσαντο ἐπὶ Δήλιον. 

119, Τοὺς δὲ τῶν ᾿Ερετριέων ἀνδραποδισμένους 
Δᾶτίς τε καὶ ᾿Αρταϕρένης, d ὡς προσέσχον πρὸς τὴν 
᾿Ασίην πλέοντες, ἀνήγαγον ἐς Σοῦσα. ᾿Βασιλεὺς 
δὲ Δαρεῖος, πρὶν μὲν αἰχμαλώτους γενέσθαι τοὺς 
᾿Ερετριέας, ἐνεῖχέ σφι δεινὸν χόλον, | ola ἀρξάντων 
ἀδικίης προτέρων τῶν ᾿Ερετριέων" ἐπείτε δὲ εἶδε 
σφέας ἀπαχθέντας παρ᾽ ἑωυτὸν καὶ ἑωυτῷ ὑ ὑπο- 
χειρίους ἐόντας, ἐποίησε κακὸν ἄλλο οὐδέν, ἀλλὰ 
σφέας. τῆς Κισσίης χώρης κατοίκισε ἐν σταθμῷ 
ἑωυτοῦ τῷ οὔνομα ἐστὶ ᾿Αρδέρικκα, ἆ ἀπὸ μὲν Σού- 
σων δέκα καὶ διηκοσίους σταδίους ἀπέχοντι, τεσ- 
σεράκοντα δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ φρέατος τὸ παρέχεται 
τριφασίας Seas: καὶ γὰρ ἄσφαλτον καὶ ἅλας καὶ 
ἔλαιον ἀρύσσονται ἐξ αὐτοῦ τρόπῳ τοιῷδε" AVT- 
λέεται μὲν κηλωνηίῳ, ἀντὶ δὲ γαυλοῦ ἥμισυ ἀσκοῦ 
οἱ προσδέδεται' ὑποτύψας δὲ τούτῳ ἀντλέει. καὶ 
272 


BOOK VI. 118-119 


118. Datis journeyed with his army to Asia; and 
being arrived at Myconos he saw a vision in his 
sleep. What that vision was, no man says; but as 
soon as day broke, Datis made search through his 
ships; and finding in a Phoenician ship a gilt image 
of Apollo, he enquired whence this plunder had 
been taken. Learning from what temple it had 
come, he sailed in his own ship to Delos; where, the 
Delians being now returned to their island, Datis set 
the image in the temple, and charged the Delians to 
carry it away to the Theban place Delium, on the 
sea-coast over against Chalcis. This charge given, 
Datis sailed back. But the Delians never carried 
that statue away; twenty years after that, the 
Thebans brought it to Delium, being so commanded 
by an oracle. 

119. When Datis and Artaphrenes touched Asia 
in their voyage, they carried the enslaved Eretrians 
inland to Susa. Before the Eretrians were taken cap- 
tive king Darius had been terribly wroth with them 
for doing him unprovoked wrong ; but seeing them 
brought before him and subject to him, he did 
them no hurt, but gave them a domain of his own 
called Ardericca in the Cissian land to dwell in ; this 
place is two hundred and ten furlongs distant from 
Susa, and forty from the well that is of three kinds, 
whence men bring up asphalt and salt and oil. 
This is the manner of their doing it:—a windlass is 
used in the drawing, with half a skin made fast to it in 
place of a bucket ; therewith he that draws dips into 


275 
VOL. III. T 


HERODOTUS 


ἔπειτα ἐγχέει ἐς δεξαμενήν' ἐκ δὲ ταύτης ἐς ἄλλο 
διαχεόμενον τράπεται τριφασίας ὁδούς. καὶ ἡ 
μὲν ἄσφαλτος. καὶ οἱ ἅλες πήγνυνται παραυτίκα" 
τὸ δὲ ἔλαιον οἱ Πέρσαι καλέουσι τοῦτο ῥαδινάκην, 
ἔστι δὲ μέλαν καὶ ὀδμὴν παρεχόμενον βαρέαν. 
ἐνθαῦτα τοὺς ᾿Ερετριέας κατοίκισε βασιλεὺς, Δα- 
ρεῖος, οἳ καὶ μέχρι ἐμέο εἶχον τὴν χώρην ταύτην, 
φυλάσσοντες τὴν ἀρχαίην γλῶσσαν. τὰ μὲν δὴ 
περὶ ᾿Ερετριέας ë ἔσχε οὕτω. 

120. Λακεδαιμονίων δὲ ἧκον ἐς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας 
δισχίλιοι μετὰ τὴν πανσέληνον, ἔχοντες σπουδὴν 
πολλὴν καταλαβεῖν, οὕτω ὥστε τριταῖοι ἐκ Σπάρ- 
της ἐγένοντο ἐν τῇ ᾿Αττικῇ. ὕστεροι δὲ ἀπικό- 
μενοι τῆς συμβολῆς ἱμείροντο ὅμως θεήσασθαι 
τοὺς Μήδους: ἐλθόντες δὲ ἐς τὸν Μαραθῶνα 
ἐθεήσαντο. μετὰ δὲ αἰνέοντες ᾿Αθηναίους καὶ τὸ 
ἔργον αὐτῶν ἀπαλλάσσοντο ὀπίσω. 

121, Θῶμα δέ μοι καὶ οὐκ ἐνδέκομαι τὸν λόγον 
᾿Αλκμεωνίδας ἄν κοτε ἀναδέξαι Πέρσῃσι ἐκ συν- 
θήματος ἀσπίδα, βουλομένους i ὑπὸ βαρβάροισί τε 
εἶναι ᾿Αθηναίους καὶ ὑπὸ ‘lamin: οἵτινες μᾶλλον 
7 ὁμοίως Καλλίῃ τῷ Φαινίππου, “Ἱππονίκου δὲ 
πατρί, φαίνονται μισοτύραννοι ἐόντες. Καλλίης 
τε γὰρ μοῦνος ᾿Αθηναίων ἁπάντων ἐτόλμα, ὅκως 
Πεισίστρατος ἐ ἐκπέσοι ἐκ τῶν ᾿Αθηνέων, τὰ χρή- 
µατα αὐτοῦ κηρυσσόµενα ὑπὸ τοῦ δηµοσίου ὠνέ- 
εσθαι, καὶ τἆλλα τὰ ἔχθιστα ἐς αὐτὸν πάντα 
ἐμηχανᾶτο. 

122. [Καλλίεω δὲ τούτου ἄξιον πολλαχοῦ μνή- 
µην ἐστὶ πάντα τινὰ ἔχειν. τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ τὰ 
προλελεγμένα, ὡς ἀνὴρ ἄκρος ἐλευθερῶν τὴν ma- 


274 


BOOK VI. 119-122 


the well, and then pours into a tank, whence what 
is drawn is poured into another tank, and goes three 
ways ; the asphalt and the salt grow forthwith solid ; 
the oil,! which the Persians call rhadinace, is dark 
and evil-sinelling. There king Darius planted the 
Eretrians, and they dwelt in that place till my time, 
keeping their ancient language. Such was the fate 
of the Eretrians. 

120. After the full moon two thousand Lace- 
daemonians came to Athens, making so great haste 
to reach it that they were in Attica on the third 
day from their leaving Sparta. Albeit they came 
too late for the battle, yet they desired to see the 
Medes ; and they went to Marathon and saw them. 
Presently they departed back again, praising the 
Athenians and their achievement. 

121. It is to me a thing marvellous and incredible, 
that the Alemeonidae could ever by agreement have 
held up a shield as a sign for the Persians, desiring 
to make Athens subject to foreigners and to 
Hippias; for it is plain to see that they were 
despot-haters as much as Callias (son of Phaenippus 
and father of Hipponicus), ay, and even more than 
he. Callias was the only Athenian who dared buy 
Pisistratus' possessions when they were put up to 
auction by the state after Pisistratus’ banishment 
from Athens; and he devised other acts of bitter 
enmity against him. 

122.2 [This Callias is worthy of all men’s remem- 
brance for many reasons: firstly, because he 
so excellently freed his country, as I have said ; 

1 Petroleum. 

2 This chapter is generally held to be an interpolation ; it 


is only found in one (not the best) class of the MSS., and 
contains un-Herodotean words and phrases. 
275 


τ 2 


HERODOTUS 


τρίδα" τοῦτο δὲ τὰ ἐν ᾿Ολυμπίῃ ἐποίησε" ἵππῳ 
νικήσας, τεθρίππῳ δὲ δεύτερος γενόμενος, Πύθια 
δὲ πρότερον ἀνελόμενος, ἐφανερώθη ἐς τοὺς " EN- 
ληνας πάντας δαπάνῃσι μεγίστησι. τοῦτο δὲ 
κατὰ τὰς ἑωυτοῦ θυγατέρας ἐούσας τρεῖς οἷός τις 
ἀνὴρ ἐγένετο’ ἐπειδὴ γὰρ ἐγίνοντο γάμου ὡραῖαι, 
ἔδωκέ σφι δωρεὴν μεγαλοπρεπεστάτην ἐκείνῃσί 
τε ἐχαρίσατο" ἐκ γὰρ πάντων τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων τὸν 
ἑκάστη ἐθέλοι ἄνδρα ἑωυτῇ ἐκλέξασθαι, ἔδωκε 
τούτῳ τῷ ἀνδρί. ] 

123. Καὶ οἱ ᾽Αλκμεωνίδαι ὁ ὁμοίως ἦ οὐδὲν ἦ ῆσσον 
τούτου ἦσαν μισοτύραννοι. θῶμα ὧν μοι καὶ οὐ 
προσίεμαι τὴν διαβολὴν τούτους γε ἀναδέξαι 
ἀσπίδα, οἵτινες ἔφευγόν τε τὸν πάντα χρόνον τοὺς 
τυράννους, ἐκ μηχανῆς τε τῆς τούτων ἐξέλιπον 
Πεισιστρατίδαι τὴν τυραννίδα, καὶ οὕτω τὰς 
᾿Αθήνας | οὗτοι ἦσαν οἱ ἐλευθερώσαντες πολλῷ 
μᾶλλον Ü περ "Ἀρμόδιός τε καὶ ᾿Αριστογείτων, ὡς 
ἐγὼ κρίνω. οἳ μὲν yap ἐξηγρίωσαν τοὺς ὑπολοί- 
πους Πεισιστρατιδέων | Ἴππαρχον ἀποκτείναντες, 
οὐδέ τι μᾶλλον ἔπαυσαν τοὺς λοιποὺς τυραννεύ- 
οντας" ᾿Αλκμεωνίδαι δὲ ἐμφανέως ἠλευθέρωσαν, 
εἰ δὴ οὗτοί γε ἀληθέως ἦσαν οἱ τὴν Πυθίην ἀνα- 
πείσαντες προσημαίνειν Λακεδαιμονίοισι ἐλευθε- 
ροῦν τὰς ᾿Αθήνας, ὥς μοι πρότερον δεδήλωται. 

124. ᾿Αλλὰ γὰρ ἴσως τι ἐπιμεμφόμενοι Aq- 
ναίων τῷ δήμῳ προεδίδοσαν τὴν πατρίδα. οὐ μὲν 
ὧν ἦσαν σφέων ἄλλοι δοκιμώτεροι ἔ ἔν γε ᾿Αόη- 
ναίοισι ἄνδρες οὐδ᾽ οἳ μᾶλλον ἐτετιμέατο. οὕτω 
οὐδὲ λόγος αἱρέει, ἀναδεχθῆναι ἔκ γε ἂν τούτων 
ἀσπίδα ἐπὶ τοιούτῳ λόγῳ. ἀνεδέχθη μὲν γὰρ 
ἀσπίς, καὶ τοῦτο οὐκ ἔστι ἄλλως εἰπεῖν' ἐγένετο 
276 


BOOK VI. 122-124 


secondly, for what he did at Olympia, where he won 
a horse-race, and was second in a four-horse chariot- 
race, having already won a Pythian prize, and was 
the cynosure of all Hellas for the lavishness of his 
spending; and thirdly, for his way of behaviour in 
the matter of his three daughters. For when they 
were of marriageable age, he gave them a most 
splendid gift and one very pleasant to them, promis- 
ing that each of them should wed that husband 
whom she should choose for herself in all Athens.] 

123. The Alemeonidae were despot-haters as much 
as ever was Callias. Therefore it is to me a strange 
and unbelievable accusation, that they of all men 
should have held up a shield; for at all times they 
shunned despots, and it was by their devising that 
the sons of Pisistratus were deposed from their 
despotism. Thus in my judgment it was they who 
freed Athens much more than did Harmodius and 
Aristogiton ; for these did but enrage the rest of. 
Pisistratus’ kin by killing Hipparchus, and did 
nought to end the rule of the rest of them ; but the © 
Alemeonidae did most plainly set their country free, 
if indeed it was in truth they by whose persuasion 
the Pythian priestess signified to the  Lacedae- 
monians that they should free Athens, as I have ere 
now made plain. 

124, Nay (one will say), but they bore perhaps 
some grudge against the Athenian commonalty, and 
therefore betrayed their country. But there were 
none at Athens that were of better repute or more 
honoured than they ; wherefore plain reason forbids 
to believe that they of all men could have held the 
shield aloft for any such cause. Indeed a shield 
was held aloft, and that cannot be denied ; for the 


277 


HERODOTUS 


/ Δ / Φ e 9 / , » / 
γάρ' ὃς μέντοι ἦν ὁ ἀναδέξας, οὐκ ἔχω προσωτέρω 
εἰπεῖν τούτων. 

125. Οἱ δὲ ᾿Αλκμεωνίδαι ἦσαν μὲν καὶ τὰ av- 
έκαθεν λαμπροὶ ἐν τῇσι ᾿Αθήνῃσι, ἀπὸ δὲ ᾿Αλκ- 
μέωνος καὶ αὖτις Μεγακλέος ἐγένοντο καὶ κάρτα 
λαμπροί. τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ ᾽Αλκμέων ὁ Μεγακλέος 
τοῖσι ἐκ Σαρδίων Λυδοῖσι παρὰ Κροίσου ἀπικνεο- 
μένοισι ἐπὶ τὸ χρηστήριον τὸ ἐν Δελφοῖσι συμ- 
πρήκτωρ τε ἐγίνετο καὶ συνελάµβανε προθύμως, 
καί pw Κροῖσος πυθόμενος τῶν Λυδῶν τῶν ἐς τὰ 
χρηστήρια φοιτεόντων ἑ ἑωυτὸν εὖ ποιέειν μεταπέμ- 
πεται ἐς Σάρδις, ἀπικόμενον δὲ δωρέεται χρυσῷ 
τὸν ἂν δύνηται τῷ ἑωυτοῦ σώματι ἐξενείκασθαι 
ἐσάπαξ. ὁ δὲ ᾽Αλκμέων πρὸς τὴν δωρεὴν ἐοῦσαν 
τοιαύτην τοιάδε ἐπιτηδεύσας προσέφερε ἐνδὺς 
κιθῶνα μέγαν καὶ κόλπον βαθὺν καταλιπόμενος 
τοῦ κιθῶνος, κοθόρνους τε τοὺς εὕρισκε εὐρυτάτους 
ἐόντας ὑποδησάμενος, jue ἐς τὸν θησαυρὸν ἐς τόν 
οἱ κατηγέοντο. ἐσπεσὼν δὲ ἐς σωρὸν ψ ήγματος 
πρῶτα μὲν παρέσαξε παρὰ τὰς κνήµας τοῦ χρυσοῦ 
ὅσον ἐχώρεον οἱ κόθορνοι, μετὰ δὲ τὸν κόλπον 
πάντα πλησάμενος τοῦ χρυσοῦ καὶ ἐς τὰς τρίχας 
τῆς κεφαλῆς διαπάσας τοῦ ψήγματος καὶ ἄλλο 
λαβὼν ἐ ἐς τὸ στόμα, ἐξήιε ἐκ τοῦ θησαυροῦ ἕλκων 
μέν μόγις τοὺς κοθόρνους, παντὶ δὲ τεῷ οἰκὼς 
μᾶλλον ἢ ἀνθρώπῳ' τοῦ τό τε στόμα ἐβέβυστο 
καὶ πάντα ἐξώγκωτο. ἰδόντα δὲ τὸν Κροῖσον 
γέλως ἐσῆλθε, καί οἱ πάντα τε ἐκεῖνα διδοῖ καὶ 
πρὸς ἕτερα δωρέεται οὐκ ἐλάσσω ἐκείνων. οὕτω 
μὲν ἐπλούτησε ἡ οἰκίη αὕτη μεγάλως, καὶ ὁ 
᾿Αλκμέων οὗτος οὕτω τεθριπποτροφήσας Ὄλυμ- 
πιάδα ἀναιρέεται. 

278 


BOOK VI. 124-125 


thing was done; but who did it I know not, and 
can say no further. 

125. The Alemeonidae had been men of renown 
in old time at Athens, and from the days of Alemeon 1 
and also Megacles their renown increased. For 
when the Lydians sent from Sardis came from 
Croesus to the Delphic oracle, Alemeon son of 
Megacles wrought with and zealously aided them; 
so Croesus, hearing from the Lydians who visited 
the oracle of Alemeon’s benefits to himself, sent for 
him to Sardis, and there made him a gift of as much 
gold as he could carry away at one time on his 
person. Such being the gift, Alemeon planned and 
practised a device : he donned a wide tunic, leaving 
a deep fold in it, and shod himself with the most 
spacious buskins that he could find, and so entered 
the treasury whither he was guided. There, falling 
upon a heap of gold-dust, first he packed by his legs 
as much gold as his buskins would contain; then he 
filled the fold of his tunic all full of gold and 
strewed the dust among the hair of his head, and 
took more of it into his mouth ; till when he came 
out of the treasury, hardly dragging the weight of 
his buskins, he was like anything rather than a 
human creature, with his mouth crammed full and all 
his body swollen. When Croesus saw him he fell a- 
laughing, and gave him all the gold he already had 
and as much more again. Thus that family grew 
very rich, and Alemeon came to keep four-horse 
chariots, and won therewith at Olympia. 


1 Alemeon ‘flourished’ about 590; Croesus’ reign was 
560—546 ; it was Megacles son of Alemeon, and not Alcmeon 
himself, who was Croesus' contemporary. 


279 


HERODOTUS 


126. Mera δὲ γενεῇ δευτέρῃ ὗ ὕστερον. Κλεισθένης 
αὐτὴν 0 Σικυώνιος τύραννος ἐξήειρε, ὥστε πολλῷ 
ὀνομαστοτέρην γενέσθαι ἐν τοῖσι Ἓλλησι ἢ πρό- 
τερον ἦν. Κλεισθένεϊ γὰρ τῷ ᾿Αριστωνύμου τοῦ 
Μύρωνος τοῦ ᾿Ανδρέω γίνεται θυράτηρ τῇ οὔνομα 
ἦν ᾿Αγαρίστη. ταύτην ἠθέλησε, Ἑλλήνων ἁπάν- 
των ἐξευρὼν τὸν ἄριστον, τούτῳ γυναῖκα προσ- 
θεῖναι. Ὀλυμπίων ὧν ἐόντων καὶ νικῶν ἐν 
αὐτοῖσι τεθρίππῳ ὁ ὁ Κλεισθένης κήρυγμα ἐποιή- 
σατο, ὅστις Ἑλλήνων ἑωυτὸν ἀξιοῖ Κλεισθένεος 
γαμβρὸν γενέσθαι, ἥκειν ἐς ἑξηκοστὴν ἡμέρην ἢ 
καὶ πρότερον ἐς ικυῶνα, ὡς κυρώσοντος Κλει- 
σθένεος τὸν ᾿γάμον ἐν ἐνιαυτῷ, ἀπὸ τῆς ἑξηκοστῆς 
ἀρξαμένου ἡμέρης. ἐνθαῦτα' [θλλήνων ὅσοι σφίσι 
τε αὐτοῖσι ἦσαν καὶ πάτρη ἐξωγκωμένοι, ἐφοίτεον 
μνηστῆρες" τοῖσι Κλεισθένης καὶ δρόμον καὶ πα- 
λαίστρην ποιησάμενος ἐ ἐπ᾽ αὐτῷ τούτῳ εἶχε. 

127. ᾿Απὸ μὲν δὴ Ἰταλίης ἦλθε Σμινδυρίδης ὁ 
Ἱπποκράτεος Συβαρίτης, ὃ ὃς ἐπὶ πλεῖστον δὴ χλι- 
δῆς εἷς ἆ ἀνὴρ ἀπίκετο (ἡ δὲ Σύβαρις ἤκμαξε τοῦτον 
τὸν χρόνον μάλιστα), καὶ Σιρίτης Δάμασος ᾽Αμύ- 
ριος τοῦ σοφοῦ λεγομένου. παῖς. οὗτοι μὲν ἀπὸ 
Ἰταλίης ἦλθον, ἐκ δὲ τοῦ κόλπου τοῦ Ιονίου 
᾿Αμϕίμνηστος ᾿Επιστρόφου ᾿Επιδάμνιος' οὗτος 
δὲ ἐκ τοῦ ᾿Ιονίου κόλπου. Αἰτωλὸς δὲ ἦλθε Τιτόρ- 
µου τοῦ ὑπερφύντος τε "Ελληνας ἰσχύι καὶ φυ- 
γόντος ἀνθρώπους ἐ ἐς τὰς ἐσχατιὰς τῆς Αἰτωλίέδος 
χώρης, τούτου τοῦ Τυτόρμου ἀδελφεὸς. Μάλης. 
ἀπὸ δὲ Πελοποννήσου Φείδωνος τοῦ ᾿Αργείων 
τυράννου παῖς Λεωκήδης, Φείδωνος δὲ τοῦ τὰ ué- 
τρα ποιήσαντος Πελοποννησίοισι καὶ ὑβρίσαντος 


! Cleisthenes of Sicyon was contemporary with Alemeon. 
280 


BOOK VI. 126-127 


126. Inthe next generation Cleisthenes! the despot 
.of Sicyon raised that house yet higher, so that it 
grew more famous in Hellas than it had formerly been. 
For Cleisthenes son of Aristonymus, who was the son 
of Myron, who was the son of Andreas, had one 
daughter, whose name was Agariste. He desired to 
wed her to the best man he could find in Hellas ; 
wherefore, the Olympian games being then toward, 
wherein he was victor in a race of four-horse 
chariots, Cleisthenes made a proclamation, bidding 
whatever Greek thought himself worthy to be his 
son-in-law come on the sixtieth day from then or 
earlier to Sicyon, where (said Cleisthenes) he would 
make good his promise of marriage in a year from that 
sixtieth day. Then all the Greeks who were proud 
of themselves and their country came to ask the lady's 
hand; whom, having that end in view, Cleisthenes 
made to contend in running and wrestling. 

127. From Italy came Smindyrides of Sybaris, son 
of Hippocrates, the most luxurious liver of his day 
(and Sybaris was then at the height of its prosperity), 
and Damasus of Siris, son of that Amyris who was 
called The Wise. These came from Italy; from the 
Ionian Gulf, Amphimnestus son of Epistrophus, an 
Epidamnian; he was of the Ionian Gulf. From 
Aetolia came Males, the brother of that Titormus 
who excelled all Greeks in strength, and fled from 
the sight of men to the farthest parts of the Aeto- 
lian land. From the Peloponnese came Leocedes, 
son of Phidon the despot of Argos, that Phidon who 


made weights and measures for the Peloponnesians,? 


2 P. introduced the ‘‘ Aeginetan" system of weights and 
measures. For the chronological difficulty connected with 
this mention of him, see the commentators. 


281 


HERODOTUS 


μέγιστα δὴ Ελλήνων πάντων, ὃς ἐξαναστήσας 
τοὺς ᾿Ηλείων ἀγωνοθέτας αὐτὸς τὸν ἐν Ὀλυμπίη 
ἀγῶνα ἔθηκε: τούτου τε δὴ παῖς καὶ ᾿Αμίαντος 
Λυκούργου ᾿Αρκὰς ἐκ Τραπεζοῦντος, καὶ Αζὴν ἐκ 
Παίου πόλιος Λαφάνης Εὐφορίωνος τοῦ δεξαμένου 
τε, ὡς λόγος ἐν ᾿Αρκαδίῃ λέγεται, τοὺς Διοσκού- 
ρους οἰκίοισι καὶ ἀπὸ τούτου ξεινοδοκέοντος πάν- 
τας ἀνθρώπους, καὶ ᾿Ηλεῖος Ὀνόμαστος ᾿Αγαίου. 
οὗτοι μὲν δὴ ἐξ αὐτῆς Πελοποννήσου ἦλθον, ἐκ δὲ 
᾿Αθηνέων ἀπίκοντο Μεγακλέης τε ὁ ᾿Αλκμέωνος 
τούτου τοῦ παρὰ Κροῖσον ἀπικομένου, καὶ ἄλλος 
Ἱπποκλείδης T ισάνδρου, πλούτῳ καὶ εἴδεῖ προφέ- 
ρων ᾿Αθηναίων. ἀπὸ δὲ Ἐρετρίης ἀνθεύσης τοῦ- 
τον τὸν χρόνον Λυσανίης" οὗτος δὲ ar EvBotns 
μοῦνος. ἐκ δὲ Θεσσαλίης ἦλθε τῶν Σκοπαδέων 
Διακτορίδης Κραννώνιος, ἐκ δὲ Μολοσσῶν” Άλκων. 
128. Τοσοῦτοι μὲν ἐγένοντο οἱ μνηστῆρες. ἀπι- 
κομένων δὲ τούτων ἐς τὴν προειρημένην ἡμέρην, 
ὁ Κλεισθένης πρῶτα μὲν τὰς πάτρας τε αὐτῶν 
ἀνεπύθετο καὶ γένος ἑκάστου, μετὰ δὲ κατέχων 
ἐνιαυτὸν διεπειρᾶτο αὐτῶν τῆς τε ἀνδραγαθίης 
καὶ τῆς ὀργῆς. καὶ παιδεύσιός τε καὶ τρόπον, καὶ 
ἑνὶ ἑκάστῳ ἰὼν ἐς συνουσίην καὶ συνάπασι, καὶ 
ἐς γυμνάσιά τε ἐξαγινέων ὅσοι ἦσαν αὐτῶν νεώ- 
Tepot, καὶ τό γε μέγιστον, ἐν τῇ συνεστίῃ διεπει- 
ρᾶτο' ὅσον γὰρ κατεῖχε χρόνον αὐτούς, τοῦτον 
πάντα ἐποίεε καὶ ἅμα ἐξείνιζε μεγαλοπρεπέως. 
καὶ δή κου μάλιστα τῶν μνηστήρων ἠρέσκοντο 
οἱ ἀπ᾽ ᾿Αθηνέων ἀπιγμένοι, καὶ τούτων μᾶλλον 
“Ἱπποκλείδης ὁ Τισάνδρου καὶ κατ᾽ ἀνδραγαθίην 
ἐκρίνετο καὶ ὅτι τὸ ἀνέκαθεν τοῖσι ἐν Κορίνθῳ 
Κυψελίδῃσι ἦν προσήκων. 
282 


BOOK VI. 127—128 


and dealt more high-handedly than any other Greek ; 
for he drove out the Elean stewards of the lists, and 
ordered the contests at Olympia himself ; this man's 
son now came; and Amiantus an Arcadian from 
Trapezus, son of Lycurgus; and an Azenian from 
the town of Paeus, Laphanes son of that Euphorion 
who, as the Arcadian tale relates, gave lodging to 
the Dioscuri, and from that time forward kept open 
house for all men; and Onomastus from Elis, son of 
Agaeus. These came from the Peloponnese itself ; 
from Athens, Megacles, son of that Alemeon who 
visited Croesus, and beside him Hippoclides son of 
Tisandrus, the richest and goodliest man in Athens. 
From Eretria, which at that time was prosperous, 
Lysanias; he was the only man from Euboea; from 
Thessaly came a Scopad, Diactorides of Crannon ; 
and from the Molossians, Alcon. 

128. Such was the roll of the suitors. When they 
were come on the day appointed, Cleisthenes first 
enquired the country and lineage of each; then he 
kept them with him for a year, making trial of 
their manly worth and temper and upbringing and 
manner of life; this he did by consorting with them 
alone and in company, putting the younger of them 
to contests of strength, but especially watching their 
demeanour at the common meal ; for as long as he 
kept them with him he did all for them and enter- 
tained them with magnificence. Now those of the 
suitors that best pleased him were they who came 
from Athens, and of these Hippoclides son of 
Tisandrus was judged the foremost, both for his 
manly worth and because by his lineage he was akin 
to the Cypselid family of Corinth. 


283 


HERODOTUS 


129. Ὡς δὲ ἡ η. κυρίη ἐγένετο τῶν ἡμερέων τῆς τε 
κατακλίσιος τοῦ γάμου καὶ ἐκφάσιος αὐτοῦ Κλει- 
σθένεος τὸν κρίνοι ἐκ πάντων, θύσας βοῦς ἑκατὸν 
ὁ Κλεισθένης εὐώχεε αὐτούς τε τοὺς μνηστῆρας 
καὶ Σικυωνίους πάντας. ὡς δὲ ἀπὸ δείπνου ἐγί- 
νοντο, οἱ μνηστῆρες ἔριν εἶχον ἀμφί τε μουσικῇ 
καὶ τῷ λεγομένῳ ἐς τὸ μέσον. προϊούσης δὲ τῆς 
πόσιος κατέχων πολλὸν τοὺς ἄλλους ὁ Ἱπποκλεί- 
Ons ἐκέλευσέ οἱ τὸν αὐλητὴν αὐλῆσαι ἐμμελείην, 
πειθομένου δὲ τοῦ -αὐλητέω ὀρχήσατο. καί κως 
ἑωυτῷ μὲν ἀρεστῶς ὀρχέετο, o Κλεισθένης δὲ 
ὀρέων ὅλον τὸ πρῆγμα ὑπώπτευε. μετὰ δὲ ἐπι- 
σχὼν ὃ Ἱπποκλείδης χρόνον ἐκέλευσε τινὰ τρά- 
πεζαν ἐσενεῖκαι, ἐσελθούσης δὲ τῆς τραπέζης 
πρῶτα μὲν ἐπ᾽ αὐτῆς ὀρχήσατο Λακωνικὰ σχη- 
μάτια, μετὰ. δὲ ἄλλα ᾿Αττικά, τὸ τρίτον δὲ τὴν 
κεφαλὴν ἐρείσας ἐπὶ τὴν τράπεξαν τοῖσι σκέλεσι 
ἐχειρονόμησε. Κλεισθένης δὲ τὰ μὲν πρῶτα καὶ 
τὰ δεύτερα ὀρχεομένου, ἀποστυγέων γαμβρὸν ἄν 
οἱ ἔ ἔτι .γενέσθαι Ἱπποκλείδεα διὰ τήν τε ὄρχησιν 
καὶ τὴν ἀναιδείην, κατεῖχε ἑωυτόν, οὐ Βουλόμενος 
ἐκραγῆναι ἐς αὐτόν" ὡς δὲ εἶδε τοῖσι σκέλεσι 
χειρονομήσαντα, οὐκέτι κατέχειν δυνάμενος εἶπε 
“O παῖ Τισάνδρου, à ἀπορχήσαό γε μὲν τὸν γάμον." 
ὁ δὲ Ἱπποκλείδης ὑπολαβὼν eime “Οὐ φροντὶς 
Ἱπποκλείδη. ἀπὸ τούτου μὲν τοῦτο ὀνομάζεται. 

180. Κλεισθένης δὲ σιγὴν ποιησάμενος ἔλεξε ἐς 
μέσον τάδε. 'Άνδρες παιδὸς τῆς ἐμῆς μνηστῆρες, 
ἐγὼ καὶ πάντας ὑμέας. ἐπαινέω καὶ πᾶσι ὑμῖν, εἰ 
οἷόν τε εἴη, χαριξοίµην à ἄν, μήτ᾽ ἕνα ὑμέων ἐξαίρετον 
ἀποκρίνων μήτε τοὺς λοιποὺς ἀποδοκιμάξων. ἀλλ᾽ 
οὐ γὰρ οἷά τε ἐσγὶ μιῆς πέρι παρθένου βουλεύοντα 


254 


BOOK VI. 129-130 


129. When the day appointed came for the 
marriage feast to be held and Cleisthenes himself 
to declare whom he chose out of all, Cleisthenes 
sacrificed a hundred oxen and gave a feast to the 
suitors themselves and the whole of Sicyon. After 
dinner the suitors vied with each other in music and 
social discourse. As they sat late drinking, Hippo- 
clides, now far outdoing the rest, bade the flute- 
player play him music, and when the flute-player 
so did, he began to dance; and he pleased himself 
marvellous well with his dancing; but Cleisthenes 
saw the whole business with much disfavour. After 
a while, Hippoclides bade a table be brought; when 
it came he danced on it Laconian first and then 
Attic figures; last of all he rested his head on the 
table and made gestures with his legs in the air. 
Now Cleisthenes at the first and the second bout 
of dancing could no more bear to think of Hippo- 
clides as his son-in-law, for his dancing and his 
shamelessness; yet he had held himself in check, 
not willing to vent his wrath on Hippoclides; but 
when he saw him making gestures with his legs, he 
could no longer keep silence, but cried, “’Tis very 
well, son of Tisandrus, but you have danced yourself 
out of your marriage." Whereat quoth the other, 
* Hippoclides cares nought for that!" which is a 
byword from that day. 

130. Then Cleisthenes bade them all be silent, 
and spoke to the company at large. “Suitors for 
my daughter's hand," said he, * I thank you one and 
all; and were it possible I would grant each of you 
his wish, neither choosing out one to set him above 
another nor disparaging the rest. But seeing that 
I have but one damsel to plan for and so cannot 


285 


HERODOTUS 


πᾶσι κατὰ νόον ποιέειν, τοῖσι μὲν ὑμέων ἀπελαυ- 
νομένοισι τοῦδε τοῦ γάμου τάλαντον ἀργυρίου 
ἑκάστῳ δωρεὴν δίδωμι τῆς ἀξιώσιος εἵνεκα τῆς ἐξ 
ἐμεῦ γῆμαι καὶ τῆς ἐξ οἴκου ἀποδημίης, τῷ δὲ 
᾿Αλκμέωνος Μεγακλέι -ἐγγυῶ παῖδα τὴν ἐμὴν 
᾿Αγαρίστην νόμοισι τοῖσι ᾿Αθηναίων." φαμένου 
δὲ ἐγγυᾶσθαι Μεγακλέος ἐκεκύρωτο ὁ γάμος 
Κλεισθένεϊ. 

19]. Appi μὲν κρίσιος τῶν μνηστήρων τοσαῦτα 
ἐγένετο καὶ οὕτω ᾿Αλκμεωνίδαι ἐβώσθησαν ἀνὰ 
τὴν Ελλάδα. τούτων δὲ συνοικησάντων γίνεται 
Κλεισθένης τε ὁ τὰς φυλὰς καὶ τὴν δημοκρατίην 
᾿Αθηναίοισι καταστήσας, ἔχων τὸ οὔνομα ἀπὸ τοῦ 
μητροπάτορος τοῦ Σικυωνίου' οὗτός τε δὴ γίνεται 
Μεγακλέϊ καὶ Ἱπποκράτης, ἐκ δὲ Ἱπποκράτεος 
Μεγακλέης τε ἄλλος καὶ ᾿Αγαρίστη ἄλλη ἀπὸ 
τῆς Κλεισθένεος ᾿Αγαρίστης ἔχουσα τὸ οὔνομα' 
ἣ συνοικήσασά τε Ξανθίππῳ τῷ ᾿Αρίϕρονος καὶ 
ἔγκυος ἐοῦσα εἶδε ὄψιν ἐν τῷ ὕπνῳ, ἐδόκεε δὲ 
λέοντα τεκεῖν, καὶ μετ᾽ ὀλίγας ἡμέρας τίκτει 
Περικλέα Ξανθίππῳ. 

132. Μετὰ δὲ τὸ ἐν Μαραθῶνι τρῶμα γενόμενον 
Μιλτιάδης, καὶ πρότερον εὐδοκιμέων παρὰ ᾿Αθη- 
ναίοισι, τότε μᾶλλον αὔξετο. αἰτήσας δὲ νέας 
ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ στρατιήν τε καὶ «χρήματα ᾿ ᾿Αόη- 
vaious, οὐ φράσας σφι ἐπ᾽ ἣν ἐπιστρατεύσεται 
χώρην, ἀλλὰ φὰς αὐτοὺς καταπλουτιεῖν ἤν οἱ 
ἕπωνται" ἐπὶ γὰρ χώρην τοιαύτην δή τινα ἄξειν 
ὅθεν «χρυσὸν εὐπετέως ἄφθονον οἴσονται' λέγων 
τοιαῦτα αἴτεε τὰς νέας. ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ τούτοισι 
ἐπαερθέντες παρέδοσαν. 

138. Παραλαβὼν δὲ ὁ Μιλτιάδης τὴν στρατιὴν 
286 


BOOK VI. 130-133 


please all of you, to those of you whose suit is 
rejected I make a gift of a talent of silver to each, 
for his desire to take a wife from my house and for 
his sojourn away from his home ; and to Megacles 
son of Alemeon do,I betroth my daughter Agariste, 
as by Athenian law ordained.” Megacles accepted 
the betrothal, and so Cleisthenes made good his 
promise of the marriage. 

131. Such is the tale of the choice among the 
suitors; and thus the fame of the Alcmeonidae was 
noised abroad in Hellas. Of this marriage was born 
that Cleisthenes (so called after him of Sicyon, his 
mother's father) who gave the Athenians their tribes 
and their democratic state ; he and Hippocrates were 
born to Megacles; Hippocrates was father of another 
Megacles and another Agariste, called after Agariste 
who was Cleisthenes' daughter ; she, being wedded 
to Xanthippus son of Ariphron, and with child, saw 
a vision in her sleep whereby she thought she gave 
birth to alion. In a few days she bore Xanthippus 
a son, Pericles. 

133. After the Persian disaster at Marathon, the 
fame of Miltiades, which had before been great at 
Athens, was increased. He asked of the Athenians 
seventy ships and an army and money, not telling 
them against what country he would lead them, 
but saying that he would make them rich men if 
they followed him; for he would bring them to 
a country whence they should easily carry away 
abundance of gold; so he promised when he asked 
for the ships; which the Athenians, being thus 
assured, gave him. 

133. Miltiades took his army and sailed for Paros, 


287 


HERODOTUS 


ἔπλεε ἐπὶ Πάρον, πρόφασιν ἔχων ὡς οἱ Πάριοι 
ὑπῆρξαν πρότεροι στρατευόμενοι τριήρεσι ἐς Μα- 
ραθῶνα à ἅμα τῷ Πέρση. τοῦτο μὲν δὴ πρόσχημα 
λόγων ἣν, ἀτάρ τινα καὶ ἔγκοτον εἶχε τοῖσι 
Παρίοισι διὰ Λυσαγόρεα τὸν Τισίεω, ἐόντα γένος 
Πάριον, διαβαλόντα μιν πρὸς Ὑδάρνεα τὸν Πέρ- 
av. ἀπικόμενος δὲ ἐπ᾽ ἣν ἔπλεε ὁ Μιλτιάδης τῇ 
στρατιῇ ἐπολιόρκεε Hapious κατειλημένους ἐντὸς 
τείχεος, καὶ ἐσπέμπων κήρυκα αἴτεε ἑκατὸν τά- 
λαντα, pas, ἤν μιν οὐ δῶσι, οὐκ ἀπονοστήσειν 
τὴν στρατιὴν πρὶν ἢ ἐξέλῃ σφέας. οἱ δὲ Πάριοι 
ὅκως μέν τι δώσουσι Μιλτιάδη ἀργύριον οὐδὲ 
διενοεῦντο, οἳ δὲ ὅκως διαφυλάξουσι τὴν πόλιν 
τοῦτο ἐμηχανῶντο, ἄλλα τε ἐπιφραξόμενοι καὶ τῇ 
μάλιστα ἔσκε ἑκάστοτε ἐπίμαχον τοῦ τείχεος, 
τοῦτο ἅμα νυκτὶ ἐξηείρετο διπλήσιον τοῦ ἀρχαίου. 

194. 'Es μὲν δὴ τοσοῦτο τοῦ λόγου οἱ πάντες 
"Ἕλληνες λέγουσι, τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ αὐτοὶ Πάριοι 
γενέσθαι ὧδε λέγουσι. Μιλτιάδῃ ἀπορέοντι ἐλ- 
θεῖν ἐς λόγους αἰχμάλωτον γυναῖκα, ἐοῦσαν μὲν 
Παρίην γένος, οὔνομα δέ οἱ εἶναι Τιμοῦν, εἶναι δὲ 
ὑποξάκορον τῶν χθονίων θεῶν" ταύτην ἐλθοῦσαν 
ἐς ὄψιν Μιλτιάδεω συμβουλεῦσαι, εἰ περὶ πολλοῦ 
ποιέεται Ἡ άρον ἑλεῖν, τὰ ἂν αὐτὴ ὑποθῆται, ταῦτα 
ποιέειν. .μετὰ δὲ τὴν μὲν ὑποθέσθαι, τὸν δὲ διερ- 
χόµενον ἐπὶ τὸν κολωνὸν τὸν πρὸ τῆς πόλιος ἐόντα 
ἕρκος θεσμοφόρου Δήμητρος ὑπερθορεῖν, οὐ δυνά- 
μενον τὰς θύρας ἀνοῖξαι, ὑπερθορόντα δὲ ἰ Leva ἐπὶ 
τὸ μέγαρον ὅ τι δὴ ποιήσοντα ἐντός, εἴτε κινή- 
σοντά τι τῶν ἀκινήτων εἴτε ὅ τι δή κοτε πρήξοντα" 
πρὸς τῇσι θύρῃσί τε γενέσθαι καὶ πρόκατε φρίκης 
αὐτὸν ὑπελθούσης ὀπίσω τὴν αὐτὴν ὁδὸν ἵεσθαι, 
288 


BOOK VI. 133-134 


on the pretext that the Parians had brought this on 
themselves by first sending triremes with the Persian 
fleet to Marathon. Such was the pretext whereof 
he spoke; but he had a grudge against the Parians 
because Lysagoras son of Tisias, a man of Parian 
descent, had made ill blood between him and Hy- 
darnes the Persian. Having come to the place to 
which he sailed, Miltiades with his army drove the 
Parians within their walls and there besieged them ; 
and sending in a herald he demanded a hundred 
talents, which (said he) if they would not give him, 
his army should not return before it had stormed 
their city. The Parians had no thought at all of 
giving any money to Miltiades, and had no other 
purpose but to defend their city, which they did by 
building their wall at night to double its former 
height where it was most assailable, and also by 
other devices. 

134. As far as this all Greeks tell the same story ; 
thenceforward this is the tale as it is told by the 
Parians themselves: Miltiades (they say) being in a 
quandary, a Parian slave woman named Timo, who 
was an under-priestess of the goddesses of the dead, 
had speech with him ; coming before Miltiades, she 
counselled him, if he set great store by the taking of 
Paros, to do as she should advise him. Presently, 
at her advice, he passed through to the hill before 
the'city, and there he climbed over the fence of the 
precinct of Demeter the Lawgiver,—not being able 
to open the door, —and having so done went to the 
shrine, whether to move something that should not 
be moved, or with some other intent; but when he 
was at the very door he was seized straightway by 
panic fear and returned by the same way ; and in 


289 
VOL, III. U 


HERODOTUS 


καταθρώσκοντα δὲ τὴν αἱμασιὴν τὸν μηρὸν σπα- 
σθῆναι"' ot δὲ αὐτὸν τὸ γόνυ προσπταῖσαι λέγουσι. 

135. Μιλτιάδης μέν vuv φλαύρως € ἔχων ἀπέπλεε 
ὀπίσω, οὔτε χρήματα ᾿Αθηναίοισι ἄγων οὔτε 
IIdpov προσκτησάµενος, ἀλλὰ πολιορκήσας τε ἓξ 
καὶ εἴκοσι ἡμέρας καὶ δηιώσας τὴν νῆσον. Πάριοι 
δὲ πυθόμενοι ὡς 7 ὑποξάκορος, τῶν θεῶν Τιμὼ 
Μιλτιάδῃ κατηγήσατο, βουλόμενοί NE ἀντὶ 
τούτων τιμωρήσασθαι, θεοπρόπους πέμπουσι ἐς 
Δελφούς ὥς σφεας ἡσυχίη τῆς πολιορκίης ἔσχε' 
ἔπεμπον δὲ ἐ ἐπειρησομένους εἰ καταχρήσωνται τὴν 
κ οι τῶν θεῶν τὴν ἐξηγησαμένην τοῖσι 

ἐχθροῖσι τῆς πατρίδος ἅλωσιν καὶ τὰ ἐς ἔρσενα 
γόνον ἄρρητα ἱρὰ ἐκφήνασαν Μιλτιάδῃ. ἡ δὲ 
Πυθίη οὐκ ἔα, φᾶσα οὐ Τιμοῦν εἶναι τὴν αἰτίην 
τούτων, ἀλλὰ δεῖν γὰρ Μιλτιάδεα τελευτᾶν μὴ 
εὖ, φανῆναί οἱ τῶν κακῶν κατηγεμόνα. 

136. Παρίοισι μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ἡ Πυθίη ἔχρησε: 
᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ ἐκ Πάρου Μιλτιάδεα ἀπονοστή- 
σαντα ἔσχον. ἐν στόμασι οὗ τε ἄλλοι καὶ μάλιστα 
Ἐκάνθιππος ὁ ᾿Αρίφρονος, ὃ ὃς θανάτου ὑπαγαγὼν 
ὑπὸ τὸν δῆμον Μιλτιάδεα ἐδίωκε τῆς ᾿Αθηναίων 
ἀπάτης εἵνεκεν. Μιλτιάδης δὲ αὐτὸς μὲν παρεὼν 
οὐκ ἀπελογέετο' ἦν yap ἀδύνατος ὥστε σηπο- 
μένου τοῦ μηροῦ' προκειμένου δὲ αὐτοῦ ἐν κλίνῃ 
ὑπεραπελογέοντο οἱ φίλοι, τῆς μάχης τε τῆς 
ἐν Μαραθῶνι γενομένης πολλὰ ἐπιμεμνημένοι 
καὶ τὴν Λήμνου αἵρεσιν, ὡς ἑλὼν Afjuvóv τε καὶ 
τισάμενος τοὺς Πελασγοὺς παρέδωκε ᾿Αθηναίοισι. 
προσγενομένου δὲ τοῦ δήμου αὐτῷ κατὰ τὴν 
ἀπόλυσιν τοῦ θανάτου, ζημιώσαντος δὲ κατὰ τὴν 
ἀδικίην πεντήκοντα ταλάντοισι, Μιλτιάδης μὲν 
200 


BOOK VI. 134-136 


leaping down from the wall he twisted his thigh, or 
as some say took a blow on his knee. 

135. So Miltiades sailed back home in sorry 
plight ; for he brought no wealth, nor had he won 
Paros; he had besieged the town for six-and-twenty 
days and laid waste the island. The Parians, 
learning that Timo the under-priestess of the 
goddesses had been Miltiades’ guide, desired to 
punish her for this, and having now rest from the 
siege sent messengers to Delphi to enquire if they 
should put the under-priestess to death for having 
compassed the taking of her country by guiding its 
enemies, and revealing to Miltiades the rites that 
no male should know. But the Pythian priestess 
forbade them ; it was not Timo, she said, that was 
in fault, but Miltiades was doomed to make an ill 
end, and an apparition had guided him in these evil 
courses. 

196. Such was the priestess’ reply to the Parians ; 
but when Miltiades returned back from Paros many 
tongues were let loose against him at Athens; and 
Xanthippus son of Ariphron impeached him before 
the people, calling for the penalty of death for the 
deceit which he had practised on the Athenians. 
Miltiades ‘was present, but could not speak in his 
own defence, his thigh being mortified ; but he was 
laid before the court on a bed, and his friends spoke 
for him, ever calling to mind the fight at Marathon 
and the conquest of Lemnos,—how Miltiades had 
punished the Pelasgians and taken Lemnos and 
delivered it to the Athenians. The people took his 
side in so far as they would not condemn him to 
death, but they fined him fifty talents for his wrong- 
doing. Presently Miltiades died of the gangrene 

201 

v 2 


HERODOTUS 


μετὰ, ταῦτα σφακελίσαντός τε τοῦ μηροῦ καὶ 
σαπέντος τελευτᾷ, τὰ δὲ πεντήκοντα τάλαντα 
ἐξέτισε ὁ παῖς αὐτοῦ Κίμων. 

197. Λῆμνον δὲ Μιλτιάδης ὁ ὀ Κίμωνος ὧδε ἔ ἔσχε. 
Πελασγοὶ ἐπείτε ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς ὑπὸ ᾿Αθηναίων 
ἐξεβλήθησαν, εἴτε ὧν δὴ δικαίως εἴτε ἀδίκως" τοῦτο 
γὰρ οὐκ ἔχω φράσαι, πλὴν τὰ λεγόμενα, ὅ ὅτι ‘Exa- 
ταῖος μὲν ὁ Ἠγησάνδρου ἔφησε ἐν τοῖσι λόγοισι 
λέγων ἀδίκως" ἐπείτε γὰρ ἐδεῖν τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους 
τὴν χώρην, τὴν σφίσι αὐτοῖσι ὑπὸ τὸν Ὕ μησσὸν 
ἐοῦσαν ἔδοσαν Πελασγοῖσι οἰκῆσαι μισθὸν τοῦ 
τείχεος τοῦ περὶ τὴν ἀκρόπολιν κοτὲ ἐληλαμένου, 
ταύτην ὡς ἰδεῖν τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους ἐξεργασμένην 
εὖ, τὴν πρότερον εἶναι κακήν τε καὶ τοῦ μηδενὸς 
ἀξίην, λαβεῖν φθόνον τε καὶ ἵμερον τῆς γῆς, καὶ 
οὕτω ἐξελαύνειν αὐτοὺς οὐδεμίαν ἄλλην πρόφασιν 
προϊσχομένους τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους. ὡς δὲ αὐτοὶ 
᾿Αθηναῖοι λέγουσι, δικαίως ἐξελάσαι. κατοι- 
κημένους γὰρ τοὺς Πελασγοὺς ὑπὸ τῷ Ὕμησσώ, 
ἐνθεῦτεν ὁρμωμένους ἀδικέειν τάδε. φοιτᾶν γὰρ 
αἰεὶ τὰς σφετέρας θυγατέρας τε καὶ τοὺς παῖδας 
ἐπ E. ἐπὶ THY ᾿Εννεάκρουνον' οὐ γὰρ εἶναι τοῦτον 
τὸν Χρόνον σφίσι κω οὐδὲ τοῖσι ἄλλοισι Ἕλλησι 
οἰκέτας᾽ ὅκως δὲ ἔλθοιεν αὗται, τοὺς Πελασγοὺς 
ὑπὸ ὕβριός τε καὶ ὀλιγωρίης βιᾶσθαι σφέας. 
καὶ ταῦτα μέντοι σφι οὐκ ἀποχρῶν ποιέειν, ἀλλὰ 
τέλος καὶ ἐπιβουλεύοντας ἐπιχείρησιν φανῆναι 
ἐπ αὐτοφώρῳ. ἑωυτοὺς δὲ γενέσθαι τοσούτῳ 
ἐκείνων ἄνδρας ἀμείνονας, ὅσῳ, παρεὸν ἑωυτοῖσι 
ἀποκτεῖναι τοὺς Πελασγούς, ἐπεί σφεας ἔλα- 
βον ἐπιβουλεύοντας, οὐκ ἐθελῆσαι, ἀλλά σφι 


1 The Pelasgians were driven into Attica by the Boeotian 


292 


BOOK VI. 136-137 


and mortification of his thigh, and the fifty talents 
were paid by his son Cimon. 

137. Now this is how Miltiades son of Cimon won 
Lemnos. When the Pelasgians! were cast out of 
Attica by the Athenians, whether justly or unjustly, 
—as to that I can say nothing, beyond what is 
recorded, namely, that Hecataeus the son of 
Hegesandrus declares in his history that the act was 
unjust; for (says Hecataeus) when the Athenians 
saw the land under Hymettus which, being their 
own, they had given to the Pelasgians as a dwelling- 
place in reward for the wall that had once been 
built round the acropolis,——when the Athenians saw 
how well this place was tilled which erewhile had 
been bad and worthless, they grudged and coveted 
the land, and so drove the Pelasgians out on this 
and no other pretext. But the Athenians them- 
selves say that their reason for expelling the 
Pelasgians was just. The Pelasgians, they say, 
issued out from their settlement at the foot of 
Hymettus and dealt wrongfully with the Athenians 
in this wise: neither the Athenians nor any other 
dwellers in Hellas had as yet servants at that time, 
aud their sons and daughters resorted to the Nine 
Wells? for water; and whenever they came, the 
Pelasgians maltreated them out of mere arrogance 
and pride. Nor yet were they content with so 
doing, but at last were caught in the act of planning 
to attack Athens. The Athenians, by their own 
showing, dealt 5ο much more rightly than the 
- Pelasgians, that when they might have killed them, 
caught plotting as they were, they would not so do, 


immigration, about sixty years after the Trojan war according 
to legend. 
2 S. E. of Athens, near the Ilissus. 


293 


HERODOTUS 


προειπεῖν ἐκ τῆς γῆς ἐξιέναι. τοὺς δὲ οὕτω δὴ 
ἐκχωρήσαντας ἄλλα τε σχεῖν χωρία καὶ δὴ καὶ 
Λῆμνον. ἐκεῖνα μὲν δὴ “Εκαταῖος ἔλεξε, ταῦτα 
δὲ ᾿Αθηναῖοι λέγουσι. 

138. Οἱ δὲ Πελασγοὶ οὗτοι Λῆμνον τότε 
νεμόμενοι καὶ βουλόμενοι τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους τιµω- 
ρήσασθαι, εὖ τε ἐξεπιστάμενοι τὰς ᾿Αθηναί- 
ων ὁρτάς, πεντηκοντέρους κτησάμενοι ἐλόχησαν 
᾿Αρτέμιδι ἐν Βραυρῶνι ἀγούσας ὁρτὴν τὰς τῶν 
᾿Αθηναίων γυναῖκας, ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ ἁρπάσαντες 
τουτέων πολλὰς οἴχοντο ἀποπλέοντες, καί σφεας 
ἐς Λῆμνον ἀγαγόντες παλλακὰς εἶχον. ὡς δὲ 
τέκνων αὗται αἱ γυναῖκες ὑπεπλήσθησαν, γλῶσ- 
σάν τε τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν καὶ τρόπους τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίων 
ἐδίδασκον τοὺς παῖδας. οἳ δὲ οὔτε συμμίσγεσθαι 
τοῖσι ἐκ τῶν Πελασγίδων γυναικῶν παισὶ ἤθελον, 
εἴ τε τύπτοιτό τις αὐτῶν ὑπ᾽ ἐκείνων τινός, ἐβοή- 
θεόν τε πάντες καὶ ἐτιμώρεον ἀλλήλοισι" καὶ δὴ 
καὶ ἄρχειν τε τῶν παίδων οἱ παῖδες ἐδικαίευν 
καὶ πολλῷ ἐπεκράτεον. μαθόντες δὲ ταῦτα οἱ 
Πελασγοὶ ἑωυτοῖσι λόγους ἐδίδοσαν' καί σφι 
βουλευομένοισι δεινόν τι ἐσέδυνε, εἰ δὴ διαγινώ- 
σκοιεν σφίσι τε βοηθέειν οἱ παῖδες πρὸς τῶν 
κουριδιέων γυναικῶν τοὺς παῖδας καὶ τούτων 
αὐτίκα ἄρχειν πειρῴατο, τί δὴ ἀνδρωθέντες 
δῆθεν ποιήσουσι. ἐνθαῦτα ἔδοξέ σφι κτείνειν 
τοὺς παῖδας τοὺς ἐκ τῶν ᾿Αττικέων γυναικῶν. 
ποιεῦσι δὴ ταῦτα, προσαπολλύουσι δὲ σφέων καὶ 
τὰς μητέρας. ἀπὸ τούτου δὲ τοῦ ἔργου καὶ τοῦ 
προτέρου τούτων, τὸ ἐργάσαντο αἱ γυναῖκες τοὺς 
ἅμα Θόαντι ἄνδρας σφετέρους ἀποκτείνασαι, 
νενόμισται ava τὴν Ἑλλάδα τὰ σχέτλια ἔργα 
πάντα Λήμνια καλέεσθαι... 

294 


BOOK VI. 137-138 


but bade them depart out of the country. There- 
upon the Pelasgians departed, and took Lemnos in 
possession, besides other places. This is the 
Athenian story; the other is told by Hecataeus. 

138. These Pelasgians, dwelling at that time in 
Lemnos and desiring vengeance on the Athenians, 
and well knowing the time of the Athenian festivals, 
got them fifty-oared ships and lay in ambush for the 
Athenian women when they were celebrating a 
festival for Artemis at Brauron ; carrying off many of 
the women, they sailed away further with them and 
brought them to Lemnos to be their concubines. 
Now as these women bore more and more children, 
they taught their sons the speech of Attica and 
Athenian manners. These boys would not consort 
with the sons of the Pelasgian women; if one of 
themselves were beaten by one of the others, they 
would all run to his aid and help each other; nay, 
the Athenian-bred boys even claimed to rule the 
others, and were much the stronger than they. 
When the Pelasgians perceived that, they took 
counsel together; and it troubled them much in 
their counsels to think what the boys would do 
when they grew to man’s estate, if they were 
resolved to help each other against the sons of the 
lawful wives and essayed to rule them forthwith. 
Thereupon the Pelasgians judged it best to slay the 
sons of the Attic women; and this they did, and 
slew the boys’ mothers likewise. From this and the 
former deed which was done by the women, when 
they slew their own husbands who were Thoas’ 
companions, a * Lemnian crime ” has been a proverb 
in Hellas for any deed of cruelty. 


205 


HERODOTUS 


139. ᾿Αποκτείνασι δὲ τοῖσι Πελασγοῖσι τοὺς 
σφετέρους παῖδάς τε καὶ γυναῖκας οὔτε γῆ καρπὸν 
ἔφερε οὔτε γυναῖκές τε καὶ ποῖμναι ὁμοίως ἔγικτον 
καὶ πρὸ τοῦ. πιεζόμενοι δὲ λιμῷ καὶ ἀπαιδίῃ 
ἐς Δελφοὺς ἔπεμπον λύσιν τινὰ αἰτησόμενοι τῶν 
παρεόντων κακῶν. ἡ δὲ Πυθίη σφέας ἐκέλευε 
᾿Αθηναίοισι δίκας διδόναι ταύτας τὰς ἂν αὐτοὶ 
᾿Αθηναῖοι δικάσωσι. ἦλθόν τε δὴ ἐς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας 
οἱ Πελασγοὶ καὶ δίκας ἐπαγγέλλοντο βουλόμενοι 
διδόναι παντὸς τοῦ ἀδικήματος. ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ 
ἐν τῷ πρυτανηίῳ κλίνην στρώσαντες ὡς εἶχον 
κάλλιστα καὶ τράπεξαν ἐπιπλέην ἀγαθῶν πάντων 
παραθέντες, ἐκέλευον τοὺς Πελασγοὺς τὴν χώρην 
σφίσι παραδιδόναι οὕτω ἔχουσαν. οἱ δὲ Ile- 
λασγοὶ ὑπολαβόντες εἶπαν τ Ἐπεὰν βορέῃ ἀνέμῳ 
αὐτημερὸν ἐξανύσῃ νηῦς ἐκ τῆς ὑμετέρης ἐς τὴν 

ἡμετέρην, τότε παρα. ώσομεν, ἐπιστάμενοι τοῦτο 
εἶναι ἀδύνατον γενέσθαι. ἡ yàp ᾿Αττικὴ πρὸς 
νότον κέεται πολλὸν τῆς Λήμνου. 

140. Τότε μὲν τοιαῦτα" ἔτεσι δὲ κάρτα πολ- 
λοῖσι ὕστερον τούτων, ὡς ἡ Χερσόνησος ἡ ἐπ᾿ 
E λλησπόντῳ ἐγένετο ὑπὸ ᾿Αθηναίοισι, Μιλτιάδης 
ὁ Κίμωνος ἐτησιέων ἀνέμων κατεστηκότων νηὶ 
κατανύσας ἐξ ᾿Ελαιοῦντος τοῦ ἐν Χερσονήσῳ ἐς 
Λῆμνον προηγόρευε ἐξιέναι ἐκ τῆς νήσου τοῖσι 
Πελασγοῖσι, ἀναμιμνήσκων σφέας τὸ χρηστήριον, 
τὸ οὐδαμὰ ἤλπισαν σφίσι οἱ Πελασγοὶ ἐπιτελέ- 
εσθαι. Ἡφαιστιέες μέν νυν ἐπείθοντο, Μυριναῖοι 
δὲ οὐ συγγινωσκόμενοι εἶναι τὴν, Χερσόνησον 
᾿Αττικὴν ἐπολιορκέοντο, ἐς ὃ καὶ οὗτοι παρέστη- 


σαν. οὕτω δὴ τὴν Λῆμνον ἔσχον ᾿Αθηναῖοί τε 
καὶ Μιλτιάδης. 


200 


BOOK VI. 139-140 


139. But when the Pelasgians had slain their own 
sons and the women, their land brought forth no- 
fruit, nor did their wives and their flocks and herds 
bear offspring as before. Under stress of hunger 
and childlessness they sent to Delphi to ask for 
some way of release from their present ills; and the 
Pythian priestess bidding them pay the Athenians 
whatsoever penalty the Athenians themselves should 
adjudge, the Pelasgians went to Athens and offered 
to pay the penalty for all their wrong-doing. The 
Athenians set in their town-hall a couch adorned to 
the best of their power, with a table thereby covered 
with all manner of good things, and said to the 
Pelasgians, * Deliver your land to us in a like 
state" ; whereto the Pelasgians answered, * We will 
deliver it when a ship shall accomplish her voyage 
with a north wind from your country to ours in one 
day” ; this they said, well assured that the thing was 
impossible ; for Attica is far to the south of Lemnos. 

140. This and no more was then said. But a 
great many years afterward, when the Chersonese 
by the Hellespont was made subject to Athens, 
Miltiades son of Cimon did, by virtue of the Etesian 1 
winds then constantly blowing, accomplish the 
voyage from Elaeus on the Chersonese to Lemnos; 
which done, he issued a proclamation to the Pelas- 
gians bidding them leave their island, reminding 
them of the oracular word which the Pelasgians 
thought they would never see fulfilled. The men 
of Hephaestia, then, obeyed him; but they of 
Myrina would not agree that the Chersonese was 
Attic land, and they stood a siege; but in the end 
they too submitted. Thus did Miltiades and the 
Athenians take Lemnos in possession. 

1 North-east winds, blowing in July, August, and 
September. 

297 


Digitized by Google 


BOOK VII 


H 


1. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ ἀγγελίη ἀπίκετο περὶ τῆς μάχης τῆς 
ἐν Μαραθῶνι γενομένης παρὰ βασιλέα Δαρεῖον 
τὸν Ὑστάσπεος, καὶ πρὶν μεγάλως κεχαραγμένον 
τοῖσι ᾿Αθηναίοισι διὰ τὴν ἐς Σάρδις. ἐσβολήν, καὶ 
δὴ καὶ τότε πολλῷ τε δεινότερα È ἐποίεε καὶ μᾶλλον 
ὅρμητο στρατεύεσθαι ἐ ἐπὶ τὴν Ελλάδα. καὶ αὐτί- 
κα μὲν ἐπηγγέλλετο πέμπων ἀγγέλους κατὰ πόλις 
ἑτοιμάζειν στρατιήν, πολλῷ πλέω ἐπιτάσσων 
ἑκάστοισι 7 πρότερον παρέχειν, καὶ νέας τε καὶ 
ἵππους καὶ σῖτον καὶ πλοῖα. τούτων δὲ περι- 
αγγελλομένων ἡ Acin ἐδονέετο ἐπὶ τρία ἔτεα, 
καταλεγομένων τε τῶν ἀρίστων ὡς ἐπὶ τὴν 
Ἑλλάδα στρατευοµένων καὶ παρασκευαξοµένων. 
τετάρτῳ δὲ ἔτεϊ Αἰγύπτιοι ὑπὸ Καμβύσεω 
δουλωθέντες ἀπέστησαν ἀπὸ Περσέων. ἐνθαῦτα 
δὴ καὶ μᾶλλον ὅρμητο καὶ ἐπ᾽ ἀμφοτέρους 
στρατεύεσθαι. 

2, Στελλομένου δὲ Δαρείου ἐπ᾽ Αἴγυπτον καὶ 
᾿Αθήνας, τῶν παίδων αὐτοῦ. στάσις ἐγένετο 
μεγάλη περὶ τῆς ἡγεμονίης, ὡς δεῖ μιν ἀπο- 
δέξαντα βασιλέα, κατὰ τὸν Περσέων νόμον οὕτω 
στρατεύεσθαι. ἦσαν γὰρ Δαρείῳ καὶ πρότερον 
ἢ βασιλεῦσαι γεγονότες τρεῖς παῖδες ἐκ τῆς 


300 


BOOK VII 


1. WaEN the message concerning the fight at 
Marathon came to Darius son of Hystaspes, greatly 
wroth as he was already against the Athenians for 
their attack upon Sardis, he was now much more 
angered and the more desirous of sending an ex- 
pedition against Hellas. Forthwith he sent mes- 
sengers to all cities commanding the equipment of 
an army, charging each to provide much more than 
they had before provided of ships and horses and 
provision and vessels of transport. By these mes- 
sages Asia was shaken for three years,! the best men 
being enrolled for service against Hellas and making 
preparation therefor. In the fourth year the 
Egyptians, whom Cambyses had enslaved, revolted 
from the Persians; thereupon Darius was but the 
more desirous of sending expeditions even against 
both. 

2. But while Darius was making preparation 
against Egypt and Athens, there arose a great 
quarrel among his sons concerning the chief power 
in the land, they holding that he must before his 
army marched declare an heir to the kingship 
according to Persian law. For Darius had three sons 
born to him before he became king by his first wife, 


1 489—487. 
301 


HERODOTUS 


προτέρης γυναικός, Γοβρύεω. θυγατρός, καὶ 
βασιλεύσαντι. ἐξ ᾿Ατόσσης τῆς Κύρου ἕτεροι 
τέσσερες. τῶν μὲν δὴ προτέρων ἐπρέσβευε 
᾿Αρτοβαζάνης, τῶν δὲ ἐπιγενομένων Ἑέρξη». 
ἐόντες δὲ μητρὸς οὐ τῆς αὐτῆς ἐστασίαζον, E 
μὲν ᾿Αρτοβαξάνης κατότι πρεσβύτατός τε εἴη 
παντὸς τοῦ γόνου καὶ ὅτι νομιζόμενον εἴη πρὸς 
πάντων ἀνθρώπων τὸν πρεσβύτατον τὴν ἀρχὴν 
ἔχειν, Ἐϊέρξης δὲ ὡς ᾿Ατόσσης τε παῖς εἴη τῆς 
Κύρου θυγατρὸς καὶ ὅτι Κῦρος εἴη ὁ κτησάμενος 
τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι τὴν. ἐλευθερίην. 

3. Δαρείου δὲ οὐκ ἀποδεικνυμένου κω γνώμην, 
ἐτύγχανε κατὰ τὠυτὸ τούτοισι καὶ Δημάρητος 
ὁ ᾿Αρίστωνος ἀναβεβηκὼς ἐς Σοῦσα, ἐστερημένος 
τε τῆς ἐν Σπάρτῃ βασιληίης; καὶ φυγὴν ἐπιβαλὼν 
ἑωυτῷ ἐκ Λακεδαίμονος. οὗτος ὧνὴρ πυθόμενος 
τῶν Δαρείου παίδων τὴν διαφορήν, ἐλθών, ὡς 
ἡ φάτις μιν ἔχει, Ἑέρξπ. συνεβούλευε λέγειν 
πρὸς τοῖσι ἔλεγε ἔπεσι, ὡς αὐτὸς μὲν γένοιτο 
Δαρείῳ ἤδη βασιλεύοντι καὶ ἔχοντι τὸ Περσέων 
κράτος, ᾿Αρτοβαξάνης δὲ € ἔτι ἰδιώτῃ ἐόντι Δαρείῳ" 
οὔκων οὔτε οἰκὸς εἴη οὔτε δίκαιον ἄλλον τινὰ τὸ 
γέρας ἔχειν πρὸ ἑωυτοῦ" ἐπεί ye. καὶ ἐν Σπάρτῃ 
ἔφη ὁ Δημάρητος ὑποτιθέμενος οὕτω νομίξεσθαι, 
ἦν ob μὲν προγεγονότες ἔωσι πρὶν ἢ τὸν πατέρα 
σφέων βασιλεῦσαι, ὃ ὃ δὲ βασιλεύοντι ὀψύγονος 
ἐπιγένηται, τοῦ ἐπιγενομένου τὴν ἔκδεξιν τῆς 
βασιληίης γίνεσθαι. χρησαμένου δὲ Ἐέρξεω, τῇ 
Δημαρήτου ὑποθήκῃ, γνοὺς ὁ Δαρεῖος ὡς λέγοι 
δίκαια βασιλέα μιν ἀπέδεξε. δοκέειν δέ μοι, καὶ 
ἄνευ ταύτης τῆς ὑποθήκης βασιλεῦσαι ἂν Ξέρξης 
ἡ yàp Ατοσσα εἶχε τὸ πᾶν κράτος. 
302 


BOOK VII. 2-3 


the daughter of Gobryas, and four besides after he 
became king by Atossa daughter of Cyrus; of the 
earlier sons Artobazanes was the eldest, and Xerxes 
of the later ; and being sons of different mothers they 
were rivals, Artobazanes pleading that he was the 
eldest of all Darius' offspring and that it was every- 
where customary that the eldest should rule ; Xerxes, 
that he was son of Cyrus’ daughter Atossa and that 
it was Cyrus who had won the Persians their 
freedom. 

3. Darius delaying his judgment in this matter, 
it chanced that at this time Demaratus son of 
Ariston had come up to Susa, banished of his own 
will from Lacedaemon after he had lost the kingship 
of Sparta. Learning of the contention between the 
sons of Darius, this man, as the story goes, came and 
counselled Xerxes to add to what he said another 
plea, to wit, that he had been born when Darius was 
already king and ruler of Persia, but Artobazanes 
when Darius was yet a subject; therefore (Xerxes 
should say) it was neither reasonable nor just that 
any rather than he should have the royal prerogative ; 
for at Sparta too (said Demaratus in his counselling) 
it was ever customary, that if there be sons born 
before their father became king, and another son 
born later when the father was king, to the later- 
born should fall the succession to the kingship. 
Xerxes then following Demaratus' advice, Darius 
judged his plea to be just and declared him king. 
But to my thinking Xerxes would have been made 
king even without this advice; for Atossa was all- 
powerful. 


393 


HERODOTUS 


4. ᾿Αποδέξας δὲ Βασιλέα Πέρσῃσι «Ἑέρξεα 
Δαρεῖος ὁρμᾶτο στρατεύεσθαι. ἀλλὰ γὰρ μετὰ 
ταῦτά τε καὶ Αἰγύπτου ἀπόστασιν τῷ ὑστέρῳ 
ἔτεϊ παρασκευαξόμενον συνήνεικε αὐτὸν Δαρεῖον, 
βασιλεύσαντα τὰ πάντα ἕξ τε καὶ τριήκοντα 
ἔτεα, ἀποθανεῖν, οὐδέ οἱ ἐξεγένετο οὔτε τοὺς 
ἀπεστεῶτας Αἰγυπτίους οὔτε ᾿Αθηναίους τιµωρή- 
σασθαι. 

5. ᾿Αποθανόντος δὲ Δαρείου ἡ βασιληίη av- 
εχώρησε ἐς τὸν παῖδα τὸν ἐκείνου Ἐέρξην. ὁ 
τοίνυν Ξέρξης ἐπὶ μὲν τὴν “Ελλάδα οὐδαμῶς 
πρόθυμος ἦν κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς στρατεύεσθαι, ἐπὶ δὲ 
Αἴγυπτον ἐποιέετο στρατιῆς ἄγερσιν. παρεὼν 
δὲ καὶ δυνάμενος παρ᾽ αὐτῷ μέγιστον Περσέων 
Μαρδόνιος ὁ ὁ Γοβρύεω, ὃ ὃς ἦν Ξέρξῃ μὲν ἀνεψιὸς 
Δαρείου δὲ ἀδελφεῆς παῖς, τοιούτου λόγου εἴχετο, 
λέγων e Δέσποτα, οὐκ οἰκός ἐστι ᾿Αθηναίους 
ἐργασαμένους πολλὰ . δὴ κακὰ Πέρσας μὴ οὐ 
δοῦναι δίκην τῶν ἐποίησαν. ἀλλ᾽ εἰ τὸ μὲν νῦν 
ταῦτα πρήσσοις τά περ ἐν χερσὶ ἔχεις' ἡμερώσας 
δὲ Αἴγυπτον τὴν ἐξυβρίσασαν στρατηλάτεε ἐπὶ 
τὰς ᾿Αθήνας, ἵ ἶνα λόγος τέ σε ἔχη πρὸς ἀνθρώπων 
ἀγαθός, καί τις ὕστερον φυλάσσηται ἐπὶ γῆν 
τὴν σὴν στρατεύεσθαι." οὗτος μέν οἱ ὁ λόγος 
ἦν τιμωρός" τοῦδε δὲ τοῦ λόγου παρενθήκην 
ποιεέσκετο τήνδε, ὡς ἡ Εὐρώπη περικαλλὴς 
εἴη χώρη, καὶ δένδρεα παντοῖα φέρει τὰ ἥμερα, 
ἀρετήν τε ἄκρη, βασιλέι τε μούνῳ θνητῶν ἀξίη 
ἐκτῆσθαι. 

6. Ταῦτα ἔλεγε οἷα νεωτέρων ἔργων ἐπιθυμητὴς 
ἐὼν καὶ θέλων αὐτὸς τῆς Ἑλλάδος Ü ὕπαρχος εἶναι. 
χρόνῳ δὲ κατεργάσατὀ τε καὶ ἀνέπεισε ὥστε 


304 


-— 


BOOK VII. 4-6 


4. Having declared Xerxes king, Darius was intent ΄ 
on his expedition. But in the year after this, and 
the revolt of Egypt, death came upon him in the 
midst of his preparation, after a reign of six aud 
thirty years! in all; nor was it granted to him to 
punish either the revolted Egyptians, or the 
Athenians. 

9. Darius being dead, the royal power descended 
to his son Xerxes. Now Xerxes was at first by no 
means eager to march against Hellas; it was against 
Egypt that he mustered his army. But Mardonius 
son of Gobryas, who was Xerxes' cousin and son 
of Darius' sister, and was ever with the king and had 
more influence with him than any Persian, reasoned 
thus in his discourse: * Sire, it is not seemly that the 
Athenians should go unpunished for their deeds, 
after all the evil they have done to the Persians. 
Nay, my counsel is that for the nonce you do what 
you have in hand; then, when you have tamed the 
insolence of Egypt, lead your armies against Athens, 
that you may have fair fame among men, and that all 
may in time to come beware how they invade your 
realm." This argument of his was for vengeance’ 
sake;? but he would ever slip a plea into it, that 
Europe was an exceeding fair land, one that bore all 
kinds of orchard trees, a land of high excellence, 
worthy of no mortal master but the king. 

6. This he said, because he desired adventures, 
and would himself be viceroy of Hellas. And at the 
last he so wrought upon and over-persuaded Xerxes 


1 521—489. 
2 Some take the Greek to mean *'this argument was his 
helper"; but the statement seems rather pointless. 


395 
VOL. III. X 


HERODOTUS 


ποιέειν ταῦτα Ξέρξην" συνέλαβε γὰρ καὶ ἄλλα 
οἱ σύμμαχα γενόμενα ἐς τὸ πείθεσθαι Ἐέρξην. 
τοῦτο μὲν ἀπὸ τῆς Θεσσαλίης παρὰ τῶν ᾿Αλευ- 
αδέων ἀπιγμένοι ἄγγελοι ἐπεκαλέοντο βασιλέα 
πᾶσαν προθυμίην, παρεχόμενοι ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα" 
οἱ δὲ ᾿Αλευάδαι οὗτοι ἦσαν Θεσσαλίης βασιλέες. 
τοῦτο δὲ Πεισιστρατιδέων οἱ ἀναβεβηκότες ἐς 
Σοῦσα, τῶν τε αὐτῶν λόγων ἐχόμενοι τῶν καὶ 
οἱ ᾿Αλευάδαι, καὶ δή τι πρὸς τούτοισι ἔτι πλέον 
προσωρέγοντὀ ο ἔχοντες ᾿Ὀνομάκριτον ἄνδρα 
᾿Αθηναῖον, χρησμολόγον τε καὶ διαθέτην χρησμῶν 
τῶν Μουσαίου, ἀναβεβήκεσαν, τὴν ἔ θρην mpo- 
καταλυσάμενοι. ἐξηλάσθη γὰρ ὑπὸ Ιππάρχου 
τοῦ Πεισιστράτου 0 ᾿Ὀνομάκριτος ἐξ ᾿Αθηνέων, 
ἐπ᾽ αὐτοφώρῳ ἁλοὺς ὑπὸ Λάσου τοῦ Ἑρμιονέος 
ἐμποιέων ἐς τὰ Μουσαίου χρησμόν, ὡς αἱ ἐπὶ 
Λήμνῳ ἐπικείμεναι νῆσοι ἀφανιξοίατο κατὰ τῆς 
θαλάσσης. διὸ ἐξήλασέ μιν ὁ Ἵππαρχος, πρό- 
τερον χρεώμενος τὰ μάλιστα. τότε δὲ συναναβὰς 
ὅκως ἀπίκοιτο ἐς ὄψιν τὴν .Βασιλέος, .λεγόντων 
τῶν Πεισιστρατιδέων περὶ αὐτοῦ σεμνοὺς λόγους, 
κατέλεγε τῶν χρησμῶν: εἰ μέν τι ἐνέοι σφάλμα 
φέρον τῷ βαρβάρῳ, τῶν μὲν ἔλεγε οὐδέν, ὃ 
δὲ τ εὐτυχέστατα ἐκλεγόμενος ἔλεγε τόν τε 
Ἑλλήσποντον ὡς ζευχθῆναι χρεὸν εἴη ὑπ᾽ ἀνδρὸς 
Πέρσεω, τήν τε ἔλασιν ἐξηγεόμενος. οὗτός τε 
δὴ χρησμῳδέων προσεφέρετο καὶ οἵ τε Πεισιστρα- 
τίδαι καὶ οἱ ᾿Αλευάδαι γνώμας ἀποδεικνύμενοι. 

7. Ὡς δὲ ἀνεγνώσθη Ξέρξης στρατεύεσθαι ἐπὶ 
τὴν Ελλάδα, ἐνθαῦτα δευτέρῳ μὲν ἔτεϊ μετὰ τὸν 


1 The word sometimes means ‘‘a diviner”; here, prob- 


306 


BOOK VII. 6-7 


that the king was moved to do as he said ; for there 
were other things too that allied themselves to aid in 
winning Xerxes' consent. Firstly, there came mes- 
sengers out of Thessaly from the Aleuadae (who 
were princes of Thessaly) with all earnestness in- 
viting the king into Hellas; and secondly, those of 
the house of Pisistratus who had come up to Susa did 
likewise, using the same pleas as the Aleuadae, and 
offering Xerxes besides even more than they. With 
these came Onomacritus, an Athenian oracle-monger,! 
one that had set in order the oracles of Musaeus ; 
with him they had come, being now reconciled to 
him after their quarrel: for Onomacritus had been 
banished from Athens by Pisistratus' son Hipparchus, 
having been caught by Lasus? of Hermion in the act 
of interpo¥ating in the writings of Musaeus an oracle 
showing that the islands off Lemnos should disappear 
into the sea. For this cause Hipparchus banished 
him, though before that they had been close friends. 
Now he came to Susa with Pisistratus' kin; and when- 
soever he came into the king's presence they would 
use high language concerning him and he would recite 
from his oracles; all that portended disaster to the 
Persian he left unspoken, but chose out and recited 
such prophecies as were most favourable, telling of 
the Hellespont, how it must be bridged by a man of 
Persia, and how the host should march. So Xerxes 
was beset by Onomacritus with his oracles, and by 
the Pisistratidae and Aleuadae with their counsels. 
7. Having been over-persuaded to send an ex- 
pedition against Hellas, Xerxes first marched against 


ably, rather a ‘‘selecter and publisher” of existing oracles, 
by recitation or otherwise. 
2 A poet and musician, Pindar’s teacher. 


307 
x 2 


HERODOTUS 


θάνατον τὸν Δαρείου πρῶτα στρατηΐίην ποιέεται. 
ἐπὶ τοὺς ἀπεστεῶτας. τούτους μέν νυν καταστρε- 
ψάµενος καὶ Αἴγυπτον πᾶσαν πολλὸν δουλοτέρην 
ποιήσας ἢ ἐπὶ Δαρείου ἦν, ἐπιτράπει ᾿Αχαιμένεϊ 
ἀδελφεῷ. μὲν ἑωυτοῦ, Δαρείου δὲ παιδί. ᾿Αχαι- 
μένεα μέν νυν ἐπιτροπεύοντα Αἰγύπτου χρόνῳ 
μετέπειτα ἐφόνευσε ᾿Ἰνάρως ὁ Ψαμμητίχου ἀνὴρ 
Λίβυς. 

8. Eép£gs δὲ μετὰ Αἰγύπτου ἅλωσιν ὡς ἔμελλε 
ἐς χεῖρας ἄξεσθαι τὸ στράτευμα. τὸ ἐπὶ τὰς 
᾿Αθήνας, .σύλλογον ἐπίκλητον Περσέων τῶν 
ἀρίστων ἐποιέετο, ἵνα. γνώμας τε πύθηται σφέων 
καὶ αὐτὸς ἐν πᾶσι εἴπη τὰ θέλει. ὡς δὲ συνε- 
λέχθησαν, ἔλεξε Ἐέρξης τάδε. «Ανδρες Πέρσαι, 
οὔτ᾽ αὐτὸς κατηγήσομαι νόμον τόνδε € ἐν ὑμῖν 
τιθείς, παραδεξάμενος τε αὐτῷ χρήσομαι. ὡς 
γὰρ ἐγὼ πυνθάνομαι τῶν πρεσβυτέρων, οὐδαμά 
κω ἠτρεμίσαμεν, ἐπείτε παρελάβομεν τὴν ἦγεμο- 
νίην τήνδε παρὰ Μήδων, Κύρου κατελόντος 
᾿Αστυάγεα: ἀλλὰ θεὸς τε οὕτω ἄγει. καὶ αὐτοῖσι 
ἡμῖν πολλὰ ἐπέπουσι συμφέρεται ἐπὶ τὸ ἄμεινον. 
τὰ μέν νυν Κῦρός τε καὶ Καμβύσης πατήρ τε 
ἐμὸς Δαρεῖος κατεργάσαντο καὶ προσεκτήσαντο 
ἔθνεα, ἐπισταμένοισι εὖ οὐκ ἄν τις λέγοι. ἐγὼ δὲ 
ἐπείτε παρέλαβον τὸν. θρόνον τοῦτον, ἐφρόντιζον 
ὅκως μὴ Ἀείψομαι τῶν πρότερον γενομένων ἐν 
τιμῇ τῆδε μηδὲ ἐλάσσω προσκτήσομαι δύναμιν. 
Πέρσῃσι: φροντίξων δὲ εὑρίσκω ἅμα. μὲν κθδὸς 
τε ἡμῖν προσηινόµενον χώρην τε τῆς νῦν ἐκτήμεθα 
οὐκ ἐλάσσονα οὐδὲ φλαυροτέρην παμφορωτέῤηνι 
τε, ἅμα δὲ τιμωρίην τε καὶ τίσιν γινομένην, διὸ! (ls 
ὑμέας νῦν ἐγὼ συνέλεξα, ἵνα τὸ νοέω πρήσσειν 
308 


H 
Ws 


BOOK VII. 7-8 


. the rebels, in the year after Darius’ death. These 
he subdued, and laid Egypt under a much harder 
slavery than in the time of Darius ; and he committed 
the governance of it to Achaemenes, his own brother, 
Darius’ son. This Achaemenes, being then viceroy 
of Egypt, was at a later day! slain by a Libyan, 
Inaros son of Psammetichus. | 

8. After the conquest of Egypt, purposing now to 
take in hand the expedition against Athens, Xerxes 
held an assembly of the noblest among the Persians, 
convened with special intent, that he might learn 
their opinions and himself declare his will before 
them all. When they were assembled, Xerxes spoke 
to them as follows :—“ Persians! this is no new law 
of my bringing in and ordaining, but one that I have 
received and will obey. As I learn from our eldest, 
we have never yet remained at peace ever since 
Cyrus deposed Astyages and we won this our lord- 
ship from the Medes. It is the will of heaven; and 
we ourselves win advantage by our many enterprises. 
Now of the nations that Cyrus and Cambyses and 
Darius my father subdued and added to our realm, 
none need tell you; for well you know them. But 
for myself, ever since I came to this throne, I have 
taken thought how best I shall not fall short in this 
honourable place of those that were before me, nor 
gain for the Persians a lesser power than they; and 
my thought persuades me, that we may win not only 
renown, but a land neither less nor worse, but more 
fertile, than that which we now possess; and not 
only so, but vengeance and requital withal. For this 
cause I have now summoned you together, that I may 


1 [n 460; ορ. III. 15. 
399 


- HERODOTUS 

Jd we as 

ὑπερθέωμάι ὑμῖν' μέλλω ξεύξας τὸν Ἑλλήσπον- 

τον ἐλᾶν στρατὸν διὰ τῆς Εὐρώπης ἐπὶ τὴν 

Ἑλλάδα, iva ᾿Αθηναίους τιμωρήσωμαι ὅσα δὴ 

ει. εποιήκασι Πέρσας τε καὶ πατέρα τὸν ἐμόν. 

""epüre μέν νυν καὶ πατέρα τὸν ἐμὸν Δαρεῖον 
ἰθύοντα στρατεύεσθαι ἐπὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας τούτους. 
ἀλλ᾽ ὃ μὲν τετελεύτηκε καὶ οὐκ ἐξεγένετο αὐτῷ 
τιμωρήσασθαι" ἐγὼ δὲ ὑπέρ τε ἐκείνου καὶ τῶν 
ἄλλων Περσέων ov πρότερον παύσομαι πρὶν 7) 
ἕλω τε καὶ πυρώσω τὰς ᾿Αθήνας, οἵ γε ἐμὲ καὶ 

πατέρα τὸν ἐμὸν ὑπῆρξαν ἄδικα ποιεῦντες. πρῶτα 

μὲν ἐς Σάρδις ἐλθόντες, ἅμα” ᾿Αρισταγόρῃ τῷ 
Μιλησίφ δούλῳ δὲ ἡμετέρῳ ἀπικόμενοι, ἐνέπρη- 
σαν τά τε ἄλσεα καὶ τὰ ἱρά' δεύτερα δὲ ἡμέας 
οἷα ἔρξαν ἐς τὴν σφετέρην ἀποβάντας, ὅ ὅτε Δᾶτίς 
τε καὶ ᾿Αρταφρένης ἐστρατήγεον, τὰ ἐπίστασθέ 
κου πάντες. τούτων μὲν τοίνυν εἵνεκα ἀνάρτημαι 
ἐπ᾿ αὐτοὺς στρατεύεσθαι, ἀγαθὰ δὲ ἐν αὐτοῖσι 
τοσάδε ἀνευρίσκω λογιξόμενος" εἰ τούτους τε καὶ 
τοὺς τούτοισι πλησιοχώρους καταστρεγόμεθα, οἳ 
Πέλοπος τοῦ «Φρυγὸς νέμονται χώρην, γῆν τὴν 
Π]ερσίδα ἀποδέξομεν τῷ Διὸς αἰθέρι ὁ ὁμουρέουσαν. 
οὗ γὰρ δὴ χώρην. ye οὐδεμίαν κατόψεται ἥλιος 
ὅμουρον ἐοῦσαν τῇ ἡμετέρῃ, ἀλλὰ σφέας πάσας 
ἐγὼ ἅμα ὑμῖν μίαν χώρην θήσω, διὰ πάσης 
διεξελθὼν της Εὐρώπης. πυνθάνομαι γὰρ ὧδε 
ἔχειν, οὔτε τινὰ πόλιν ἀνδρῶν οὐδεμίαν οὔτε ἔθνος 
οὐδὲν ἀνθρώπων ὑπολείπεσθαι, τὸ ἡμῖν οἷόν τε 
ἔσται ἐλθεῖν ἐς μάχην, τούτων τῶν κατέλεξα 
ὑπεξαραιρημένων. οὕτω οἵ τε ἡμῖν αἴτιοι ἔξουσι 
δούλιον ζυγὸν οἵ τε ἀναίτιοι. ὑμεῖς ὃ ἄν μοι τάδε 
ποιέοντες χαρίξοισθε' ἐπεὰν ὑμῖν σημήνω τὸν 
310 


BOOK VII. ὃ 


impart to you my purpose. It is my intent to bridge 
the Hellespont and lead my army through Europe to 
Hellas, that I may punish the Athenians for what 
they have done to the Persians and to my father. 
You saw that Darius my father was minded to make 
an expedition against these men. But he is dead, 
and it was not granted him to punish them; and I, 
on his and all the Persians' behalf, will never rest till 
I have taken and burnt Athens, for the unprovoked 
wrong that its people did to my father and me; first 
they came to Sardis with our slave Aristagoras the 
Milesian, and burnt the groves and the temples ; and 
next, how they dealt with us when we landed on 
their shores and Datis and Artaphrenes were our 
generals, all of you, I think, know. For these 
causes then I am resolved to send an army against 
them ; and thus much advantage, as my reckoning 
shows me, we shall gain thereby : if we subdue those 
men, and their neighbours who dwell in the land of 
Pelops the Phrygian, we shall make the borders of 
Persian territory and of the firmament of heaven to 
be the same; for no land that the sun beholds will 
lie on our borders, but I will make all to be one 
country, when I have passed over the whole of 
Europe. For, as I learn, there will then be left 
neither inhabited city, nor nation of men, that is able 
to meet us in battle, if those of whom I speak are 
once taken out of our way. Thus they that have 
done us wrong and they that have done us none will 
alike bear the yoke of slavery. Α5 for you, this 
is how you shall best please me: when I declare the 


31I 


HERODOTUS 


χρόνον ἐς τὸν ἥκειν δεῖ, προθύμως πάντα τινὰ 
ὑμέων χρήσει παρεῖναι. ὃς ἂν δὲ ἔχων ἥκῃ παρ- 
εσκευασµένον στρατὸν κάλλιστα, δώσω οἱ δῶρα τὰ 
τιμιώτατα νομίξεται εἶναι ἐν ἡμετέρου. ποιητέα 
μέν νυν ταῦτα ἐστὶ οὕτω" ἵνα δὲ μὴ ἰδιοβουλεύειν 
ὑμῖν δοκέω, τίθημι τὸ πρῆγμα ἐς μέσον, γνώμην 
κελεύων ὑμέων τὸν βουλόμενον ἀποφαίνεσθαι.᾽ 
ταῦτα εἴπας ἐπαύετο. 

9. Mer’ αὐτὸν δὲ Μαρδόνιος ἔλεγε “Ὢ δέσποτα, 
ov μοῦνον εἷς τῶν γενοµένων Περσέων ἄριστος 
ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἐσομένων, ὃς τά τε ἄλλα ` λέγων 
ἐπίκεο ἄριστα καὶ ἀληθέστατα, καὶ Ἴωνας τοὺς 
ἐν τῇ Εὐρώπη κατοικημένους οὐκ ἐάσεις κατα- 
γελάσαι ἡμῖν ἐόντας ἀναξίους. καὶ γὰρ δεινὸν à ἂν 
εἴη πρῆγμα, εἰ Σάκας μὲν καὶ Ινδοὺς καὶ Αἰθίο- 
πάς τε καὶ ᾿Ἀσσυρίους ἄλλα τε ἔθνεα πολλὰ καὶ 
μεγάλα ἀδικήσαντα Πέρσας οὐδέν, ἀλλὰ δύναμιν 
προσκτᾶσθαι βουλόμενοι, καταστρεψάμενοι δού- 
λους ἔχομεν, "Ελληνας δὲ ὑπάρξαντας ἀδικίης 

αὐ τιμωρησόμεθα" τί δείσαντες ; κοίην πλήθεος 
“συστροφήν; κοίην δὲ χρημάτων δύναμιν; τῶν 
ἐπιστάμεθα μὲν τὴν μάχην, ἐπιστάμεθα δὲ τὴν 
δύναμιν ἐοῦσαν ἀσθενέα" ἔχομεν δὲ αὐτῶν παῖδας 
καταστρεψάμενοι, τούτους οἳ ἐν τῇ ἡμετέρῃ 
κατοικημένοι "Ἴωνές τε καὶ Αἰολέες καὶ Δωριέες 
καλέονται. ἐπειρήθην δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς ἤδη eT- 
ελαύνων ἐπὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας τούτους ὑπὸ πατρὸς τοῦ 
σοῦ κελευσθείς, καί μοι μέχρι Μακεδονίης ἐλά- 
σαντι καὶ ὀλίγον ἀπολιπόντι ἐς αὐτὰς ᾿Αθήνας 


1 Το an oriental all Greeks alike were ** Ionians," Persian 
Yauna ; cp. the “Javan” of the Bible, In Aristoph. Acharn. 


313 


BOOK VII. 8-9 


time for your coming, every one of you must appear, 
and with a good will; and whosoever comes with 
his army best equipped shall receive from me such 
gifts as are reckoned most precious among us. All 
this, then, must so be done; but that none may 
think that I take counsel of myself alone, I lay the 
matter before you all, and bid him who will to declare 
his opinion." So spoke Xerxes, and ceased. 

9. After him spoke Mardonius, and said :—“ Sire, 
you surpass not only all Persians that have been but 
also all that shall be; for besides that you have dealt 
excellently and truly with all other matters, you will 
not suffer the Ionians! that dwell in Europe to 
make a mock of us, which thing they have no right 
to do. For it were strange indeed, that we, who 
have subdued and made slaves of Sacae and Indians 
and Ethiopians and Assyrians and many other great 
nations, for no wrong done to the Persians but of 
mere desire to add to our power,—that we, I say, 
shall not take vengeance on the Greeks for unpro- 
voked wrong-doing. What have we to fear from 
them? Have they mighty hosts or abundance of 
wealth to affright us? Their manner of fighting we 
know, and their wealth we know, that it is but little ; 
and we have conquered and hold their sons, even 
those who dwell in our land and are called Ionians 
and Aeolians and Dorians. I myself, have tried 
conclusions with these men, when by your father’s 
command I marched against them; and I marched 
as far as Macedonia and wellnigh to Athens itself, 


104 the Persian ambassador addresses a Greek as χαυνόπρωκτ᾽ 
]αοναῦ. 


313 


τ 


` 
a 
ta i 


le giu 


HERODOTUS 


ἀπικέσθαι οὐδεὶς ἠντιώθη ἐς μάχην. καίτοι γε 
ἐώθασι "Ελληνες, ὡς πυνθάνομαι, ἀβουλότατα 

ολέμους ἵστασθαι ὑπό τε ἀγνωμοσύνης καὶ 
Feist ros. ἐπεὰν γὰρ ἀλλήλοισι πόλεμον 
ο το ἐξευρόντες τὸ κάλλιστον χωρίον καὶ 

ιότατον, ἐς τοῦτο κατιόντες μάχονται, ὥστε σὺν 
κακῷ μεγάλῳ. οἱ νικῶντες ἀπαλλάσσονται περὶ 
δὲ τῶν ἑσσουμένων οὐδὲ λέγω ἀρχήν' ἐξώλεες γὰρ 
δὴ γίνονται’ τοὺς χρῆν ἐόντας ὁμογλώσσους 
κήρυξί τε διαχρεωμένους καὶ ἀγγέλοισι κατᾶ- 
λαμβάνειν, τὰς διαφορὰς καὶ παντὶ μᾶλλον 7 
µάχησι εἰ δὲ πάντως ἔδεε πολεμέειν πρὸς ἀλλή- 
λους, ἐξευρίσκειν χρῆν τῇ ἑκάτεροι εἰσὶ δυσχει- 
ρωτότατοι καὶ ταύτη πειρᾶν. τρόπῳ τοίνυν οὐ 
χρηστῷ Ἕλληνες διαχρεώμενοι, ἐμέο ἑλάσαντος 
μέχρι Μακεδονίης γῆς, οὐκ ἦλθον € ἐς τούτου λόγον 
ὥστε μάχεσθαι. σοὶ δὲ δὴ μέλλει τίς ὦ βασιλεῦ 
ἀντιώσεσθαι πόλεμον προφέρων, ἄγοντι καὶ 
πλῆθος TÒ ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ασίης καὶ νέας τὰς ἁπάσας ; 
ὡς μὲν ἐγὼ δοκέω, OUK ἐς τοῦτο .θράσεος ἀνήκει 
τὰ Ἑλλήνων πρήγματα' εἰ δὲ ἄρα ἔγωγε ψευ- 
σθείην γνώμῃ καὶ ἐκεῖνοι ἐπαερθέντες ἀβουλίῃ 
ἔλθοιεν ἡμῖν ἐς μάχην, μάθοιεν ἂν ὡς εἰμὲν 
ἀνθρώπων͵ ἄριστοι τὰ πολέμια. ἔστω ὃ ὧν 
μηδὲν ἆ ἀπείρητον' αὐτόματον γὰρ οὐδέν, ἀλλ, ἀπὸ 
s πάντα ἀνθρώποισι φιλέει γίνεσθαι.” 

10. Μαρδόνιος .μὲν τοσαῦτα ἐπιλεήνας τὴν 
Ἐέρξεω γνώμην ἐπέπαυτο' σιωπώντων δὲ τῶν 
ἄλλων Περσέων καὶ οὐ τολμώντων γνώμην 
ἀποδείκνυσθαι ἀντίην τῇ προκειµένῃ, ᾿Αρτά- 
Ravos ὁ Ὑστάσπεος, πάτρως ἐὼν Ξέρξη, τῷ δὴ 
καὶ πίσυνος ἐὼν ἔλεγε τάδε. “Q βασιλεῦ, μὴ 


314 


BOOK VII. 9-1o 


yet none came out to meet me in battle. Yet wars 
the.Greeks do wage, and, as I learn, most senselessly 
they do it, in their wrongheadedness and folly. 
When they have declared war against each other, 
they come down to the fairest and most level ground 
that they can find and there they fight, so that the 
victors come not off without great harm ; and of the 
vanquished I say not so much as a word, for they are 
utterly destroyed. Yet speaking as they do the 
same language, they should end their disputes by 
the means of heralds and messengers, and by any 
way rather than fighting ; or if needs must that they 
war against each other, they should discover each 
where his strongest defence lies, and there make his 
essay. The Greek custom, then, is no good one; 
and when I marched as far as the land of Macedonia, 
it came not into their thoughts to fight. But against 
you, O king! who shall make war? For you will 
have at your back the multitudes of Asia, and all 
your ships; for myself, I think there is not so much 
boldness in Hellas as that; but if time should show 
me wrong in my judgment, and those men were fool- 
hardy enough to do battle with us, they would be 
taught that we are the greatest warriors αἲρ) earth. 
But whatsoever betide, let us be ever venturesome ; 
for nought comes of itself, and all men's gains are 
the fruit of adventure." 

10. Thus smoothly Mardonius spoke of Xerxes' 
opinion, and made an end. The rest of the Persians 
held their peace, not daring to utter any counsel 
contrary to that which had been given; then spoke 
Artabanus the son of Hystaspes, who was the king's 
uncle, and emboldened thereby. “Ο king," he said, 


3I5 


HERODOTUS 


λεχθεισέων μὲν γνωμέων ἀντιέων ἀλλήλῃσι οὐκ 
ἔστι τὴν ἀμείνω αἱρεόμενον ἑλέσθαι, ἀλλὰ ~ δεῖ 
τῇ εἰρημένῃ χρᾶσθαι, λεχθεισέων δὲ ἔστι, ὥσπερ 
τὸν χρυσὸν τὸν ἀκήρατον αὐτὸν μὲν ἐπ᾿ ἑωυτοῦ 
οὐ διαγινώσκομεν, ἐ ἐπεὰν δὲ παρατρίψωμεν ἄλλῳ 
χρυσῷ, διαγινώσκομεν τὸν ἀμείνω. ἐγὼ δὲ καὶ 
πατρὶ τῷ σῷ, ἀδελφεῷ δὲ ἐμῷ Δαρείῳ ἠγόρευον 
μὴ στρατεύεσθαι ἐπὶ Σκύθας, ἄνδρας οὐδαμόθι 
γῆς ἄστυ νέμοντας. ὃ δὲ ἐλπίξων Σκύθας τοὺς 
νομάδας καταστρέψεσθαι ἐμοί τε οὐκ ἐπείθετο, 
στρατευσάμενός τε πολλοὺς καὶ ἀγαθοὺς τῆς 
στρατιῆς ἀποβαλὼν ἀπῆλθε. σὺ δὲ ὦ Βασιλεῦ 
μέλλεις ἐπ ᾿ ἄνδρας στρατεύεσθαι πολλὸν ἀμείνονας 
7) Σκύθας, οἳ κατὰ θάλασσών τε ἄριστοι καὶ κατὰ 
γῆν λέγονται εἶναι. τὸ δὲ αὐτοῖσι ἔνεστι δεινόν, 
ἐμὲ σοὶ δίκαιον ἐστὶ φράζειν. ζεύξας φὴς τὸν 
Ἑλλήσποντον ἐλᾶν στρατὸν διὰ τῆς Εὐρώπης 
ἐς τὴν Ελλάδα. καὶ δὴ καὶ συνήνεικέ σε ἤτοι 
κατὰ γῆν ἢ καὶ κατὰ θάλασσαν ἑσσωθῆναι, ἢ 
καὶ κατ᾿ ἀμφότερα: οἱ γὰρ ἄνδρες λέγονται εἶναι 
ἄλκιμοι, πάρεστι ὲ καὶ σταθμώσασθαι, εὖ 
στρατιήν ye τοσαύτην σὺν Δάτι καὶ ᾿Αρταφρένεϊ 
ἐλθοῦσαν ἐς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν χώρην μοῦνοι , A0- 
vato. διέφθειραν. οὕκων ἀμφοτέρῃ σφι ἐχώρησε. 
ἀλλ᾽ ἦν τῆσι νηυσὶ ἐμβάλωσι καὶ νικήσαντες 
ναυμαχίῃ πλέωσι ἐς τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον καὶ 
ἔπειτα λύσωσι τὴν γέφυραν, τοῦτο δὴ βασιλεῦ 
γίνεται δεινόν. ἐγὼ δὲ οὐδεμιῇ copin οἰκηίῃ 
αὐτὸς ταῦτα συμβάλλομαι, ἀλλ. οἷον κοτὲ ἡμέας 
ὀλίγου ἐδέησε καταλαβεῖν πάθος, ὅτε πατὴρ 


316 


BOOK VII. ro 


* if opinions opposite the one to the other be not 
uttered, it is not possible that choice should find the 
better, but that one which has been spoken must 
be followed ; but if they be spoken, the better can 
be found ; even as the purity of gold cannot of itself 
be discerned, but when gold by rubbing ! is compared 
with gold, we then discern the better. Now I for- 
bade Darius, your father and my brother, to lead his 
army against the Scythians, who have no cities 
anywhere to dwell in. But he, in his hope to subdue 
the nomad Scythians, would not be guided by me; 
he led his army, and returned from that expedition 
with the loss of many gallant men of his host. You, 
O king! are purposing to lead your armies against 
men far better than the Scythians—men who are 
said to be most doughty warriors by sea and land; 
and it is right that I should show to you what danger 
lies therein. You will bridge the Hellespont (so you 
say) and march your army through Europe to Hellas. 
Now I will suppose that matters have so fallen out 
that you are worsted either by land or by sea, or 
even both; for the men are said to be valiant, and 
well may we guess that it is so, seeing that so great 
a host, that followed Datis and Artaphrenes to Attica, 
was destroyed by the Athenians alone. Be it, then, 
granted that they win not success both by sea and by 
land ; but if they attack with their ships and prevail 
in a sea-fight, and then sail to the Hellespont and 
thereafter break your bridge, that, O king, is the 
hour of peril. It is from no wisdom of my own that 
I thus conjecture ; it is because I know what disaster 
was that which wellnigh once overtook us, when 


1 4e. rubbing against the touchstone, which would be 
stained by pure gold. 


317 


HERODOTUS 


σὸς ξεύξας Βόσπορον τὸν Θρηίκιον, γεφυρώσας 
δὲ ποταμὸν Ἴστρον διέβη ἐπὶ Σκύθας. τότε 
παντοῖοι ἐγένοντο Σκύθαι δεόμενοι Ἰώνων λῦσαι 
τὸν πόρον, τοῖσι ἐπετέτραπτο 7) φυλακὴ τῶν 
γεφυρέων τοῦ Ἴστρου. καὶ τότε γε Ἱστιαῖος ὁ 
Μιλήτου τύραννος εἰ ἐπέσπετο τῶν ἄλλων τυράν- 
νων τῇ γνώμῃ μηδὲ ἠναντιώθη, διέργαστο ἂν τὰ 
Περσέων πρήγματα. καίτοι καὶ λόγῳ ἀκοῦσαι 
δεινόν, ἐπ᾽ ἀνδρί γε ἑνὶ πάντα τὰ βασιλέος 
πρήγματα γεγενῆσθαι. σὺ ὧν μὴ βούλευ ἐς 
κίνδυνον μηδένα τοιοῦτον ἀπικέσθαι μηδεμιῆς 
ἀνάγκης ἐούσης, ἀλλὰ ἐμοὶ πείθευ. νῦν μὲν τὸν 
σύλλογον τόνδε διάλυσον αὖτις δέ, ὅταν τοι 
δοκέῃ, προσκεψάμενος ἐπὶ σεωυτοῦ προαγόρευε 
τά τοι δοκέει εἶναι ἄριστα. τὸ γὰρ εὖ βουλεύ- 
εσθαι κέρδος μέγιστον εὑρίσκω éóv εἰ γὰρ καὶ 
ἐναντιωθῆναί τι θέλει, βεβούλευται. μὲν οὐδὲν 
ἧσσον εὖ, ἔσσωται δὲ ὗ ὑπὸ τῆς τύχης τὸ βούλευμα" 
ὁ δὲ βουλευσάμενος αἰσχρῶς, εἴ οἱ ἡ τύχη ἐπί- 
σποιτο, εὕρημα εὕρηκε, ἧσσον δὲ οὐδέν οἱ κακῶς 
βεβούλευται. ὁρᾷς τὰ ὑπερέχοντα (Qa ὡς κε- 
ραυνοῖ ὁ θεὸς οὐδὲ e ἐᾷ φαντάξεσθαι, τὰ δὲ σμικρὰ 
οὐδέν pw κνίδει' opas δὲ ὡς ἐς οἰκήματα τὰ 
μέγιστα αἰεὶ καὶ δένδρεα τὰ τοιαῦτα ἀποσκήπτει 
τὰ βέλεα" φιλέει γὰρ ὁ θεὸς τὰ Ù ὑπερέχοντα πάντα 
κολούειν. οὕτω δὲ καὶ στρατὸς πολλὸς ὑπὸ 
ὀλίγου διαφθείρεται κατὰ τοιόνδε" ἐπεάν σφι ὁ 
θεὸς φθονήσας φόβον ἐμβάλῃ À βροντήν, δι ὧν 
ἐφθάρησαν ἀναξίως ἑ ἑωυτῶν. οὐ γὰρ ἐᾷ φρονέειν 
μέγα ὁ θεὸς ἄλλον ἢ ἑωυτόν. ἐπειχθῆναι μέν νυν 
πᾶν πρῆγμα τίκτει σφάλματα, ἐκ τῶν ζημίαι 


318 


BOOK VII. το 


your father, making a highway over the Thracian 
Bosporus, and bridging the river Ister, crossed over to 
attack the Scythians. At that time the Scythians 
used every means of entreating the Ionians, who had 
been charged to guard the bridges of the Ister, to 
break the way of passage! ; and then, if Histiaeusthe 
despot of Miletus had consented to the opinion of the 
other despots and not withstood it, the power of Persia 
had perished. Yet it were a thing of dread even in 
the telling, that one, and he but a man, should hold in 
his hand all the king’s fortunes. Do you then make 
no plan to run into any such danger, when there is 
no need therefor, but be ruled by me: for the nonce, 
dismiss this assembly; and presently, whenever you 
so please, having first considered the matter by 
yourself, declare what seems to you best. A well- 
laid plan is ever to my mind most profitable; for even 
though it be thwarted later, yet none the less has the 
plan been good, and it is but chance that has baffled 
the design; but he that has made a sorry plan has 
gotten, if fortune favour him, but a chance prize, and 
none the less has his plan been evil. You see how 
the god smites with his thunderbolt creatures of 
greatness more than common, nor suffers them to 
display their pride, but such as are little move him 
not to anger; and you see how it is ever on the 
tallest buildings and trees that his bolts fall; for it is 
heaven's way to bring low all things of surpassing 
bigness. Thus a numerous host is destroyed by one 
that is lesser, the god of his jealousy sending panic 
fear or thunderbolt among them, whereby they do 
unworthily perish ; for the god suffers pride in none 
but himself. Now haste is ever the parent of failure, 


1 Ορ. IV. 136 ff. 
319 


HERODOTUS 


μεγάλαι φιλέουσι γίνεσθαι: ἐν δὲ τῷ ἐπισχεῖν 
ἔνεστι ἀγαθά, εἰ μὴ παραυτίκα δοκέοντα εἶναι, 
ἀλλ) ἀνὰ χρόνον ἐξεύροι τις ἄν. σοὶ μὲν δὴ ταῦτα 
ὦ βασιλεῦ συμβουλεύω" σὺ δέ, ὦ παῖ Γοβρύεω 
Μαρδόνιε, παῦσαι λέγων λόγους ματαίους περὶ 
Ἑλλήνων οὐκ ἐόντων ἀξίων φλαύρως ἀκούειν. 
Ελληνας γὰρ διαβάλλων ἐ ἐπαείρεις αὐτὸν βασιλέα 
στρατεύεσθαι αὐτοῦ δὲ τούτου. εἵνεκα. δοκέεις μοι 
πᾶσαν προθυμίην ἐ ἐκτείνειν. μή νυν οὕτω γένηται. 
δια βολὴ γὰρ ἐστὶ δεινότατον" ἐν τῇ δύο μὲν εἰσὶ 
οἱ ἀδικέοντες, εἷς δὲ ὁ ἀδιεεόμενος. ὁ μὲν γὰρ 
διαβάλλων ἀδικέει οὐ παρεύντι κατηγορέων, ὃ δὲ 
ἀδικέει ἀναπειθόμενος πρὶν 7 ἀτρεκέως ἐκμάθῃ' 

ὁ δὲ δὴ ἀπεὼν τοῦ λόγου τάδε ἐν αὐτοῖσι ἀδι- 
κέεται, διαβληθείς τε ὑπὸ τοῦ ἑτέρου καὶ νομισθεὶς 
πρὸς τοῦ ἑτέρου κακὸς εἶναι. ἀλλ᾽ εἰ δὴ δεῖ γε 
πάντως ἐπὶ τοὺς ἄνδρας τούτους στρατεύεσθαι, 
φέρε, βασιλεὺς μὲν αὐτὸς ἐν ἤθεσι τοῖσι Περσέων 
μενέτω, ἡμέων δὲ ἀμφοτέρων παραβαλλομένων τὰ 
τέκνα, στρατηλάτεε αὐτὸς σὺ ἐπιλεξάμενός τε 
ἄνδρας τοὺς ἐθέλεις καὶ λαβὼν .στρατιὴν ὀκόσην 
τινὰ βούλεαι. καὶ ἣν μὲν τῇ σὺ λέγεις ἀναβαίνῃ 
βασιλέι τὰ πρήγματα, κτεινέσθων οἱ ἐμοὶ παῖδες, 
πρὸς δὲ αὐτοῖσι καὶ eyo" ἣν δὲ τῇ ἐγὼ προλέγω, 
οἱ σοὶ ταῦτα πασχόντων, σὺν δέ σφι καὶ σύ, ἦν 
ἀπονοστήσῃς. ei δὲ ταῦτα μὲν ὑποδύνειν οὐκ 
ἐθελήσεις, σὺ δὲ πάντως στράτευμα. ἀνάξεις. ἐπὶ 
τὴν Ελλάδα, ἀκούσεσθαι τινὰ φημὶ τῶν αὐτοῦ 
τῇδε ὑπολειπομένων Μαρδόνιον, μέγα τι κακὸν 
ἐξεργασάμενον Πέρσας, i ὑπὸ κυνῶν τε καὶ ὀρνίθων 
διαφορεύμενον ἤ 7) κου ἐν γῇ τῇ ᾿Αθηναίων ἡ ἢ σέ γε ἐν 
τῇ Λακεδαιμονίων, εἰ μὴ ἄρα καὶ πρότερον κατ᾽ 
320 


BOOK VII. 1o 


whereof grievous hurts are apt to come; but in waiting 
there is good, which in due time shall appear, though 
in the present it seem not so. This, O king, is my 
counsel to you. But to you I say, Mardonius son of 
Gobryas! cease from foolish speaking about the 
Greeks, for they deserve not to be maligned. It is 
by speaking calumniously of the Greeks that you 
would hearten the king to send this expedition ; and 
that, methinks, is the end to which you press with 
all eagerness. Nay, let it not be so. Calumny is 
a very gross business; there are two in it that do and 
one that suffers wrong. He that utters the calumny 
wrongs another, accusing an absent man, and the 
other does a wrong likewise in that he is overpersuaded 
before he has learnt the whole truth ; and he that is 
absent and hears not what is said of him suffers wrong 
in the matter, being maligned by the one and con- 
demned by the other. Nay, if an army must by all 
means be sent against these Greeks, hear me now: 
Let the king himself abide in the Persian land, and 
let us two stake our children's lives upon it; then do 
you lead out the army, choosing what men you will 
and taking as great an armament as you desire; and 
if it fare with the king's fortunes as you say it will, let 
my sons be slain, and myself too with them; but if 
the issue be as I foretell, let your sons be so treated, 
and you likewise, if you return. But if you will not 
submit yourself to this, and will at all hazards lead 
your army overseas to Hellas, then I think that they 
who are left behind in this place will hear that 
Mardonius has wrought great harm to Persia, and is 
torn asunder by dogs and birds in the land of Athens 
or of Lacedaemon, if not peradventure ere that on 


32t 
VOL. III. Y 


HERODOTUS 


ὁδόν, γνόντα ἐπ᾽ οἵους ἄνδρας ἀναγινώσκεις 
στρατεύεσθαι βασιλέα.” 

11. ᾿Αρτάβανος μὲν ταῦτα ἔλεξε, Ξέρξης δὲ 
θυμωθεὶς ἀμείβεται τοῖσιδε. “ ᾿Αρτάβανε, πατρὸς 
εἷς τοῦ ἐμοῦ ἀδελφεός" τοῦτό σε ῥύσεται μηδένα 
ἄξιον μισθὸν. λαβεῖν ἐπέων ματαίων. καί τοι 
ταύτην τὴν ἀτιμίην προστίθημι ἐόντι κακῷ καὶ 
ἀθύμῳ, μήτε συστρατεύεσθαι ἔμοιγε ἐπὶ τὴν 
Ἑλλάδα αὐτοῦ τε μένειν ἅμα τῇσι γυναιξί. ἐγὼ 
δὲ καὶ ἄνευ σέο ὅσα περ εἶπα ἐπιτελέα ποιήσω. 
μὴ γὰρ εἴην ἐκ Δαρείου τοῦ Ὑστάσπεος τοῦ ᾿Αρ- 
σάμεος τοῦ ᾿Αριαράμνεω τοῦ Τεΐσπεος τοῦ Κύρου 
τοῦ Καμβύσεω τοῦ Τεΐσπεος τοῦ ᾿Αχαιμένεος 
γεγονώς, μὴ τιμωρησάμενος ᾿Αθηναίους, εὖ ἐπιστά- 
μενος ὅτι εἰ ἡμεῖς ἡσυχίην ἄξομεν, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ 
ἐκεῖνοι, ἀλλὰ καὶ μάλα στρατεύσονται ἐπὶ τὴν 
ἡμετέρην, εὖ χρὴ σταθμώσασθαι τοῖσι ὑπαργμέ- 
νοισι ἐξ ἐκείνων, οἳ Σάρδις τε ἐνέπρησαν καὶ 
ἤλασαν ἐς τὴν Acin. οὔκων ἐξαναχωρέειν 
οὐδετέροισι δυνατῶς ἔχει, ἀλλὰ ποιέειν ἢ παθεῖν 
πρόκειται ἀγών, ἵνα ἢ τάδε πάντα ὑπὸ Ἕλλησι 
5 ἐκεῖνα πάντα ὑπὸ Πέρσῃσι γένηται" τὸ γὰρ 
μέσον οὐδὲν τῆς ἔχθρης ἐστί. καλὸν ὧν προπε- 
πονθότας ἡμέας τιμωρέειν ἤδη γίνεται, tva καὶ τὸ 
δεινὸν τὸ πείσομαι τοῦτο μάθω, ἐλάσας ἐπ᾿ ἄνδρας 
τούτους, τούς γε καὶ Πέλοψ. ὁ Φρύξ, ἐὼν πατέρων 


1 The first seven names represent two parallel lines of 
descent from Teispes son of Achaemenes (except that the 
first ** Teispes’’ is a fiction), which Herodotus has apparently 
fused into one direct line. Xerxes could claim descent from 
both, in virtue of his mother Atossa, Cyrus' daughter; hence 


322 


BOOK VII. το-ιι 


the way thither; and that thus you have learnt what 
manner of men are they whom you would persuade 
the king to attack." 

1l. Thusspoke Artabanus. But Xerxes answered 
in wrath, * Artabanus, you are my father's brother; 
that shall save you from receiving the fit reward 
of foolish words. Yet for your craven lack of spirit 
I lay upon you this disgrace, that you shall not go 
with me and my army against Hellas, but abide 
here with the women; and I myself will accomplish 
all that I have said, with no help from you. For 
may I not be the son of Darius, who was the son of 
Hystaspes, who was the son of Arsames, who was the 
son of Ariaramnes, who was the son of Teispes, who 
was the son of Cyrus, who was the son of Cambyses, 
who was the son of Teispes, who was the son of Achae- 
menes,! if 1 do not avenge me on the Athenians; 
well knowing, that if we remain at peace, yet so 
will not they, but will assuredly invade our country, 
if we may infer.from what they have done already, for 
they burnt Sardis and marched into Asia. Where- 
fore, it is not possible for either of us to turn back ; 
to do or suffer is our task, that what is ours be under 
the Greeks, or what is theirs under the Persians ; 
there is no middle way in our quarrel. Honour 
then demands that we avenge ourselves for what 
has been done to us; thus shall I learn what is this 
evil that will befal me when I march against these 
Greeks—men that even Pelops the Phrygian, the 


perhaps the confusion, For a complete discussion see How 
and Wells, Appendix IV. It may be remembered that 
Herodotus probably deals with Egyptian chronology in the 
same way, making a sequence out of lists of kings some of 
whom were contemporaries. 


323 
v 2 


HERODOTUS 


τῶν ἐμῶν δοῦλος, κατεστρέψατο οὕτω ὡς καὶ ἐς 
τόδε αὐτοί τε ὥνθρωποι καὶ ἡ Y. αὐτῶν ἐπώνυμοι 
τοῦ καταστρεψαμένου καλέονται.” 

12. Ταῦτα μὲν ἐπὶ τοσοῦτο ἐλέγετο. μετὰ δὲ 
εὐφρόνη τε ἐγίνετο καὶ Ξέρξην ἔκνιζε ἡ 7) ᾿Αρταβά- 
νου γνώμη" νυκτὶ δὲ βουλὴν διδοὺς πάγχυ εὕρισκέ 
οἱ οὐ πρῆγμα εἶναι στρατεύεσθαι ἐ ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα. 
δεδογµένων δέ οἱ αὖτις τούτων κατύπνωσε, καὶ δή 
κου ἐν τῇ νυκτὶ εἶδε ὄψιν τοιήνδε, ὡς λέγεται ὑπὸ 
Περσέων: ἐδόκεε ὁ Ξέρξης ἄνδρα οἱ ἐπιστάντα 
μέγαν τε καὶ εὐειδέα εἰπεῖν “ Μετὰ δὴ βουλεύεαι, 
ὦ Πέρσα, στράτευμα μὴ ἄγειν ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα, 
προείπας ἁλίξειν Πέρσας στρατόν ; οὔτε ὧν µετα- 
βουλευόμενος ποιέεις εὖ οὔτε ὁ συγγνωσόμενός τοι 
πάρα" ἀλλ ὥσπερ τῆς ἡμέρης ἐβουλεύσαο ποιέειν, 
ταύτην ἴθι τῶν ὁδῶν. - 

18. Τὸν μὲν ταῦτα εἰπόντα ἐδόκεε ὁ Ἑέρξης 
ἀποπτάσθαι, ἡμέρης δὲ ἐπιλαμψάσης ὀνείρου μὲν 
τούτου λόγον οὐδένα ἐποιέετο, ὃ δὲ Περσέων 
συναλίσας τοὺς καὶ πρότερον συνέλεξε, ἔλεξέ σφι 
τάδε. ' Άνδρες Πέρσαι, συγγνώμην μοι ἔχετε ὅτι 
ἀγχίστροφα βουλεύομαι" φρενῶν τε γὰρ ἐς τὰ ἐμε- 
ωυτοῦ πρῶτα οὔκω ἀνήκω, καὶ οἱ παρηγορεόµενοι 
ἐκεῖνα ποιέειν οὐδένα χρόνον μευ ἀπέχονται. 
ἀκούσαντι μέντοι μοι τῆς ᾿Αρταβάνου γνώμης 
παραυτίκα μὲν 7) νεότης ἐπέζεσε, ὥστε ἀεικέστερα 
ἀπορρῖψαι ἔπεα ἐς ἄνδρα πρεσβύτερον 7 X peor" 

. , 
νῦν μέντοι συγγνοὺς χρήσομαι τῇ ἐκείνου γνώμῃ. 
ὡς ὧν μεταδεδογμένον μοι. μὴ στρατεύεσθαι ἐπὶ 
τὴν Ἑλλάδα, ἥ ἥσυχοι ἔστε." 

14. Πέρσαι μὲν ὡς ἤκουσαν ταῦτα, κεχαρηκότες 


324 


BOOK VII. 11-14 


slave of my forefathers, did so utterly subdue that 
to this day they and their country are called by the 
name of their conqueror.' 

12. So far discourse went; and presently came the 
night-time, and Xerxes was pricked by the counsel 
of Artabanus ; and taking counsel of night, he saw 
clearly that to send an army against Hellas was none 
of his business. Having made this second resolve 
he fell asleep; then it would appear (for so the 
Persians say) that in the night he saw this vision: 
It seemed to Xerxes that a tall and goodly man 
stood over him and said, * Art thou then changing 
thy counsel, Persian, and wilt not lead thine army 
against Hellas, albeit thou hast proclaimed the 
mustering of thy host? thou dost not well to change 
thy counsel, nor will he that thou seest pardon thee 
for it; nay, let thy course be according to thy 
design of yesterday." 

13. Thus the vision spake, and seemed to Xerxes 
to vanish away; but when day dawned the king 
took no account of this dream, but assembling the 
Persians whom he had before gathered together, he 
thus addressed them: “ Forgive me, Persians! for 
that I turn and twist in my purpose; for I am not 
yet come to the fulness of my wisdom, and they are 
ever with me who exhort me to do as I said. ‘Tis 
true that when I heard Artabanus opinion my 
youthful spirit did for the nonce take fire, whereby 
there brake from me an unseemly and wrongful 
answer to one older than myself; yet now I see my 
fault and will follow his judgment. Know there- 
fore that my purpose of marching against Hellas is 
changed, and abide in peace." 

14. When the Persians heard that, they rejoiced, 


325 


HERODOTUS 


προσεκύνεον. νυκτὸς δὲ γενομένης αὖτις τὠυτὸ 
ὄνειρον τῷ Eép£g κατυπνωμένῳ ἔλεγε ἐπιστάν CQ 
παῖ Δαρείου, καὶ δὴ φαίνεαι ἐ ἐν Πέρσῃσί τε ἀπειπά- 
μενος τὴν στρατηλασίην καὶ τὰ ἐμὰ ἔπεα ἐν οὐδενὶ 
ποιησάμενος λόγῳ “ὡς παρ᾽ οὐδενὸς ἀκούσας ; εὖ 
νυν τόδ᾽ ἴσθι" ἣν περ μὴ αὐτίκα στρατηλατέης, 
τάδε τοι ἐξ αὐτῶν ἀνασχήσει' ὡς καὶ μέγας καὶ 
πολλὸς ἐγένεο ἐν ὀλίγῳ χρόνῳ, οὕτω καὶ ταπεινὸς 
ὀπίσω κατὰ τάχος ἔ ἔσεαι. 

15. Ἐξέρξης μὲν περιδεὴς γενόμενος τῇ ὄψι 
ἀνά τε ἔδραμε ἐκ τῆς κοίτης καὶ πέμπει ἄγγελον 
ἐπὶ ᾿Αρτάβανον καλέοντα' ἀπικομένῳ δέ οἱ ἔλεγε 
Ξέρξης τάδε. “ ᾿Αρτάβανε, ἐγὼ τὸ παραυτίκα 
μὲν οὐκ ἐσωφρόνεον εἴπας ἐς σὲ μάταια. ἔπεα 
χρηστῆς εἵνεκα συμβουλίης' μετὰ. μέντοι οὐ πολ- 
λὸν χρόνον μετέγνων, ἔγνων, δὲ ταῦτά μοι ποιητέα 
ἐόντα τὰ σὺ ὑπεθήκαο. οὔκων δυνατός του εἰμὶ 
ταῦτα βουλόμενος ποιέειν" ᾿τετραμμένῳ γὰρ δὴ καὶ 
μετεγνωκότι ἐπιφοιτέον ὄνειρον φαντάξεταί μοι 
οὐδαμῶς συνεπαινέον ποιέειν με ταῦτα" νῦν δὲ καὶ 
διαπειλῆσαν οἴχεται. εἰ ὧν θεός ἐστι ὁ ἐπιπέμπων 
καί οἱ πάντως ἐν ἡδονῇ ἐστι γενέσθαι στρατηλασίην 
ἐπὶ Ἑλλάδα, ἐπιπτήσεται καὶ σοὶ τὠυτὸ τοῦτο 
ὄνειρον, ὁμοίως καὶ ἐμοὶ ἐντελλόμενον. εὑρίσκω 
δὲ ὧδ᾽ ἂν γινόμενα ταῦτα, ei λάβοις τὴν. ἐμὴν 
σκευὴν πᾶσαν καὶ ἐνδὺς μετὰ τοῦτο ἴζοιο ἐς τὸν 
ἐμὸν θρόνον, καὶ ἔπειτα ἐν κοίτῃ τῇ ἐμῇ κατυπνώ- 
seas.” 

16. Ἐέρξης μὲν ταῦτά οἱ ἔλεγε" ᾿Αρτάβανος δὲ 
οὐ πρώτῳ κελεύσματι πειθόμενος, οἷα οὐκ ἀξιεύμε- 
νος ἐς τὸν ; βασιλήιον θρόνον ἵξεσθαι, τέλος ὡς ἠναγ- 
κάξετο εἴπας τάδε ἐποίεε τὸ κελευόμενον. “Ἴσον 
326 


BOOK VII. 14-16 


and did obeisance. But when night came on, the 
same vision stood again over Xerxes as he slept, and 
said, “ Son of Darius, hast thou then plainly renounced 
thine army's march before the Persians, and made 
my words of no account, as though thou hadst 
not heard them? Know then this for a surety: if 
thou leadest not thine army forthwith, this shall be 
the outcome of it, that as a little while made thee 
great and mighty, so in a moment shalt thou be 
brought low again." 

15. Greatly affrighted by the vision, Xerxes leapt 
up from his bed, and sent a messenger to Artabanus 
to call him; and when he came, “ Artabanus,” said 
Xerxes, “for the moment my right judgment for- 
sook me, and I answered your good counsel with 
foolish words ; but after no long time I repented, and 
saw that it was right for me to follow your advice. 
Yet, though I desire, I cannot do it; for since I 
have turned me and repented, a vision comes haunt- 
ing my sight, that will in no wise consent that I 
should do as you counsel ; and even now it has gone 
with a threat. Now if it be a god that sends the 
vision, and it be his full pleasure that there be this 
expedition against Hellas, that same dream will 
hover about you and lay on you the same charge as 
on me; and I am persuaded that this is likeliest to 
be, if you take α]] my attire and sit so clothed upon 
my throne, and presently lie down to sleep in my 
bed." 

16. Thus said Xerxes; Artabanus would not obey 
the first command, thinking it was not for him to 
sit on the royal throne; at last he was compelled, 
and did as he was bidden, saying first: “O king, 


3?7 


HERODOTUS 


ἐκεῖνο ὦ βασιλεῦ παρ᾽ ἐμοὶ κέκριται, φρονέειν τε εὖ 
καὶ τῷ λέγοντι χρηστὰ ἐθέλειν πείθεσθαι τά σε 
καὶ ἀμφότερα περιήκοντα ἀνθρώπων κακῶν ὁμι- 
λίαι σφάλλουσι, κατά περ τὴν πάντων χρήησιμω- 
τάτην ἀνθρώποισι θάλασσαν πνεύματα φασὶ 
ἀνέμων ἐμπίπτοντα ov περιορᾶν φύσι. τῇ ἑωυτῆς 
χρᾶσθαι. ἐμὲ δὲ ἀκούσαντα πρὸς σεῦ κακῶς οὐ 
τοσοῦτο ἔδακε λύπη ὅσον γνωμέων δύο προκειµε- 
νέων Πέρσῃσι, τῆς μὲν ὕβριν αὐξανούσης, τῆς δὲ 
καταπαυούσης καὶ λεγούσης ὡς κακὸν. εἴη διδά- 
ge. τὴν ψυχὴν πλέον τι δίζησθαι αἰεὶ ἔχειν τοῦ 
παρεόντος, τοιουτέων προκειµενέων γνωμέων ὅτι 
τὴν σφαλερωτέρην σεωυτῷ τε καὶ Πέρσῃσι ἆ ἀναιρέο. 
νῦν ὧν, ἐπειδὴ τέτραψαι ἐπὶ τὴν ἀμείνω, φῇς τοι 
μετιέντι τὸν ἐπ ᾿"Ελληνας στόλον ἐπιφοιτᾶν ὅ ὄνειρον 
θεοῦ τινος πομπῇ, οὐκ ἑῶντά σε καταλύειν τὸν 
στόλον. ἀλλ᾽ οὐδὲ ταῦτα ἐστι, ὦ παῖ, θεῖα. ἐνύπνια 
γὰρ. τὰ ἐς ἀνθρώπους πεπλανημένα τοιαῦτα ἐστὶ οἷά 
σε ἐγὼ διδάξω, ἔτεσι σεῦ πολλοῖσι πρεσβύτερος 
ἐών" πεπλανῆσθαι αὗται μάλιστα ἐώθασι αἱ 
ὄψιες τῶν ὀνειράτων, τά τις ἡμέρης. φροντίζει. 
ἡμεῖς δὲ τὰς πρὸ τοῦ ἡμέρας ταύτην τὴν στρατη- 
λασίην καὶ τὸ κάρτα εἴχομεν μετὰ χεῖρας. εἰ δὲ 
ἄρα μή ἐστι τοῦτο τοιοῦτο οἷον ἐγὼ διαιρέω, 
ἀλλά τι τοῦ θείου μετέχον, σὺ πᾶν αὐτὸ συλ- 
λαβὼν εἴρηκας" φανήτω γὰρ δὴ καὶ ἐμοὶ ὡς καὶ 
σοὶ διακελευόμενον. φανῆναι δὲ οὐδὲν. μᾶλλόν 
μοι ὀφείλει ἔχοντι τὴν σὴν ἐσθῆτα ἡ ἢ οὐ καὶ τὴν 
ἐμήν, οὐδέ τι μᾶλλον ἐν κοίτῃ T) on ἀναπαυομένῳ 
ἢ οὐ καὶ ἐν τῇ ἐμῇ, εἴ πέρ γε καὶ ἄλλως ἐθέλει 
φανῆναι. οὐ γὰρ δὴ ἐς τοσοῦτό γε εὐηθείης 


329 


BOOK VII. τό 


I judge it of equal worth whether a man be wise, or 
be willing to obey good counsel; to both of these 
you have attained, but evil communications are your 
bane; even as the sea, who is of all creatures the 
most serviceable to men, is hindered (they say) from 
following his natural bent by the blasts of winds 
that fall upon him. But for myself—it was not the 
hard words I had from you that stung me so much 
as this, that when two opinions were laid before the 
Persians, the one tending to the increase of pride, 
and the other to its abatement, showing how evil a 
thing it is to teach the heart continual desire of more 
than it has, of these two opinions you preferred that 
one which was most fraught with danger to yourself 
and the Persians. Now, therefore, since you are 
turned to the better opinion, you say that while you 
would renounce your expedition against the Greeks 
you are haunted by a dream sent by some god, 
which forbids you to leave off from the expedition. 
But you err again, my son ; this is none of heaven's 
working. The roving dreams that visit men are of 
such nature as you shall learn of me, that am' many 
years older than you. Those visions that rove about 
us in dreams are for the most part the thoughts of 
the day ; and in these latter days we have been very 
earnestly busied about this expedition. But if 
nevertheless this be not such as I determine, and 
have in it somewhat of heaven's will, then you have 
spoken the conclusion of the matter; let it appear 
to me even as it has to you, and utter its command ; 
but if it has ever a mind to appear, I must needs 
see it none the more by virtue of wearing your dress 
instead of mine, and sleeping in your bed rather 
than my own. Whatever be this that appears to 


329 


HERODOTUS 


ἀνήκει τοῦτο, ὅ τι δή κοτε ἐστί, τὸ ἐπιφαινόμενόν 
τοι ἐν τῷ ὕπνῳ, ὥστε δόξει ἐ ἐμὲ ὁρῶν σὲ εἶναι, τῇ 
σῇ ἐσθῆτι τεκμαιρόμενον. εἰ δὲ ἐμὲ μὲν ἐν οὐδενὶ 
λόγῳ ποιήσεται οὐδὲ ἀξιώσει ἐπιφανῆναι, οὔτε ἦν 

τὴν ἐμὴν ἐσθῆτα ἔχω οὔτε ἣν τὴν σήν, ο οὐδὲ ἐ ἐπι- 
φοιτήσει, τοῦτο ἤδη μαθητέον € ἔσται. εἰ γὰρ δὴ 
ἐπιφοιτήσει γε συνεχέως, φαίην ἂν καὶ αὐτὸς 
θεῖον εἶναι. εἰ δέ τοι οὕτω δεδόκηται γίνεσθαι 
καὶ οὐκ οἷά τε αὐτὸ παρατρέψαι, ἀλλ᾽ ἤδη δεῖ ἐμὲ 
ἐν κοίτη τῇ σῇ κατυπνῶσαι, φέρε, τούτων ἐξ ἐμεῦ 
ἐπιτελευμένων φανήτω καὶ ἐμοί. μέχρι δὲ τούτου 
τῇ παρεούσῃ γνώμῃ χρήσομαι.” 

17. Τοσαῦτα εἴπας Ἀρτάβανος, ἐλπίξων Ξέρξην 
ἀποδέξειν λέγοντα οὐδέν, ἐποίεε τὸ κελευόμενον. 
ἐνδὺς δὲ τὴν Ξέρξεω ἐσθῆτα καὶ ἱξόμενος ἐς 
τὸν ᾿Βασιλήιον .θρόνον ὡς μετὰ ταῦτα κοῖτον 
ἐποιέετο, ἦλθέ οἱ κατυπνωμένῳ τὠυτὸ ὄνειρον τὸ 
καὶ παρὰ Ξέρξην ἐφοίτα, ὑπερστὰν δὲ τοῦ ApTa- 
Bávov εἶπε' “Αρα σὺ δὴ κεῖνος εἷς ὁ ἀποσπεύδων 
Ἐἱέρξην στρατεύεσθαι ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα ὡς δὴ 
κηδόμενος αὐτοῦ ; ; AAN οὔτε ἐς τὸ μετέπειτα οὔτε 

ἐς τὸ παραυτίκα νῦν καταπροΐξεαι ἀποτράπων τὸ 
χρεὸν γενέσθαι. Ξέρξην δὲ τὰ δεῖ ἀνηκουστέοντα 
παθεῖν, αὐτῷ ἐκείνῳ δεδήλωται.᾽ E 

18. Ταῦτά τε ἐδόκεε ᾿Αρτάβανος τὸ ὄνειρον 
ἀπειλέειν καὶ θερμοῖσι σιδηρίοισι ἐκκαίειν αὐτοῦ 
μέλλειν τοὺς ὀφθαλμούς. καὶ ὃς ἀμβώσας μέγα 
ἀναθρώσκει, καὶ παριξόµενος Ξέρξῃ, d ὡς τὴν ὄψιν 
οἱ τοῦ ἐνυπνίου διεξῆλθε ἀπηγεόμενος, δεύτερά οἱ 
λέγει τάδε. “ ᾿Εγὼ μέν, w βασιλεῦ, οἷα ἄνθρωπος 
ἰδὼν ἤδη πολλά τε καὶ μεγάλα πεσόντα πρήγ- 
pata ὑπὸ ἡσσόνων, οὐκ ἔων σε τὰ πάντα τῇ 


33° 


BOOK VII. 16-18 


you in your sleep, assuredly it has not come to such 
folly as to infer from your dress that I am you, when 
it sees me. We are now to learn if it will take no 
account of me and not deign to appear and haunt me, 
whether I wear your robes or my own; for if indeed 
it wil] continually be coming, I myself would say that 
it is of heaven’s sending. But if you are resolved 
that so this must be done, and there is no averting 
it, but it has come to this pass, that I must lie down 
to sleep in your bed, so let it be; this duty I will 
fulfil, and let the vision appear also to me. But till 
then I will keep my present opinion." 

17. So saying, Artabanus did as he was bidden, 
hoping to prove Xerxes' words vain; he put on 
Xerxes' robes and sat on the king'sthrone. Presently 
while he slumbered there came to him in his sleep 
the same dream that had haunted Xerxes, and 
standing over him thus it spoke: “ Art thou then he 
that would dissuade Xerxes from marching against 
Hellas, thinking so to protect him? But neither 
hereafter nor now shalt thou go scathless for striving 
to turn aside that which must be. Το Xerxes him- 
self hath it been declared what shall befal him, if he 
disobey.” 

18. With this threat (so it seemed to Artabanus) 
the vision made as though it would burn his eyes 
with hot irons, and he leapt up with a loud cry; then 
sitting by Xerxes he told him all the tale of what he 
had seen in his dream, and next he said: ** O king, 
having seen, as much as a man may, how the greater 
has often been brought low by the less, I was loath 
that you should always give the rein to your youthful 


331 


HERODOTUS 


HALKIN εἴκειν, ἐπιστάμενος ὡς κακὸν εἴη τὸ πολλῶν 
ἐπιθυμέειν, μεμνημένος μὲν τὸν ἐπὶ Μασσαγέτας 
Κύρου στόλον ὡς ἔπρηξε, μεμνημένος. δὲ καὶ τὸν ἐπ᾽ 
Αἰθίοπας τὸν Καμβύσεω, συστρατευόμενος δὲ καὶ 
Δαρείῳ ἐπὶ Σκύθας. ἐπιστάμενος ταῦτα γνώμην 
εἶχον ἀτρεμίξοντά σε μακαριστὸν εἶναι πρὸς 
πάντων ἀνθρώπων. ἐπεὶ δὲ δαιμονίη τις γίνεται 
ὁρμή, καὶ “Ελληνας, ὡς οἶκε, καταλαμβάνει τις 
φθορὴ θεήλατος, ἐ ἐγὼ μὲν καὶ αὐτὸς τράπομαι καὶ 
τὴν γνώμην μετατίθεμαι, σὺ δὲ σήμηνον ο 
Πέρσῃσι τὰ ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ πεμπόμενα, χρᾶσθαι 
κέλευε τοῖσι ἐκ σέο πρώτοισι προειρηµένοισι ἐς 
τὴν παρασκευήν, ποίεε δὲ οὕτω ὅκως τοῦ θεοῦ 
παραδιδόντος τῶν σῶν ἐνδεήσει μηδέν." τούτων, δὲ 
λεχθέντων, ἐνθαῦτα ἐπαερθέντες τῇ ὄψει, ὁ ὡς ἡμέρη 
ἐγένετο τάχιστα, Ξέρξης τε ὑπερετίθετο ταῦτα 
Πέρσῃσι, καὶ ᾿Αρτάβανος, ὃ ὃς πρότερον ἀποσπεύδων 
μοῦνος ἐφαίνετο, τότε ἐπισπεύδων φανερὸς ἦν. 

19. Ὁρμημένῳ δὲ .Fiép£n. στρατηλατέειν μετὰ 
ταῦτα τρίτη ὄψις ἐν τῷ ὕπνῳ ἐγένετο, τὴν οἱ 

Γάγοι ἔκριναν ἀκούσαντες φέρειν τε ἐπὶ πᾶσαν 
γῆν δουλεύσειν τέ οἱ πάντας ἀνθρώπους. ἡ δὲ 
ὄψεις ἦν ἥδε' ἐδόκεε ὁ Ξέρξης ἐστεφανῶσθαι ἐλαίης 
θαλλῷ, ἀπὸ δὲ τῆς -ἐλαίης τοὺς κλάδους γῆν 
πᾶσαν ἐπισχεῖν, μετὰ δὲ ἀφανισθῆναι. περὶ τῇ 
κεφαλῇ κείμενον τὸν στέφανον. κρινάντων δὲ 
ταῦτα τῶν Μάγων, Ἡερσέων | τε τῶν συλλεχθέντων 
αὐτίκα πᾶς ἀνὴρ ἐς τὴν ἀρχὴν τὴν ἑωυτοῦ ἀπελά- 
σας εἶχε προθυμίην πᾶσαν ἐπὶ τοῖσι εἰρημένοισι, 
θέλων αὐτὸς ἕκαστος τὰ προκείμενα δῶρα λαβεῖν, 
καὶ Ξέρξης τοῦ στρατοῦ οὕτω ἐπάγερσιν ποιέεται, 
χῶρον πάντα ἐρευνῶν τῆς ἠπείρου. 
332 


BOOK VII. 18-19 


spirit; for I knew how evil a thing it was to have 
many desires, remembering the end of Cyrus' ex- 
pedition against the Massagetae and Cambyses' 
against the Ethiopians, and having myself marched 
with Darius against the Scythians. Knowing this, I 
judged that you had but to abide in peace for all men 
to deem you fortunate. But since heaven impels, 
and the gods, as it seems, mark Hellas for destruction, 
I myself do change and correct my judgment; and 
do you now declare the god's message to the Persians, 
and bid them obey your first command for all due 
preparation: so act, that nought on your part be 
lacking to the fulfilment of heaven's commission.” 
After this discourse, the vision giving them courage, 
Xerxes when daylight came imparted all this to the 
Persians, and Artabanus now openly persuaded to 
that course from which he alone had before openly 
dissuaded. 

19. After this Xerxes, being now intent on the 
expedition, saw yet a third vision in his sleep, which 
the Magians interpreted to have regard to the whole 
earth and to signify that all men should be his 
slaves. This was the vision: Xerxes thought that 
he was crowned with an olive bough, the shoots of 
which spread over the whole earth, and presently the 
crown vanished from off his head where it was set. 
This the Magians interpreted; and of the Persians who 
had been assembled, every man forthwith rode away 
to his own governorship and there used all zeal to 
fulfil the king’s behest, each desiring to receive the 
promised gifts; and thus it was that Xerxes dealt 
with the mustering of his army, searching out every 
part of the continent, 


333 


HERODOTUS 


20. ᾿Απὸ yap Αἰγύπτου ἁλώσιος ἐπὶ μὲν τέσ- 
cepa, ἔτεα πλήρεα παραρτέετο στρατιήν τε καὶ τὰ 
πρόσφορα τῇ στρατιῇ, πέμπτῳ δὲ ἔτεϊ ἀνομένῳ 
ἐστρατηλάτεε χειρὶ μεγάλῃ πλήθεος. στόλων 
γὰρ τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν πολλῷ δὴ μέγιστος οὗτος 
ἐγένετο, ὥστε μήτε τὸν Δαρείου τὸν ἐπὶ Σκύθας 
παρὰ τοῦτον μηδένα φαίνεσθαι, μήτε τὸν Σκυθικόν, 
ὅτε Σκύθαι Κιμμερίους διώκοντες ἐς τὴν Μηδικὴν 
χώρην ἐσβαλόντες σχεδὸν πάντα τὰ ἄνω τῆς 
᾿Ασίης καταστρεψάμενοι ἐνέμοντο, τῶν εἵνεκεν 
ὕστερον Δαρεῖος ἐτιμωρέετο, μήτε κατὰ τὰ λεγό- 
μενα τὸν ᾿Ατρειδέων ἐς Ἴλιον, μήτε τὸν Μυσῶν τε 
καὶ Τευκρῶν τὸν πρὸ τῶν Τρωικῶν γενόμενον, oi 
διαβάντες ἐς τὴν Εὐρώπην κατὰ Βόσπορον τούς 
τε (Θρήικας κατεστρέψαντο πάντας καὶ ἐπὶ τὸν 
Ἰόνιον πόντον κατέβησαν, μέχρι τε Πηνειοῦ 
ποταμοῦ τὸ πρὸς μεσαμβρίης ἤλασαν. 

2]. Αὗται αἱ πᾶσαι οὐδ᾽ εἰ ἕτεραι πρὸς ταύτῃσι 
προσγενόμεναι στρατηλασίαι μιῆς τῆσδε οὐκ 
ἄξιαι. τί γὰρ οὐκ ἤγαγε ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ασίης ἔθνος ἐπὶ 
τὴν [λλάδα Ξέρξης ; κοῖον δὲ πινόμενόν μιν ὕδωρ 
οὐκ ἐπέλιπε, πλὴν τῶν μεγάλων ποταμῶν ; οἳ 
μὲν γὰρ νέας παρείχοντο, of δὲ ἐς πεζὸν ἐτετάχατο, 
τοῖσι δὲ ἵππος προσετέτακτο, τοῖσι δὲ ἱππαγωγὰ 
πλοῖα ἅμα στρατευομένοισι, τοῖσι δὲ ἐς τὰς 
γεφύρας μακρὰς νέας παρέχειν, τοῖσι δὲ σῖτά τε 
καὶ νέας. 

22. Καὶ τοῦτο μέν, ὡς προσπταισάντων τῶν 
πρώτων περιπλεόντων περὶ τὸν "Αθων προετοιµά- 


1 484-481, 3 Cp. I. 103; IV. 1. 
3 It seems fairly clear that there was some sort of move- 


334 


BOOK VII. 20-22 


20. For full four years 1 from the conquest of Egypt 
he was equipping his host and preparing all that was 
needful therefor; and ere the fifth year was com- 
pleted he set forth on his march with the might of a 
great multitude. Of all armaments whereof we have 
knowledge this was by much the greatest, insomuch 
that none were aught in comparison of it, neither the 
armament that Darius led against the Scythians, nor 
the host of the Scythians when in pursuit of the 
Cimmerians they brake into Media? and subdued and 
ruled wellnigh all the upper lands of Asia, wherefor 
Darius afterwards essayed to punish them, nor—in so 
far as report tells—the armament led by the sons of 
Atreus against Troy, nor that Mysian and Teucrian 
host which before the Trojan war crossed the Bosporus 
into Europe,’ subduing there all the Thracians and 
coming down to the Ionian sea, and marching south- 
ward as far as the river Peneus. 

21. All these armaments and whatsoever others 
have ever been could not together be compared with 
this single one. For what nation did not Xerxes lead 
from Asia against Hellas? What water did not fall 
short of the needs of his host, save only the great 
rivers? Some supplied him with ships, some were 
enrolled in his infantry, some were charged with the 
provision of horsemen, others of horse-bearing trans- 
ports to follow the army, and others again of war- 
ships for the bridges, or of food and ships. 

22. First of all he had now for about three years 
been making all his preparations in regard of Athos, 


ment from the one continent to the other; Herodotus makes 
it from Asia to Europe; but on the evidence it is just as 
likely to have been the other way. See How and Wells, 
ad loc. 


335 


i HERODOTUS 


eTo ἐκ τριῶν ἐτέων κου μάλιστα τὰ ἐς τὸν ᾿Αόων. 
ἐν γὰρ ᾿Βλαιοῦντι τῆς Χερσονήσου ὅ ὅρμεον τριήρεες" 
ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ ὁρμώμενοι ὥρυσσον d^ .μαστίγων 
παντοδαποὶ τῆς στρατιῆς, διάδοχοι δ᾽ ἐφοίτεον' 
ὤρυσσον δὲ καὶ οἱ περὶ τὸν "Alov κατοικημένοι. 
Βουβάρης δὲ ὁ Μεγαβάξου καὶ ᾿Αρταχαίης ὁ 
᾿Αρταίου ἄνδρες Πέρσαι, ἐπέστασαν τοῦ ἔργου. ὁ 
γὰρ Ἄθως ἐστὶ ὄρος μέγα τε καὶ ὀνομαστόν, ἐς 
θάλασσαν κατῆκον, οἰκημένον ὑπὸ ἀνθρώπων. 
τῇ δὲ τελευτᾷ ἐς τὴν ἤπειρον τὸ ὄρος, χερσονη- 
σοειδές τε ἐστὶ καὶ ἰσθμὸς ὡς δυώδεκα σταδίων" 
πεδίον δὲ τοῦτο καὶ κολωνοὶ οὐ μεγάλοι ἐκ θαλάσ- 
σης τῆς ᾿Ακανθίων ἐπὶ θάλασσαν τὴν ἀντίον 
Τορώνης. ἐν δὲ τῷ ἰσθμῷ τούτῳ, ἐς τὸν τελευτᾷ 
o Άθως, Σάνη πόλις Ἑλλὰς οἴκηται, αἳ δὲ 
ἐκτὸς Σάνης, ἔσω δὲ τοῦ Ἄθω οἰκήμέναι, τὰς 
τότε ὁ Πέρσης νησιώτιδας ἀντὶ ἠπειρωτίδων 
ὅρμητο moe’ εἰσὶ δὲ aide, Δῖον ᾿Ολόφυξος 
᾿Ακρόθῳον Θύσσος Κλεωναί. 

23. Πόλιες μὲν αὗται ai τὸν "Αθων νέμονται, 
ὥρυσσον δὲ ὧδε δασάμενοι τὸν χῶρον οἱ βάρ- 
Bapor κατὰ ἔθνεα' κατὰ Σάνην πόλιν σχοινο- 
Teves ποιησάμενοι, ἐπείτε ἐγίνετο βαθέα ἡ Du 
οἳ μὲν κατώτατα ἑστεῶτες ὤρυσσον, ἕτεροι 
παρεδίδοσαν τὸν αἰεὶ ἐξορυσσόμενον οὖν ἄλλοισι 
κατύπερθε ἑστεῶσι ἐπὶ βάθρων, ot Ò ab ἐκδεκό- 
μενοι ἑτέροισι, ἕως ἀπίκοντο ἐς τοὺς ἀνωτάτω" 
οὗτοι δὲ ἐξεφόρεόν τε καὶ ἐξέβαλλον. τοῖσι μέν 
νυν ἄλλοισι πλὴν Φοινίκων καταρρηγνύμενοι οἱ 


1 In spite of the incredulity of antiquity, the canal was 
336 


BOOK VII. 22-23 


inasmuch as they who first essayed to sail round it 
had suffered shipwreck.  Triremes were anchored 
off Elaeus in the Chersonese; with these for their 
headquarters, all sorts and conditions of men in the 
army were made to dig a canal under the lash, 
coming by turns to the work ; and they that dwelt 
about Athos dug likewise. Bubares son of Megabazus 
and Artachaees son of Artaeus, Persians both, were 
the overseers of the workmen. This Athos is a 
mountain great and famous, running out into the 
sea; it is inhabited by men. At the mountain's 
landward end, it is in the form of a peninsula, and 
there is an isthmus of about twelve furlongs’ width ; 
here is a place of level ground or little hills, from the 
sea by Acanthus to the sea which is over against 
Torone. On this isthmus, which is at the end of 
Athos, there stands a Greek town, Sane; there are 
others too seaward of Sane and landward of Athos, 
which it was now the Persians’ intent to make into 
island and not mainland towns; to wit, Dimn, 
Olophyxus, Acrothoum, Thyssus, Cleonae. 

23. These are the towns situate on Athos; and 
the foreigners dug as I shall show,! dividing up the 
ground among their several nations. They drew a 
straight line near to the town of Sane; and when the 
channel had been digged to some depth, some stood 
at the bottom of it and dug, others took the stuff as 
it was digged out and delivered it to yet others that 
stood higher on stages, and they again to others as 
they received it, till they came to those that were 
highest ; these carried it out and castitaway. With 
all save only the Phoenicians the steep sides of the 


no doubt actually made and used. ‘Traces of it are said to 
exist. See, e.g. How and Wells, ad loc. 
337 


VOL. III, Z 


HERODOTUS 


κρημνοὶ τοῦ ὀρύγματος πόνον διπλήσιον παρεῖχον" 
ἆτε γὰρ τοῦ τε ἄνω στόματος καὶ τοῦ κάτω τὰ 
αὐτὰ μέτρα ποιευμένων, ἔμελλέ σφι τοιοῦτο ano- 
βήσεσθαι. ot δὲ Φοίνικες σοφίην. ἔν τε τοῖσι 
ἄλλοισι ἔργοισι ἀποδείκνυνται καὶ δὴ καὶ ἐν 
ἐκείνῳ. ἀπολαχόντες γὰρ μόριον ὅσον αὐτοῖσι 
ἐπέβαλλε, ὤρυσσον τὸ μὲν ἄνω στόμα τῆς 
διώρυχος ποιεῦντες διπλήσιον ἢ ὅσον ἔδεε αὐτὴν 
τὴν διώρυχα γενέσθαι, προβαίνοντος δὲ τοῦ ἔργου 
συνῆγον alei’ κάτω τε δὴ ἐγίνετο καὶ ἐξισοῦτο τοῖσι 
ἄλλοισι τὸ ἔργον. ἐνθαῦτα λειμών ἐστι, ἵνα σφι 
ἀγορή τε ἐγίνετο καὶ πρητήριον' σῖτος δέ σφι 
πολλὸς ἐφοίτα ἐκ τῆς Acus ἀληλεσμένος. 

24. Ὡς μὲν ἐμὲ συμβαλλόμενον εὑρίσκειν, μεγα- 
λοφροσύνης εἵνεκεν αὐτὸ Ξέρξης ὁ ὀρύσσειν ἐκέλευε, 
ἐθέλων τε δύναμιν ἀποδείκνυσθαι καὶ μνημόσυνα 
λυπέσθαι: παρεὸν γὰρ μηδένα πόνον λαβόντας 
τὸν ἐσθμὸν τὰς νέας διειρύσαι, ὀρύσσειν ἐκέλευε 
διώρυχα τῇ θαλάσσῃ εὗρος ὡς δύο τριήρεας 
πλέειν ὁμοῦ ἐλαστρεομένας. τοῖσι δὲ αὐτοῖσι 
τούτοισι, τοῖσί περ καὶ τὸ ὄρυγμα, προσετέτακτο 
καὶ τὸν Στρυμόνα ποταμὸν ξεύξαντας γεφυρῶσαι. 

25. Ταῦτα μέν νυν οὕτω ἐποίεε, παρεσκευάζετο 
δὲ καὶ ὅπλα ἐς τὰς γεφύρας βύβλινά τε καὶ λευ- 
κολίνου, ἐπιτάξας Φοίνιξί τε καὶ Αἰγυπτίοισι, καὶ 
σιτία τῇ στρατιῇ καταβάλλειν, ἵνα μὴ λιμήνειε 7) 
στρατιὴ μηδὲ τὰ ὑποξύγια ἐλαυνόμενα ἐπὶ τὴν 
Ἑλλάδα" ἀναπυθόμενος δὲ τοὺς χώρους κατα- 
βάλλειν ἐκέλευε iva ἐπιτηδεότατον εἴη, ἄλλα 
ἄλλῃ ἀγινέοντας ὀλκάσι τε καὶ πορθμηίοισι ἐκ 
τῆς ᾿Ασίης πανταχόθεν. τὸν δὲ ὧν πλεῖστον ἐς 


338 


BOOK VII. 23-25 


canal brake and fell, doubling the labour thereby ; 
for inasmuch as they made the span of the same 
breadth at its highest and its lowest, this could not 
but happen. But the Phoenicians showed therein 
the same skill as in all else that they do; having 
taken in hand the portion that fell to them, they so 
dug as to make the topmost span of the canal as 
wide again as the canal was to be, and narrowed it 
ever as they wrought lower, till at the bottom their 
work was of the same span as what the rest had 
wrought. There is a meadow hard by, where they 
made a place for buying and marketing; and ever 
and anon much ground grain was brought to them 
from Asia. 

24. As faras I judge by conjecture, Xerxes gave 
command for this digging out of pride, because he 
would display his power and leave memorials of it ; 
for they might very easily have drawn their ships 
across the isthmus; yet he bade them dig a canal 
from sea to sea, wide enough to float two triremes 
rowed abreast. The same men who were charged 
with the digging were also charged to join the 
banks of the river Strymon by a bridge. 

25. Thus did Xerxes accomplish this work; and 
for the bridges he charged the Phoenicians and 
Egyptians with the making of ropes of papyrus and 
white flax,! and storing of provision for his army, 
that neither it nor the beasts of burden in the 
march to Hellas should starve; in such places as 
enquiry showed to be the fittest he bade them store 
it, carrying it to the several places from all parts of 
Asia in vessels of merchandise and transports. For 


1 λευκόλινον is apparently not really flax but '' Esparto 
grass," imported from Spain by the Phoenicians. 


339 


 HERODOTUS 


Λευκὴν ἀκτὴν καλεομένην τῆς Θρηίκης ἀγίνεον, οἳ 
p ἐς Τυρόδιξαν τὴν Περινθίων, οἳ δὲ ἐς Δορίσκον, 

ὃ δὲ ἐς Ἠιόνα τὴν ἐπὶ Στρυμόνι, of δὲ ἐς Maxe- 
Sovins διατεταγμένοι. 

26. Ἐν ᾧ δὲ οὗτοι τὸν προκείμενον πόνον 
ἐργάξοντο, ἐ ἐν τούτῳ ὁ πεζὸς ἅπας συλλελεγμένος 
ἅμα Ξέρξῃ ἐπορεύετο ἐς Σάρδις, ἐκ Κριτάλλων 
ὁρμηθεὶς τῶν ἐν Καππαδοκίῃ' ἐνθαῦτα γὰρ εἴρητο 
συλλέγεσθαι πάντα τὸν KAT ἤπειρον μέλλοντα 
ἅμα αὐτῷ Ξέρξη πορεύεσθαι στρατόν. ὃς μέν 
νυν τῶν ὑπάρχων στρατὸν κάλλιστα ἐσταλμένον 
ἀγαγὼν τὰ προκείμενα παρὰ βασιλέος ἔλαβε 
δῶρα, οὐκ ἔχω φράσαι: οὐδὲ γὰρ. ἀρχὴν ἐς κρίσιν 
τούτου πέρι ἐλθόντας οἶδα. οἳ δὲ ἐπείτε δια- 
βάντες τὸν Αλυν ποταμὸν ὡμίλησαν τῇ Φρυγίῃ, 
δι᾽ αὐτῆς πορευόμενοι ἀπίκοντο ἐς Κελαινάς, i iva 
πηγαὶ ἀναδιδοῦσι Μαιάνδρου ποταμοῦ καὶ ἑτέρου 
οὐκ ἐλάσσονος ἢ Μαιάνδρου, τῷ οὔνομα τυγχάνει 
ἐὸν Καταρρήκτης, ὃς ἐξ αὐτῆς τῆς ἀγορῆς τῆς 
Κελαινέων ἀνατέλλων ἐς τὸν Μαίανδρον ἐκδιδοῦ" 
ἐν τῇ καὶ ὁ τοῦ Σιληνοῦ Μα σύεω ἀσκὸς 
ἀνακρέμαται, τὸν ὑπὸ «Φρυγῶν λόγος ἔχει ὑπὸ 
᾿Απόλλωνος ἐκδαρέντα ἀνακρεμασθῆναι. 

2f. Ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ πόλι ὑποκατήμενος Πύθιος ὁ ὁ 
᾿Ατυος d ἀνὴρ Λυδὸς ἐξείνισε τὴν βασιλέος στρατιὴν 
πᾶσαν ξεινίοισι μεγίστοισι καὶ αὐτὸν Ἐέρξην, 
χρήματά τε ἐπαγγέλλετο βουλόμενος ἐς τὸν 
πόλεμον παρέχειν. ἐπαγγελλομένου δὲ χρήματα 
Πυθίου, εἴρετο Ξέρξης Περσέων τοὺς παρεόντας 


1 This implies a considerable divergence to the south from 
the ‘‘ Royal road," for which see V. 59. Xerxes here turns 


340 


BOOK VII. 25-27 


the corn, they brought that as they were severally 
charged to the White Headland (as it is called) in 
Thrace, or Tyrodiza in the Perinthian country, or 
Doriscus, or Eion on the Strymon, or Macedonia. 

26. While these wrought at their appointed task, 
all the land force had been mustered and was 
marching with Xerxes to Sardis, setting forth from 
Critalla in Cappadocia, which was the mustering- 
place appointed for all the host that was to march 
with Xerxes himself by land. Now which of his 
viceroys received the promised gifts from the king 
for bringing the best-equipped army, I cannot say ; 
for I know not even if the matter was ever deter- 
mined. But when they had crossed the river Halys 
and entered into Phrygia, they marched through 
that country to Celaenae,! where is the source of 
the river Maeander and another as great as the 
Maeander, which is called Cataractes ; it rises in the 
very market-place of Celaenae and issues into 
the Maeander. There also hangs the skin of Marsyas 
the Silenus, of which the Phrygian story tells that 
it was flayed off him and hung up by Apollo.? 

27. In this town sat awaiting them a Lydian, 
Pythius, son of Atys; he entertained Xerxes him- 
self and all the king's army with the best of good 
cheer, and declared himself willing to provide money 
for the war. Pythius thus offering money, Xerxes 
asked the Persians that were about him who this 


south to avoid the difficult route through the Hermes valley, 
probably ; cp. How and Wells, ad loc. 

2 The legend of the contest between Marsyas the flute- 
player and Apollo the lyre-player seems to indicate a change 
in the national music, the importance of which was more 
easily understood by a Greek than it is by us. 


341 


HERODOTUS 


τίς τε ἐὼν ἀνδρῶν. Πύθιος καὶ κόσα Χρήματα 
ἐκτημένος ἐπαγγέλλοιτο ταῦτα. οἳ δὲ εἶπαν '“Ὦ 
Βασιλεῦ, οὗτος ἐστὶ ὅς τοι τὸν πατέρα Δαρεῖον 
ἐδωρήσατο. τῇ πλατανίστῳ τῇ χρυσέῃ καὶ τῇ. 
ἀμπέλφ' ὃς καὶ νῦν ἐστι πρῶτος ἀνθρώπων 
πλούτῳ τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν. μετὰ σέ. 

28. Θωμάσας δὲ τῶν ἐπέων τὸ τελευταῖον 
Ἐέρξης αὐτὸς δεύτερα εἴρετο Πύθιον ὁ ὁκόσα οἱ εἴη 
χρήματα. ὃ δὲ εἶπε“ Ὢ βασιλεῦ, οὔτε σε ἆπο- 
κρύψω οὔτε σκήψομαι τὸ μὴ εἰδέναι τὴν ἐμεωυτοῦ 
οὐσίην, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπιστάμενός TOL ἀτρεκέως καταλέξω. | 
ἐπείτε γὰρ τάχιστά σε ἐπυθόμην ἐπὶ θάλασσαν 
καταβαίνοντα τὴν “Ελληνίδα, βουλόμενός τοι 
δοῦναι ἐ ἐς τὸν πόλεμον χρήματα. ἐξεμάνθανον, καὶ 
εὗρον λογιζόμενος å ἀργυρίου μὲν δύο χιλιάδας ἐ ἐούσας 
μοι ταλάντων, χρυσίου δὲ τετρακοσίας" μυριάδας 
στατήρων Δαρεικῶν ἐπιδεούσας ἑπτὰ χιλιάδων. 
καὶ τούτοισί σε ἐγὼ δωρέομαι, αὐτῷ δέ μοι ἀπὸ 
ἀνδραπόδων τε καὶ γεωπέδων ἀρκέων ἐστὶ Bios.” 

29. “O pev ταῦτα 1 ἔλεγε, Ξέρξης δὲ ἡσθεὶς τοῖσι 
εἰρημένοισι εἶπε ««Εεῖνε Λυδέ, ἐγὼ ἐπείτε ἐξῆλθον 
τὴν Περσίδα χώρην, οὐδενὶ ἀνδρὶ συνέμιξα ἐ ἐς τόδε 
ὅστις ἠθέλησε ξείνια προθεῖναι στρατῷ τῷ ἐμῷ, 
οὐδὲ ὅ ὅστις ἐς ὄψιν τὴν ἐμὴν καταστὰς αὐτεπάγ- 
γελτος ἐς τὸν πόλεμον ἐμοὶ ἠθέλησε συμβαλέσθαι 
χρήματα, ἔξω σεῦ. σὺ δὲ καὶ ἐξείνισας μεγάλως 
στρατὸν τὸν ἐμὸν καὶ χρήματα μεγάλα ἐπαγγέλ.- 
λεαι. σοὶ ὧν ἐγὼ ἆ ἀντὶ αὐτῶν γέρεα τοιάδε δίδωμι 
ξεῖνόν τέ σε ποιεῦμαι ἐμὸν καὶ τὰς τετρακοσίας 
μυριάδας τοι τῶν στατήρων ἀποπλήσω παρ᾽ 
ἐμεωυτοῦ, δοὺς τὰς ἑπτὰ χιλιάδας, ἵνα μή τοι 
ἐπιδεέες ἔωσι αἱ τετρακόσιαι μυριάδες ἑπτὰ χιλιά- 


342 


BOOK VII. 27-29 


Pythius was that offered it and how much wealth 
he possessed: * O king," said they, “this is he who 
gave your father Darius that gift of a golden plane- 
tree and vine; and now he is, next to yourself, the 
richest man of whom we have knowledge." 

28. Marvelling at this last saying, Xerxes next 
himself asked Pythius how much wealth he had. “Ο 
king," said Pythius, “I will not conceal the quantity 
of my substance from you, nor pretend that I do not 
know it ; I know and will tell you the exact truth. As 
soon as I learnt that you were coming down to the 
Greek sea, being desirous to give you money for the 
war, I enquired into the matter, and my reckoning 
showed me that I had two thousand talents of silver, 
and of gold four million Daric staters! lacking seven 
thousand. All this I freely give to you; for myself, 
I have a sufficient livelihood from my slaves and my 
farms." 

29. Thus he spoke; Xerxes was pleased with 
what he said, and replied: “My Lydian friend, 
since I came out of Persia I have met with no 
man yet who was willing to give hospitality to my 
army, nor any who came of his own motion into my 
presence and offered to furnish money for the war, 
save you alone. But you have entertained my army 
nobly, and offer me great sums. Therefore in return 
for this I give you these privileges: I make you my 
friend, and of my own wealth I give you the seven 
thousand staters which will make up your full tale 
of four millions, that your four millions may not . 
lack the seven thousand, but by my completing of 


'The Daric stater was equivalent to about 22s. of our 
money. 


343 


HERODOTUS 


Sav, ἀλλὰ 7) TOL ἀπαρτιλογίη UT ἐμέο TETAN- 
ρωμένη. ExT TO TE αὐτὸς τά περ αὐτὸς € κτήσαο, 
επίστασό τε εἶναι αἰεὶ τοιοῦτος" οὐ γάρ τοι ταῦτα 
ποιεῦντι οὔτε ἐς τὸ παρεὸν οὔτε ἐς χρόνον µετα- 
µελήσει. 

90. Ταῦτα δὲ εἴπας καὶ ἐπιτελέα ποιήσας ἐπο- 
ρεύετο τὸ πρόσω αἰεὶ. "Avava δὲ καλεομένην 
Φρυγῶν πόλιν παραμειβόμενος καὶ λίμνην ἐκ τῆς 
ἅλες γίνονται, ἀπίκετο ἐς Κολοσσὰς πόλιν μεγά- 
Anv Φρυγίης: ἐν τῇ Λύκος ποταμὸς ἐς χάσμα γῆς 
ἐσβάλλων ἀφανίζεται, ἔπειτα διὰ σταδίων ὡς 
πέντε μάλιστά Kn ἀναφαινόμενος ἐκδιδοῖ καὶ 
οὗτος ἐς τὸν Μαίανδρον. ἐκ δὲ Κολοσσέων ὁ 
στρατὸς ὁρμώμενος ἐπὶ τοὺς οὔρους τῶν Φρυγῶν 
καὶ Λυδῶν a ἀπίκετο ἐς Κύδραρα πόλιν, ἔνθα στήλη 
καταπεπηγυῖα, σταθεῖσα δὲ ὑπὸ Κροίσου, κατα- 
d διὰ γραμμάτων τοὺς οὔρους. 

Ὡς δὲ ἐκ τῆς Φρυγίης ἐσέβαλε é ἐς τὴν Λυδίην, 
ών τῆς ὁδοῦ καὶ τῆς μὲν ἐς ἀριστερὴν 
ἐπὶ Καρίης φερούσης τῆς δὲ ἐς δεξιὴν ἐς Σάρδις, 
τῇ καὶ πορευομένῳ διαβῆναι τὸν Μαίανδρον ποτα- 
μὸν πᾶσα ἀνάγκη γίνεται καὶ ἰέναι παρὰ Καλ- 
λάτηβον πόλιν, ἐν τῇ ἄνδρες δημιοεργοὶ μέλι ἐκ 
μυρίκης τε καὶ πυροῦ ποιεῦσι, ταύτην ἰὼν ὁ Ἑέρξης 
τὴν ὁδὸν εὗρε πλατάνιστον, τὴν κάλλεος εἵνεκα 
δωρησάμενος κόσμῳ χρυσέῳ καὶ μελεδωνῷ ἆθα- 
νάτῳ ἀνδρὶ ἐπιτρέψας δευτέρῃ ἡμέρῃ ἀπίκετο ἐς 
τῶν Λυδῶν τὸ ἄστυ. 

32. ᾽Απικόμενος δὲ ἐς Σάρδις πρῶτα μὲν ἀπέ- 
πέμπε κήρυκας ἐς τὴν Ἑλλάδα αἰτήσοντας γῆν τε 
καὶ ὕδωρ καὶ προερέοντας δεῖπνα βασιλέι tapa- 


344 


BOOK VII. 29-32 


it you may have the full and exact tale. Continue 
yourself in possession of that which you now possess, 
and have skill ever to be such as yoy are ; for neither 
now nor hereafter shall you repent of what you 
now do." 

30. Having thus spoken and made his words 
good Xerxes journeyed ever further. Passing by 
the Phrygian town called Anaua, and the lake from 
which salt is gotten, he came to Colossae, a great 
city in Phrygia; wherein the river Lycus plunges 
into a cleft in the earth out of sight,! till it appears 
again about five furlongs away and issues like the 
other river into the Maeander. From Colossae the 
army held its course for the borders of Phrygia and 
Lydia, and came to the town Cydrara, where stands 
a pillar set up by Croesus, with a writing thereon to 
mark the boundary. 

9l. Passing from Phrygia into Lydia, he came to 
the place where the roads part, the left hand road 
bearing towards Caria and the right hand to Sardis, 
by which latter way the traveller must needs cross 
the river Maeander and pass by the town of 
Callatebus, where craftsmen make honey out of 
wheat and tamarisks ; by this road went Xerxes, and 
found a plane-tree, to which for its beauty he gave 
adornment of gold, and charged one of his immortals 
to guard it; and on the next day he came to the 
chief city of the Lydians. 

32. Having arrived in Sardis, he first sent heralds 
to Hellas to demand earth and water and command 
the preparation of meals for the king; to all other 


1 The Lycus here flows in a narrow gorge, but there is no 
indication of its ever having flowed underground, except for 
& few yards. l 


345 


HERODOTUS 


σκευάζειν' πλὴν οὔτε ἐς ᾿Αθήνας οὔτε ἐς Λακεδαί- 
μονα ἀπέπεμπε ἐπὶ γῆς αἴτησιν, τῇ δὲ ἄλλη 
πάντῃ. τῶνδε ge εἵνεκα τὸ δεύτερον ἀπέπεμπε 
ἐπὶ γῆν τε καὶ ὕδωρ᾽ ὅσοι πρότερον οὐκ ἔδοσαν 
Δαρείῳ πέμψαντι, τούτους πάγχυ ἐδόκεε τότε 
δείσαντας δώσειν βουλόμενος ὧν αὐτὸ τοῦτο 
ἐκμαθεῖν ἀκριβέως ἔπεμπε. 

33. Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα παρεσκευάξετο ὡς ἐλῶν ἐς 
"Αβνυδον. o? δὲ ἐν τούτῳ τὸν Ελλήσποντον ἐξεύ- 
γνυσαν ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ασίης ἐς τὴν Εὐρώπην. ἔστι δὲ 
τῆς Χερσονήσου τῆς ἐν “Ἑλλησπόντῳ, Σηστοῦ τε 
πόλιος μεταξὺ καὶ Μαδύτου, ἀκτὴ παχέα ἐς 
θάλασσαν κατήκουσα ᾿Αβύδῳ καταντίον" ἔνθα 
μετὰ ταῦτα, χρόνῳ ὕστερον οὐ πολλῷ, ἐπὶ 
Ἐανθίππου τοῦ ᾿Αρίφρονος στρατηγοῦ ᾿Αθηναῖοι 
᾿Αρταὔκτην ἄνδρα Πέρσην λαβόντες Σηστοῦ 
ὕπαρχον ζῶντα πρὸς σανίδα διεπασσάλευσαν, ὃς 
καὶ ἐς τοῦ Πρωτεσίλεω τὸ ἱρὸν ἐς ᾿Ελαιοῦντα 
ἀγινεόμενος γυναῖκας ἀθέμιστα ἔρδεσκε. 

34. Ἔς ταύτην ὧν τὴν ἀκτὴν ἐξ ᾿Λβύδου ὁρμώ- 
μενοι ἐγεφύρουν τοῖσι προσέκειτο, τὴν μὲν λευ- 
κολίνου Φοίνικες, τὴν δ᾽ ἑτέρην τὴν βυβλίνην 
Αἰγύπτιοι. ἔστι δὲ ἑπτὰ στάδιοι ἐξ ᾿Αβύδου ἐς 
τὴν ἀπαντίον. καὶ δὴ ἐξευγμένου τοῦ πόρου ἐπι- 
γενόμενος χειμὼν μέγας συνέκοψέ τε ἐκεῖνα πάντα 
καὶ διέλυσε. 

35. Ὡς & ἐπύθετο Ξέρξης, δεινὰ ποιεύμενος 
τὸν 'Ελλήσποντον ἐκέλευσε τριηκοσίας ἐπικέσθαι 
μάστιγι πληγὰς καὶ κατεῖναι ἐς τὸ πέλαγος πεδέων 


1 Between the modern bays of Zemenik (Sestos) and Kilia τ 
some four miles broad, 


346 


BOOK VII. 32-35 


places he sent to demand earth, only neither to 
Athens nor to Lacedaemon. The reason of his 
sending for earth and water the second time was 
this—he fully believed that as many as had formerly 
not given it to Darius messengers, would now be 
compelled to give by fear; and he sent because he 
desired to know this of a surety. 

33. After this he prepared to march to Abydos; 
and meanwhile his men were bridging the Ηε]]ες- 
pont from Asia to Europe. On the Chersonese, 
which is by the Hellespont, there is between the 
town of Sestus and Madytus a broad headland! 
running out into the sea over against Abydos; it 
was here that not long after this the Athenians with 
Xanthippus son of Ariphron for general took 
Artajctes a Persian, who was governor of Sestus, 
and crucified him alive; he had even been wont to 
bring women into the temple of Protesilaus at Elaeus 
and do impious deeds there. 

34. Beginning then from Abydos they whose 
business it was made bridges across to that headland, 
the Phoenicians one of flaxen cables, and the 
Egyptians the second, which was of papyrus. From 
Abydos to the opposite shore it is a distance ot 
seven furlongs.? But no sooner had the strait been 
bridged than a great storm swept down and brake 
and scattered all that work. 

35. When Xerxes heard of that, he was very 
angry, and gave command that the Hellespont be 
scourged with three hundred lashes, and a pair of 


* The modern width at the narrowest part is nearly half 
as much again ; perhaps this cau be explained by the washing 
away of the coasts, due to a current which strikes them near 
Sestos and rebounds on Abydos. 


347 


HERODOTUS 


ζεῦγος. ἤδη δὲ ἤκουσα ὡς καὶ στιγέας ἅμα τού- 
τοισι ἀπέπεμψε στίξοντας τὸν Ελλήσποντον. 
ἐνετέλλετο δὲ ὧν ῥαπίξοντας λέγειν βάρβαρά τε 
καὶ ἀτάσθαλα. ‘OQ πικρὸν ὕδωρ, εσπότης τοι 
δίκην ἐπιτιθεῖ τήνδε, ὅτι μιν ἠδίκησας οὐδὲν πρὸς 
ἐκείνου ἄδικον παθόν. καὶ βασιλεὺς μὲν Ξέρξης 
διαβήσεταί σε, nv τε σύ γε βούλῃ ἤν τε μή" σοὶ 
δὲ κατὰ δίκην ἆ ἄρα οὐδεὶς ἀνθρώπων θύει ὡς ἐόντι 
καὶ θολερῷ καὶ ἁλμυρῷ ποταμῷ." τήν τε δὴ 
θάλασσαν ἐνετέλλετο τούτοισι ζημιοῦν. καὶ τῶν 
ἐπεστεώτων τῇ ξεύξι τοῦ Ἑλλησπόντου ἀποταμεῖν 
τὰς κεφαλάς. 

36. Kai οἳ μὲν ταῦτα ἐποίεον, τοῖσι προσέκειτο 
αὕτη ἡ ἄχαρις τιμή, τὰς δὲ ἄλλοι ἀρχιτέκτονες 
ἐξεύγνυσαν. ἐξεύγνυσαν δὲ ὧδε, πεντηκοντέρους 
καὶ τριήρεας συνθέντες, ὑπὸ μὲν τὴν πρὸς τοῦ 
Εὐξείνου πόντου ἐξήκοντά τε καὶ τριηκοσίας, ὑπὸ 
δὲ τὴν ἑτέρην τεσσερεσκαίδεκα καὶ τριηκοσίας, 
τοῦ uev, Πόντου ἐπικαρσίας τοῦ δὲ Ἑλλησπόντου 
κατὰ ῥόον, ἵνα ἀνακωχεύῃ τὸν τόνον τῶν ὅπλων' 
συνθέντες δὲ ἀγκύρας κατῆκαν περιµήκεας, τὰς 
μὲν πρὸς τοῦ Πόντου τῆς ἑτέρης τῶν ἀνέμων 
εἵνεκεν τῶν ἔσωθεν ἐκπνεόντων, τῆς δὲ ἑτέρης 
πρὸς ἑσπέρης τε καὶ τοῦ Αἰγαίου ζεφύρου τε καὶ 
νότου εἵνεκα. διέκπλοον δὲ ὑπόφαυσιν κατέλιπον 
τῶν πεντηκοντέρων καὶ τριηρέων, ἵνα καὶ ἐς τὸν 
Πόντον ἔχῃ ὁ βουλόμενος πλέειν πλοίοισι λεπ- 
τοῖσι καὶ ἐκ τοῦ Πόντου ἔξω. ταῦτα δὲ ποιή- 


! Or it may mean, as Stein thinks, that the ships of the 
upper or N.E. bridge were ἐπικαρσίαι, and those of the lower 
or N.W. one were κατὰ ῥόον, For a discussion of the various 


349 


BOOK VII. 35-36 


fetters be thrown into the sea; nay, I have heard 
ere now that he sent branders with the rest to brand 
the Hellespont. This is certain, that he charged 
them while they scourged to utter words outlandish 
and presumptuous: “ Thou bitter water," they should 
say, “our master thus punishes thee, because thou 
didst him wrong albeit he had done thee none. Yea, 
Xerxes the king will pass over thee, whether thou 
wilt or no; it is but just that no man offers thee 
sacrifice, for thou art a turbid and a briny river." 
Thus he commanded that the sea should be punished, 
and that they who had been overseers of the bridging 
of the Hellespont should be beheaded. 

36. So this was done by those who were appointed 
to that thankless honour ; and new masters of their 
craft set about making the bridges. The manner of 
their doing it was as I will show. That they might 
lighten the strain of the cables, they laid fifty-oared 
ships and triremes alongside of each other, three 
hundred and sixty to bear the bridge that was 
nearest to the Euxine sea, and three hundred and 
fourteen to bear the other; all lay obliquely to the 
line of the Pontus and parallel with the current of 
the Hellespont.! Having so laid the ships alongside 
they let down very great anchors, both from the 
end of the ship nearest the Pontus to hold fast 
against the winds blowing from within that sea, and 
from the other end, towards the west and the 
Aegean, to hold against the west and south winds. 
Moreover they left for passage an opening in the 
line of fifty-oared ships and triremes, that so he that 
would might be able to voyage to the Pontus, or out 


difficulties and interpretations of the whole passage, see How 
and Wells’ notes, ad loc. 


349 


HERODOTUS 


σαντες κατέτεινον ἐκ γῆς στρεβλοῦντες ὄνοισι 
ξυλίνοισι τὰ ὅπλα, οὐκέτι χωρὶς ἑκάτερα τάξαν- 
τες, ἀλλὰ δύο μὲν λευκολίνου δασάμενοι ἐς 
ἑκατέρην, τέσσερα δὲ τῶν βυβλίνων. παχύτης 
μὲν ἣν ἡ αὐτὴ καὶ καλλονή, κατὰ λόγον δὲ ἐμβριθέ- 
στερα ἦν τὰ λίνεα, τοῦ τάλαντον 0 πῆχυς εἷλκε. 
ἐπειδὴ δὲ ἐγεφυρώθη ὁ πόρος, κορμοὺς ξύλων 
καταπρίσαντες καὶ ποιήσαντες ἴσους τῆς σχεδίης 
τῷ εὔρεϊ κόσμῳ ἐτίθεσαν κατύπερθε τῶν ὅπλων 
τοῦ τόνου, θέντες δὲ ἐπεξῆς ἐνθαῦτα αὖτις ἐπεξεύ- 
γννον" ποιήσαντες δὲ ταῦτα ὕλην ἐπεφόρησαν, 
κόσμῳ δὲ θέντες καὶ τὴν ὕλην γῆν ἐπεφόρησαν, 
κατανάξαντες δὲ καὶ τὴν P φραγμὸν παρείρυσαν 
ἔνθεν καὶ ἔνθεν, í ἵνα μὴ φοβ έηται τὰ ὑποζύγια τὴν 
θάλασσαν ὗ ὑπερορῶντα καὶ οἱ ἵπποι. 

87. Ὡς δὲ τά τε τῶν γεφυρέων κατεσκεύαστο 
καὶ τὰ περὶ τὸν "Αθων, οἵ τε χυτοὶ περὶ τὰ 
στόματα τῆς , Siwpuxos, of τῆς ῥηχίης εἵνεκεν 
ἐποιήθησαν, ἵνα μὴ πίμπληται τ στόµατα τοῦ 
ὀρύγματος, καὶ αὐτὴ ἡ διῶρυξ παντελέως πεποιη- 
μένη ἀγγέλλετο, ἐνθαῦτα χειμερίσας ἅμα τῷ ds 
παρεσκευασμένος ὁ στρατὸς ἐκ τῶν .Σαρδί ίων 
ὀρμᾶτο ἐλῶν ἐς "Αβυδον' ὁρμημένῳ δέ οἱ ὁ ἥλιος 
ἐκλιπὼν τὴν ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ ἕδρην ἀφανὴς ἦν οὔτ᾽ 
ἐπινεφέλων ἐόντων. αἰθρίης τε τὰ μάλιστα, ἀντὶ 
ἡμέρης τε νὺξ ἐγένετο. ἰδόντι δε καὶ μαθόντι 
τοῦτο τῷ Ξέρξῃ ἐπιμελὲς ἐγένετο, καὶ εἴρετο τοὺς 
Μάγους τὸ θέλει προφαίνειν τὸ φάσμα, οἳ δὲ 
μα ὡς Ἓλλησι προδεικνύει ὁ θεὸς ἔκλειψιν 


1 About 80 lbs. 
2 i.e. the line of ships supporting the cables. 


359 


BOOK VII. 36-37 


of it. Having so done, they stretched the cables from 
the land, twisting them taut with wooden windlasses ; 
and they did not as before keep the two kinds apart, 
but assigned for each bridge two cables of flax and 
four of papyrus. All these were of the same thick- 
ness and fair appearance, but the flaxen were 
heavier in their proportion, a cubit thereof weighing 
a talent! When the strait was thus bridged, they 
sawed balks of wood to a length equal to the breadth 
of the floating supports,? and laid them in order on 
the taut cables, and having set them alongside they 
then made them fast. This done, they heaped 
brushwood on to the bridge, and when this was all 
laid in order they heaped earth on it and stamped 
it down; then they made a fence on either side, 
lest the beasts of burden and horses should be 
affrighted by the sight of the sea below them. 

37. When the bridges and the work at Athos 
were ready, and the moles at the canal's entrances, 
that were built to prevent the surf from silting up 
the entrances of the digged passage, and the canal 
itself was reported to be now perfectly made, the 
army then wintered, and at the beginning of spring? 
was ready and set forth from Sardis to march to 
Abydos. When they had set forth, the sun left his 
place in the heaven and was unseen, albeit the sky 
was without clouds and very clear, and the day was 
turned into night. When Xerxes saw and took 
note of that, he was moved to think upon it, and 
asked the Magians what the vision might signify. 
They declared to him, that the god was showing to 
the Greeks the desolation of their cities; for the 


* Probably about the middle of April 480. 
354 


HERODOTUS 


τῶν πολίων, λέγοντες ἥλιον εἶναι Ελλήνων προ- 
δέκτορα, σελήνην δὲ σφέων. ταῦτα πυθόμενος ὁ 
POETE dir ain ἐὼν ἐποιέετο τὴν ἔλασιν, 

Ὡς & ἐξήλαυνε τὴν στρατιήν, Πύθιος ὁ 
fine καταρρωδήσας τὸ ἐκ τοῦ οὐρανοῦ τ 
ἐπαερθείς τε τοῖσι δωρήμασι, ἐλθὼν παρὰ Ξέρξην 
ἔλεγε τάδε. ‘CQ δέσποτα, χρηίσας ἄν τι σεῦ 
βουλοίμην τυχεῖν, τὸ σοὶ μὲν ἐλαφρὸν τυγχάνει 
ἐὸν ὑπουργῆσαι, ἐμοὶ δὲ μέγα γενόμενον.” Εέρξης 
δὲ πᾶν μᾶλλον δοκέων uy xpnia ew ἦ τὸ ἐδεήθη, 
ἔφη τε ὑπουργήσειν καὶ δὴ ἀγορεύειν ἐκέλευε ὅτευ 
δέοιτο. ὃ δὲ ἐπείτε ταῦτα ἤκουσε, ἔλεγε θαρσή- 
σας τάδε. O δέσποτα, τυγχάνουσί μοι παΐδες 
ἐόντες πέντε, καί σφεας καταλαμβάνει πάντας 
ἅμα σοὶ στρατεύεσθαι ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα. σὺ δέ, 
à βασιλεῦ, ἐμὲ ἐς τόδε ἡλικίης ἥκοντα οἰκτείρας 
τῶν μοι παίδων ἕνα παράλυσον τῆς στρατηΐης 
τὸν πρεσβύτατον, iva αὐτοῦ τε ἐμεῦ καὶ τῶν 
χρημάτων ῇ μελεδωνός: τοὺς δὲ τέσσερας. ἄγευ 
ἅμα σεωυτῷ, καὶ πρήξας τὰ νοέεις νοστήσειας 
ὀπίσω. 

39. Kapra TE ἐθυμώθη ὁ 0 Ξέρξη» καὶ ἀμείβετο 
τοῖσιδε. ‘CQ κακὲ ἄνθρωπε, σὺ ἐτόλμησας, ἐμεῦ 
στρατευομένου αὐτοῦ ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα καὶ ἄγοντος 
παῖδας ἐμοὺς καὶ ἀδελφεοὺς καὶ oixnious καὶ 
φίλους, μνήσασθαι περὶ σέο παιδός, ἐὼν ἐμὸς 
δοῦλος, τὸν Χρῆν πανοικίῃ αὐτῇ τῇ γυναικὶ συν- 
έπεσθαι; εὖ νυν τόδ᾽ ἐξεπίστασο, ὡς ἐν τοῖσι ὠσὶ 
τῶν «ἀνθρώπων οἰκέει ὁ θυμός, ὃς χρηστὰ μὲν 
ἀκούσας τέρψιος ἐμπιπλεῖ τὸ σῶμα, ὑπεναντία 
δὲ τούτοισι ἀκούσας ἀνοιδέει. ὅτε μέν νυν χρηστὰ 
ποιήσας ἕτερα τοιαῦτα ἐπηγγέλλεο, εὐεργεσίῃσι 


352 


BOOK VII. 37-39 


sun (they said) was the prophet of the Greeks, as 
the moon was theirs. Xerxes rejoiced exceedingly to 
hear that, and kept on his march. 

38. As he led his army away, Pythius the Lydian, 
being affrighted by the heavenly vision and encour- 
aged by the gifts that he had received, came to 
Xerxes and said, “Sire, I have a boon to ask that 
I desire of you, easy for you to grant and precious 
for me to receive.” Xerxes, supposing that Pythius 
would demand anything rather than what he did 
verily ask, answered that he would grant the boon, 
and bade him declare what he desired. Thereupon 
Pythius took courage and said: ‘Sire, I have five 
sons, and all of them are constrained to march with 
you against Hellas. I pray you, O king! take pity 
on me that am so old, and release one of my sons, 
even the eldest, from service, that he may take care 
of me and of my possessions; take the four others 
with you, and may you return back with all your 
design accomplished." 

39. Xerxes was very angry, and thus replied: 
« Villain, you see me myself marching against Hellas, 
and taking with me my sons and brothers and kins- 
folk and friends; and do you, my slave—who should 
have followed me with all your household and your 
very wife—speak to me of your son? Then be well 
assured of this, that a man's spirit dwells in his 
ears; when it hears good words it fills the whole 
body with delight, but when it hears the contrary 
thereto it swells with anger. At that time when 
you did me good service and promised more, you 


^ 353 
VOL. III. AA 


HERODOTUS 


βασιλέα οὐ καυχήσεαι ὑπερβαλέσθαι' ἐπείτε δὲ 
ἐς τὸ ἀναιδέστερον ἐτράπευ, τὴν μὲν ἀξίην οὗ 
λάμψεαι, ἐλάσσω δὲ τῆς ἀξίης. σὲ μὲν γὰρ καὶ 
τοὺς τέσσερας τῶν παίδων ῥύεται | τὰ ξείνια τοῦ 
δὲ ἑνός, τοῦ περιέχεαι μάλιστα, τῇ γυχῇ ζημιώ- 
ceat." ὡς δὲ ταῦτα ὑπεκρίνατο, αὐτίκα ἐκέλευε 
τοῖσι προσετέτακτο ταῦτα πρήσσειν, τῶν Πυθίου 
παίδων ἐξευρόντας τὸν πρεσβύτατον μέσον δια- 
ταμεῖν, διαταμόντας δὲ τὰ ἡμίτομα διαθεῖναι τὸ 
μὲν ἐπὶ δεξιὰ τῆς ὁδοῦ τὸ δ᾽ én’ ἀριστερά, καὶ 
ταύτῃ διεξιέναι τὸν στρατόν. 

40. Ποιησάντων δὲ τούτων τοῦτο, μετὰ ταῦτα 
διεξήιε ὁ στρατός. ἡγέοντο δὲ πρῶτοι μὲν οἱ 
σκευοφόροι τε καὶ. τὰ ὑποζύγια, μετὰ δὲ τούτους 
σύμμικτος στρατὸς παντοίων ἐθνέων ἀναμίξ, οὐ 
διακεκριμένοι" τῇ δὲ ὑπερημίσεες ἦσαν, ἐνθαῦτα 
διελέλειπτο, καὶ οὐ συνέμισγον οὗτοι βασιλει. 
προηγεῦντο μὲν δὴ ἱππόται χίλιοι, ἐκ Περσέων 
πάντων ἀπολελεγμένοι' μετὰ δὲ αἰχμοφόροι χίλιοι 
καὶ οὗτοι ἐκ πάντων ἀπολελεγμένοι, τὰς λόγχας 
κάτω ἐς τὴν γῆν τρέψαντες' μετὰ δὲ i ἱροὶ Νησαῖοι 
καλεόμενοι ἵπποι δέκα κεκοσμημένοι es κάλλιστα. 
Νησαῖοι δὲ καλέονται t ἵπποι ἐπὶ τοῦδε' ἔστι πεδίον 
μέγα τῆς Μηδικῆς τῷ οὔνομα ἐστὶ Νήσαιον' τοὺς 
ὧν δὴ ἵππους τοὺς μεγάλους φέρει τὸ πεδίον 
τοῦτο. ὄπισθε δὲ τούτων, τῶν δέκα | ἵππων ἅρμα 
Διὸς i ἱρὸν ἐπετέτακτο, τὸ ἵπποι μὲν εἷλκον λευκοὶ 
ὀκτώ, ὄπισθε δὲ αὖ τῶν ἵππων εἵπετο πεζῇ 
ἡνίοχος ἐχόμενος τῶν χαλινῶν' οὐδεὶς γὰρ δὴ € ἐπὶ 
τοῦτον τὸν θρόνον eer ἐπιβαίνει. τούτου 
δὲ ὄπισθε αὐτὸς Ἐέρξης ἐπ ἅρματος ἵππων 


354 


BOOK VII. 39-40 


will never boast that you outdid your king in the 
matter of benefits; and now that you have turned 
aside to the way of shamelessness, you shall receive 
a lesser requital than you merit. You and four of 
your sons are saved by your hospitality ; but you 
shall be mulcted in the life of that one whom you 
most desire to keep." With that reply, he straight- 
way bade those who were charged to do the like to 
find the eldest of Pythius' sons and cut him asunder, 
then having so done to set the one half of his body 
on the right hand of the road and the other on the 
left, that the army might pass this way between 
them. 

40. This they did, and the army passed between. 
First went the baggage train and the beasts of 
burden, and after them a mixed host of all sorts 
of nations, not according to their divisions but all 
mingled together; when more than half had passed 
there was a space left, and these latter came not 
near the king. After that, first came a thousand 
horsemen, chosen out of all Persians; next, a 
thousand spearmen, picked men like the others, 
carrying their spears reversed ; and after them, ten 
horses of the breed called Nesaean, equipped with 
all splendour. The horses are called Nesaean, 
because there is in Media a wide plain of that name, 
where the great horses are bred. Behind these ten 
horses was the place of the sacred chariot of Zeus,! 
drawn by eight white horses, the charioteer on foot 
following the horses and holding the reins; for no 
mortal man may mount into that seat. After these 
came Xerxes himself in a chariot drawn by Nesaean 


1 That is, of Ormuzd. 
355 


ΑΑ 2 


HERODOTUS 


Νησαίων' παραβεβήκεε δέ οἱ ἡνίοχος τῷ οὔνομα 
ἦν Ἡατιράμφης, Ὀτάνεω ἀνδρὸς Πέρσεω παῖς. 

4]. ᾿Εξήλασε μὲν οὕτω ἐκ Σαρδίων EépEns, 
μετεκβαίνεσκε δέ, ὅκως μιν λόγος αἱρέοι, ἐκ τοῦ 
ἅρματος ἐς ἁρμάμαξαν. αὐτοῦ δὲ ὄπισθε αἰχμο- 
φόροι Περσέων οἱ ἄριστοί τε καὶ γενναιότατοι 
χίλιοι, κατὰ νόμον τὰς λόγχας ἔχοντες, μετὰ, δὲ 
ἵππος ἄλλη χιλίη ἐκ Περσέων ἀπολελεγμένη, 
μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἵππον ἐκ τῶν λοιπῶν Περσέων 
ἀπολελεγμένοι μύριοι. οὗτος πεξὸς ἦν' καὶ 
τούτων χίλιοι μὲν ἐπὶ τοῖσι δόρασι ἀντὶ τῶν 
σαυρωτήρων ῥοιὰς. εἶχον χρυσέας καὶ πέριξ 
συνεκλήιον τοὺς ἄλλους, οἱ δὲ εἰνακισχίλιοι 
ἐντὸς τούτων ἐόντες -ἀργυρέας ῥοιὰς εἶχον' εἶχον 
δὲ χρυσέας ῥοιὰς καὶ οὗ ἐς τὴν γῆν τράποντες τὰς 
λόγχας, καὶ μῆλα οἱ ἄγχιστα ἑπόμενοι Ἐέρξῃ. 
τοῖσι δὲ μυρίοισι ἐπετέτακτο ἵππος Περσέων 
μυρίη. μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἵππον διέλειπε καὶ δύο 
σταδίους, καὶ ἔπειτα ὁ λοιπὸς ὅμιλος Ñe ἀναμίζ. 

49. ᾿Εποιέετο δὲ τὴν ὁδὸν ἐκ τῆς Λυδίης ὁ 
στρατὸς ἐπί τε ποταμὸν Κάικον καὶ γῆν τὴν 
Μυσίην, ἀπὸ δὲ Καΐκου ὁρμώμενος, Κάνης ὄρος 
ἔχων ἐν ἀριστερῇ, διὰ τοῦ ᾿Αταρνέος ἐς Κα- 
ρήνην πόλιν: ἀπὸ δὲ ταύτης διὰ Θήβης πεδίου 
ἐπορεύετο, ᾿Αδραμύττειόν τε πόλιν καὶ "Avravópov 
τὴν Πελασγίδα παραμειβόμενος. τὴν Ἴδην δὲ 
λαβὼν ἐ ἐς ἀριστερὴν χεῖρα. ἤιε ἐς τὴν Ἰλιάδα γῆν. 
καὶ πρῶτα μέν οἱ ὑπὸ τῇ Ἴδῃ νύκτα ἀναμείναντι 
βρονταί τε καὶ πρηστῆρες ἐπεσπίπτουσι καί τινα 
αὐτοῦ ταύτῃ συχνὸν ὅμιλον διέφθειραν. 

48. ᾽Απικομένου δὲ τοῦ στρατοῦ ἐπὶ ποταμὸν 


356 


BOOK VII. 46-43 


horses, his charioteer, Patiramphes, son of Otanes a 
Persian, standing beside him. 

4]. It was thus that Xerxes rode out of Sardis; 
but when he was so minded he would alight from 
the chariot into a carriage. Behind him came a 
thousand spearmen of the best and noblest blood 
of Persia, carrying their spears in the customary 
manner; after them a thousand picked Persian 
horsemen, and after the horse ten thousand that 
were footmen, chosen out of the rest of the Persians. 
One thousand of these latter bore golden pome- 
granates on their spear-shafts in place of the spike, 
and surrounded the rest; the nine thousand were 
enclosed within, and bore silver pomegranates ; they 
that held their spears reversed carried golden pome- 
granates also, and they that were nearest to Xerxes, 
apples of gold. After the ten thousand came ten 
thousand Persian horsemen in array. After these 
there was a space of two furlongs, and next the rest 
of the multitude followed without order or division. 

42. From Lydia the army took its course to the 
river Caicus and the land of Mysia, and leaving the 
Caicus, through Atarneus to the town of Carene, 
keeping the mountain of Cane! on the left. Thence 
they journeyed over the plain of Thebe, passing the 
town of Adramytteum and the Pelasgian town 
Antandrus; and then came into the territory of 
Ilium, with Ida on their left. Then this first befel 
them, that when they had halted for the night at 
the foot of Ida they were smitten by a storm of 
thunder and fiery winds, whereby very many there 
perished. 

43. When the army had come to the river Scam- 


! Modern Kara Dagh. 
357 


HERODOTUS 


Σκάμανδρον, à ὃς πρῶτος ποταμῶν, ἐπείτε ἐκ Zap- 
δίων ὁρμηθέντες € ἐπεχείρησαν τῇ ὁδῷ, ἐπέλιπε τὸ 
ῥέεθρον οὐδ᾽ ἀπέχρησε τῇ στρατιῇ τε καὶ τοῖσι 
κτήνεσι πινόμενος" ἐπὶ τοῦτον δὴ τὸν ποταμὸν 
ὡς ἀπίκετο Ἐέρξη», ἐς τὸ Πριάμου Πέργαμον 
ἀνέβη ἵμερον ἔχων θεήσασθαι θεησάμενος δὲ 
καὶ πυθόμενος ἐκείνων ἕκαστα τῇ ᾿Αθηναίῃ τῇ 
Ἰλιάδι ἔθυσε Bods χιλίας, χοὰς δὲ οἱ Μάγοι τοῖσι 
ἥρωσι ἐχέαντο. ταῦτα δὲ ποιησαμένοισι νυκτὸς 
φόβος ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον ἐνέπεσε. ἅμα ἡμέρῃ 
δὲ ἐ ἐπορεύετο ἐνθεῦτεν, ἐν ἀριστερῇ μὲν ἀπέργων 
Ῥοΐτιον πόλιν καὶ ‘Od puvetov Kal Δάρδανον, ἤ 
περ δὴ ᾽Αβύδῳ ὅμουρος ἐστί, ἐν δεξιῇ δὲ Γέργιθας 
Τευκρούς. 

44. ᾿Επεὶ δ᾽ ἐγένετο ἐν ᾿Αβύδῳ μέσῃ, ἠθέλησε 
Ξέρξης ἰδέσθαι πάντα τὸν στρατόν" καὶ προ- 
επεποίητο γὰρ ἐπὶ κολωνοῦ ἐπίτηδες αὐτῷ ταύτῃ 
προεξέδρη λίθου λευκοῦ, ἐποίησαν δὲ ᾿Αβυδηνοὶ 
ἐντειλαμένου πρότερον βασιλέος, ἐνθαῦτα ὡς 
(tero, κατορῶν ἐπὶ τῆς ἠιόνος ἐθηεῖτο καὶ τὸν 
πεζὸν καὶ τὰς νέας, θηεύμενος δὲ ἱμέρθη τῶν νεῶν 
ἅμιλλαν γινομένην ἰδέσθαι. ἐπεὶ S ἐγένετό τε 
καὶ ἐνίκων Φοίνικες Σιδώνιοι, ἤσθη τε τῇ ἁμίλλη 
καὶ τῇ στρατιῇ. 

45, Ὡς δὲ apa πάντα μὲν τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον 
ὑπὸ τῶν νεῶν ἀποκεκρυμμένον, πάσας δὲ τὰς 
ἀκτὰς καὶ τὰ ᾿Αβυδηνῶν πεδία ἐπίπλεα av- 
θρώπων, ἐνθαῦτα ὁ Ξέρξης ἑωυτὸν ἐμακάρισε, 
μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο ἐδάκρυσε. 

40. Μαθὼν δέ μιν Apráflavos ὁ πάτρως, ὃς τὸ 
πρῶτον γνώμην ἀπεδέξατο ἐλευθέρως οὐ συμ- 


358 


BOOK VII. 43-46 


ander, which was the first river after the beginning 
. of their march from Sardis that fell short of their 
needs and could not suffice for the army and the 
cattle,—being arrived at this river, Xerxes ascended 
to the citadel of Priam, having a desire to view it ; 
and having viewed and enquired of all that was 
there he sacrificed a thousand kine to Athene of 
Ilium, and the Magians offered libations to the 
heroes. After their so doing, the army was seized 
with a panic fear in the night. When it was day 
they journeyed on thence, keeping on their left the 
towns of Rhoetium and Ophryneum and Dardanus, 
which marches with Abydos,! and on their right the 
Teucrian Gergithae. 

44. When Xerxes had come to the midst of 
Abydos, he desired to see the whole of his army; 
and this he could do, for a lofty seat of white stone 
had been set up for him on a hill? there with that 
intent, built by the people of Abydos at the king's 
command. There Xerxes sat, and looked down on 
the sea-shore, viewing his‘army and his fleet; and 
as he viewed them he was fain to see the ships 
contend in a race. They did so, and the Phoenicians 
of Sidon won it; and Xerxes was pleased with the 
race, and with his armament. 

45. But when he saw the whole Hellespont hidden 
by his ships, and all the shores and plains of Abydos 
thronged with men, Xerxes first declared himself 
happy, and presently he fell a-weeping. 

46. Perceiving that, his uncle Artabanus, who in 
the beginning had spoken his mind freely and coun- 


! [t was about nine miles from Abydos. 
2 Probably what is called Mal-Tepe, on the promontory 
of Nagara. 


359 


HERODOTUS 


βουλεύων Ἐέρξῃ στρατεύεσθαι ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα, 
οὗτος ὠνὴρ φρασθεὶς Ἑέρξην δακρύσαντα εἴρετο 
τάδε, “Q βασιλεῦ, ὡς πολλὸν ἀλλήλων κε- 
χωρισμένα ἐργάσαο νῦν τε καὶ ὀλίγῳ πρότερον' 
μακαρίσας γὰρ σεωυτὸν δακρύεις. ὃ δὲ εἶπε 
as ᾿Εσῆλθε γάρ με λογισάμενον κατοικτεῖραι ὡς 
βραχὺς εἴη ὁ πᾶς ἀνθρώπινος βίος, ei τούτων γε 
ἐόντων τοσούτων οὐδεὶς ἐς ἑκατοστὸν ἔτος περι- 
έσται. ὃ δὲ ἀμείβετο λέγων “"Ἔτερα τούτου 
παρὰ τὴν Conv πεπόνθαμεν οἰκτρότερα. ἐν γὰρ 
οὕτω βραχέι Bio οὐδεὶς οὕτω ἄνθρωπος ἐὼν 
εὐδαίμων πέφυκε οὔτε τούτων οὔτε τῶν ἄλλων, 
τῷ οὐ παραστήσεται πολλάκις καὶ οὐκὶ ἅπαξ 
τεθνάναι βούλεσθαι μᾶλλον ἢ ζώειν. - ai τε γὰρ 
συμφοραὶ προσπίπτουσαι καὶ αἱ νοῦσοι συνταράσ- 
σουσαι καὶ βραχὺν ἐόντα μακρὸν δοκέειν εἶναι 
ποιεῦσι τὸν βίον. οὕτω ὁ μὲν θάνατος μοχθηρῆς 
ἐούσης τῆς Fons καταφυγὴ αἱρετωτάτη τῷ. av- 
Pory γέγονε, ὁ δὲ θεὸς γλυκὺν γεύσας τὸν αἰῶνα 
φθονερὸς ἐν αὐτῷ εὑρίσκεται ἐών.᾽ 

4T. Ἐέρξης δὲ ἀμείβετο λέγων d ᾿Αρτάβανε, 
βιοτῆς μέν νυν ἀνθρωπηΐίης πέρι, ἐούσης τοιαύτης 
οἵην περ σὺ διαιρέαι εἶναι, παυσώμεθα, μηδὲ 
κακῶν μεμνώμεθα χρηστὰ ἔχοντες πρήγματα ἐν 
χερσί, φράσον δέ μοι τόδε' εἴ τοι ἡ ὄψις τοῦ 
ἐνυπνίου μὴ .ἐναργὴς οὕτω ἐφάνη, εἶχες ἂν τὴν 
ἀρχαίην γνώμην, οὐκ. ἐῶν με στρατεύεσθαι ἐπὶ 
τὴν Ἑλλάδα, ἢ μετέστης ἄν; φέρε τοῦτο μοι 
ἀπρεκέως εἰπέ. ὃ δὲ ἀμείβετο λέγων “Ὢ βα- 
σιλεῦ, ὄψις uev 7) ἐπιφανεῖσα τοῦ ὀνείρου ὡς 
βουλόμεθα ἀμφότεροι τελευτήσειε, € ἐγὼ δ᾽ ἔτι 
καὶ ἐς τόδε δείματος εἰμὶ ὑπόπλεος οὐδ᾽ ἐντὸς 
360 


BOOK VII. 46-47 


selled Xerxes not to march against Hellas—Arta- 
banus, I say, marking how Xerxes wept, questioned 
him and said, * What a distance is there, O king, 
between your acts of this present and a little while 
ago! Then you declared your happiness, and now 
you weep.” “Αγ verily,” said Xerxes; “for I was 
moved to compassion, when I considered the short- 
ness of all human life, seeing that of all this multi- 
tude of men not one will be alive a hundred years 
hence.” “In our life," Artabanus answered, “we 
have deeper sorrows to bear than that. For short 
as our lives are, there is no man here or elsewhere 
so fortunate, that he shall not be constrained, ay 
many a time and not once only, to wish himself 
dead rather than alive. Misfortunes so fall upon us 
and sicknesses so trouble us, that they make life 
to seem long for all its shortness. Thus is life so 
sorry a thing that death has come to be a man’s 
most desirable refuge therefrom ; the god is seen to 
be envious therein, after he has given us but a taste 
of the sweetness of living.” 

47. Xerxes answered and said, * Human life, Arta- 
banus, is such as you define it to be. Yet let us speak 
no more of that, nor remember evils in our present 
prosperous estate ; but tell me this. If you had not 
seen the vision in your dream so clearly, would you 
still have held your former opinion, and counselled 
me not to march against Hellas, or would you have 
changed from it? Come, tell me that truly.* Arta- 
banus answered and said, * O king, may the vision 
that appeared in my dream bring such an end as we- 
both desire! But for myself, I am even now full of 
fear, yea distraught, for many other reasons that I 


361 


HERODOTUS 


ἐμεωυτοῦ, ἄλλα τε πολλὰ ἐπιλεγόμενος καὶ δὴ 
καὶ ὁρῶν τοι δύο τὰ μέγιστα πάντων ἐόντα 
πολεμιώτατα.᾽ 

48. Ξέρξης δὲ πρὸς ταῦτα ἀμείβετο τοῖσιδε. 
** Δαιμόνιε ἀνδρῶν, κοῖα ταῦτα λέγεις εἶναι δύο 
μοι πολεμιώτατα ; κότερώ τοι ὁ πεξὸς μεμπτὸς 
κατὰ πλῆθος ἐστὶ καὶ τὸ Ἑλληνικὸν στράτευμα 
φαίνεται πολλαπλήσιον ἔσεσθαι τοῦ ἡμετέρου, 
ù τὸ ναυτικὸν τὸ ἡμέτερον λείψεσθαι τοῦ ἐκείνων, 
ἢ καὶ συναμφότερα ταῦτα ; εὖ γάρ τοι ταύτῃ 
φαίνεται ἐνδεέστερα εἶναι τὰ ἡμέτερα πρήγματα, 
στρατοῦ. ἂν ἄλλου τις τὴν ταχίστην ἄγερσιν 
ποιέοιτο.᾽ 

49. Ὃ δ᾽ ἀμείθετο λέγων, «Ὦ Βασιλεῦ, οὔτε 
στρατὸν τοῦτον, ὅστις ye σύνεσιν ἔχει, μέμφοιτ᾽ 
ἂν οὔτε τῶν νεῶν τὸ πλῆθος" ἦν δὲ πλεῦνας 
συλλέξῃς, τὰ δύο τοι τὰ λέγω πολλῷ ἔτι πολε- 
μιώτερα γίνεται. τὰ δὲ δύο ταῦτα ἐστὶ γῆ τε καὶ 
θάλασσα. οὔτε γὰρ TS. θαλάσσης ἐστὶ λιμὴν 
τοσοῦτος οὐδαμόθι, ὡς ἐγὼ εἰκάξω, ὅ ὅστις ἐγειρο- 
μένου χειμῶνος δεξάμενός σευ τοῦτο τὸ ναυτικὸν 
φερέγγυος ἔσται διασῶσαι τὰς νέας. καίτοι οὐκὶ 
ἕνα αὐτὸν δεῖ εἶναι τὸν λιμένα, ἀλλὰ παρὰ 
πᾶσαν τὴν ἤπειρον παρ᾽ ἣν δὴ κομύξεαι. οὔκων 
δὴ ἐόντων τοι λιμένων ὑποδεξίων, μάθε ὅτι αἱ 
συμφοραὶ τῶν ἀνθρώπων ἄρχουσι καὶ οὐκὶ 
ὥνθρωποι τῶν συμφορέων. — καὶ δὴ τῶν δύο τοι 
τοῦ ἑτέρου εἰρημένου τὸ ἕτερον ἔρχομαι ἐρέων. 
γῆ δὲ πολεμίη τῇδέ τοι κατίσταται’ ei θέλει 
τοι μηδὲν ἀντίξοον .καταστῆναι, τοσούτῳ τοι 
γίνεται πολεμιωτέρη ὅ ὅσῳ ἂν προβαίνῃς ἑ ἑκαστέρω, 
τὸ πρόσω αἰεὶ κλεπτόμενος εὐπρηξίης δὲ οὐκ 
362 


BOOK VII. 47—49 


have, and this in especial —that I see the two greatest 
things in the world to be most your enemies." 

48. “Sir,” Xerxes answered, “I marvel at you. 
What are these two things that you say are most 
my enemies? Is it that you find some fault with 
the numbers of my land army, and suppose that the 
Greek host will be many times greater than ours? 
Or think you that our navy will fall short of theirs? 
Or that the fault is in both? For if inthis regard our 
power seems to you to lack aught, it were best to 
muster another host with all speed." 

49. “O king," Artabanus answered and said, 
* there is no fault that any man of sound judgment 
could find either with this army or with the number 
of your ships; and if you gather more, those two 
things whereof I speak grow yet the more your 
enemies. These two are the land and the sea. 
The sea has nowhere any harbour, as I guess, that 
if a storm arise will be warrantable to receive this 
navy and save your ships. Yet such harbours there 
should be, not in one place alone but all along 
the land along which you sail Seeing then that 
there are no harbours able to receive you, learn 
thereby that men are the subjects and not the 
rulers of their accidents. Now I have spoken of 
one of the two, and I will tell you of the other: 
this is how the land is your enemy: if so be that 
nothing stands in your way to hinder you, the land 
is the more your enemy the further you advance, 
with never true knowledge of what lies beyond; 


363 


HERODOTUS 


ἔστι ἀνθρώποισι οὐδεμία πληθώρη. καὶ δή τοι, 
ὡς οὐδενὸς ἐναντιευμένου, λέγω τὴν χώρην πλεῦνα 
ἐν πλέονι χρόνῳ γινομένην λιμὸν τέξεσθαι. ἀνὴρ 
δὲ «οὕτω ἂν εἴη ἄριστος, εἰ βουλευόμενος -μὲν 
ἀρρωδέοι, πᾶν ἐπιλεγόμενος πείσεσθαι χρῆμα, 
ἐν δὲ τῷ ἔργῳ θρασὺς εἴη. 

50. ᾿Αμείβεται Ξέρξης τοῖσιδε. i ᾿Αρτάβανε, 
οἰκότως μὲν σύ γε τούτων ἕκαστα διαιρέαι" ἀτὰρ 
μήτε πάντα φοβέο μήτε πᾶν ὁμοίως ἐπιλέγεο. 
εἰ γὰρ δὴ βούλοιο ἐπὶ τῷ αἰεὶ ἐπεσφερομένῳ 
πρήγματι τὸ πᾶν ὁμοίως ἐπιλέγεσθαι, ποιήσειας 
ἂν οὐδαμὰ οὐδέν" κρέσσον δὲ πάντα θαρσέοντα 
ἥμισυ τῶν δεινῶν πάσχειν μᾶλλον ἡ πᾶν χρῆμα 
προδειµαίνοντα μηδαμὰ μηδὲν παθεῖν. εἰ δὲ 
ἐρίζων πρὸς πᾶν τὸ λεγόμενον. μὴ τὸ βέβαιον 
ἀποδέξεις, σφάλλεσθαι ὀφείλεις ἐν αὐτοῖσι ὁμοίως 
καὶ ὁ ὑπεναντία τούτοισι λέξας. τοῦτο μέν νυν 
ἐπ᾽ ἴσης ἔχει; εἰδέναι δὲ ἄνθρωπον ἐόντα κῶς 
χρὴ τὸ βέβαιον; δοκέω μὲν οὐδαμῶς. τοῖσι 
τοίνυν βουλομένοισι ποιέειν ὡς τὸ ἐπίπαν φιλέει 
γίνεσθαι τὰ κέρδεα, τοῖσι δὲ ἐπιλεγομένοισί τε 
πάντα καὶ ὀκνέουσι οὗ , μάλα ἐθέλει. ὁρᾷς τὰ 
Περσέων πρήγματα ἐς ὃ δυνάμιος προκεχώρηκε. 
εὖ τοίνυν ἐκεῖνοι οἱ πρὸ ἐμεῦ γενόμενοι βασιλέες 
γνώμῃσι ἐχρέωντο ὁμοίῃσι καὶ σύ, ἢ μὴ χρεώμενοι 
γνώμῃσι τοιαύτῃσι ἄλλους συμβούλους εἶχον 
τοιούτους, οὐκ ἄν κοτε εἶδες αὐτὰ ἐς τοῦτο 
προελθόντα: νῦν δὲ κινδύνους ἀναρριπτέοντες ἐς 
τοῦτο σφέα προηγάγοντο. μεγάλα γὰρ πρήγματα 
μεγάλοισι κινδύνοισι ἐθέλει καταιρέεσθαι. ἡμεῖς 
τοίνυν ὁμοιεύμενοι ἐκείνοισι ὥρην τε τοῦ ἔτεος 
καλλίστην πορευόμεθα, καὶ καταστρεψάμενοι 


364 


BOOK VII. 49-50 


and no man is ever full fed with success. There- 
fore, I say, if none withstand you, the increase of 
your territory and the time passed in getting it will 
beget famine. He is the best man, who is timid 
in counsel because he takes all that may befal him 
into account, but is in action bold.” 

50. “ Artabanus,” Xerxes answered, “you do 
reasonably in so defining all these matters. But 
this I say, fear not everything, nor take account of 
all alike ; for if on whatever occasion befal you were 
minded to take everything alike into account, you 
would never do anything; better it is to suffer half 
the dreaded ill by facing all with a stout heart, rather 
than to fear all chances and so suffer nought. But 
if you quarrel with whatever is said, yet cannot 
show where security lies, you must be proved as 
wrong on your part as he that holds the contrary 
opinion. In this then both are alike; and how 
shall one that is but man know where there is 
security? It is, I think, impossible. It is they, 
then, who have the will to act that do oftenest win 
the prizes, not, truly, they that palter and take 
account of all chances. You see, to what power 
Persia has attained. Now, if those kings who came 
before me had held such opinions as yours, or not 
holding them themselves had had counsellors like 
you, you would never have seen our fortunes at 
their present height; but as it is, those kings en- 
countered dangers, and by so doing advanced them 
to this height. Great successes are not won save 
by great risks. We, then, will do as they did; 
we are using the fairest season of the year to 
journey in, and we will return home the conquerors 


365 


HERODOTUS 


πᾶσαν τὴν Εὐρώπην νοστήσομεν ὀπίσω, οὔτε 
λιμῷ ἐντυχόντες οὐδαμόθι οὔτε ἄλλο ἄχαρι οὐδὲν 
παθόντες. τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ αὐτοὶ πολλὴν φορβὴν 
φερόμενοι πορευόμεθα, τοῦτο δέ, τῶν ἄν κου ἐπι- 
βέωμεν γῆν καὶ ἔθνος, τούτων τὸν σῖτον ἔξομεν' 
ἐπ᾽ ἀροτῆρας δὲ καὶ οὐ νομάδας στρατευόμεθα 
ἄνδρας.᾽ 

51. Λέγει ApráBavos μετὰ ταῦτα “Ὦ βασιλεῦ, 
ἐπείτε ἀρρωδέειν οὐδὲν ἐᾷς πρῆγμα, σὺ δέ μευ 
συμβουλίην ἔνδεξαι" ἀναγκαίως γὰρ ἔχει περὶ 
πολλῶν πρηγμάτων πλεῦνα λόγον ἐκτεῖναι. Κῦ- 
ρος ὁ Καμβύσεω Ἰωνίην πᾶσαν πλὴν ᾿Αθηναίων 
κατεστρέψατο δασμοφόρον εἶναι Πέρσῃσι. τού- 
τους ὧν τοὺς ἄνδρας συμβουλεύω τοι μηδεμιῇ 
μηχανῇ ἄγειν ἐπὶ τοὺς πατέρας" καὶ γὰρ ἄνευ 
τούτων οἷοί τε εἰμὲν τῶν ἐχθρῶν. κατυπέρτε- 
pot γίνεσθαι. ἢ γὰρ σφέας, ἣν ἕπωνται, δεῖ 
ἀδικωτάτους γίνεσθαι καταδουλουμένους τὴν μη- 
τρόπολιν, 5 δικαιοτάτους συνελευθεροῦντας. ἀδι- 
κώτατοι μέν νυν γινόμενοι οὐδὲν κέρδος μέγα 
ἡμῖν προσβάλλουσι, δικαιότατοι δὲ γινόμενοι 
οἷοί τε δηλήσασθαι μεγάλως τὴν σὴν. στρατιὴν 
γίνονται. ἐς θυμὸν ὧν βάλευ καὶ τὸ παλαιὸν 
ἔπος ὡς εὖ εἴρηται, τὸ μὴ ἅμα ἀρχῇ πᾶν τέλος 
καταφαίνεσθαι.” 

52. ᾽Αμείβεται πρὸς ταῦτα Ἐέρξης " "A ρτάβανε, 
τῶν ἀπεφήναο γνωμέων σφάλλεαι κατὰ ταύτην 
δὴ μάλιστα, ὃς Ἴωνας φοβέαι μὴ μεταβάλωσι, 
τῶν ἔχομεν γνῶμα μέγιστον, τῶν σύ τε μάρτυς 
γίνεαι καὶ οὗ συστρατευσάμενοι Δαρείῳ ἄλλοι 
ἐπὶ Σκύθας, ὅτι ἐπὶ τούτοισι ἡ πᾶσα Περσικὴ 
στρατιὴ ἐγένετο διαφθεῖραι καὶ περιποιῆσαι, οἳ 
366 


BOOK VII. 50-52 


of all Europe, having nowhere suffered famine or 
any other harm; for firstly, we carry ample pro- 
vision with us on our march, and secondly we shall 
have the food of those whose land and nation we 
invade; and those against whom we march are no 
wandering tribes, but tillers of the soil." 

51. Then said Artabanus : * O king, I see that you 
will not suffer us to fear any danger; yet take from 
me this counsel: for needs must there be much 
speaking when our businesses are so many. Cyrus 
son of Cambyses subdued and made tributary to 
Persia all Ionians save only the Athenians. It is my 
counsel, then, that you do by no means lead these 
Ionians against the land of their fathers; even with- 
out their aid we are well able to overcome our 
enemies ; for if they come with our army, they must 
behave either very unjustly by enslaving their parent 
state or very justly by aiding it to be free. Now, if 
they deal very unjustly, they bring us no great 
advantage, but by dealing very justly they may well 
thereby do great harm to your army. Take there- 
fore to heart the truth of even that ancient saying, 
‘That the end of every matter appeareth not at its 
beginning.’ " 

. 59. * Artabanus," Xerxes answered, “there is no 
opinion which you have declared wherein you are so 
misled as in this your fear lest the Ionians change 
sides; we have the surest warranty for them (and 
you and all that marched with Darius against the 
Scythians can witness it) in that with these it lay to 
destroy or to save the whole Persian army ; and they 

367 


HERODOTUS 


δὲ δικαιοσύνην kai πιστότητα ἐνέδωκαν, ἄχαρι 
δὲ οὐδέν. πάρεξ δὲ τούτου, ἐν τῇ, ἡμετέρῃ κατα- 
λιπόντας τέκνα. καὶ γυναῖκας καὶ χρήματα οὐδ᾽ 
ἐπιλέγεσθαι χρὴ νεώτερόν | τι ποιήσειν. οὕτω μηδὲ 
τοῦτο φοβέο, ἀλλὰ θυμὸν ἔ ἔχων ἀγαθὸν σῶξε οἶκόν 
τε τὸν ἐμὸν καὶ τυραννίδα τὴν ἐμήν: σοὶ γὰρ ἐγὼ 
μούνῳ ἐκ πάντων σκῆπτρα τὰ ἐμὰ ἐπιτράπω. 

53. Ταῦτα εἴπας καὶ Αρτάβανον ἀποστείλας 
ἐς Σοῦσα δεύτερα μετεπέμψατο Ξέρξης Περσέων 
τοὺς δοκιμωτάτους ἐπεὶ δέ οἱ παρῆσαν, ἔλεγέ 
σφι τάδε. “O Πέρσαι, τῶνδ᾽ ἐγὼ ὑμέων χρηίζων 
συνέλεξα, ἄνδρας τε γενέσθαι ἀγαθοὺς καὶ μὴ 
καταισχύνειν τὰ πρόσθε ἐργασμένα Πέρσῃσι, 
ἐόντα μεγάλα τε καὶ πολλοῦ ἄξια, ἀλλ᾽ εἷς τε 
ἕκαστος καὶ οἱ σύμπαντες προθυμίην ἔχωμεν" 
ξυνὸν γὰρ πᾶσι τοῦτο ἀγαθὸν σπεύδεται. τῶνδε 
δὲ εἵνεκα προαγορεύω ἀντέχεσθαι τοῦ πολέμου 
ἐντεταμένως: ὡς γὰρ ἐγὼ πυνθάνομαι, ἐ ἐπ᾽ ἄνδρας 
στρατευόµεθα ἀγαθούς, τῶν ἣν κρατήσωμεν, οὐ 
μή τις ἡμῖν ἄλλος στρατὸς ἀντιστῇ κοτε àv- 
θρώπων. νῦν δὲ διαβαίνωμεν ἐπευξάμενοι τοῖσι 
θεοῖσι οἳ Πέρσας λελόγχασι.᾽ 

54. Ταύτην μὲν τὴν ἡμέρην παρεσκευάξοντο 
ἐς τὴν διάβασιν: τῇ δὲ ὑστεραίῃ ἀνέμενον τὸν 
ἥλιον ἐθέλοντες ἰδέσθαι ἀνίσχοντα, θυμιήματά 
τε παντοῖα ἐπὶ τῶν γεφυρέων καταγίξοντες καὶ 
μυρσίνῃσι στορνύντες τὴν ὁδόν. ὡς Ò ἐπανέ- 
τελλε ὁ ἥλιος, σπένδων ἐκ χρυσέης φιάλης 
Ἐέρξης ἐς τὴν θάλασσαν εὔχετο πρὸς τὸν ἥλιον 
μηδεμίαν. οἱ συντυχίην τοιαύτην γενέσθαι, ἢ 
piv. παύσει καταστρέψασθαι τὴν Εὐρώπην 
πρότερον ἢ ἐπὶ τέρμασι τοῖσι ἐκείνης γένηται. 
368 


BOOK VII. 52-54 


gave proof of justice and faithfulness, and no evil 
intent. Moreover, seeing that they have left in our 
country their children and wives and possessions, we 
need not deem it even possible that they will make 
any violent change. Therefore be quit of that fear 
too; keep a stout heart and guard my household 
and sovereignty; for to you alone I entrust the 
symbols of my kingship." 

53. Having thus spoken, and sent Artabanus 
away to Susa, Xerxes next sent for the most notable 
among the Persians ; and when they were present, 
«« Persians,” he said, ** I have assembled you to make 
this demand, that you bear yourselves bravely and 
never sully the great and glorious former achieve- 
ments of the Persians ; let us each and all be zeal- 
ous; for this is the common advantage of all that we 
seek. For this cause I bid you set your hands to 
the war with might and main ; for as I am assured, 
we march against valiant men, whom if we over- 
come, it is certain that no other human host will ever 
withstand us. Now let us cross over, having first 
prayed to the gods who hold Persia for their allotted 
realm." 

54. All that day they made preparation for the 
crossing ; and on the next they waited till they 
should see the sun rise, burning all kinds of incense 
on the bridges, and strewing the way with myrtle 
boughs. Αἲ sunrise, Xerxes poured a libation from 
a golden phial into the sea, praying to the sun that 
no such accident should befal him as to stay him 
from subduing Europe ere he should. reach its 
farthest borders. After the prayer, he cast the 


369 
VOL. 11, Ὦ B 


HERODOTUS 


εὐξάμενος δὲ ἐσέβαλε τὴν φιάλην ἐς τὸν Ελλή- 
σποντον καὶ χρύσεον κρητῆρα καὶ Περσικὸν 
ξίφος, τὸν ἀκινάκην καλέουσι. ταῦτα οὐκ ἔχω 
ἀτρεκέως διακρῖναι οὔτε εἰ τῷ ἡλίῳ ἀνατιθεὶς 
κατῆκε ἐς τὸ πέλαγος, οὔτε εἰ μετεμέλησέ οἱ τὸν 
Ἑλλήσποντον μαστιγώσαντι καὶ ἀντὶ τούτων 
τὴν θάλασσαν ἐδωρέετο. 

55, Ὡς δὲ ταῦτά οἱ ἐπεποίητο, διέβαινον κατὰ 
μὲν τὴν ἑτέρην τῶν γεφυρέων τὴν πρὸς τοῦ 
Πόντου ὁ πεζός τε καὶ ἡ ἵππος ἅπασα, κατὰ 
δὲ τὴν πρὸς τὸ Αἰγαῖον τὰ ὑποξύγια καὶ ἡ 
θεραπηίη. ἡγέοντο δὲ πρῶτα μὲν οἱ μύριοι Πέρ- 
σαι, ἐστεφανωμένοι πάντες, μετὰ δὲ τούτους ὁ 
σύμμικτος στρατὸς παντοίων ἐθνέων. ταύτην 
μὲν τὴν ἡμέρην οὗτοι, τῇ δὲ ὑστεραίῃ πρῶτοι μὲν 
οἵ τε ἱππόται καὶ οἱ τὰς λόγχας κάτω τράποντες" 
ἐστεφάνωντο δὲ καὶ οὗτοι. , μετὰ δὲ οἵ τε ἵπποι 
οἱ ἱροὶ καὶ τὸ ἅρμα τὸ (pov, ἐπὶ δὲ αὐτός τε 
Ἐεέρξης καὶ οἱ αἰχμοφόροι καὶ οἱ ὑππόται οὗ 
χίλιοι, ἐπὶ δὲ τούτοισι 0 ἄλλος στρατός. καὶ αἱ 
νέες ἅμα ἀνήγοντο ἐς τὴν ἀπεναντίον. ἤδη δὲ 
ἤκουσα καὶ ὕστατον διαβῆναι βασιλέα πάντων. 

56. Ἐέρξης δὲ ἐπεὶ διέβη ἐς τὴν Εὐρώπην, 
ἐθηεῖτο τὸν στρατὸν ὑπὸ μαστίγων διαβαίνοντα" 
διέβη δὲ ὁ στρατὸς αὐτοῦ ἐν ἑπτὰ ἡμέρῃσι καὶ ἐν 
ἑπτὰ εὐφρόνῃσι, ἑλινύσας οὐδένα χρόνον. ἐνθαῦτα 
λέγεται, Ἐέρξεω ἤδη. διαβεβηκότος τὸν Ἑλλή- 
σποντον, ἄνδρα εἰπεῖν Ἑλλησπόντιον T Ὢ Ζεῦ, τί 
δὴ ἀνδρὶ εἰδόμενος Πέρσῃ καὶ οὔνομα ἀντὶ Διὸς 
Ἐέρξην θέμενος ἀνάστατον τὴν Ἑλλάδα θέλεις 
ποιῆσαι, ἄγων πάντας ἀνθρώπους ; ; καὶ yap ἄνευ 
τούτων ἐξῆν τοι ποιέειν ταῦτα. ᾽ 


370 


BOOK VII. 54-56 


phial into the Hellespont, and a golden bowl withal, 
and a Persian sword, that which they call “ acinaces."'! 
As to these, I cannot rightly determine whether he 
cast them into the sea for offerings to the sun, or 
repented of his scourging of the Hellespont and 
gave gifts to the sea as atonement. 

55. This done, they crossed over, the foot and 
horse all by the bridge nearest to the Pontus, 
and the beasts of burden and the train of service by 
the bridge towards the Aegean. In the van came 
the ten thousand Persians, all wearing garlands, and 
after them the mixed host of divers nations. All 
that day these crossed, and on the next, first the 
horsemen and they that bore their spears reversed ; 
these also wore garlands. After them came the 
sacred horses and the sacred chariot, then Xerxes 
himself and the spearmen and the thousand horse, 
and after them the rest of the host. Meanwhile the 
ships put out and crossed to the opposite shore. 
But I have heard ere now, that the king crossed last 
of all. 

56. Having passed over to Europe, Xerxes viewed 
his army crossing under the lash; seven days and 
seven nights it was in crossing, with never a rest. 
There is a tale that, when Xerxes had now crossed 
the Hellespont, a man of the Hellespont cried, “ O 
Zeus, why hast thou taken the likeness of a Persian 
man and changed thy name to Xerxes, leading the 
whole world with thee to remove Hellas from its 
place? For that thou mightest have done without 
these means.' 


1 Sometimes translated **scimitar" ; but that is, I believe, 
a curved weapon, whereas the ἀκινάκης appears to "have been 
& short, straight dagger. 


371 


HERODOTUS 


57. Ὡς δὲ διέβησαν πάντες, ἐς ὁδὸν ὁ ὁρμημένοισι 
τέρας σφι ἐφάνη μέγα, τὸ Ξέρξης € ἐν οὐδενὶ λόγῳ 
ἐποιήσατο καίπερ εὐσύμβλητον ἐόν" ἵππος γὰρ 
ἔτεκε λαγόν. .εὐσύμβλητον ὦ ών τῇδε τοῦτο ἐγένετο, 
ὅτι ἔμελλε μὲν ἐλᾶν στρατιὴν ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα 
Ξέρξης ἀγαυρότατα. καὶ μεγαλοπρεπέστατα, 
ὀπίσω δὲ περὶ ἑωυτοῦ τρέχων ἥξειν ἐς τὸν αὐτὸν 

ὥρον. ἐγένετο δὲ καὶ  ἕτερον αὐτῷ τέρας « ἐόντι ἐν 
A ἡμίονος γὰρ ἔτεκε ἡμίονον διξὰ ἔ ἔχουσαν 
αἰδοῖα, τὰ μὲν ἔρσενος τὰ δὲ θηλέης' κατύπερθε 
δὲ ἦν τὰ τοῦ ἔρσενος. τῶν ἀμφοτέρων λόγον 
οὐδένα ποιησάμενος τὸ πρόσω ἐπορεύετο, σὺν δέ 
οἱ ὁ πεζὸς στρατός. 

58. Ὁ δὲ ναυτικὸς ἔξω τὸν Ελλήσποντον πλέων 
παρὰ γῆν ἐκομίξετο, τὰ ἔμπαλιν πρήσσων τοῦ 

πεζοῦ. ὃ μὲν γὰρ πρὸς ἑσπέρην ἔπλεε, ἐπὶ 
Σαρπηδονίης ἄ ἄκρης ποιεύμενος τὴν ἄπιξιν, € ἐς τὴν 
αὐτῷ προείρητο ἀπικομένῳ περιμένειν" ὁ δὲ κατ᾽ 
ἤπειρον στρατὸς πρὸς ἠῶ τε καὶ ἡλίου ἀνατολὰς 
ἐποιέετο τὴν ὁδὸν διὰ τῆς Χερσονήσου, ἐν δεξιῇ 
μὲν ἔχων τὸν "Ελλης τάφον τῆς Ἀθάμαντος, ἐν 
ἀριστερῇ, δὲ Καρδίην πόλιν, διὰ μέσης δὲ πορευό- 
μενος πόλιος τῇ οὔνομα τυγχάνει ἐὸν ᾿Αγορή. 
ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ κάμπτων τὸν κόλπον. τὸν Μέλανα 
καλεόμενον καὶ Μέλανα ποταμόν, οὐκ ἀντισχόντα 
τότε τῇ στρατιῇ. τὸ ῥέεθρον ἀλλ᾽ ἐπιλιπόντα, τοῦ- 
τον τὸν ποταμὸν διαβάς, ἐπ᾽ οὗ καὶ ὁ κόλπος 
οὗτος τὴν ἐπωνυμίην ἔχει, LE πρὸς ἑσπέρην, 
Aivóv τε πόλιν Αἰολίδα καὶ Στεντορίδα λύμνην 
παρεξιών, ἐ ἐς ὃ ἀπίκετο ἐς Δορίσκον. 

59. Ὁ δὲ Δορίσκος ἐ ἐστὶ τῆς Θρηίκης αἰγιαλιός 
τε καὶ πεδίον μέγα, διὰ δὲ αὐτοῦ ῥέει ποταμὸς 


372 


BOOK VII. 57-59 


57. When all had passed over and they were ready 
for the road, a great portent appeared among them, 
whereof Xerxes took no account, though it was easy 
of interpretation : a mare gave birth to a hare. The 
meaning of it was easy to guess, being this: Xerxes 
was to march his army to Hellas with great pomp 
and pride, but to come back to the same place 
fleeing for his life. "There was another portent, that 
was shown to him at Sardis: a mule gave birth to a 
mule, that had double privy parts, both male and 
female, the male above the other. But of neither 
sign did he take any account, and journeyed on, his 
land army with him. 

58. His navy sailed out of the Hellespont and 
coasted along by the land, contrariwise to the land 
army ; for the ships voyaged westwards, laying their 
course for the headland of Sarpedon, whither Xerxes 
had bidden them come and there await him ; but the 
army of the mainland travelled towards the east! and 
the sunrise through the Chersonese, with the tomb 
of Athamas' daughter Helle on its right and the 
town of Cardia on its left, and marching through the 
midst of a town called Agora. Thence turning the 
head of the Black Bay (as it is called) and crossing 
the Black River, which could not hold its own then 
against the army, but fell short of its needs—cross- 
ing this river, which gives its name to the bay, they 
went westwar ds, past the Aeolian town of Aenus and 
the marsh of Stentor, till they came to Doriscus. 

59. The territory of Doriscus is in Thrace, a wide 
plain by the sea, and through it flows a great river, 


1 North-east, strictly speaking: they marched through the 
promontory of Gallipoli, 


373 


HERODOTUS 


μέγας "Εβρος" ἐν τῷ τεῖχός τε ἐδέδμητο βασιλήιον 
τοῦτο τὸ δὴ Δορίσκος κέκληται, καὶ Περσέων 
φρουρὴ ἐν αὐτῷ κατεστήκεε ὑπὸ Δαρείου ἐξ 
ἐκείνου τοῦ χρόνου. ἐπείτε ἐπὶ Σκύθας ἐστρα- 
τεύετο. ἔδοξε ὧν τῷ Ξέρξῃ ὁ ὁ χῶρος εἶναι ἐπιτή- 
δεος ἐνδιατάξαι τε καὶ ἐξαριθμῆσαι τὸν στρατόν, 
καὶ ἐποίεε ταῦτα. τὰς μὲν δὴ νέας τὰς πάσας 
ἀπικομένας ἐς Δορίσκον οἱ ναύαρχοι κελεύσαντος 
Ἐέρξεω ἐς τὸν αἰγιαλὸν τὸν προσεχέα Δορίσκῳ 
ἐκόμισαν, ἐν τῷ Σάλη τε Σαμοθρηικίη πεπόλισται 
πόλις καὶ Ζώνη, τελευτᾷ δὲ αὐτοῦ Σέρρειον ἄκρη 
ὀνομαστή. ὁ δὲ χῶρος οὗτος τὸ παλαιὸν ἦν 
Κικόνων, ἐς τοῦτον τὸν αἰγιαλὸν κατασχόντες 
τὰς νέας ἀνέψυχον ἀνελκύσαντες. ὃ δὲ ἐν τῷ 
Δορίσκῳ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον τῆς στρατιῆς ἀριθμὸν 
ἐποιέετο. 

60. "Όσον μέν νυν ἕκαστοι παρεῖχον πλῆθος 
ἐς ἀριθμόν, οὐκ ἔχω εἰπεῖν τὸ ἀτρεκές' ov γὰρ λέ- 
γεται πρὸς οὐδαμῶν ἀνθρώπων" σύμπαντος δὲ τοῦ 
στρατοῦ τοῦ πεζοῦ τὸ πλῆθος ἐφάνη ἑβδομήκοντα 
καὶ ἑκατὸν μυριάδες. ἐξηρίθμησαν δὲ τόνδε τὸν 
τρόπον" συνήγαγόν τε ἐς ἕνα χῶρον μυριάδα 
ἀνθρώπων, καὶ c vvvá£avres. ταύτην ὡς μάλιστα 
εἶχον περιέγραψαν ἔξωθεν κύκλον" περιγράψαντες 
δὲ καὶ ἀπέντες τοὺς μυρίους. αἱμασιὴν περιέβαλον 
κατὰ τὸν κύκλον, ὕψος ἀνήκουσαν ἀνδρὶ ἐς τὸν 
ὀμφαλόν" ταύτην δὲ ποιήσαντες ἄλλους ᾿ἐσεβύβαξον 
ἐς τὸ περιοικοδομημένον, μέχρι οὗ πάντας τούτῳ 
τῷ τρόπῳ ἐξηρίθμησαν. ἀριθμήσαντες δὲ κατὰ 
ἔθνεα διέτασσον. 

61. Οἱ δὲ στρατευόμενοι οἶδε ἦσαν, Πέρσαι μὲν 
ὧδε ἐσκευασμένοι" περὶ μὲν τῇσι κεφαλῆσι εἶχον 
374 


BOOK VII. 59-6: 


the Hebrus; here had been built that royal fortress 
which is called Doriscus, and a Persian guard had 
been posted there by Darius ever since the time of 
his march against Scythia. It seemed therefore to 
Xerxes to be a fit place for him to array and number 
his host, and he did so. All the fleet, being now 
arrived at Doriscus, was brought by its captains at 
Xerxes' command to the beach near Doriscus, where 
stands the Samothracian town of Sane, and Zone ; 
at the end thereof is Serreum, a headland of some 
name. This country was in former days possessed 
by the Cicones. To this beach they brought their 
ships in, and hauled them up for rest. In the 
meanwhile Xerxes numbered his army at Doriscus. 

60. What the number of each part of it was I 
cannot with exactness say ; for there is no one who 
tells us that; but the tale of the whole land army 
was shown to be a million and seven hundred 
thousand. The numbering was on this wise :—Ten 
thousand men were collected in one place, and 
when they were packed together as closely as might 
be a line was drawn round them; this being drawn, 
the ten thousand were sent away, and a wall of 
stones built on the line reaching up to a man's 
middle; which done, others were brought into the 
walled space, till in this way all were numbered. 
When they had been numbered, they were 
marshalled according to their several nations. 

61, Those that served in the army were as I will 
now show. Firstly, the Persians; for their equip- 


379 


HERODOTUS 


τιάρας καλεομένους πίλους ἀπαγέας, περὶ δὲ τὸ 
σῶμα κιθῶνας χειριδωτοὺς ποικίλους, .. .. 
λεπίδος σιδηρέης ὄψιν ἰχθυοειδέος, περὶ δὲ τὰ 
σκέλεα ἀναξυρίδας, ἆ ἀντὶ δὲ ἀσπίδων γέρρα' ὑπὸ δὲ 
φαρετρεῶνες ἐκρέμαντο' αὖ xmas δὲ βραχέας εἶχον, 
τόξα δὲ μεγάλα, ὀιστοὺς é καλαμίνους, πρὸς δὲ 
ἐγχειρίδια παρὰ τὸν δεξιὸν μηρὸν παραιωρεύμενα 
ἐκ τῆς ζώνης. καὶ ἄρχοντα παρε τοῦτο ᾿Οτάνεα 
τὸν ᾽Αμήστριος πατέρα τῆς Ξέρξεω γυναικός, 
ἐκαλέοντο δὲ πάλαι ὑπὸ μὲν Ἑλλήνων Κηφῆνες, 
ὑπὸ μέντοι σφέων αὐτῶν καὶ τῶν περιοίκων 
᾿Αρταῖοι. ἐπεὶ δὲ Περσεὺς ὁ Δανάης τε καὶ Διὸς 
ἀπίκετο παρὰ Κηφέα τὸν Βήλου καὶ ἔσχε αὐτοῦ 
τὴν θυγατέρα ᾿Ανδρομέδην, γίνεται αὐτῷ παῖς τῷ 
οὔνομα ἔθετο Πέρσην, τοῦτον δὲ αὐτοῦ καταλείπει: 
ἐτύγχανε γὰρ ἅπαις ἐὼν ὁ Κηφεὺς € ἔρσενος γόνου. 
ἐπὶ τούτου δὴ τὴν ἐπωνυμίην ἔσχον. 

02. Μήδοι δὲ τὴν αὐτὴν ταύτην ἐσταλμένοι 
ἐστρατεύοντο' Μηδικὴ γὰρ αὕτη 7) σκευή ἐστι καὶ 
οὐ Περσική. οἱ δὲ Μήδοι ἄρχοντα μὲν παρεί- 
χοντο Τιγράνην ἄνδρα ᾿Αχαιμενίδην, ἐκαλέοντο δὲ 
πάλαι πρὸς πάντων Αριοι, à ἀπικομένης δὲ Μηδείης 
τῆς Κολχίδος ἐξ ᾿Αθηνέων ἐ ἐς τοὺς ᾿Αρίους τούτους 
μετέβαλον καὶ οὗτοι τὸ οὔνομα. αὐτοὶ περὶ σφέων 
ὧδε λέγουσι Μῆδοι. Κίσσιοι δὲ στρατευόμενοι 
τὰ μὲν ἄλλα κατά περ Πέρσαι ἐσκευάδατο, ἀντὶ 
δὲ τῶν πίλων μιτρηφόροι ἦσαν. Κισσίων δὲ 


1 Stein and others place a lacuna after ποικίλους, supposing 
some words meaning ** cuirasses,"' e.g. ὑπὸ δὲ θώρηκας meron- 
μένους, ‘‘and under them cuirasses made" to look like (ὄψιν) to 
be omitted ; κιθὼν itself in Homer bears the meaning of cuirass, 
but apparently not in Herodotus, 


370 


BOOK VII. 61-62 


ment they wore on their heads loose caps called 
tiaras, and on their bodies sleeved tunics of divers 
colours, with scales of iron like in appearance to the 
scales of fish, and breeches on their legs; for shields 
they had wicker bucklers, their quivers hanging 
beneath these; they carried short spears, long bows, 
and arrows of reed, and daggers withal that hung 
from the girdle by the right thigh. Their commander 
was Otanes, father of Xerxes’ wife and son of 
Amestris. These Persians were in old time called 
by the Greeks Cephenes, but by themselves and 
their neighbours Artaei. But when Perseus the son 
of Danaé and Zeus had come to Cepheus the son of 
Belus, and taken his daughter Andromeda to wife, a 
son was born to him whom he called Perses, and him 
he left there; for Cepheus had no male issue ; it was 
from this Perses that the Persians took their name.! 
62. The Medes in the army were equipped like 
the Persians; indeed that fashion of armour is 
Median, not Persian; their commander was Tigranes, 
an Achaemenid. These were in old time called by 
all men Arians,? but when the Colchian woman Medea 
came from Athens among the Arians they changed 
their name, like the Persians. This is the Medes’ 
own account of themselves. The Cissians in the 
army were equipped like the Persians, but they wore 


1 Herodotus is always prone to base ethnological con- 
_ clusions on Greek legends and the similarity of names; so 
in the next chapter Medea supplies the name of the Medes. — 
But it is strange that Perseus, being commonly held great- 
grandfather of Heracles, is here made to marry the grand- 
xu re of Belus, who in I. 7, is Heracles' grandson. 

2 Modern philology gives the name “' Aryan” of course a 
very much wider extension; which indeed was beginning 
even in the time of Strabo. 


377 


HERODOTUS 


ἦρχε ᾿Ανάφης͵ ὁ ᾿Οτάνεω. Ὑρκάνιοι δὲ κατά περ 
Πέρσαι ἐσεσάχατο, ἡγεμόνα παρεχόμενοι Μεγά- 
πανον τὸν Βαβυλῶνος ὕστερον τούτων ἐπιτροπεύ- 
σαντα. 

68. ᾿Ασσύριοι δὲ στρατευόμενοι περὶ μὲν τῇσι 
κεφαλῇσι εἶχον χάλκεά τε «κράνεα καὶ πεπλεγμένα 
τρόπον τινὰ βάρβαρον οὐκ εὐαπήγητον, ἀσπίδας 
δὲ καὶ αἰχμὰς καὶ ἐγχειρί ια παραπλήσια τῇσι 
Αἰγυπτίῃσι εἶχον, πρὸς δὲ ῥόπαλα ξύλων τετυ- 
λωμένα σιδήρῳ, καὶ λινέους θώρηκας. οὗτοι δὲ 
ὑπὸ μὲν Ἑλλήνων καλέονται Σύριοι, ὑπὸ δὲ τῶν 
βαρβάρων ᾿Ασσύριοι ἐκλήθησαν. τούτων δὲ 
μεταξὺ Χαλδαῖοι. Ἦρχε δὲ σφέων Ὀτάσπης 
ó ᾿Αρταχαίεω. 

64. Βάκτριοι δὲ περὶ μὲν τῇσι κεφαλῇσι ἀγχό- 
τατα τῶν Μηδικῶν ἔ έχοντες ἐστρατεύοντο, τόξα δὲ 

καλάμινα ἐπιχώρια καὶ αἰχμὰς βραχέας. Σάκαι 
δὲ οἱ Σκύθαι περὶ μὲν τῇσι κεφαλῆσι κυρβασίας 
ἐς ὀξὺ ἀπηγμένας ὀρθὰς εἶχον πεπηγυίας, 
ἀναξυρίδας δὲ ἐνεδεδύκεσαν, τόξα δὲ «ἐπιχώρια 
καὶ ἐγχειρίδια, πρὸς δὲ καὶ ἀξίνας σαγάρις εἶχον. 
τούτους δὲ ἐόντας Σκύθας ᾽Αμυργίους Σάκας 
ἐκάλεον' οἱ γὰρ Πέρσαι πάντας τοὺς Σκύθας 
καλέουσι Σάκας. Βακτρίων δὲ καὶ Σακέων ἡ ἦρχε 
Ὕστάσπης ὁ Δαρείου τε καὶ Ατόσσης τῆς Κύρου. 

65. Ἰ νδοὶ δὲ εἵματα μὲν ἐνδεδυκότες ἆ ἀπὸ ξύλων 
πεποιημένα, τόξα δὲ καλάμινα εἶχον καὶ ὀιστοὺς ; 
καλαμίνους ἐπὶ δὲ σίδηρος ἦν. ἐσταλμένοι μὲν 
δὴ ἡ ἦσαν οὕτω ᾿Ινδοί, προσετετάχατο δὲ συστρα- 
τευόµενοι Φαρναζάθρη τῷ ᾿Αρταβθέτεω. 


1 Stein brackets this sentence, with probability. μεταξὺ in 


379 


BOOK VII. 62-65 


turbans and not caps. Their commander was Anaphes 
son of Otanes. The Hyrcanians! were armed like the 
Persians; their leader was Megapanus; who was 
afterwards the governor of Babylon. 

63. The Assyrians of the army wore on their heads 
helmets of twisted bronze made in an outlandish 
fashion not easy to describe. They bore shields and 
spears and daggers of Egyptian fashion, and wooden 
clubs withal studded with iron, and they wore linen 
breastplates. These are called by Greeks Syrians, 
but the foreigners called them Assyrians. With 
them were the Chaldeans. Their commander was 
Otaspes son of Artachaees. 

64. The Bactrians in the army wore a headgear most 
like to the Median, carrying their native bows of 
reed, and short spears. The Sacae, who are Scythians, 
had on their heads tall caps, erect and stiff and 
tapering to a point; they wore breeches, and carried 
their native bows, and daggers, and axes withal, 
which they call “sagaris.” These were Amyrgian 
Scythians, but were called Sacae; for that is the 
Persian name for all Scythians. The commander of 
the Bactrians and Sacae was Hystaspes, son of Darius 
and Cyrus' daughter Atossa. 

65. The Indians wore garments of tree-wool,? and 
carried bows of reed and iron-tipped arrows of the 
same. Such was their equipment; they were ap- 
pointed to march under the command of Pharnazathres 
son of Artabates. 


1 Not mentioned in the list of Darius’ subjects in Book III ; 
they lived on the S. E. eoast of the Caspian. 
3 Cotton. 


the sense of ‘‘among” is not otherwise known, and the 
statement is inconsistent with the use of Χαλδαῖοι in I. 181. 


379 


HERODOTUS 


66. "Αριοι δὲ τόξοισι μὲν ἐσκευασμένοι ἦσαν 
Μηδικοῖσι, τὰ δὲ ἄλλα κατά περ Βάκτριοι. 
᾿Αρίων δὲ ἦρχε Σισάµνης ὁ Ὑδάρνεος. Πάρθοι 
δὲ καὶ Χοράσμιοι καὶ Σόγδοι τε καὶ Γανδάριοι 
καὶ Δαδίκαι τὴν αὐτὴν σκευὴν ἔχοντες τὴν καὶ 
Βάκτριοι ἐστρατεύοντο. τούτων Ἂς 3 ἦρχον οἶδε. 
Πάρθων μὲν καὶ Χορασμίων ᾿Αρτάβαξος ὁ 0 Φαρνά- 
κεος, Σόγδων δὲ ᾽Αξάνης ὁ ᾿Αρταίου, Γανδαρίων 
δὲ καὶ Δαδικέων ᾿Αρτύφιος ὁ Aprafávov. 

67. Κάσπιοι δὲ σισύρνας τα ἐνδεδυκότες καὶ 
τόξα ἐπιχώρια καλάμινα ἔχοντες καὶ ἀκινάκας 
ἐστρατεύοντο. οὗτοι μὲν οὕτω «ἐσκευάδατο, 
ἡγεμόνα παρεχόμενοι ᾿Αριόμαρδον τὸν ᾿Αρτυφίου 
ἀδελφεόν, Σαράγγαι δὲ εἵματα μὲν βεβαμμένα 
ἐνέπρεπον ἔ ovres, πέδιλα δὲ ἐς γόνυ ἀνατείνοντα 
εἶχον, τόξα δὲ καὶ αἰχμὰς Μηδικάς. Σαραγγέων 
δὲ ἦρχε Φερενδάτης 0 MeyaBábov. Πάκτυες δὲ 
σισυρνοφόροι τε ἦσαν καὶ τόξα ἐπιχώρια εἶχον 
καὶ ἐγχειρίδια. Πάκτυες δὲ ἄρχοντα παρείχοντο 
᾿Αρταὔντην τὸν `I Oa uir peo. 

68. Οὔτιοι δὲ καὶ Μύκοι τε καὶ Παρικάνιοι 
ἐσκευασμένοι ἦσαν κατά περ Πάκτυες. τούτων 
δὲ ἢ ἦρχον οἶδε, Οὐτίων μὲν καὶ Μύκων ᾿Αρσαμένης 
ὁ Δαρείου, Παρικανίων δὲ Σιρομίτρης ὁ ο Οἰοβάξου. 

69. ᾿Αράβιοι δὲ ξειρὰς ὑπεζωσμένοι À ἦσαν, τόξα 
δέ παλίντονα εἶχον πρὸς δεξιά, μακρά. Αἰθίοπες 
δὲ παρδαλέας τε καὶ λεοντέας ἐναμμένοι, τόξα δὲ 
εἶχον ἐκ φοίνικος σπάθης πεποιημένα, μακρά, 
τετραπηχέων οὐκ ἐλάσσω, ἐπὶ δὲ καλαμίνους 
ὀιστοὺς μικρούς" ἀντὶ δὲ σιδήρου € ἐπῆν λίθος ὀξὺς 
πεποιημένος, τῷ καὶ τὰς σφρηγῖδας γλύφουσι' 
πρὸς δὲ αἰχμὰς εἶχον, ἐπὶ δὲ κέρας δορκάδος ἐπῆν 
380 


BOOK VII. 66-69 


66. The Arians were equipped with Median bows, 
but in all else like the Bactrians; their commander 
was Sisamnes son of Hydarnes. The Parthians, 
Chorasmians, Sogdians, Gandarians, and Dadicae in 
the army had the same equipment as the Bactrians. 
The Parthians and Chorasmians had for their com- 
mander Artabazus son of Pharnaces, the Sogdians 
Azanes son of Artaeus, the Gandarians and Dadicae 
Artyphius son of Artabanus. 

67. The Caspians in the army wore cloaks, and 
carried the reed bows of their country and short 
swords. Such was their equipment; their leader 
was Ariomardus, brother to Artyphius ; the Sarangae 
made a brave show with dyed garments and boots 
knee-high, carrying bows and Median spears. Their 
commander was Pherendates son of Megabazus. 
The Pactyes wore cloaks and carried the bows of 
their country and daggers; their commander was 
Artajntes son of Ithamitres. 

68. The Utians and Mycians and Paricanians were 
equipped like the Pactyes; the Utians and Mycians 
had for their commander Arsamenes son of Darius, 
the Paricanians Siromitres son of Oeobazus. 

69. The Arabians wore mantles girded up, and 
carried at their right side long bows curving back- 
wards.! The Ethiopians were wrapt in skins of 
leopards and lions, and carried bows made of palm- 
wood strips, full four cubits long, and short arrows 
therewith, pointed not with iron but with a sharpened 
stone, that stone wherewith seals are carved ; more- 
over they had spears pointed with a gazelle's horn 


! That is, the ends of the bow when unstrung curved 
upwards, against the natural curve of the whole; which 
would of course increase its power. 


381 


HERODOTUS 


ὀξὺ πεποιημένον τρόπον λόγχης' εἶχον δὲ καὶ 
ῥόπαλα τυλωτά. τοῦ δὲ σώματος τὸ μὲν ἥμισυ 
ἐξηλείφοντο γύψῳ ἰόντες ἐς μάχην, τὸ δὲ ἄλλο 
ἥμισυ μίλτῳ. ᾿Αραβίων δὲ καὶ Αἰθιόπων τῶν 
ὑπὲρ Αἰγύπτου οἰκημένων ἦρχε ᾿Αρσάμης ὁ 
Δαρείου καὶ ᾿Αρτυστώνης τῆς Κύρου θυγατρός, 
τὴν μάλιστα στέρξας τῶν γυναικῶν Δαρεῖος εἰκὼ 
χρυσέην σφυρήλατον ἐποιήσατο. 

. Τῶν μὲν δὴ ὑπὲρ Αἰγύπτου Αἰθιόπων καὶ 
᾿Αραβίων ἦρχε ᾿Αρσάμης, οἱ δὲ ἀπὸ ἡλίου ava- 
τολέων Αἰθίοπες (διξοὶ γὰρ δὴ ἐστρατεύοντο) 
προσετετάχατο τοῖσι Ἰνδοῖσι, διαλλάσσοντες 
εἶδος μὲν οὐδὲν τοῖσι ἑτέροισι, φωνὴν δὲ καὶ 
τρίχωμα μοῦνον" οἱ μὲν γὰρ ἀπὸ ἡλίου Αἰθίοπες 
ἰθύτριχες εἰσί, οἱ δ᾽ ἐκ τῆς Λιθύης οὐλότατον 
τρίχωμα ἔχουσι πάντων ἀνθρώπων. οὗτοι δὲ οἱ 
ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ασίης Αἰθίοπες τὰ μὲν πλέω κατά περ 
Iv8oi ἐσεσάχατο, προμετωπίδια δὲ d ἵππων εἶχον 
ἐπὶ τῇσι κεφαλῇσι σύν τε τοῖσι ὠσὶ ἐκδεδαρμένα 
καὶ τῇ λοφιῇ' καὶ ἀντὶ μὲν λόφου 7) λοφιὴ 
κατέχρα, τὰ δὲ ὦτα τῶν ἵππων ὀρθὰ πεπηγότα 
εἶχον". προβλήματα δὲ ἀντ᾽ ἀσπίδων ἐποιεῦντο 
γεράνων δοράς. 

71. Λίβυες δὲ σκευὴν μὲν σκυτίνην ἥισαν 
τ ἀκοντίοισι δὲ ἐπικαύτοισι χρεώμενοι, 

οντα δὲ παρείχοντο Μασσάγην τὸν Ὀαρίξου. 

2, Παφλαγόνες δὲ ἐστρατεύοντο ἐπὶ μὲν τῆσι 
κεφαλῇσι κράνεα πεπλεγμένα ἔχοντες, ἀσπίδας δὲ 
μικρὰς αἰχμάς τε οὐ μεγάλας, πρὸς δὲ ἆ ἀκόντια. καὶ 
ἐγχειρίδια, περὶ δὲ τοὺς πόδας πέδιλα ἐπιχώρια 
ἐς μέσην κνήμην ἀνατείνοντα. Λίγυες δὲ καὶ 
Ματιηνοὶ καὶ Μαριανδυνοί τε καὶ Σύριοι τὴν 
382 


BOOK VII. 69-72 


sharpened to the likeness of a lance, and studded 
clubs withal. When they went into battle they 
painted half their bodies with gypsum and the other 
half with vermilion. The Arabians, and the Ethio- 
pians who dwell above Egypt, had for commander 
Arsames son of Darius and Artystone daughter of 
Cyrus, whom Darius loved best of his wives, and had 
an image made of her of hammered gold. 

70. The Ethiopians above Egypt and the Arabians 
had Arsames for commander, and the Ethiopians of 
the east! (for there were two kinds of them in the 
army) served with the Indians ; they differed nothing 
in appearance from the others, but only in speech 
and hair; for the Ethiopians from the east are 
straight-haired, but they of Libya have of all men 
the woolliest hair. These Ethiopians of Ασία were 
for the most part armed like the Indians; but they 
wore on their heads the skins of horses' foreheads, 
stripped from the head with ears and mane; the 
mane served them for a crest, and they wore the 
horses' ears stiff and upright; for shields they had 
bucklers of cranes' skin. 

71. The Libyans came in leathern garments, using 
javelins of charred wood. Their commander was 
Massages son of Oarizus. 

72. The Paphlagonians in the army had plaited 
helmets on their heads, and small shields and short 
spears, and javelins and daggers withal; they wore 
the shoes of their country, reaching midway to the 
knee. The Ligyes aud Matieni and Mariandyni and 


1 For these see III. 94. The “eastern Ethiopians” were 
apparently in or near Beluchistan. 


383 


HERODOTUS 


αὐτὴν ἔχοντες Παφλαγόσι ἐστρατεύοντο. οἱ δὲ 
Σύριοι οὗτοι ὑπὸ Περσέων Καππαδόκαι καλέονται. 
Παφλαγόνων «μέν νυν καὶ Ματιηνῶν Δῶτος ὁ 
Μεγασίδρου ἦρχε, Μαριανδυνῶν δὲ καὶ Λιγύων 
καὶ Συρίων Γοβρύης ὁ Δαρείου τε καὶ ᾿Αρτυ- 
στώνης. 

T3. Φρύγες δὲ ἀγχοτάτω τῆς Παφλαγονικῆς 
σκευὴν εἶχον, ὀλίγον παραλλάσσοντες. οἱ δὲ 
Φρύγες, ὡς Μακεδόνες λέγουσι, ἐκαλέοντο Βρίγες 
χρόνον ὅσον [ὐρωπήιοι ἐόντες σύνοικοι ἦσαν 
Μακεδόσι, μεταβάντες δὲ ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίην ἅμα τῇ 

apy καὶ τὸ οὔνομα μετέβαλον ἐς Φρύγας. 
Ἀρμένιοι δὲ κατά περ Φρύγες ἐσεσάχατο, ἐόντες 
Φρυγῶν ἄποικοι. τούτων συναμφοτέρων ἦρχε 
᾿Ἀρτόχμης Δαρείου ἔ ἔχων θυγατέρα. 

74. Λυδοὶ δὲ ἀγχοτάτω τῶν Ἑλληνικῶν εἶχον 
ὅπλα. οἱ δὲ Λυδοὶ Μηίονες ἐκαλεῦντο τὸ πάλαι, 
ἐπὶ δὲ Λυδοῦ τοῦ "Ατυος ἔσχον τὴν. ἐπωνυμίην, 
μεταβαλόντες τὸ οὔνομα. Μυσοὶ δὲ ἐπὶ μὲν τῆσι 
κεφαλῇσι εἶχον κράνεα ἐπιχώρια, ἀσπίδας δὲ 
μικρᾶς, ἀκοντίοισι δὲ ἐχρέωντο ἐπικαύτοισι. 
οὗτοι δὲ εἰσὶ Λυδῶν ἄποικοι, ἀπ᾽ Ολύμπου δὲ 
ὄρεος καλέονται Ὀλυμπιηνοί. Λυδῶν δὲ καὶ 
Μυσῶν ἦρχε ᾿Αρταφρένης ι ὁ ᾿Αρταφρένεος ὃς ἐς 
Μαραθῶνα ἐσέθαλε ἅμα Δάτι. 

15. Θρήικες δὲ ἐπὶ μὲν τῇσι κεφαλῇσι ἆλω- 
πεκέας ἔχοντες ἐστρατεύοντο, περὶ δὲ τὸ σῶμα 
κιθῶνας, ἐπὶ δὲ ξειρὰς περιβεβλημένοι ποικίλας, 
π ερὶ δὲ τοὺς πόδας τε καὶ τὰς κνήμας πέδιλα 
νεβρῶν, πρὸς δὲ ἀκόντιά τε καὶ πέλτας καὶ 
ἐγχειρίδια μικρά. οὗτοι δὲ διαβάντες μὲν ἐς τὴν 
᾿Ασίην ἐκλήθησαν Βιθυνοί, τὸ δὲ πρότερον èra- 


384 


BOOK VII. 72-75 


Syrians were equipped like the Paphlagonians. 
These Syrians are called by the Persians Cappadocians. 
Dotus son of Megasidrus was commander of the 
Paphlagonians and Matieni, Gobryas son of Darius and 
Artystone of the Mariandyni and Ligyes and Syrians. 
13. The Phrygian equipment was most like to the : 
Paphlagonian, with but small difference. By what 
the Macedonians say, these Phrygians were called 
Briges as long as they dwelt in Europe, where they 
were neighbours of the Macedonians; but when 
they changed their home to Asia they changed 
their name also and were called Phrygians.1 The 
Armenians, who are settlers from Phrygia, were 
armed like the Phrygians. Both these together had 
for their commander Artochmes, Darius’ son-in-law. 
74. The Lydian armour was most like to the 
Greek. The Lydians were formerly called Meiones, 
till they changed their name and were called after 
Lydus, son of Atys. The Mysians wore on their 
heads helmets of native form, carrying small shields 
and javelins of charred wood. These are settlers 
from Lydia, who are called Olympieni after the 
mountain Olympus. The commander of the Lydians 
and Mysians was that Artaphrenes, son of Artaph- 
renes, who made the onfall on Marathon with Datis. 
75. The Thracians in the army wore fox-skin caps 
on their heads, and tunics on their bodies; mantles 
of divers colours were their covering ; they had shoes 
of fawnskin on their feet and legs, carrying withal 
javelins and little shields and daggers. These took 
the name of Bithynians after they crossed over to 
Asia; before that they were called (as they them- 
1 This tends to support a reversal of Herodotus’ account of 
racial migration in ch. 20 ; see the note there. 


395 
VOL. III. Cc C 


HERODOTUS 


λέοντο, ὡς αὐτοὶ λέγουσι, Στρυμόνιοι, οἰκέοντες 
ἐπὶ Στρυμόνι" ἐξαναστῆναι δὲ φασὶ ἐξ ἠθέων ὑπὸ 
Τευκρῶν τε καὶ Μυσῶν. Θρηίκων δὲ τῶν ἐν τῇ 
᾿Ασίῃ ἦρχε Βασσάκης ὁ ᾿Αρταβάνου. 

e... ἀσπίδας! δὲ ὠμοβοΐνας. εἶχον 
σμικρᾶς, καὶ προβόλους δύο λυκιοεργέας ἕκαστος 
εἶχε, ἐπὶ δὲ τῇσι κεφαλῇσι κράνεα χάλκεα" πρὸς 
δὲ τοῖσι κρανεσι ὦτά τε καὶ κέρεα προσῆν Boos 
χάλκεα, ἐπῆσαν δὲ καὶ λόφοι: τὰς δὲ κνήμας 
ῥάκεσι φοινικέοισι κατειλίχατο. | ἐν τούτοισι 
τοῖσι ἀνδράσι "Apeos ἐστὶ χρηστήριον. 

1T. Καβηλέες δὲ οἱ Mníoves, Λασόνιοι δὲ καλεύ- 
μενοι, τὴν αὐτὴν Κίλιξι εἶχον σκευήν, τὴν ἐγώ, 
ἐπεὰν κατὰ τὴν Κιλίκων τάξιν διεξιὼν γένωμαι, 
τότε σημανέω. Μιλύαι δὲ αἰχμάς τε βραχέας 
εἶχον καὶ εἵματα ἐνεπεπορπέατο' εἶχον δὲ αὐτῶν 
τόξα μετεξέτεροι Λύκια, περὶ δὲ τῇσι κεφαλῇσι 
ἐκ διφθερέων πεποιημένας κυνέας. τούτων πάντων 
ἦρχε Βάδρης ὁ ὁ Ὑστάνεος. 

fs. Μόσχοι δὲ περὶ μὲν τῇσι κεφαλῇσι κυνέας 
ξυλίνας εἶχον, ἀσπίδας δὲ καὶ αἰχμὰς σμικράς᾽ 
λόγχαι δὲ ἐπῆσαν μεγάλαι. Τιβαρηνοὶ δὲ καὶ 
Μάκρωνες καὶ Μοσσύνοικοι κατά περ Μόσχοι 
ἐσκευασμένοι ἐστρατεύοντο. τούτους δὲ συνέτασ- 
σον ἄρχοντες οἶδε, Μόσχους μὲν καὶ Τιβαρηνοὺς 
᾿Αριόμαρδος ὁ ὁ Δαρείου τε παῖς καὶ Πάρμνος τῆς 
Σμέρδιος τοῦ Κύρου, Μάκρωνας δὲ καὶ Μοσσυνοί- 
κους ᾿Αρταὔκτης ὁ Χεράσμιος, ὃς Σηστὸν τὴν ἐν 
Ἑλλησπόντῳ ἐπετρόπέυε. 

1 Some tribal name is probably omitted before this word ; 


Stein suggests Πισίδαι (cp. 111. 90), which might have slipped 
out because of its similarity to ἀσπίδας. 


386 


BOOK VII. 75-78 


selves say) Strymonians, as dwelling by the Strymon ; 
they say that they were driven from their homes by 
Teucrians and Mysians. The commander of the 
Thracians of Asia was Bassaces son of Artabanus. 

76. The [Pisidians] had little shields of raw 
oxhide ; each man carried two wolf-hunter's spears ; 
they wore helmets of bronze, with the ears and 
horns of oxen wrought in bronze thereon, and crests 
withal; their legs were wrapped round with strips 
of purple stuff. In this country is a place of 
divination sacred to Ares. 

TT. The Cabelees,! who are Meiones, and are called 
Lasonii, had the same equipment as the Cilicians; 
when I come in my recording to the place of the 
Cilicians, 1 will then declare what it was, The 
Milyae had short spears and garments fastened by 
brooches ; some of them carried Lycian bows, and 
wore caps of skin on their heads. The commander 
of all these was Badres son of Hystanes. 

78. The Moschi wore wooden helmets on their 
heads, and carried shields and small spears with 
long points. The Tibareni and Macrones and 
Mossynoeci in the army were equipped like the 
Moschi. Their commanders who marshalled them 
were, for the Moschi and Tibareni, Ariomardus son 
of Darius and Parmys, the daughter of Cyrus’ son 
Smerdis ; for the Macrones and Mossynoeci, Artayctes 
son of Cherasmis, who was governor of Sestus on the 
Hellespont. 

1 From a district bordered by Caria, Phrygia, Pisidia, 
and Lycia. 

337 


HERODOTUS 


79. Mapes δὲ ἐπὶ μὲν τῇσι κεφαλῇσι κράνεα 
ἐπιχώρια πλεκτὰ εἶχον, ἀσπίδας δὲ δερματίνας 
μικρὰς καὶ ἀκόντια. Κόλχοι δὲ περὶ μὲν τῆσι 
κεφαλῇσι κράνεα ξύλινα, ἀσπίδας δὲ ὠμοβοΐνας 
μικρὰς αἰχμάς τε βραχέας, πρὸς δὲ μαχαίρας 
εἶχον. Μαρῶν δὲ καὶ Κόλχων ἡ ἦρχε Φαρανδάτης 
ὁ Τεάσπιος. ᾿Αλαρόδιοι δὲ καὶ Σάσπειρες κατά 

περ Κόλχοι ὡπλισμένοι ἐστρατεύοντο. τούτων 
δὲ Μασίστιος ὁ Σιρομίτρεω ἡ ἦρχε. 

80. Τὰ δὲ νησιωτικὰ ἔθνεα τὰ ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ερυθρῆς 
θαλάσσης ἑπόμενα, νήσων δὲ ἐν τῇσι τοὺς ἀνασπά- 
στους καλεομένους κατοικίξει βασιλεύς, ἆ ἀγχοτάτω 
τῶν Μηδικῶν εἶχον ἐσθῆτά τε καὶ ὅπλα. τούτων 
δὲ τῶν νησιωτέων ἦρχε Μαρδόντης ὁ Βαγαίου, 
ὃς ἐν Μυκάλῃ στρατηγέων δευτέρῳ ἔτεϊ τούτων 
ἐτελεύτησε ἐν τῇ μάχῃ. 

81. Ταῦτα ἦν τὰ κατ᾽ ἤπειρον στρατευόμενά τε 
ἔθνεα καὶ τεταγμένα ἐς τὸν πεξόν. τούτου ὦ ὧν 
τοῦ στρατοῦ ἦρχον μὲν οὗτοι ot περ εἰρέαται, καὶ 
οἱ διατάξαντες καὶ ἐξαριθμήσαντες οὗτοι ἦσαν καὶ 
χιλιάρχας τε καὶ μυριάρχας ἀποδέξαντες, ἑ ἑκατον- 
τάρχας δὲ καὶ δεκάρχας οἱ μυριάρχαι. τελέων δὲ 
καὶ ἐθνέων ἢ ἦσαν ἄλλοι σημάντορες. 

82. Ἦσαν μὲν δὴ οὗτοι ot περ εἰρέαται ἄρχοντες, 
ἐστρατήγεον δὲ τούτων τε καὶ τοῦ σύμπαντος 
στρατοῦ τοῦ πεξοῦ Μαρδόνιός τε ὁ Γοβρύεω καὶ 
Τριτανταίχμης ὁ ο ᾿Αρταβάνου τοῦ γνώμην θεμένου 

μὴ στρατεύεσθαι ἐπὶ Ἑλλάδα καὶ | Σμερδομένης ὁ ὁ 
Ὀτάνεω, Δαρείου «ἀμφότεροι οὗτοι ἀδελφεῶν 
παῖδες, Ξέρξῃ δὲ ἐγίνοντο ἀνεψιοί, καὶ Μασίστης 


1 479. 
388 


BOOK VII. 79-82 


79. The Mares wore on their heads the plaited 
helmets of their country, carrying small shields of 
hide and javelins. The Colchians had wooden hel- 
mets and small shields of raw oxhide and short 
spears, and swords withal. The commander of the 
Mares and Colchians was Pharandates son of Teaspis. 
The Alarodians and Saspires in the army were armed 
like the Colchians; Masistius son of Siromitres was 
their commander. 

80. The island tribes that came from the Red Sea, 
and from the islands where the king plants those 
who are called Exiles, wore dress and armour likest 
to the Median. The commander of these islanders 
was Mardontes son of Bagaeus, who in the next year! 
being then general at Mycale, was there slain in 
the fight. 

81. These are the nations that marched by the 
mainland and had their places in the land army. Of 
this host the commanders were those of whom I have 
spoken, and these were they that marshalled and 
numbered the host and appointed captains of 
thousands and ten thousands, the captains of ten 
thousands appointing the captains of hundreds and 
of tens. Others too there were, leaders of troops 
and nations.? 

82. The commanders then were as aforesaid. The 
generals of these and of the whole land army were 
Mardonius son of Gobryas, Tritantaechmes son of 
that Artabanus who counselled that there should be 
no expedition against Hellas, Smerdomenes son of 
Otanes (these two latter were sons of Darius’ 
brethren, whereby they were Xerxes’ cousins), 


? That is, native leaders, not the regular officers of the 
army. 


389 


HERODOTUS 


ὁ Δαρείου τε καὶ ᾿Ατόσσης παῖς καὶ Γέργις ὁ 
᾿Αριάζου καὶ Μεγάβυξος ὁ Ζωπύρου. 

88. Οὗτοι ἦσαν στρατηγοὶ τοῦ σύμπαντος πεξοῦ 
χωρὶς τῶν μυρίων: τῶν δὲ μυρίων τούτων Περσέων 
τῶν ἀπολελεγμένων ἐστρατήγεε μὲν Ὑδάρνης ὁ 
Ὕδάρνεος, ἐκαλέοντο δὲ ἀθάνατοι οἱ Πέρσαι οὗτοι 
ἐπὶ τοῦδε: εἴ τις αὐτῶν ἐξέλιπε τὸν ἀριθμὸν ἢ 
θανάτῳ βιηθεὶς ἢ νούσῳ, ἄλλος ἀνὴρ ἀραίρητο, 
καὶ ἐγίνοντο οὐδαμὰ οὔτε πλεῦνες μυρίων οὔτε 
ἐλάσσονες. κόσμον δὲ πλεῖστον παρείχοντο διὰ 
πάντων Πέρσαι, καὶ αὐτοὶ ἄριστοι ἦσαν" σκευὴν 
μὲν τοιαύτην εἶχον ἥ περ εἴρηται, χωρὶς δὲ χρυσόν 
τε πολλὸν καὶ ἄφθονον ἔχοντες ἐνέπρεπον, ἆρμα- 
μάξας τε ἅμα ἤγοντο, ἐν δν παλλακὰς καὶ θερα- 
πηίην πολλήν τε καὶ εὖ ἐσκευασμένην' σῖτα δέ 
σφι, χωρὶς τῶν ἄλλων στρατιωτέων, κάμηλοί τε 
καὶ ὑποζύγια ἦγον. 

84. Ἱππεύει δὲ ταῦτα τὰ ἔθνεα: πλὴν οὐ πάντα 
παρείχετο ἵππον, ἀλλὰ τοσάδε μοῦνα, Πέρσαι 
μὲν τὴν αὐτὴν ἐσκευασμένοι καὶ ὁ πεξὸς αὐτῶν" 
πλὴν ἐπὶ τῇσι κεφαλῇσι εἶχον ἔνιοι αὐτῶν καὶ 
χάλκεα καὶ σιδήρεα ἐξεληλαμένα ποιήματα. 

85. Εἰσὶ δὲ τινὲς νομάδες ἄνθρωποι Σαγάρτιοι 
καλεόμενοι, ἔθνος μὲν Περσικὸν καὶ φωνῇ, σκευὴν 
δὲ μεταξὺ ἔχουσι πεποιημένην τῆς τε Περσικῆς 
καὶ τῆς Πακτυϊκῆς' ot παρείχοντο μὲν ἵππον 
ὀκτακισχιλίην, ὅπλα δὲ οὐ νομίξουσι ἔχειν οὔτε 
χάλκεα οὔτε σιδήρεα ἔξω ἐγχειριδίων, χρέωνται 
δὲ σειρῆσι πεπλεγμένησι ἐξ ἱμάντων' ταύτησι 
πίσυνοι ἔρχονται ἐς πόλεμον. ἡ δὲ μάχη τούτων 
τῶν ἀνδρῶν ἥδε: ἐπεὰν συμμίσγωσι τοῖσι TONE- 
µίοισι, βάλλουσι τὰς σειρὰς ἐπ᾽ ἄκρῳ βρόχους 


399 


à BOOK VII. 82-85 


Masistes son of Darius and Atossa, Gergis son of 
Ariazus, and Megabyzus son of Zopyrus. 

83. These were the generals of the whole land 
army, saving the Ten Thousand; Hydarnes son of 
Hydarnes was general of these picked ten thousand 
Persians, who were called Immortals for this reason, 
that when any one of them fell out of the number by 
force of death or sickness, another was chosen, and 
so they were never more or fewer than ten thousand. 
The Persians showed of all the richest adornment, 
and were themselves the best in the army. Their 
equipment was such as I have recorded; over and 
above this they made a brave show with the abund- 
ance of gold that they had; carriages withal they 
brought, bearing concubines and servants many and 
well equipped ; and their food was brought to them 
on camels and beasts of burden, apart from the rest 
of the army. 

84. There are horsemen in these nations, yet not 
all of them furnished cavalry, but only such as I will 
show : first the Persians, equipped like their foot, 
save that some of them wore headgear of hammered 
bronze and iron. 

85. There are also certain nomads called Sagartian ; 
they are Persian in speech, and the fashion of their 
equipment is somewhat between the Persian and 
the Pactyan; they furnished eight thousand horse- 
men. It is their custom to carry no armour of 
bronze or iron, save daggers only, and to use ropes 
of twisted leather.! In these they trust when they go 
to battle; and this is their manner of fighting: when 
they are at close quarters with their enemy, they 
throw their ropes, these having a noose at the end ; 


1 4. e. lassoes. 


391 


HERODOTUS 


ἐχούσας ὅτευ δ᾽ àv τύχη, ἣν Te ἵππου ἦν τε 
ἀνθρώπου, ἐπ᾽ ἑωυτὸν ἕλκει: of δὲ ἐν ἕρκεσι 
ἐμπαλασσόμενοι διαφθείρονται. 

86. Τούτων μὲν αὕτη ἡ μάχη, καὶ ἐπετετάχατο 
ἐς τοὺς Πέρσας Μῆδοι δὲ τήν περ ἐν τῷ πεζῷ 
εἶχον. σκευήν, καὶ Κίσσιοι -ὡσαύτως, Ἰνδοὶ δὲ 
σκευῇ μὲν ἐσεσάχατο τῇ αὐτῇ; "καὶ ἐν τῷ πεζῷ, 
ἤλαυνον δὲ κέλητας καὶ ἅρματα: ὑπὸ δὲ τοῖσι 
ἅρμασι ὑπῆσαν ἵπποι καὶ ὄνοι ἄγριοι. Βάκτριοι 
δὲ ἐσκευάδατο ὡσαύτως καὶ ἐν τῷ πεξῷ, καὶ 
Κάσπιοι ὁμοίως. Λίβυες δὲ καὶ αὐτοὶ κατά περ 
ἐν τῷ πεζφ' ἤλαυνον δὲ καὶ οὗτοι πάντες ἅρματα. 
ὣς δ᾽ αὕτως Κάσπιοι καὶ Παρικάνιοι ἐσεσάχατο 
ὁμοίως καὶ ἐν τῷ πεζῷ. ᾿Αράβιοι δὲ σκευὴν μὲν 
εἶχον τὴν αὐτὴν καὶ ἐν τῷ πεζῷ, ἤλαυνον δὲ πάντες 
καμήλους ταχυτῆτα οὐ λειπομένας í ἵππων. 

8T. Ταῦτα. τὰ ἔθνεα μοῦνα ἱππεύει. ἀριθμὸς δὲ 
τῆς ἵππου ἐγένετο ὀκτὼ μυριάδες, πάρεξ τῶν καμή- 
λων καὶ τῶν ἁρμάτων. οἱ μέν νυν ἄλλοι ἱππέες 
ἐτετάχατο κατὰ τέλεα, ᾿Αράβιοι δὲ ἔσχατοι 
ἐπετετά ατο' dire γὰρ τῶν ἵππων οὔτι ἀνεχομένων 
τὰς καμήλους, ὕστεροι ἐτετάχατο, ἵνα μὴ φοβέοιτο 
τὸ ἱππικόν. 

88. "Ίππαρχοι δὲ ἦσαν. Αρμαμίθρης τε καὶ 
Τίθαιος Δάτιος παῖδες. ὁ δὲ τρίτος σφι συν- 
ἵππαρχος Φαρνούχης κατελέλειπτο ἐν Lap δισι 
νοσέων. ὡς γὰρ ὁρμῶντο ἐκ Σαρδίων, ἐπὶ 
συμφορὴν περιέπεσε ἀνεθέλητον' ἐλαύνοντι γάρ 
οἱ ὑπὸ τοὺς πόδας τοῦ ἵππου ὑπέδραμε κύων, καὶ 
ὁ ἵππος οὐ προϊδὼν ἐφοβήθη τε καὶ στὰς ὀρθὸς 
ἀπεσείσατο τὸν Φαρνούχεα, πεσὼν δὲ αἷμά τε 
ἦμεε καὶ ἐς φθίσιν περιῆλθε ἡ νοῦσος. τὸν δὲ 
392 


BOOK VII. 85-88 


and whatever they catch, be it horse or man, the 
thrower drags it to himself, and the enemy thus 
entangled in the prisoning coils is slain. 

86. This is their manner of fighting ; their place 
in the army was with the Persians. The Median 
horse were equipped like their foot, and the Cissians 
likewise. The Indians were armed in like manner 
as their foot; they rode swift horses and drove 
chariots drawn by horses and wild asses. The 
Bactrians were equipped as were their foot, and the 
Caspians in like manner. The Libyans too were 
armed like the men of their infantry, and all of them 
too drove chariots. So likewise the Caspians and 
Paricanians were armed as the men of their infantry. 
The Arabians had the same equipment as the men 
of their infantry, and all of them rode on camels no 
less swift than horses. 

87. These nations alone are riders; and the 
number of the horsemen was shown to be eighty 
thousand, besides the camels and the chariots. All 
the rest of the riders were ranked in their several 
troops, but the Arabians were posted hindmost; for 
the horses not enduring the sight of camels, their 
place was in the rear, that so the horses might not 
be affrighted. 

88. The captains of horse were Harmamithres and 
Tithaeus, sons of Datis ; the third who was captain 
with them, Pharnuches, had been left behind sick 
at Sardis. For as they set forth from Sardis, an 
unwelcome mishap befel him; a dog ran under the 
feet of the horse that he rode, and the horse taken 
unawares reared up and threw Pharnuches; after 
his fall he vomited blood and his hurt turned toa 


393 


HERODOTUS 


ἵππον αὐτίκα κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς ἐποίησαν ὡς ἐκέλευε" 
ἀπαγαγόντες οἱ οἰκέται ἐς τὸν χῶρον ἐν τῷ περ 
κατέβαλε τὸν δεσπότην, ἐν τοῖσι γούνασι à ἀπέταμον 
τὰ σκέλεα. Φαρνούχης μὲν οὕτω παρελύθη τῆς 
ἡγεμονίης. 

89. Tov δὲ τριηρέων ἀριθμὸς μὲν ἐγένετο ἑπτὰ 
καὶ διηκόσιαι καὶ ίλιαι, παρείχοντο δὲ αὐτὰς 
οἵδε, Φοίνικες μὲν σὺν Σύροισι τοῖσι ἐν τῇ Παλαι- 
στίνῃ τριηκοσίας, ὧδε ἐσκευασμένοι: περὶ μὲν 
τῇσι κεφαλῇσι κυνέας εἶχον ἀγχοτάτω πεποιη- 
μένας τρόπον τὸν Ἑλληνικόν, ἐνδεδυκότες δὲ 
θώρηκας λινέους, ἀσπίδας δὲ ἴτυς οὐκ ἐχούσας 
εἶχον καὶ ἀκόντια. οὗτοι δὲ οἱ Φοίνικες τὸ παλαιὸν 
οἴκεον, ὡς αὐτοὶ λέγουσι, ἐπὶ τῇ Βρυθρῇ θαλάσσῃ, 
ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ ὑπερβάντες τῆς Συρίης οἰκέουσι τὸ 
παρὰ θάλασσαν" τῆς δὲ Συρίης τοῦτο τὸ χωρίον 
καὶ τὸ μέχρι Αἰγύπτου πᾶν Παλαιστίνη καλέεται. 
Αἰγύπτιοι δὲ νέας παρείχοντο διηκοσίας. οὗτοι 
δὲ εἶχον περὶ μὲν τῇσι κεφαλῇσι κράνεα χηλευτά, 
ἀσπίδας δὲ κοίλας, τὰς ἴτυς μεγάλας ἐχούσας, καὶ 
δόρατά τε ναύμαχα καὶ τύχους μεγάλους. τὸ δὲ 
πλῆθος αὐτῶν θωρηκοφόροι ἦσαν, μαχαίρας δὲ 
μεγάλας εἶχον. 

90. Οὗτοι bev οὕτω ἐστάλατο, Κύπριοι δὲ 
παρείχοντο νέας πεντήκοντα καὶ ἑκατόν, ἐσκευα- 
σμένοι ὧδε' τὰς μὲν κεφαλὰς εἱλίχατο μίτρῃσι οἱ 
βασιλέες αὐτῶν, οἱ δὲ ἄλλοι εἶχον κιθῶνας, τὰ δὲ 

ἄλλα κατά περ Ἕλληνες. τούτων δὲ τοσάδε 
Eo εἰσί, οἳ μὲν ἀπὸ Σαλαμῖνος καὶ ᾿Αθηνέων, 

? δὲ ἀπ᾽ ᾿Αρκαδίης, of δὲ ἀπὸ Κύθνου, o? δὲ ἀπὸ 
πρωι, ot δὲ ἀπὸ Αἰθιοπίης, ὡς αὐτοὶ Κύπριοι 
λέγουσι. 

304 


BOOK VII. 88-9o 


wasting sickness. The horse was straightway dealt 
with according to Pharnuches command; his ser- 
vants led it away to the place where it had thrown 
their master, and cut off its legs at the knee. Thus 
it was that Pharnuches lost his captaincy. 

89. The number of the triremes was shown to be 
twelve hundred and seven; and these were they 
that furnished them. First, the Phoenicians; they, 
with the Syrians of Palestine, furnished three 
hundred. For their equipment, they had on their 
heads helmets well-nigh of Greek fashion; they 
wore linen breastplates, and carried shields without 
rims, and javelins. These Phoenicians dwelt in old 
time, as they themselves say, by the Red Sea; 
passing over from thence, they now inhabit the sea- 
coast of Syria; that part of Syria and as much of it 
as reaches to Egypt, is all called Palestine. The 
Egyptians furnished two hundred ships. These 
wore plaited helmets, and carried hollow shields 
with broad rims, and spears for sea-warfare, and 
great poleaxes. The greater part of them wore 
cuirasses and carried long swords. 

90. Such was their armour: the Cyprians furnished 
a hundred and fifty ships; for their equipment, 
their princes wore turbans wrapped round their 
heads; the people wore tunics, but in all else were 
like the Greeks. Their tribes are these!: some are 
from Salamis and Athens, some from Arcadia, some 
from Cythnus, some from Phoenice, and some from 
Ethiopia, as the Cyprians themselves say. 


1 That is, the entire population contains every where these 
component parts ; they are not locally separate. 


395 


HERODOTUS 


91. Κίλικες δὲ ἑκατὸν παρείχοντο νέας. οὗτοι 
δ αὖ περὶ μὲν τῇσι κεφαλῆσι κράνεα ἐπιχώρια, 
λαισήια δὲ εἶχον ἀντ᾽ ἀσπίδων ὠμοβοέης meron- 
μένα, καὶ κιθῶνας εἰρινέους ἐνδεδυκότες: δύο δὲ 
ἀκόντια ἕκαστος καὶ ξίφος εἶχον, ἀγχοτάτω τῇσι 
Αἰγυπτίῃσι μαχαίρῃσι πεποιημένα. οὗτοι δὲ τὸ 
παλαιὸν Ὑπαχαιοὶ ἐκαλέοντο, ἐπὶ δὲ Κίλικος τοῦ 
᾿Αγήνορος ἀνδρὸς Φοίνικος ἔσχον τὴν ἐπωνυμίην. 
Πάμφυλοι δὲ τριήκοντα παρείχοντο νέας Ἕλλη- 
νικοῖσι ὅπλοισι ἐσκευασμένοι. οἱ δὲ Πάμφυλοι 
οὗτοι εἰσὶ τῶν ἐκ Τροίης ἀποσκεδασθέντων ἅμα 
᾿Αμϕιλόχῳ καὶ Κάλχαντι. 

09. Λύκιοι δὲ παρείχοντο νέας πεντήκοντα 
θωρηκοφόροι τε ἐόντες καὶ κνημιδοφόροι, εἶχον δὲ 
τόξα κρανέινα καὶ ὀιστοὺς καλαμίνους ἁπτέρους 
καὶ ἀκόντια, ἐπὶ δὲ αἰγὸς δέρμα περὶ τοὺς ὤμους 
αἰωρεύμενον, περὶ δὲ τῆσι κεφαλῇσι πίλους 
πτεροῖσι περιεστεφανωμένους: ἐγχειρίδια δὲ καὶ 
δρέπανα εἶχον. Λύκιοι δὲ Τερμίλαι ἐκαλέοντο ἐκ 
Κρήτης γεγονότες, ἐπὶ δὲ Λύκου τοῦ Πανδίονος 
ἀνδρὸς ᾿Αθηναίου ἔσχον τὴν ἐπωνυμίην. 

93. Δωριέες δὲ οἱ ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ασίης τριήκοντα 
παρείχοντο νέας, ἔχοντές τε Ἑλληνικὰ ὅπλα καὶ 
γεγονότες ἀπὸ Πελοποννήσου. Κᾶρες δὲ ἑβδομή- 
κοντα παρείχοντο νέας, τὰ μὲν ἄλλα κατά περ 
"Ελληνες ἐσταλμένοι, εἶχον δὲ καὶ δρέπανα καὶ 
ἐγχειρίδια. οὗτοι δὲ οἵτινες πρότερον ἐκαλέοντο, 
ἐν τοῖσι πρώτοισι τῶν λόγων εἴρηται. 

94. Ἴωνες δὲ ἑκατὸν νέας παρείχοντο ἐσκευα- 
σμένοι ὡς"Ελληνες. "Ἴωνες δὲ ὅσον μὲν χρόνον ἐν 
Πελοποννήσῳ οἴκεον τὴν νῦν καλεομένην ᾿Αχαιίην, 
καὶ πρὶν ἢ Δαναὸν τε καὶ Ἐοῦθον ἀπικέσθαι ἐς 


396 


BOOK VII. 91-94 


91. The Cilicians furnished a hundred ships. 
These, too, wore on their heads the helmets of 
their country, carrying bucklers of raw oxhide for 
shields, and clad in woollen tunies; each had two 
javelins and a sword fashioned well-nigh like the 
falchions of Egypt. These Cilicians were in old 
time called Hypachaei, and took the name they 
bear from Cilix a Phoenician, son of Agenor.! The 
Pamphylians furnished a hundred ships: they were 
armed like Greeks. These Pamphylians are de- 
scended from the Trojans of the dispersal who 
followed Amphilochus and Calchas. 

92. The Lycians furnished fifty ships; they wore 
cuirasses and greaves, carrying bows of cornel-wood 
and unfeathered arrows and javelins; goat-skins 
hung from their shoulders, and they wore on their 
heads caps set about with feathers; daggers they 
had too, and scimitars. The Lycians were of Cretan 
descent, and were once called Termilae; they took 
the name they bear from Lycus, an Athenian, son 
of Pandion. | 

93. The Dorians of Asia furnished thirty ships; 
their armour was Greek ; they were of Peloponnesian 
descent. The Carians furnished seventy ships; they 
had scimitars and daggers, but for the rest Greek 
equipment. Ofthem I have spoken in the beginning 
of my history,? telling by what name they were 
formerly called. 

94. The lonians furnished a hundred ships; their 
equipment was like the Greek. These Ionians, as 
long as they were in the Peloponnese dwelling in 
what is now called Achaia, before Danaus and 


i ipd appears to represent the Phoenician Baal. 
n I. 171. 


397 


HERODOTUS 


Πελοπόννησον, ὡς Ἕλληνες λέγουσι, ἐκαλέοντο 
Πελασγοὶ Αἰγιαλέες, ἐπὶ δὲ Ἴωνος τοῦ Ξούθου 
Ἴωνες. 

95. Νησιῶται δὲ ἑπτακαίδεκα παρείχοντο νέας, 
ὡπλισμένοι ὡς “Έλληνες, καὶ τοῦτο Πελασγικὸν 
ἔθνος, ὕστερον δὲ Ἰωνικὸν ἐκλήθη κατὰ τὸν αὐτὸν 
λόγον καὶ οἱ δυωδεκαπόλιες Ἴ aves οἱ an ᾿Αθηνέων. 
Αἰολέες δὲ ἑξήκοντα νέας παρείχοντο, ἐσκευασμένοι 
τε ὡς” Ελληνες καὶ τὸ πάλαι καλεόμενοι Πελασγοί, 
ὡς Ἑλλήνων λόγος. Ἑλλησπόντιοι δὲ πλὴν 

Α βυδηνῶν (Αβυδηνοῖσι γὰρ προσετέτακτο ἐκ 
βασιλέος κατὰ χώρην μένουσι Φύλακας εἶναι τῶν 
γεφυρέων) οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ οἱ ἐκ τοῦ Πόντου στρατευό- 
µενοι παρείχοντο μὲν ἑκατὸν νέας, ἐσκευασμένοι 
δὲ ἡ ἧσαν ὡς Ἕλληνες. οὗτοι δὲ Ἰώνων καὶ Δωριέων 
ἄποικοι. 

96, ᾿Επεβάτευον δὲ ἐπὶ πασέων τῶν νεῶν 
Πέρσαι καὶ Μῆδοι καὶ Σάκαι. τούτων. δὲ à ἄριστα 
πλεούσας παρείχοντο νέας Φοίνικες καὶ Φοινίκων 
Σιδώνιοι. τούτοισι πᾶσι καὶ τοῖσι ἐς τὸν πεζὸν 
τεταγμένοισι αὐτῶν ἐπῆσαν ἑκάστοισι ἐπιχώριοι 
ἡγεμόνες, τῶν ἐγώ, οὐ γὰρ ἀναγκαίῃ ἐξέργομαι 
ἐς ἱστορίης λόγον, οὐ παραμέμνημαι. οὔτε γὰρ 
ἔθνεος ἑκάστου ᾿ἐπάξιοι ἦσαν οἱ ἡγεμόνες, ἔν τε 
ἔθνεῖ ἑκάστῳ ὅσαι περ πόλιες τοσοῦτοι καὶ 
ἡγεμόνες ἦσαν, εἵποντο δὲ ὡς οὐ στρατηγοὶ 
ἀλλ᾽ ὥσπερ οἱ ἄλλοι στρατευόμενοι δοῦλοι" ἐπεὶ 
στρατηγοί γε οἱ τὸ πᾶν ἔχοντες κράτος καὶ 
ἄρχοντες τῶν ἐθνέων ἑκάστων, ὅσοι αὐτῶν ἦσαν 
Πέρσαι, εἰρέαταί μοι. 

97. Tod δὲ ναυτικοῦ ἐστρατήγεον ᾿Αριαβίγνης 


398 


BOOK VII. 94-97 


Xuthus came to the Peloponnese, as the Greeks say, 
were called Aegialian Pelasgians!; they were named 
Ionians after Ion the son of Xuthus. 

95. The islanders furnished seventeen ships; they 
were armed like Greeks; they also were of Pelas- 
gian'stock, which was later called Ionian by the 
same right as were the Ionians of the twelve cities? 
who came from Athens. The Aeolians furnished 
sixty ships; they were equipped like Greeks; in 
former days they were called Pelasgian, as the 
Greek story goes. Of the people of the Hellespont, 
they of Abydos had been charged by the king to 
abide at home and guard the bridges; the rest 
that.came from Pontus with the army furnished 
a hundred ships, and were equipped like Greeks. 
They were settlers from the Ionians and Dorians. 

96. There were fighting men of the Persians and 
Medes and Sacae on all the ships. The best sailing 
ships were furnished by the Phoenicians, and among 
them by the Sidonians. These, like those of them 
that were ranked in the land army, had their native 
leaders severally, whose names I do not record, as not 
being needful for the purpose of my history; for 
these several leaders of nations are not worthy of 
mention, and every city, too, of each nation had a 
leader of its own. These came not as generals but 
as slaves, like the rest of the armament; who the 
generals of supreme authority were, and who the 
Persian commanders of each nation, I have already 
said. : 

97. Of the navy, the admirals were Ariabignes 


1 Herodotus generally uses the name ‘‘ Pelasgian”’ for the 
oldest known population of Greece: cp. I. 146; II. 171. 
? For the twelve cities, see I. 142. 


399 


HERODOTUS 


τε ὁ Δαρείου καὶ Πρηξάσπης ὁ ὁ Ασπαθίνεω καὶ 
Μεγάβαξος 0 Μεγαβάτεω καὶ ᾿Αχαιμένης ὁ 
Δαρείου, τῆς μὲν Ἰάδος τε καὶ Καρικῆς στρατιῆς 
᾿Αριαβίγνης ὁ ο Δαρείου τε παῖς καὶ τῆς Γοβρύεω 
θυγατρός: Αἰγυπτίων δὲ ἐστρατήγεε ᾿Αχαιμένης 
Εέρξεω € ἐὼν an ἀμφοτέρων ἀδελφεός, τῆς δὲ ἄλλης 
στρατιῆς ἐστρατήγεον οἱ δύο. τριηκόντεροι δὲ καὶ 
πεντηκόντεροι καὶ κέρκουροι καὶ ἱππαγωγὰ πλοῖα 
μακρὰ συνελθόντα ἐς τὸν ἀριθμὸν ἐφάνη τρισχίλια. 

98. Tov δὲ ἐπιπλέοντων μετά γε τοὺς στρατη- 
γοὺς οἶδε ἦσαν ὀνομαστότατοι, Σιδώνιος Τετρά- 
μνηστος ᾿Ανύσου, καὶ Τύριος Ματτὴν Σιρώμου, 
καὶ ᾿Αράδιος Μέρβαλος ᾿Αγθάλου, καὶ Κίλιξ 
Συέννεσις ᾿ὩὨρομέδοντος, καὶ Λύκιος Κυβερνίσκος 
Σίκα, καὶ Κύπριοι Γόργος Te ὁ Χέρσιος καὶ 
Τιμῶναξ ὁ Έιμαγόρεω, καὶ Καρῶν Ἱστιαῖός τε 
ὁ Τύμνεω καὶ Πίγρης ὁ Ὑσσελδώμου, καὶ Aapa- 
σίθυμος ὁ Κανδαύλεω. 

99. Τῶν μέν νυν ἄλλων οὐ παραμέμνημαι 
ταξιάρχων ὡς οὐκ ἀναγκαξόμενος, ᾿Αρτεμισίης 
δὲ τῆς μάλιστα θῶμα ποιεῦμαι ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα 
στρατευσαμένης͵ γυναικός" ἥτις ἀποθανόντος τοῦ 
ἀνδρὸς αὐτή τε ἔ ουσα τὴν τυραννίδα καὶ παιδὸς 
ὑπάρχοντος νεηνίεω ὑπὸ λήματός τε καὶ ἀνδρηίης 
ἐστρατεύετο, οὐδεμιῆς οἱ ἐούσης ἀναγκαίης. οὔνομα 
μὲν δὴ ἡ ἦν αὐτῆ ᾿Αρτεμισίη, θυγάτηρ δὲ ἡ ἦν Λνγδά- 
μίος, γένος δὲ ἐξ ᾿Αλικαρνησσοῦ τὰ πρὸς πατρός, 
τὰ μητρόθεν δὲ Κρῆσσα. ἡγεμόνευε δὲ Αλι- 
καρνησσέων τε καὶ Κῴων καὶ Νισυρίων τε καὶ 
Καλυδνίων, πέντε νέας παρεχομένη. καὶ συνα- 
πάσης τῆς στρατιῆς, μετά ye τὰς Σιδωνίων, νέας 
εὐδοξοτάτας παρείχετο, πάντων τε τῶν συμμάχων 
400 


BOOK VII. 97-99 


son of Darius, Prexaspes son of Aspathines, Mega- 
bazus son of Megabates, and Achaemenes son of 
Darius, Ariabignes, son of Darius and Gobryas’ 
daughter, being admiral of the Ionian and Carian 
fleet; the admiral of the Egyptians was Achaemenes, 
full brother to Xerxes, and the two others were 
admirals of the rest. As for the ships of thirty and 
of fifty oars, and light galleys, and great transports 
for horses, the sum of them altogether was shown to 
be three thousand. 

98. Of those that were on shipboard, the most 
famous, after the admirals, were these: Tetra- 
mnestus of Sidon, son of Anysus, Matten of Tyre, 
son of Siromus, Merbalus of Aradus, son of Agbalus, 
Syennesis of Cilicia, son of Oromedon, Cyberniscus 
of Lycia, son of Sicas, Gorgus son of Chersis, and 
Timonax son of Timagoras, Cyprians both; and of 
the Carians, Histiaeus son of Tymnes, Pigres son of 
Hysseldomus, and Damasithymus son of Candaules. 

99. I name none of the rest of the captains, 
having no need so to do, save only Artemisia, who 
moves me to marvel greatly that a woman should 
have gone with the armament against Hellas; for 
her husband being dead, she herself had his 
sovereignty and a young son withal, and followed 
the host under no stress of necessity, but of mere 
high-hearted valour. Artemisia was her name; she 
was daughter to Lygdamis, on her father's side of 
Halicarnassian lineage, and a Cretan on her mother's. 
She was the leader of the men of Halicarnassus and 
Cos and Nisyrus and Calydnos, furnishing five ships. 
Her ships were reputed the best in the whole fleet 
after the ships of Sidon; and of all his allies she 


401 
VOL. III. DD 


HERODOTUS 


γνώμας ἀρίστας βασιλέι ἀπεδέξατο. τῶν δὲ 
κατέλεξα πολίων ἡγεμονεύειν αὐτήν, τὸ ἔθνος 
ἀποφαίνω πᾶν ἐὸν Δωρικόν, “Αλικαρνησσέας μὲν 
Τροιζηνίους, τοὺς. δὲ ἄλλους ᾿Επιδαυρίους. ἐς μὲν 
τοσόνδε ὁ ναυτικὸς στρατὸς εἴρηται. 

100. Ξέρξης δέ, ἐπεὶ ἠριθμήθη τε καὶ διετάχθη 
ὁ στρατός, ἐπεθύμησε αὐτός σφεας διεξελάσας 
θεήσασθαι: μετὰ δὲ è ἐποίεε ταῦτα, καὶ διεξελαύνων 
ἐπὶ ἅρματος παρὰ ἔθνος ἓν ἕκαστον ἐπυνθάνετο, 
καὶ | ἀπέγραφον οἱ γραμματισταί, ἕως ἐξ ἐσχάτων 
ἐς ἔσχατα. ἀπίκετο καὶ τῆς ἵππου καὶ τοῦ πεξοῦ. 
ὡς δὲ ταῦτά οἱ ἐπεποίητο, τῶν νεῶν κατέλκυ- 
σθεισέων è ἐς θάλασσαν, ἐνθαῦτα ὁ Ξέρξης μετεκβὰς 
ἐκ τοῦ ἅρματος ἐς νέα Σιδωνίην ἵζετο ὑπὸ σκηνῇ 
χρυσέῃ καὶ παρέπλεε παρὰ τὰς πρώρας τῶν νεῶν, 
ἐπειρωτῶν τε ἑκάστας ὁμοίως καὶ τὸν πεζὸν καὶ 
ἀπογραφόμενος. τὰς δὲ νέας οἱ ναύαρχοι ἀναγα- 
γόντες ὅσον τε τέσσερα πλέθρα ἀπὸ τοῦ αἰγιαλοῦ 
ἀνεκώχενον, τὰς πρώρας ἐς γῆν τρέψαντες πάντες 
μετωπηδόν, καὶ. ἐξοπλίσαντες τοὺς ἐπιβάτας ὡς 
ἐς πόλεμον. ὃ δ᾽ ἐντὸς τῶν πρωρέων πλέων 
ἐθηεῖτο καὶ τοῦ αἰγιαλοῦ. 

101. Ὡς δὲ καὶ ταύτας διεξέπλωσε καὶ ἐξέβη 
ἐκ τῆς νεός, μετεπέμψατο Δημάρητον τὸν ᾿Αρί- 
στωνος συστρατευόμενον αὐτῷ ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα, 
καλέσας δ᾽ αὐτὸν εἴρετο τάδε. “ Δημάρητε, νῦν 
μοι σὲ ἡδύ TL ἐστὶ εἰρέσθαι τὰ θέλω. σὺ εἷς 
Ἕλλην τε, καὶ ὡς ἐγὼ πυνθάνομαι σεῦ τε καὶ 
τῶν ἄλλων Ἑλλήνων τῶν ἐμοὶ ἐς λόγους ἄπικνεο- 
μένων, πόλιος OUT ἐλαχίστης οὔτ᾽ ἀσθενεστάτης. 
νῦν ὧν μοι τόδε φράσον, ei "Ελληνες à ὑπομενέουσι 
χεῖρας ἐμοὶ ἀνταειρόμενοι. οὐ γάρ, ὡς ἐγὼ δοκέω, 
402 


BOOK VII. 99-1or 


gave the king the best counsels. The cities, 
whereof I said she was the leader, are all of Dorian 
stock, as I can show, the Halicarnassians being of 
Troezen, and the rest of Epidaurus. Here ends 
what I have said of the fleet. 

100. When his host had been numbered and 
marshalled, Xerxes had a desire to ride through and 
view it. This he presently did; riding in a chariot 
past the men of each nation, he questioned them, 
and his scribes wrote all down, till he had gone from 
end to end of the horse and foot. This done, and 
the ships being drawn down and launched in the sea, 
Xerxes alighted from his chariot into a ship of 
Sidon, sitting wherein under a golden canopy he 
was carried past the prows of the ships, questioning 
of them in like manner as of the army and making 
the answers to be written down. The captains put 
out as far as four hundred feet from the shore, and 
there kept the ships anchored in a line, their prows 
turned landward, and the fighting men on them 
armed as for war; Xerxes viewed them, passing 
between the prows and the land. 

101. Having passed by all his fleet likewise and 
disembarked from his ship, he sent for Demaratus! 
son of Ariston, who was marching with him against 
Hellas, and called and questioned him, saying: 
* Now, Demaratus, it is my pleasure to ask you what 
I would fain know. You are a Greek, and, as I am 
told by you and the other Greeks that converse with 
me, a man of not the least nor the weakest of 
Greek cities. Now therefore tell me this: will the 
Greeks offer me battle and abide my coming? For 


! The exiled king of Sparta ; see ch. 3. 


493 
DD 2 


HERODOTUS 


οὐδ᾽ εἰ πάντες Ἕλληνες καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ οἱ πρὸς 
ἑσπέρης οἰκέοντες ἄνθρωποι συλλεχθείησαν, οὐκ 
ἀξιόμαχοι εἰσὶ ἐμὲ ἐπιόντα ὑπομεῖναι, μὴ ἐόντες 
ἄρθμιοι. θέλω μέντοι καὶ τὸ ἀπὸ σεῦ, ὁκοῖόν τι 
λέγεις περὶ αὐτῶν, πυθέσθαι.᾽ ὃ μὲν ταῦτα 
εἰρώτα, ὃ δὲ ὑπολαβὼν ἔφη. “ Βασιλεῦ, κότερα 
ἀληθείῃ χρήσωμαι πρὸς σὲ ἡ 590v) ; ὃ δέ μιν 
ἀληθείῃ χρήσασθαι ἐκέλευε, φὰς οὐδέν οἱ ἀηδέστε- 
pov ἔσεσθαι ἡ πρότερον 7, ἦν. 

102. Ὡς δὲ ταῦτα ἤκουσε Δημάρητος, ἔλεγε 
τάδε. «Βασιλεῦ, ἐπειδὴ ἀληθείῃ διαχρήσασθαι 
πάντως κελεύεις ταῦτα λέγοντα τὰ μὴ γευδόμενός 
τις ὕστερον ὑπὸ σεῦ ἁλώσεται, τῇ Ελλάδι πενίη 
μὲν aici κοτε σύντροφος ἐστί, ἀρετὴ δὲ ἔ ἔπακτος 
ἐστί, ἀπό τε σοφίης κατεργασμένη καὶ νόμου 
ἰσχυροῦ" τῇ διαχρεωμένη ἡ Ἑλλὰς τήν τε πενίην 
ἀπαμύνεται καὶ τὴν δεσποσύνην. αἰνέω μέν νυν 
πάντας "Ἕλληνας τοὺς περὶ ἐκείνους τοὺς Δωρι- 
κοὺς χώρους οἰκημένους, ἔρχομαι δὲ λέξων οὐ 
περὶ πάντων τούσ ε τους λόγους ἀλλὰ περὶ 
Λακεδαιμονίων μούνων, πρῶτα μὲν ὅτι οὐκ ἔστι 
ὅκως κοτὲ σοὺς δέξονται λόγους δουλοσύνην 
φέροντας τῇ “Ἑλλάδι, αὖτις δὲ ὡς ἀντιώσονταί 
του ἐς μάχην καὶ ἣν οἱ ἄλλοι Ἕλληνες πάντες 
τὰ σὰ φρονέωσι. ἀριθμοῦ δὲ πέρι, μή πύθῃ ὅ ὅσοι 
τινὲς ἐόντες ταῦτα ποιέειν οἷοί τε εἰσί" ἤν τε γὰρ 
τύχωσι ἐξεστρατευμένοι χίλιοι, οὗτοι -μαχήσονταίΐ 
TOL, ἥν τε ἐλάσσονες τούτων ἤν τε καὶ πλεῦνες.” 

108. Ταῦτα ἀκούσας Ξέρξης γελάσας ἔφη 
s Δημάρητε, οἷον ἐφθέγξαο ἔπος, ἄνδρας χιλίους 
στρατιῇ τοσῇδε μαχήσεσθαι. ἄγε. εἰπέ µου σὺ 
φὴς τούτων τῶν ἀνδρῶν βασιλεὺς αὐτὸς γενέσθαι" 


404 


BOOK VII. 101-103 


to my thinking, even if all the Greeks and all the 
men of the western lands were assembled together, 
they are not of power to abide my attack, if they be 
not in accord. Nathless I would fain learn your 
mind and hear what you say of them." Το this 
question Demaratus made answer, “O king, must 
I speak truly, or so as to please you?" Xerxes 
bade him speak the truth, and said that he would 
lose none of the king's favour thereby. 

102. Hearing that, “O king," said Demaratus, 
* seeing that you bid me by all means speak the whole 
truth, and say that which you shall not afterwards 
prove to be false,—in Hellas poverty is ever native to 
the soil, but courage comes of their own seeking, the 
fruit of wisdom and strong law; by use of courage 
Hellas defends herself from poverty and tyranny. 
Now I say nought but good of all Greeks that dwell 
in those Dorian lands ; yet it is not of all that I would 
now speak, but only of the Lacedaemonians ; and 
this I say of them; firstly, that they will never 
accept conditions from you that import the enslaving 
of Hellas; and secondly, that they will meet you in 
battle, yea, even though all the rest of the Greeks 
be on your side. But, for the number of them, ask 
me not how many these men are, who are like to do 
as I say; be it of a thousand men, or of more or of 
fewer than that, their army will fight with you." 

103. Hearing that, Xerxes smiled, and said, “A 
strange saying, Demaratus! that a thousand men 
should fight with a host so great as mine! I pray 
you tell me this: you were (you say) these men's 


405 


HERODOTUS 


σὺ ὧν ἐθελήσεις αὐτίκα μάλα προς ἄνδρας δέκα 
μάχεσθαι ; καίτοι εἰ τὸ πολιτικὸν ὑμῖν πᾶν ἐστι 
τοιοῦτον οἷον σὺ διαιρέεις, σέ γε τὸν κείνων 
βασιλέα πρέπει πρὸς τὸ διπλήσιον ἀντιτάσ- 
σεσθαι κατὰ νόμους τοὺς ὑμετέρους. εἰ γὰρ 
κείνων ἕκαστος δέκα ἀνδρῶν τῆς στρατιῆς τῆς 
ἐμῆς ἀντάξιος ἐστί, σὲ δέ γε δίξημαι εἴκοσι εἶναι 
ἀντάξιον. καὶ οὕτω μὲν ὀρθοῖτ' ἂν ὁ λόγος ὁ 
παρὰ σέο λεγόμενος: εἰ δὲ τοιοῦτοί τε ἐόντες καὶ 
μεγάθεα τοσοῦτοι, ὅσοι σύ τε καὶ οἳ παρ᾽ ἐμὲ 
φοιτῶσι Ἑλλήνων ἐς λόγους αὐχέετε τοσοῦτον, 
ὅρα μη, μάτην κόμπος ὁ λόγος οὗτος εἰρημένος 7. 
ἐπεὶ φέρε ἴδω παντὶ τῷ οἰκότι' κῶς ἂν δυναίατο 
χίλιοι ἢ καὶ μύριοι 7 καὶ πεντακισμύριοι, ἐόντες 
γε ἐλεύθεροι πάντες ὁμοίως καὶ μὴ ὑπ' ἑνὸς ἀρχό- 
μενοι, στρατῷ τοσῷδε ἀντιστῆναι ; ἐπεί τοι 
πλεῦνες περὶ ἕνα ἕκαστον γινόμεθα L χίλιοι, 
ἐόντων ἐκείνων πέντε χιλιάδων. ὑπὸ μὲν γὰρ 
ἑνὸς ἀρχόμενοι κατὰ τρόπον τὸν ἡμέτερον γενοίατ᾽ 
ἄν, δειμαίνοντες τοῦτον, καὶ παρὰ τὴν ἑωυτῶν 
φύσιν ἀμείνονες, καὶ ἴοιεν ἀναγκαξόμενοι μάστιγι 
ἐς πλεῦνας ἐλάσσονες ἐόντες" ἀνειμένοι δὲ ἐς τὸ 
ἐλεύθερον οὐκ ἂν ποιέοιεν τούτων οὐδέτερα. δοκέω 
δὲ ἔγωγε καὶ ἀνισωθέντας πλήθεϊ χαλεπῶς ἂν 
“Ελληνας Πέρσῃσι μούνοισι μάχεσθαι. ἀλλὰ 
παρ᾽ ἡμῖν μὲν μούνοισι τοῦτο ἐστὶ τὸ σὺ λέγεις, 
ἔστι γε μὲν οὐ πολλὸν ἀλλὰ σπάνιον' εἰσὶ γὰρ 
Περσέων τῶν ἐμῶν αἰχμοφόρων οἳ ἐθελήσουσι 
Ἑλλήνων ἀνδράσι τρισὶ ὁμοῦ. μάχεσθαι" τῶν σὺ 
ἐὼν ἄπειρος πολλὰ φλυηρέεις." 

104. Πρὸς ταῦτα Δημάρητος λέγει “Ὢ βασιλεῦ, 


406 


BOOK VII. 103-104 


king: will you consent at this present to fight with 
ten men? Yet if the order of your state be such as 
you define it to δε, you, being their king should 
rightly encounter twice as many according to your 
laws; for if each of those Greeks is a match for ten 
men of my army, then it is plain to me that you 
must be a match for twenty. That were a proof 
that what you say is true; but if you Greeks who so 
exalt yourselves are like in stature and all else to 
yourself and those of your nation who have audience 
of me, then beware lest the words you have spoken 
be but idle boasting. Nay, let us look at it by plain 
reason's light : how should a thousand, or ten thousand, 
or even fifty thousand, if they be all alike free and 
not under the rule of one man, withstand so great a 
host as mine? For grant your Greeks to be five 
thousand, we should so be more than a thousand to 
one. For, were they under the rule of one according 
to our custom, they might from fear of him show a 
valour greater than natural, and under compulsion of 
the lash might encounter odds in the field; but 
neither of these would they do while they were 
suffered to be free. For myself, I think that even 
were they equal in numbers it would go hard with 
the Greeks to fight against the Persians alone. Not 
so; it is we alone and none others that have this 
skill whereof you speak, yet even of us not many but 
a few only; there are some among my Persian spear- 
men that will gladly fight with three Greeks at once ; 
of this you have no knowledge and do but utter 
arrant folly.” 

104. To this Demaratus answered, “O king, I 


1 This no doubt alludes to the double portion given to a 
Bpartan king at feasts ; cp. VI, 57. 


401 


HERODOT US 


ἀρχῆθεν ἠπιστάμην ὅτι ἀληθείῃ χρεώμενος οὐ 
φίλα τοι ἐρέω" σὺ Ò ἐπεὶ ἠνάγκασας λέγειν τῶν 
λόγων τοὺς ἀληθεστάτους, ἔλεγον τὰ κατήκοντα 
Σπαρτιήτῃσι. καύτοι ὡς ἐγὼ τυγχάνω τὰ νῦν 
τάδε ἐστοργὼς ἐκείνους, αὐτὸς μάλιστα ἐξεπί- 
στεαι, οἵ ue τιμήν τε καὶ γέρεα ἀπελόμενοι πα- 
τρώια ἄπολίν τε καὶ φυγάδα πεποιήκασι, πατὴρ 
δὲ σὸς ὑποδεξάμενος βίον τέ μοι. καὶ οἶκον 
ἔδωκε. οὔκων οἰκός ἐστι ἄνδρα τὸν σώφρονα 
εὐνοίην φαινομένην .διωθέεσθαι, ἀλλὰ στέργειν 
μάλιστα. ἐγὼ δὲ οὔτε δέκα ἀνδράσι ὑπίσχομαι 
οἷός τε εἶναι μάχεσθαι οὔτε δυοῖσι, ὁ ἑκών τε εἶναι 
οὐδ᾽ ἂν μουνομαχέοιμι. LL δὲ ἀναγκαίη εἴη ὴ 
μέγας τις ὁ ἐποτρύνων ἀγών, μαχοίμην ἂν πάντων 
ἥδιστα ἑνὶ τούτων τῶν ἀνδρῶν οἳ Ἑλλήνων ἕκα- 
στος φησὶ τριῶν ἄξιος εἶναι, ὣς δὲ καὶ Λακε- 
δαιμόνιοι κατὰ μὲν ἕνα μαχόμενοι οὐδαμῶν εἰσι 
κακίονες ἀνδρῶν, ἁλέες δὲ ἄριστοι ἀνδρῶν ἁπάν- 
των, .ἐλεύθεροι γὰρ ἐόντες οὐ πάντα ἐλεύθεροι 
εἰσί" ἔπεστι γάρ σφι δεσπότης νόμος, τὸν ὑπο- 
δειμαίνουσι πολλῷ ἔτι μᾶλλον 5 oí σοὶ σέ. 
ποιεῦσι γῶν τὰ ἂν ἐκεῖνος ἀνώγῃ" ἀνώγει δὲ τὠυτὸ 
αἰεί, οὐκ ἐῶν φεύγειν οὐδὲν πλῆθος ἀνθρώπων ἐκ 
μάχης, ἀλλὰ μένοντας ἐν τῇ τάξι ἐπικρατέειν 7 
ἀπόλλυσθαι. σοὶ δὲ εἰ φαίνομαι ταῦτα λέγων 
φλυηρέειν, τἆλλα σιγᾶν θέλω τὸ λοιπόν" νῦν τε 
ἀναγκασθεὶς ἔλεξα. γένοιτο μέντοι κατὰ νόον 
τοι, βασιλεῦ. » 

105. "^O μεν δὴ ταῦτα. ἀμείψατο, Ξέρξης δὲ ἐς 
γέλωτά τε ἔτ ρεψε καὶ οὐκ ἐποιήσατο ὀργὴν 
οὐδεμίαν, ἀλλ᾽ ἠπίως αὐτὸν ἀπεπέμψατο. τούτῳ 
δὲ ἐς λόγους ἐλθὼν Ἐέρξης, καὶ ὕπαρχον ἐν τῷ 
408 


BOOK VII. 104-105 


knew from the first that the truth would be unwel- 
come to you. But since you constrained me to 
speak as truly as I could, I have told you how it 
. stands with the Spartans. Yet you yourself best 
know what love I bear them—men that have robbed 
me of my honourable office and the prerogative of 
my house, and made me a cityless exile; then it was 
your father that received me and gave me dwelling 
and livelihood. It is not then to be thought that a 
right-minded man will reject from him plain good will, 
but rather that he will requite it with full affection. 
But for myself, I will not promise that I can fight 
with ten men, no, nor with two, and of my own will I 
would not even fight with one; yet under stress of 
necessity, or of some great issue to spur me on, I would 
most gladly fight with one of those men who claim 
to be each a match for three Greeks. So is it with 
the Lacedaemonians; fighting singly they are as 
brave as any man living, and together they are the 
best warriors on earth. Free they are, yet not 
wholly free ; for law is their master, whom they fear 
much more than your men fear you. This is my 
proof—what their law bids them, that they do; and 
its bidding is ever the same, that they must never 
flee from the battle before whatsoever odds, but 
abide at their post and there conquer or die. If 
this that I say seems to you but foolishness, then let 
me hereafter hold my peace; it is under constraint 
that I have now spoken. But may your wish, O 
king! be fulfilled." 

105. Thus Demaratus answered; Xerxes made a 
jest of the matter and showed no anger, but sent 
him away with all kindness. Having thus conversed 


409 


HERODOTUS 


Δορίσκῳ τούτῳ καταστήσας Μασκάμην τὸν Me- 
γαδόστεω, τὸν δὲ ὑπὸ Δαρείου σταθέντα κατα- 
παύσας, ἐξήλαυνε τὸν στρατὸν διὰ τῆς (Θρηίκης 
ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα. 

106. Κατέλιπε δὲ ἄνδρα τοιόνδε Μασκάμην 
γενόμενον, τῷ μούνῳ Ξέρξης δῶρα πέμπεσκε 

/ 

ὡς ἀριστεύοντι πάντων ὅσους αὐτὸς κατέστησε 
ἢ Δαρεῖος ὑπάρχους, πέμπεσκε δὲ ἀνὰ πᾶν ἔτος" 
ὣς δὲ καὶ ᾿Αρτοξέρξης ὁ Ἐέρξεω τοῖσι Μασκα- 
μείοισι È ἐκγόνοισι. κατέστασαν. yàp. ἔτι πρότερον 
ταύτης τῆς ἐλάσιος ὕπαρχοι ἐν τῇ Θρηίκῃ καὶ 
τοῦ Ἑλλησπόντου πανταχῇ. οὗτοι ὧν πάντες οἵ 
τε ἐκ Θρηίκης καὶ τοῦ Ελλησπόντου, πλὴν τοῦ 
ἐν Δορίσκῳ, ὑπὸ "Ἑλλήνων ὕστερον ταύτης τῆς 
στρατηλασίης ἐξαιρέθησαν' τὸν δὲ ἐν Δορίσκῳ 
Μασκάμην οὐδαμοί κω ἐδυνάσθησαν ἐξελεῖν 
πολλῶν .πειρησαμένων. διὰ τοῦτο δή οἱ τὰ 
δῶρα πέμπεται παρὰ τοῦ βασιλεύοντος αἰεὶ ἐν 
Πέρσησι. 

107. Τῶν δὲ ἐξαιρεθέντων ὑπὸ Ελλήνων οὐδένα 
βασιλεὺς Ξέρξης ἐνόμισε εἶναι ἄνδρα ἀγαθὸν εἰ 
μὴ Ῥόγην μοῦνον τὸν ἐξ ᾿Ηιόνος, τοῦτον δὲ αἰνέων 
οὐκ ἐπαύετο, καὶ τοὺς περιεόντας αὐτοῦ ἐν Πέρσῃσι 
παῖδας é ἐτίμα μάλιστα, ἐπεὶ καὶ ἄξιος αἴνου μεγά- 
Aou ἐγένετο Ῥόγης' ὃς ἐπειδὴ ἐπολιορκέετο ὑπὸ 
᾿Αθηναίων καὶ Κίμωνος τοῦ Μιλτιάδεω, παρεὸν 
αὐτῷ ὑπόσπονδον ἐξελθεῖν καὶ νοστῆσαι ἐς τὴν 
᾿Ασίην, οὐκ ἠθέλησε, μὴ δειλίῃ δόξειε περιεῖναι 
βασιλέι, ἀλλὰ διεκαρτέρεε ἐς τὸ ἔ ἔσχατον. ὡς δ᾽ 
οὐδὲν ἔτι φορβῆς ἐνῆν ἐν τῷ τεί ei, συννήσας 
πυρὴν μεγάλην ἔσφαξε τὰ τέκνα καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα 
καὶ τὰς παλλακὰς καὶ τοὺς οἰκέτας καὶ ἔπειτα 
410 


BOOK VII. 105-107 


with Demaratus, and having appointed Mascames 
son of Megadostes his viceroy of that same Doriscus, 
deposing him whom Darius had set there, Xerxes 
marched his army through Thrace towards Hellas. 

106. This Mascames, whom he left, so bore him- 
self that to him alone Xerxes ever sent gifts, as being 
the most valiant of all the viceroys that he or Darius 
set up; every year he would send them ; and so too 
did Artoxerxes his son to Mascames' descendants. 
For before this march, viceroys had been appointed 
everywhere in Thrace and on the Hellespont. All 
these in that country, except the viceroy of Doriscus, 
were after this expedition dispossessed by the 
Greeks; but Mascames of Doriscus could never be 
dispossessed by any, though many essayed it. For 
this cause it is that the gifts are sent by whoever is 
at any time king of Persia. 

107. Of those who were dispossessed by the 
Greeks there was none whom king Xerxes deemed 
a valiant man except only Boges, from whom they 
took Eion. But this Boges he never ceased praising, 
and gave very great honour to his sons who were 
left alive in Persia; and indeed Boges proved 
himself worthy of all praise. Being besieged by the 
Athenians under Cimon son of Miltiades, he might 
have departed under treaty from Εἴοη and so 
returned to Asia; yet he would not, lest the king 
should think that he had saved his life out of 
cowardice, but he resisted to the last. Then, when 
there was no food left within his walls, he piled up 
a great pyre and slew and cast into the fire his 
children and wife and concubines and servants; 


411 


HERODOTUS 


ἐσέβαλε ἐς τὸ πῦρ, μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τὸν χρυσὸν 
ἅπαντα τὸν ἐκ τοῦ ἄστεος καὶ τὸν ἄργυρον 
ἔσπειρε ἀπὸ τοῦ τείχεος ἐς τὸν Στρυμόνα, ποιήσας 
δὲ ταῦτα ἑωυτὸν ἐσέβαλε ἐς τὸ πῦρ. οὕτω μὲν 
οὗτος δικαίως αἰνέεται ἔτι καὶ ἐς τόδε ὑπὸ 
Περσέων. 

108. Héptns δὲ è ἐκ τοῦ Δορίσκου ἐπορεύετο ἐπὶ 
τὴν Ἑλλάδα, τοὺς δὲ αἰεὶ γινομένους ἐμποδὼν 
συστρατεύεσθαι ἠνάγκαξε' ἐδεδούλωτο γάρ, ὡς 
καὶ πρότερόν μοι δεδήλωται, ἡ ἡ μέχρι Θεσσαλίης 
πᾶσα καὶ ἦν ὑπὸ βασιλέα δασμοφόρος, Μεγα- 
Bátov τε καταστρεψαμένου καὶ ὕστερον Μαρδο- 
νίου. παραμείβετο δὲ πορευόμενος ἐκ Δορίσκου 
πρῶτα μὲν τὰ Σαμοθρηΐκια τείχεα, τῶν ἐσχάτη 
πεπόλισται πρὸς ἑσπέρης πόλις τῇ οὔνομα ἐστὶ 
Μεσαμβρίη. ἔχεται δὲ ταύτης Θασίων πόλις 
Στρύμη, διὰ δὲ σφέων τοῦ μέσου Λίσος ποταμὸς 
διαρρέει, ὃς τότε οὐκ ἀντέσχε τὸ ὕδωρ παρέχων 
τῷ Ἐέρξεω στρατῷ ἀλλ᾽ ἐπέλιπε. ἡ δὲ χώρη 
αὕτη πάλαι μὲν ἐκαλέετο Γαλλαϊκή, νῦν δὲ 
Βριαντική: ἔστι μέντοι τῷ δικαιοτάτῳ τῶν λόγων 
καί αὕτη Κικόνων. 

109. Διαβὰς δὲ τοῦ Λίσου ποταμοῦ τὸ ῥέεθρον 
ἀπεξηρασμένον πόλιας Ελληνίδας τάσδε παρα- 
μείβετο, Μαρώνειαν Δίκαιαν "Αβδηρα. ταύτας 
τε δὴ παρεξήιε καὶ κατὰ ταύτας λίμνας ὀνομαστὰς 
τάσδε, Μαρωνείης μὲν μεταξὺ καὶ Στρύμης κει- 
μένην Ἰσμαρίδα, κατὰ δὲ Δίκαιαν Βιστονίδα, ἐ ἐς 
τὴν ποταμοὶ δύο ἐσιεῖσι τὸ ὕδωρ, Τραῦός τε καὶ 
Κόμψαντος. κατὰ δὲ "Αβδηρα λίμνην ge οὐδε- 
μίαν ἐοῦσαν ὀνομαστὴν παραμείψατο Ἑέρξης, 
ποταμὸν δὲ Νέστον ῥέοντα ἐς θάλασσαν. μετὰ 


412 


BOOK VII. 107-109 


after that, he took all the gold and silver from the 
city and scattered it from the walls into the 
Strymon ; which done, he cast himself into the fire. 
Thus it is that he is justly praised by the Persians 
to this day. 

108. From Doriscus Xerxes went on his way 
towards Hellas, compelling all that he met to go 
with his army ; for, as I have before shown, all the 
country as far as Thessaly had been enslaved and 
was tributary to the king, by the conquests of 
Megabazus and Mardonius after him. On his road 
from Doriscus he first passed the Samothracian 
fortresses,! whereof that one which is builded farthest 
westwards is a town called Mesambria. Next to 
it is a Thasian town, Stryme; between them runs 
the river Lisus, which now could not furnish water 
enough for Xerxes’ army, but was exhausted. All 
this region was once called Gallaic, but it is now 
called Briantic; yet it too is by rights a land of the 
Cicones. 

109. Having crossed the bed (then dried up) of 
the river Lisus he passed by the Greek cities of 
Maronea, Dicaea, and Abdera. Past these he went, 
and past certain lakes of repute near to them, the 
Ismarid lake that lies between Maronea and Stryme, 
and near Dicaea the Bistonian lake, into which the 
rivers Travus and Compsantus disembogue. Near 
Abdera Xerxes passed no lake of repute, but crossed 
the river Nestus where it flows into the sea. From 

! Erected doubtless by the Samothracians to protect their 
possessions on the mainland. 


413 


HERODOTUS 


δὲ ταύτας τὰς χώρας ἑὼν τὰς ἠπειρώτιδας πόλις 
παρήιε, τῶν ἐν pui λίμνη ἐοῦσα τυγχάνει ὡσεὶ 
τριήκοντα σταδίων μάλιστά κῃ τὴν περίοδον, 
ἐχθυώδης τε καὶ κάρτα ἁλμυρή' ταύτην τὰ ὑπο- 
vya μοῦνα ἀρδόμενα ἀνεξήρηνε. τῇ δὲ πόλι 
ταύτῃ οὔνομα ἐστὶ Πίστυρος. 

110. Ταύτας μὲν δὴ τὰς πόλιας τὰς παραθα- 
λασσίας τε καὶ Ελληνίδας ἐξ εὐωνύμου ειρὸς 
ἀπέργων mapene: ἔθνεα δὲ Θρηίκων δι ὧν τῆς 
χώρης ὁδὸν ἐποιέετο τοσάδε, Παῖτοι Κίκονες 
Βίστονες Σαπαῖοι Δερσαῖοι ᾿Ηδωνοὶ Σάτραι. 
τούτων οἱ μὲν παρὰ θάλασσαν κατοικημένοι ἐν 
τῇσι νηυσὶ εἴποντο' οἱ δὲ αὐτῶν τὴν μεσόγαιαν 
οἰκέοντες καταλεχθέντες τε ὑπ᾽ ἐμεῦ, πλὴν Σα- 
τρέων, οἱ ἄλλοι πάντες πεζῇ ἀναγκαζόμενοι 
εἵποντο. 

111, Σάτραι δὲ οὐδενός κω ἀνθρώπων ὑπήκοοι 
ἐγένοντο, ὅσον ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν, ἀλλὰ διατελεῦσι τὸ 
μέχρι ἐμεῦ αἰεὶ ἐόντες ἐλεύθεροι μοῦνοι Θρηίκων" 
οἰκέουσί τε γὰρ ὄρεα ὑψηλά, ἴδῃσί τε παντοίῃσι 
καὶ χιόνι συνηρεφέα, καὶ εἰσὶ τὰ πολέμια ἄκροι. 
οὗτοι οἱ τοῦ Διονύσου τὸ μαντήιον εἰσὶ ἐκτημένοι" 
τὸ δὲ μαντήιον τοῦτο ἔστι μὲν ἐπὶ τῶν ὀρέων | τῶν 
ὑψηλοτάτων, Βησσοὶ δὲ τῶν Σατρέων εἰσὶ οἱ 
προφητεύοντες τοῦ ἱροῦ, πρόμαντις δὲ 7 χρέωσα 
κατά περ ἐν Δελφοῖσι, καὶ οὐδὲν ποικιλώτερον. 

112. Παραμειψάμενος δὲ ὁ Ξέρξης τὴν εἰρη- 
μένην, δεύτερα τούτων παραμείβετο τείχεα τὰ 
Πιέρων, τῶν ἑνὶ Φάγρης ἐστὶ οὔνομα καὶ ἑτέρῳ 
Πέργαμος. ταύτῃ μὲν δὴ map αὐτὰ τὰ τείχεα 


414 


BOOK VII. 109-112 


these regions he passed by the cities of the main- 
land, one whereof has near it a lake of about thirty 
furlongs in circuit, full of fish and very salt; this was 
drained dry by no more than the watering of the 
beasts of burden. This town is called Pistyrus. 

110. Past these Greek towns of the sea-board 
Xerxes marched, keeping them on his left; the 
Thracian tribes through whose lands he journeyed 
were the Paeti, Cicones, Bistones, Sapaei, Dersaei, 
Edoni, and Satrae.! Of these tribes they that dwelt 
by the sea followed his host on shipboard ; they that 
dwelt inland, whose names I have recorded, were 
constrained to join with his land army, all of them 
save the Satrae. 

111. But these Satrae, as far as our knowledge 
goes, have never yet been subject to any man; 
they alone of all Thracians have ever been and 
are to this day free; for they dwell on high moun- 
tains covered with forests of all kinds and snow; 
and they are warriors of high excellence. It is they 
who possess the place of divination sacred to 
Dionysus; which place is among the highest of 
their mountains; the Bessi, a clan of the Satrae, 
are the prophets of the shrine, and it is a priestess 
that utters the oracle, as at Delphi; nor is aught 
more of mystery here than there.? 

112. Passing through the land aforesaid Xerxes 
next passed the fortresses of the Pierians, one called 
Phagres and the other Pergamus. By this way he 


! All these are tribes of the Nestus and Strymon valleys or 
the intervening hill country. 

? Hdt. appears to mean that the method of divination is 
the '* usual" one, as at Delphi ; perhaps there were exagger- 
ated accounts of the mysterious rites of the Bessi. 


415 


HERODOTUS 


τὴν ὁδὸν ἐποιέετο, ἐκ δεξιῆς χειρὸς τὸ Πάγγαιον 
ὄρος ἀπέργων, ἐὸν μέγα τε καὶ ὑψηλόν, ἐν τῷ 
χρύσεά τε καὶ ἀργύρεα ἔνι μέταλλα, τὰ νέμονται 
Πίερές τε καὶ Ὀδόμαντοι καὶ μάλιστα Σάτραι. 

119. Ὑπεροικέοντας δὲ τὸ Πάγγαιον πρὸς 
Bopéw ἀνέμου Παίονας Δόβηράς τε καὶ Παιόπλας 
παρεξιὼν ἤιε πρὸς ἑσπέρην, ἐς ὃ ἀπίκετο ἐπὶ 
ποταμόν τε Στρυμόνα καὶ πόλιν ᾿Ηιόνα, τῆς ἔτι 
ζωὸς ἐὼν ἦρχε Βόγης τοῦ περ ὀλίγῳ πρότερον 
τούτων λόγον ἐποιεύμην. ἡ δὲ γῆ αὕτη ἡ περὶ τὸ 
Πάγγαιον ὄρος καλέεται Φυλλίς, κατατείνουσα 
τὰ μὲν πρὸς ἑσπέρην ἐπὶ ποταμὸν ᾿Αγγίτην ἐκδι- 
δόντα ἐς τὸν Στρυμόνα, τὰ δὲ πρὸς μεσαμβρίην 
τείνουσα ἐς αὐτὸν τὸν Στρυμόνα' ἐς τὸν οἱ Μάγοι 
ἐκαλλιερέοντο σφάζοντες ἵππους λευκούς. 

114. Φαρμακεύσαντες δὲ ταῦτα ἐς τὸν ποταμὸν 
καὶ ἄλλα πολλὰ πρὸς τούτοισι ἐν ᾿Εννέα ὁδοῖσι 
thot ᾿Ηδωνῶν ἐπορεύοντο κατὰ τὰς γεφύρας, τὸν 
Στρυμόνα εὑρόντες ἐζευγμένον. ᾿Ειννέα δὲ ὁδοὺς 
πυνθανόμενοι τὸν χῶρον τοῦτον καλέεσθαι, το- 
σούτους ἐν αὐτῷ παῖδάς τε καὶ παρθένους ἀνδρῶν 
τῶν ἐπιχωρίων ζώοντας κατώρυσσον. Περσικὸν 
δὲ τὸ ζώοντας κατορύσσειν, ἐπεὶ καὶ ᾿Άμηστριν 
τὴν Ἐέρξεω γυναῖκα πυνθάνομαι γηράσασαν δὶς 
ἑπτὰ Περσέων παῖδας ἐόντων ἐπιφανέων ἀνδρῶν 
ὑπὲρ ἑωυτῆς τῷ ὑπὸ γῆν λεγομένῳ εἶναι θεῷ 
ἀντιχαρίξεσθαι κατορύσσουσαν. 

115. Ὡς δὲ ἀπὸ τοῦ Στρυμόνος ἐπορεύετο 
ὁ στρατός, ἐνθαῦτα πρὸς ἡλίου δυσμέων ἐστὶ 
416 


BOOK VII. 112-115 


marched under their very walls, keeping on his 
right the great and high Pangaean range, wherein 
the Pierians and Odomanti and the Satrae in especial 
have mines of gold and silver. 

113. Marching past the Paeonians, Doberes, and 
Paeoplae, who dwell beyond and northward of the 
Pangaean mountains,! he went ever westwards, till 
he came to the river Strymon and the city of Eion, 
the governor whereof was that Boges, then still 
alive, of whom I have lately made mention. All 
this region about the Pangaean range is called 
Phyllis; it stretches westwards to the river Angites, 
which issues into the Strymon, and southwards 
to the Strymon itself; by that water the Magi 
slew white horses, offering thus sacrifice for good 
omens. 

114. Having used these enchantments and many 
other besides on the river, they passed over it at 
the Edonian town of Nine Ways,? by the bridges 
which they found thrown across it. There, learning 
that Nine Ways was the name of the place, they 
buried alive that numbet of boys and maidens, 
children of the people of the country. Το bury 
alive is a Persian custom; I have heard that when 
Xerxes’ wife Amestris attained to old age she 
buried fourteen sons of notable Persians, as a thank- 
offering on her own behalf to the fabled god of the 
nether world. 

115. Journeying from the Strymon, the army 
passed by Argilus, a Greek town standing on a 


1 In 112 Xerxes was marching along the coast; here he 
is far inland. Doubtless the explanation lies in the division 
of his army into three parallel columns (121). 

2 About three miles above Eion on the Strymon. 


417 
VOL. III. EE 


HERODOTUS 


αἰγιαλὸς ἐν τῷ οἰκημένην ᾿Αργιλον πόλιν Ελλάδα 
παρεξήιε' αὕτη δὲ καὶ ἡ κατύπερθε ταύτης 
καλέεται Βισαλτίη. ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ κόλπον τὸν 
ἐπὶ Ποσιδηίου ἐξ ἀριστερῆς χειρὸς ἔχων ἤιε διὰ 
Συλέος πεδίου καλεομένου, Στάγειρον πόλιν 
Ἑλλάδα παραμειβόμενος, καὶ ἀπίκετο ἐς '" Akav- 
θον, ἅμα ἀγόμενος τούτων ἕκαστον τῶν ἐθνέων 
καὶ τῶν περὶ τὸ Πάγγαιον ὄρος οἰκεόντων, ὁμοίως 
καὶ τῶν πρότερον κατέλεξα, τοὺς μὲν παρὰ θά- 
λασσαν ἔχων οἰκημένους ἐκ νηυσὶ στρατευομένους, 
τοὺς δ᾽ ὑπὲρ θαλάσσης πεζῇ ἑπομένους. τὴν δὲ 
ὁδὸν ταύτην, τῇ βασιλεὺς ElépEns τὸν στρατὸν 
ἤλασε, οὔτε συγχέουσι Θρήικες οὔτ᾽ ἐπισπείρουσι 
σέβονταί τε μεγάλως τὸ μέχρι ἐμεῦ. 

116. Ὡς δὲ ἄρα ἐς τήν ᾽Ακανθον ἀπίκετο, 
ξεινίην τε ὁ Ξέρξης τοῖσι ᾿Ἀκανθίοισι προεῖπε 
καὶ ἐδωρήσατο σφέας ἐσθῆτι Μηδικῇ ἐπαίνεέ τε, 
ὁρέων καὶ αὐτοὺς προθύμους ἐ ἐόντας ἐς τὸν πόλεμον 
καὶ τὸ ὄρυγμα ἀκούων. 

117. Ἐν ᾿Ακάνθῳ δὲ, ἐόντος Ξέρξεω συνήνεικε 
ὑπὸ νούσου ἀποθανεῖν τὸν ἐπεστεῶτα τῆς διώρυ- 
χος ᾿Αρταχαίην, δόκιμον ἐόντα παρὰ Ξέρξῃ, καὶ 
γένος ᾿Αχαιμενίδην, μεγάθεϊ τε μέγιστον ἐόντα 
Περσέων (ἀπὸ γὰρ πέντε πηχέων βασιληίων 
ἀπέλειπε τέσσερας δακτύλους) φωνέοντά τε 
μέγιστον ἀνθρώπων, ὥστε Ξέρξην συμφορὴν 
ποιήσαμενον μεγάλην ἐξενεῖκαί τε αὐτὸν κάλ- 
λιστα καὶ θάψαι: ἐτυμβοχόεε δὲ πᾶσα ἡ στρατιή. 
τούτῳ δὲ τῷ ᾿Αρταχαίῃ θύουσι ᾿Ακάνθιοι ἐκ 
θεοπροπίου ws ἥρωι, ἐπονομάξοντες τὸ οὔνομα, 

118. Βασιλεὺς μὲν δὴ Ξέρξης ἀπολομένου 


418 


BOOK VII. 115-118 


stretch of sea-coast further westwards; the territory 
of which town and that which lies inland of it are 
called Bisaltia. Thence, keeping on his left hand 
the gulf off Poseideion, Xerxes traversed the plain 
of Syleus (as they call it), passing by the Greek 
town of Stagirus, and came to Acanthus; he took 
along with him all these tribes, and those that dwelt 
about the Pangaean range, in like manner as those 
others whom I have already recorded, the men of 
the coast serving in his fleet and the inland men in 
his land army. All this road, whereby king Xerxes 
led his army, the Thracians neither break up nor 
sow aught on it, but they hold it in great reverence 
to this day. 

116. When Xerxes came to Acanthus, he declared 
the Acanthians his guests and friends, and gave 
them a Median dress, praising them for the zeal 
wherewith he saw them furthering his campaign, 
and for what he heard of the digging of the 
canal. 

117. While Xerxes was at Acanthus, it so befel 
that Artachaees, overseer of the digging of the 
canal, died of a sickness. He was high in. Xerxes’ 
favour, an Achaemenid by lineage; he was the 
tallest man in Persia, lacking four finger-breadths 
of five royal cubits! in stature, and his voice was the 
loudest on earth. Wherefore Xerxes mourned him 
greatly and gave him a funeral and burial of great 
pomp, and the whole army poured libations on 
his tomb. The Acanthians hold Artachaees a hero, 
and sacrifice to him, calling upon his name; this 
they do by the bidding of an oracle. 

118. King Xerxes, then, mourned for the death ot 


1 This would make Artachaees eight feet high. 


419 
EE 2 


HERODOTUS 


᾿Αρταχαίεω ἐποιέετο συμφορήν. οἱ δὲ ὑποδε- 
κόμενοι Ἑλλήνων τὴν στρατιὴν καὶ δειπνίξοντες 
Ξέρξην ἐς πᾶν κακοῦ ἀπίκατο, οὕτω ὥστε ἀνά- 
στατοι ἐκ τῶν οἴκων ἐγίνοντο: ὅκου Θασίοισι 
ὑπὲρ τῶν ἐν τῇ «ἠπείρῳ πολίων τῶν σφετερέων 
δεξαμένοισι τὴν Ξέρξεω στρατιὴν καὶ δειπνίσασι 
᾿Αντίπατρος ὁ Ὀργέος ἀραιρημένος, τῶν ἀστῶν 
- ἀνὴρ δόκιμος ὅμοια τῷ μάλιστα, ἀπέδεξε ἐς τὸ 
δεῖπνον τετρακόσια τάλαντα ἀργυρίου τετελε- 
σμένα. 

119. Ὡς δὲ παραπλησίως καὶ ἐν τῇσι ἄλλῃσι 
πόλισι οἱ ἐπεστεῶτες ἀπεδείκνυσαν τὸν λόγον. 
τὸ γὰρ δεῖπνον τοιόνδε τι ἐγίνετο, οἷα ἐκ πολλοῦ 
χρόνου προειρημένον καὶ περὶ πολλοῦ ποιευμένων" 
τοῦτο μέν, ὡς ἐπύθοντο τάχιστα τῶν κηρύκων 
τῶν περιαγγελλόντων, δασάμενοι σῖτον ἐν τῇσι 
πόλισι οἱ ἀστοὶ ἄλευρά τε καὶ ἄλφιτα ἐποίευν 
πάντες ἐπὶ μῆνας συχνούς" τοῦτο δὲ κτήνεα 
ἐσίτενον ἐξευρίσκοντες τιμῆς τὰ κάλλιστα, ἔτρε- 
φόν τε ὄρνιθας. χερσαίους καὶ λιμναίους ἔν τε 
οἰκήμασι καὶ λάκκοισι, ἐς ὑποδοχὰς τοῦ στρατοῦ" 
τοῦτο δὲ χρύσεά τε καὶ ἀργύρεα ποτήριά τε καὶ 
κρητῆρας ἐποιεῦντο καὶ τἆλλα ὅσα ἐπὶ τράπεξαν 
τιθέαται πάντα. ταῦτα μὲν αὐτῷ τε βασιλέι. καὶ 
τοῖσι ὁμοσίτοισι «μετ᾽ ἐκείνου ἐπεποίητο, τῇ δὲ 
ἄλλῃ στρατιὴ τὰ ἐς φορβὴν μοῦνα τασσόμενα. 
ὅκως δὲ ἀπίκοιτο ἡ στρατιή, σκηνὴ μὲν ἔσκε 
πεπηγυῖα ἑτοίμη ἐς τὴν αὐτὸς σταθμὸν ποιεέσκετο 
Ξέρξης, ἡ δὲ ἄλλη στρατιὴ ἔσκε ὑπαίθριος. ὡς 
δὲ δείπνου ἐγίνετο ὥρη, οἱ μὲν δεκόμενοι € ἔχεσκον 
πόνον, οἳ δὲ ὅ ὅκως πλησθέντες νύκτα αὐτοῦ ἀγά- 
γοιεν, τῇ ὑστεραίῃ τήν τε σκηνὴν ἀνασπάσαντες 
420 


BOOK VII. 118-119 


Artachaees. But the Greeks who received Xerxes’ 
army and entertained the king himself were brought 
to the depth of misery, insomuch that they were 
driven from house and home; witness the case of 
the Thasians, who received and feasted Xerxes’ army 
on behalf of their towns on the mainland ; Antipatrus 
son of Orgeus, 45 notable a man as any of his towns- 
men, chosen by them for this task, rendered them 
an account of four hundred silver talents expended 
on the dinner. 

119. A like account was rendered in all the other 
cities by the controllers. For since the command 
for it had been given long before, and the matter 
was esteemed a weighty one, the dinner was some- 
what on this wise: As soon as the townsmen had 
word from the heralds’ proclamation, they divided 
corn among themselves in their cities and all of them 
for many months ground it to wheaten and barley 
meal ; moreover they fed the finest beasts that money 
could buy, and kept landfowl and waterfowl in cages 
and ponds, for the entertaining of the army; and 
they made gold and silver cups and bowls and all 
manner of service for the table. These latter were 
made for the king himself and those that ate with 
him; for the rest of the army they provided only 
what served for food. At the coming of the army, 
there was a pavilion built for Xerxes’ own lodging, 
and his army abode in the open air. When the 
hour came for dinner, the hosts would have no light 
task ; as for the army, when they had eaten their fill 
and passed the night there, on the next day they 
would rend the pavilion from the ground and take 


421 


HERODOTUS 


καὶ τὰ ἔπιπλα πάντα λαβόντες οὕτω ἀπελαύνε- 
σκον, λείποντες οὐδὲν ἀλλὰ φερόμενοι. 

120. Ἔνθα δὴ Μεγακρέοντος ἀνδρὸς ᾿Αβδηρίτεω 
ἔπος εὖ εἰρημένον ἐγένετο, ὃς συνεβούλευσε 
᾿Αβδηρίτῃσι πανδημεί, αὐτοὺς καὶ γυναῖκας, 
ἐλθόντας ἐς τὰ σφέτερα ἱρὰ ἵξεσθαι ἱκέτας τῶν 
θεῶν παραιτεοµένους καὶ Τὸ λοιπόν σφι ἀπαμύνειν 
τῶν ἐπιόντων κακῶν τὰ ἡμίσεα, τῶν τε παροιχο- 
μένων ἔχειν σφι μεγάλην χάριν, ὅτι βασιλεὺς 
Ἐέρξης ov δὶς ἑκάστης ἡμέρης ἐνόμισε σῖτον 
αἱρέεσθαι" παρέχειν γὰρ ἂν ᾿Αβδηρίτῃσι, εἰ 
καὶ ἄριστον προείρητο ὅμοια τῷ δείπνῳ Tapa- 
σκευάξειν, ἡ μὴ ὑπομένειν Ξέρξην ἐπιόντα ἢ 
καταμείναντας κάκιστα πάντων ἀνθρώπων cia- 
τριβῆναι. 

121. Οἳ μὲν δῇ πιεζόμενοι ὅ ὅμως τὸ ἐπιτασσό- 
μενον ἐπετέλεον. Ξέρξης δὲ ex τῆς ᾿Ακάνθου, 
ἐντειλάμενος τοῖσι στρατηγοῖσι ToU ναυτικοῦ 
στρατοῦ ὑπομένειν ἐν Θέρμη, ἀπῆκε ἀπ᾽ ἑωυτοῦ 
πορεύεσθαι τὰς νέας, Θέρμῃ δὲ τῇ ἐν τῷ Θερμαίῳ 
κόλπῳ οἰκημένῃ, aT ἧς καὶ ὁ κόλπος οὗτος τὴν 
ἐπωνυμίην ἔχει" ταύτῃ γὰρ ἐπυνθάνετο συντο- 
μώτατον εἶναι. μέχρι μὲν γὰρ ᾿Ακάνθου ὧδε 
τεταγμένος ὁ στρατὸς ἐκ Δορίσκου τὴν ὁδὸν 
ἐποιέετο: τρεῖς μοίρας ὁ Ξέρξης δασάμενος πάντα 
τὸν πεζὸν στρατόν, μίαν αὐτέων ἔταξε παρὰ 
θάλασσαν ἰέναι ὁμοῦ τῷ ναυτικῷ" ταύτης μὲν 
δὴ ἐστρατήγεον Μαρδόνιός τε καὶ Μασίστης, 
ἑτέρη δὲ τεταγμένη ἤιε τοῦ στρατοῦ τριτημορὶς 
τὴν μεσόγαιαν, τῆς ἐστρατήγεον Ἱριτανταίχμης 
τε καὶ Γέ έργις" ἡ δὲ τρίτη τῶν μοιρέων, μετ ἧς 
ἐπορεύετο αὐτὸς Ξέρξης, ἤιε μὲν τὸ μέσον αὐτῶν, 
422 


BOOK VII. t19-121 


all things movable, and so march away, leaving 
nothing but carrying all with them. 

120. It was then that there was a very apt saying 
uttered by one Megacreon of Abdera: he counselled 
his townsmen to go all together, men and women, 
to their temples, and there in all humility entreat 
the gods to defend them in the future from half 
of every threatened ill; and let them (so he 
counselled) thank the gods heartily for past favour, 
in that it was Xerxes' custom to take a meal only 
once a day; else, had they been commanded to 
furnish a breakfast of like fashion as the dinner, 
the people of Abdera would have had no choice 
but either to flee before Xerxes coming, or to 
perish most miserably if they awaited him. 

121. So the townsmen, hard put to it as they 
were, yet did as they were commanded. Quitting 
Acanthus, Xerxes sent his ships on their course 
away from him, giving orders to his generals that 
the fleet should await him at Therma, the town on 
the Thermaic gulf which gives the gulf its name; 
for this, he learnt, was his shortest way. For the 
order of the army's march, from Doriscus to Acanthus, 
had been such as I will show: dividing all his land 
army into three portions, Xerxes appointed one of 
them to march beside his fleet along the sea-coast, 
with Mardonius and Masistes for its generals; 
another third of the army marched as appointed 
further inland, under Tritantaechmes and Gergis ; 
the third portion, with which went Xerxes himself, 


423 


HERODOTUS 


στρατηγοὺς δὲ παρείχετο Σμερδομένεά τε καὶ 
Μεγάβυζον. 

122. “O μέν νυν ναυτικὸς στρατὸς ὡς ἀπείθη 
ὑπὸ Ξέρξεω καὶ διεξέπλωσε τὴν διώρυχα τὴν ἐν 
τῷ "Ao γενομένην, διέχουσαν δὲ ἐς κόλπον ἐν 
τῷ "Ασσα τε πόλις καὶ Πίλωρος καὶ Σίγγος καὶ 
Σάρτη οἴκηνται, ἐνθεῦτεν, ὡς καὶ ἐκ τουτέων τῶν 
πολίων στρατιὴν παρέλαβε, ἔπλεε ἀπιέμενος ἐς 
τὸν Θερμαῖον κόλπον, κάμπτων Òe Αμπέλον τὴν 
Τορωναίην ἄκρην παραμείβετο Ἑλληνίδας γε 
τάσδε πόλις, ἐκ τῶν νέας τε καὶ στρατιὴν παρε- 
λάμβανε, Τορώνην Γαληψὸν Σερμύλην Μηκύ- 
Bepvav ' Ὄλυνθον. 

123. Ἡ μέν νυν χώρη αὕτη Σιθωνίη καλέεται, 
ὁ δὲ ναυτικὸς στρατὸς o Ἐἱέρξεω συντάµνων 
an’ ᾽Αμπέλου ἄκρης ἐπὶ Καναστραίην ἄκρην, τὸ 
δὴ πάρης τῆς Παλλήνης ἀνέχει μάλιστα, ἐνθεῦτεν 
νέας τε καὶ στρατιὴν παρελάμβανε ἐκ Ποτιδαίης 
καὶ ᾿Αφύτιος καὶ Νέης πόλιος καὶ Αἰγῆς καὶ 
Θεράμβω καὶ Σκιώνης καὶ Μένδης καὶ Σάνης' 
αὗται γὰρ εἰσὶ αἱ τὴν νῦν Παλλήνην πρότερον 
δὲ Φλέγρην καλεομένην νεμόμεναι. παραπλέων 
δὲ καὶ ταύτην τὴν χώρην ἔπλεε ἐς τὸ προειρη- 
μένον, παραλαμβάνων στρατιὴν καὶ ἐκ τῶν προσ- 
εχέων πολίων τῇ Παλλήνῃ, ὁμουρεουσέων δὲ 
τῷ Θερμαίῳ κόλπῳ, τῆσι οὐνόματα ἐστὶ τάδε, 
Λίπαξος Κώμβρεια Aloa Γίγωνος Κάμψα Σμίλα 
Αἴνεια' ἡ δὲ τοντέων χώρη Κροσσαίη ἔτι καὶ ἐς 
τόδε καλέεται. ἀπὸ δὲ Aiveins, ἐς τὴν ἐτελεύτων 
καταλέγων τὰς πόλις, ἀπὸ ταύτης ἤδη ἐς αὐτόν 
τε τὸν Θερμαῖον κόλπον ἐγίνετο τῷ ναυτικῷ 
στρατῷ ὁ πλόος καὶ γῆν τὴν Μυγδονίην, πλέων 


424 


BOOK VII. 121-123 


marched between the two, and its generals were 
Smerdomenes and Megabyzus. 

122. Now when the fleet had left Xerxes and 
sailed through the canal made in Athos (which canal 
reached to the gulf wherein stand the towns of Assa, 
Pilorus, Singus, and Sarte), thence taking on board 
troops from these cities also, it stood out to sea for 
the Thermaic gulf, and rounding Ampelus, the 
headland of Torone, it passed the Greek towns of 
Torone, Galepsus, Sermyle, Mecyberna, and Olynthus, 
from all which it received ships and men. 

123. This country is called Sithonia. The fleet 
held a straight course from the headland of Am- 
pelus to the Canastraean headland, where Pallene 
runs farthest out to sea, and received ships and 
men from the towns of what is now Pallene but 
was formerly called Phlegra, to wit, Potidaea, 
Aphytis, Neapolis, Aege, Therambos, Scione, Mendi, 
and Sane. Sailing along this coast they made for 
the place appointed, taking troops from the towns 
adjacent to Pallene and near neighbours of the 
Thermaic gulf, whereof the names are Lipaxus, 
Combrea, Lisae, Gigonus, Campsa, Smila, Aenea; 
whose territory is called Crossaea to this day. 
From Aenea, the last-named in my list of the 
towns, the course of the fleet lay thenceforward to 
the Thermaic gulf itself and the Mygdonian territory, 


425 


HERODOTUS 


δὲ ἀπίκετο ἔς τε τὴν προειρημένην Θέρμην καὶ 
Σίνδον τε πόλιν καὶ Χαλέστρην ἐπὶ τὸν "Αξιον 
ποταμόν, ὃς οὐρίξει χώρην τὴν Μυγδονίην τε καὶ 
Βοττιαιίδα, τῆς ἔχουσι τὸ παρὰ θάλασσαν στεινὸν 
χωρίον πόλιες Ἴχναι τε καὶ Πέλλα. 

124. Ὁ μὲν δὴ ναυτικὸς στρατὸς αὐτοῦ περὶ 
"Άξιον ποταμὸν καὶ πόλιν Θέρμην καὶ τὰς μεταξὺ 
πόλιας τούτων περιμένων βασιλέα ἐστρατοπε- 
δεύετο, Ξέρξης δὲ καὶ ὁ πεξὸς στρατὸς ἐπορεύετο 
ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ακάνθου τὴν μεσόγαιαν τάμνων τῆς 0000, 
Βουλόμενος ἐς τὴν Θέρμην ἀπικέσθαι" ἐπορεύετο 
δὲ διὰ τῆς Παιονικῆς καὶ Κρηστωνικῆς ἐπὶ 
ποταμὸν Χείδωρον, ὃς ἐκ Κρηστωναίων ἀρξάμενος 
ῥέει διὰ Μυγδονίης χώρης καὶ ἐξιεῖ παρὰ τὸ ἕλος 
τὸ ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αξίῳ ποταμῷ. 

125. Πορευομένῳ δὲ ταύτῃ λέοντές οἱ ἐπεθή- 
καντο τῆσι σιτοφόροισι καμήλοισι. καταφοι- 
τέοντες γὰρ οἱ λέοντες τὰς νύκτας καὶ λείποντες 
τὰ σφέτερα ἤθεα ἄλλου μὲν οὐδενὸς ἅπτοντο οὔτε 
ὑποζυγίου οὔτε ἀνθρώπου, of δὲ τὰς καμήλους 
ἐκεράιξον μούνας. θωμάξω δὲ τὸ αἴτιον, ὅ τι 
κοτὲ ἦν τῶν ἄλλων τὸ ἀναγκάξον ἀπεχομένους 
τοὺς λέοντας τῇσι καμήλοισι ἐπιτίθεσθαι, τὸ 
μήτε πρότερον ὀπώπεσαν θηρίον μήτ᾽ ἐπεπειρέατο 
αὐτοῦ. 

126. Εἰσὶ δὲ κατὰ ταῦτα τὰ χωρία καὶ λέοντες 
πολλοὶ καὶ βόες ἄγριοι, τῶν τὰ κέρεα ὑπερμεγάθεα 
ἐστὶ τὰ ἐς "Ελληνας φοιτέοντα. οὖρος δὲ τοῖσι 
λέουσι ἐστὶ 6 τε δι ᾿Αβδήρων ῥέων ποταμὸς 
Νέστος καὶ ὁ δι ᾿Ακαρνανίης ῥέων ᾿Αχελῷος" 
οὔτε γὰρ τὸ πρὸς τὴν ἠῶ τοῦ Νέστου οὐδαμόθι 
πάσης τῆς ἔμπροσθε Εὐρώπης ἴδοι τις ἂν λέοντα, 
426 


BOOK VII. 123-126 


till its voyage ended at Therma, the place appointed, 
and the towns of Sindus and Chalestra, where it 
came to the river Axius; this is the boundary, 
between the Mygdonian and the Bottiaean territory, 
wherein stand the towns of Ichnae and Pella on the 
narrow strip of sea-coast. 

124. So the fleet lay there off the river Axius and 
the city of Therma and the towns between them, 
awaiting the king. But Xerxes and his land army 
marched from Acanthus by the straightest inland 
course, making for Therma. Their way lay through 
the Paeonian and the Crestonaean country to the 
river Cheidorus, which, rising in the Crestonaean land, 
flows through the Mygdonian country and issues by 
the marshes of the Axius. 

125. As Xerxes thus marched, lions attacked the 
camels that carried his provision ; nightly they would 
come down out of their lairs and made havoc of the 
camels alone, seizing nothing else, man or beast of 
burden; and I marvel what was the reason that 
constrained the lions to touch nought else but attack 
the camels, creatures whereof till then they had no 
sight or knowledge. | 

126. There are many lions in these parts, and wild 
oxen, whose horns are those very long ones which 
are brought into Hellas. The boundary of the lions’ 
country is the river Nestus that flows through 
Abdera and the river Achelous that flows through 
Acarnania. Neither to the east of the Nestus any- 
where in the nearer part of Europe, nor to the west 


427 


HERODOTUS 


οὔτε πρὸς ἑσπέρης τοῦ ᾿Αχελῴου ἐν τῇ ἐπιλοίπῳ 
ἠπείρῳ, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν τῇ μεταξὺ τούτων τῶν ποταμῶν 
γίνονται. 

127. Ὡς δὲ ἐς τὴν Θέρμην. ἀπίκετο ὁ Ξέρξης, 
ἵδρυσε αὐτοῦ τὴν στρατιήν. ἐπέσχεὶ δὲ ὁ στρατὸς 
αὐτοῦ στρατοπεδευόµενος τὴν παρὰ θάλασσαν 
χώρην τοσήνδε, ἀρξάμενος ἀπὸ Θέρμης πόλιος 
καὶ τῆς Μυγδονίης μέχρι Λυδίεώ τε ποταμοῦ καὶ 
“Αλιάκμονος, οἳ οὐρίξουσι γῆν τὴν Βοττιαιίδα τε 
καὶ Μακεδονίδα, ἐς τὠυτὸ ῥέεθρον τὸ ὕδωρ svu- 
μίσγοντες. ἐστρατοπεδεύοντο μὲν δὴ ἐν τούτοισι 
τοῖσι χωρίοισι οἱ βάρβαροι, τῶν δὲ καταλεχθέντων 
τούτων ποταμῶν ἐκ Κρηστωναίων f ῥέων Xeidwpos 
μοῦνος οὐκ ἀντέχρησε TH στρατιῇ πινόμενος ἀλλ᾽ 
ἐπέλιπε. 

128. Ξέρξης. δὲ ὁ ὀρέων ἐκ τῆς Θέρμης ὄρεα τὰ 
Θεσσαλικά, τόν τε Ὄλυμπον καὶ τὴν Ὄσσαν, 
μεγάθεϊ τε ὑπερμήκεα ἐόντα, διὰ -μέσου τε αὐτῶν 
αὐλῶνα στεινὸν πυνθανόμενος εἶναι δι οὗ ῥέει ὁ 
Πηνειός, ἀκούων τε ταύτῃ εἶναι ὁδὸν ἐς Θεσσαλίην 
φέρουσαν, ἐπεθύμησε πλώσας ,θεήσασθαι τὴν 
ἐκβολὴν τοῦ Πηνειοῦ, ὅτι τὴν ἄνω ὁδὸν ἔμελλε 
ἐλᾶν διὰ Μακεδόνων τῶν κατύπερθε οἰκημένων 
ἔστε Περραιβοὺς παρὰ Γόννον πὀλιν' ταύτῃ γὰρ 
ἀσφαλέστατον ἐπυνθάνετο εἶναι. ὡς δὲ ἐπεθύ- 
une, καὶ ἐποίεε ταῦτα. ἐσβὰς ἐς Σιδωνίην νέα, ἐς 
τήν περ ἐσέβαινε αἰεὶ ὅκως τι ἐθέλοι τοιοῦτο 


1 Not the whole of Macedonia, but the region originally 
ruled by the Temenid dynasty, between the rivers Haliacmon 
and Axius and the foothills of Bermius. Edessa was the 
chief town. 


428 


BOOK VII. 126-128 


of the Achelous in the rest of the mainland, is any 
lion to be seen; but they are found in the country 
between those rivers. 

127. Being come to Therma Xerxes quartered his 
army there. Its encampment by the sea covered 
all the space from Therma and the Mygdonian 
country to the rivers Lydias and Haliacmon, which 
unite their waters in one stream and so make the 
border between the Bottiaean and the Macedonian! 
territory. In this place the foreigners lay encamped ; 
of the rivers aforesaid, the Cheidorus which flows 
from the Crestonaean country was the only one 
which could not suffice for the army's drinking but 
was thereby exhausted. 

128. When Xerxes saw from Therma the exceed- 
ing great height of the Thessalian mountains Olympus 
and Ossa, and learnt that the Peneus flows in a 
narrow pass through them, which was the way that 
led into Thessaly, he was taken with a desire to 
view the mouth of the Peneus, because he was 
minded to march by the upper road through the 
highland people of Macedonia to the country of the 
Perrhaebi and the town of Gonnus 2 for it was told 
him that this was the safest way. As he desired, so 
he did; embarking in a ship of Sidon, wherein he 
ever embarked when he had some such business in 


2 Xerxes’ army might have entered Thessaly by marching 
along the coast between Olympus and the sea, and up the 
Peneus valley (the pass of Tempe) to Gonnus, Instead, it 
crossed the mountains; probably both by a route which 
runs across the southern slope of Olympus to Gonnus, and 
also by the Petra pass, further inland, between Olympus 
and Bermius. But Herodotus is mistaken in making the 
ἄνω ὁδὸς alone reach Gonnus ; the Tempe route would have 
done the same. 


429 


HERODOTUS 


ποιῆσαι, ἀνέδεξε σημήιον καὶ τοῖσι ἄλλοισι ἀνά- 
γεσθαι, καταλιπὼν αὐτοῦ τὸν πεξὸν στρατόν. 
ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀπίκετο καὶ ἐθεήσατο Ξέρξης τὴν ἐκβολὴν 
τοῦ Πηνειοῦ, ἐν θώματι μεγάλῳ ἐνέσχετο, καλέσας 
δὲ τοὺς κατηγεμόνας τῆς ὁδοῦ εἴρετο εἰ τὸν ποτα- 
μὸν ἐστὶ παρατρέψαντα ἑτέρῃ ἐς θάλασσαν 
ἐξαγαγεῖν. 

199. Τὴν δὲ Θεσσαλίην λόγος ἐστὶ τὸ παλαιὸν 
εἶναι λίμνην, ὥστε YE συγκεκληιμένην πάντοθεν 
ὑπερμήκεσι ὄρεσι. τὰ μὲν γὰρ αὐτῆς πρὸς τὴν 
ἠῶ ἔχοντα τό τε Πήλιον ὄρος καὶ ἡ Ὄσσα ἀπο- 
κληίει συμμίσγοντα. τὰς ὑπωρέας ἀλλήλοισι, τὰ 
δὲ πρὸς βορέω ἀνέμου Ὄλυμπος, τὰ δὲ πρὸς 
ἑσπέρην Πίνδος, τὰ δὲ πρὸς .μεσαμβρίην τε καὶ 
ἄνεμον νότον ἡ “Opus: τὸ μέσον δὲ τούτων τῶν 
λεχθέντων ὀρέων ἡ Θεσσαλίη ἐστὶ ἐοῦσα κοίλη. 
ὥστε WY ποταμῶν ἐς αὐτὴν καὶ ἄλλων συχνῶν 
ἐσβαλλόντων, πέντε δὲ τῶν δοκίμων μάλιστα 
τῶνδε, Πηνειοῦ καὶ ᾿Απιδανοῦ καὶ ᾿Ὀνοχώνου καὶ 
᾿Ενιπέος καὶ Παμίσου, οἳ μέν νυν ἐς τὸ πεδίον 
τοῦτο συλλεγόμενοι ἐκ τῶν ὀρέων τῶν περικληιόν- 
των τὴν Θεσσαλίην ὀνομαξόμενοι δι ἑνὸς αὐλῶνος 
καὶ τούτου στεινοῦ ἔκροον ἔχουσι ἐς θάλασσαν, 
προσυμμίσγοντες τὸ ὕδωρ πάντες ἐς TÓVTO: ἐπεὰν 
δὲ συμμιχθέωσι τάχιστα, ἐνθεῦτεν ἤδη ὁ Πηνειὸς 
τῷ οὐνόματι κατακρατέων ἀνωνύμους τοὺς ἄλλους 
εἶναι ποιέει. τὸ δὲ παλαιὸν λέγεται, οὐκ ἐόντος 
κω τοῦ αὐλῶνος καὶ διεκρόου τούτου, τοὺς ποτα- 
μοὺς τούτους, καὶ πρὸς τοῖσι ποταμοῖσι τούτοισι 
τὴν Βοιθηίδα λίμνην, οὔτε ὀνομάξεσθαι κατά περ 
νῦν ῥέειν τε οὐδὲν ἢ ἧσσον ἢ νῦν, ῥέοντας δὲ ποιέειν 
τὴν Θεσσαλίην πᾶσαν πέλαγος. αὐτοὶ μέν νυν 


430 


BOOK VII. 128—129 


hand, he hoisted his signal for the rest also to put 
out to sea, leaving his land army where it was. 
Great wonder took him when he came and viewed 
the mouth of the Peneus; and calling his guides he 
asked them if it were possible to turn the river from 
its course and lead it into the sea by another way. 
129. Thessaly, as tradition has it, was in old times 
a lake, being enclosed all round by exceeding high 
mountains ; for on its eastern side it is fenced in by 
the joining of the lower parts of the mountains Pelion 
and Ossa, to the north by Olympus, to the west by 
Pindus, towards the south and the southerly wind 
by Othrys; in the midst of which mountains afore- 
said lies the vale of Thessaly. Seeing therefore that 
many rivers pour into this vale, whereof the five 
most notable are Peneus, Apidanus, Onochonus, 
Enipeus, Pamisus: these five, while they flow towards 
their meeting from the mountains that surround 
Thessaly, have their several names, till their waters 
all unite together and so issue into the sea by one 
and that a narrow passage ; but as soon as they are 
united, the name of the Peneus thereafter prevails 
and makes the rest to be nameless. In ancient 
days, it is said, there was not yet this channel and 
outfall, but those rivers and the Boebean lake! 
withal, albeit not yet named, had the same volume 
of water as now, and thereby turned all Thessaly into 


1 In eastern Thessaly, west of Pelion. Naturally, with 
the whole country inundated, the lake would have no 
independent existence. 


431 


HERODOTUS 


Θεσσαλοί φασι Ποσειδέωνα ποιῆσαι τὸν αὐλῶνα 
δι οὗ ῥέει ὁ Πηνειός, οἰκότα λέγοντες᾽ ὅστις yap 
νομίζει Ἡοσειδέωνα τὴν γῆν σείειν καὶ τὰ δι- 
εστεῶτα ὑπὸ σεισμοῦ τοῦ θεοῦ τούτου ἔργα εἶναι, 
κἂν ἐκεῖνο ἰδὼν φαίη Ποσειδέωνα ποιῆσαι' ἔστι 
γὰρ σεισμοῦ ἔργον, ὡς ἐμοὶ φαίνεται εἶναι, ἡ 
διάστασις τῶν ὀρέων. 

190. Οἱ δὲ κατηγεόµενοι, εἰρομένου Ξέρξεω εἰ 
ἔστι ἄλλη ἔξοδος ἐς θάλασσαν τῷ Πηνειῷ, 
ἐξεπιστάμενοι ἀτρεκέως εἶπον '' Βασιλεῦ, ποταμῷ 
τούτῳ οὐκ ἔστι ἄλλη ἐξήλυσις ἐ ἐς θάλασσαν κατή- 
KOUTA, ἀλλ. ἥδε αὐτή" ὄρεσι γὰρ περιεστεφάνωται 
πᾶσα Θεσσαλίη.᾽ Ἐέρξην δὲ λέγεται εἰπεῖν πρὸς 
ταῦτα «Σοφοὶ ἄνδρες εἰσὶ Θεσσαλοί. ταῦτ᾽ ἄρα 
πρὸ πολλοῦ ἐφυλάξαντο γνωσιμαχέοντες καὶ 
τἆλλα καὶ ὅτι χώρην ἄρα εἶχον εὐαιρετόν τε καὶ 
ταχυάλωτο». τὸν Yy ρ ποταμὸν πρῆγμα ἂν ἦν 
μοῦνον ἐπεῖναι σφέων ἐπὶ τὴν χώρην, χώματι ἐκ 
τοῦ αὐλῶνος ἐκβιβάσαντα καὶ παρατρέψαντα͵ δι᾽ 
ὧν νῦν n ῥεέθρων, ὦ ὥστε Θεσσαλίην πᾶσαν ἔξω 
τῶν ὀρέων ὑποβρυχέα γενέσθαι. ταῦτα δὲ ë ἔχοντα 
ἔλεγε ἐς τοὺς ᾿Αλεύεω παῖδας, ὃ ὅτι πρῶτοι Ἑλλή- 
νων ἐόντες Θεσσαλοὶ ἔδοσαν ἑωυτοὺς βασιλέι, 
δοκέων ὁ Ξέρξης ἀπὸ παντός σφεας τοῦ ἔθνεος 
ἐπαγγέλλεσθαι φιλίην. εἴπας δὲ ταῦτα καὶ 
θεησάμενος ἀπέπλεε ἐς τὴν Θέρμην. 

191. Ὁ μὲν δὴ περὶ Πιερίην διέτριβε ἡμέρας 


1 The correspondence in formation of the two sides of the 
pass (salients on one side answering to recesses on the other) 


gives the impression that they were once united and have 
been violently separated. 


432 


BOOK VII. 129-131: 


asea. Now the Thessalians say that Poseidon made 
this passage whereby the Peneus flows; and this is 
reasonable ; for whosoever believes that Poseidon is 
the shaker of the earth, and that rifts made by 
earthquakes are that god's handiwork, will judge 
from sight of that passage that it is of Poseidon's 
making ; for it is an earthquake, as it seems to me, 
that has riven the mountains asunder.! 

130. Xerxes enquiring of his guides if there were 
any other outlet for the Peneus into the sea, they 
answered him out of their full knowledge: * The 
river, O king, has no other way into the sea, but 
this alone; for there is a ring of mountains round 
the whole of Thessaly." Whereupon, it is said, 
quoth Xerxes: “They are wise men, these Thessa- 
lians ; this then in especial was the cause of their 
precaution long before? when they changed to a 
better mind, that they saw their country to be so 
easily and speedily conquerable; for nought more 
would have been needful than to let the river out 
over their land by barring the channel with a dam and 
turning it from its present bed, that so the whole of 
Thessaly save only the mountains might be under 
water." This he said with especial regard to the 
sons of Aleues, these Thessalians being the first 
Greeks who surrendered themselves to the king; 
Xerxes supposed that when they offered him friend- 
ship they spoke for the whole of their nation. Having 
so said, and ended his viewing, he sailed back to 
Therma. 

131. Xerxes delayed for many days in the parts of 


? As a matter of fact the Thessalians had determined on 
their policy very recently indeed ; but Xerxes appareutly 
supposes that they had resolved to join him from the first. 


433 
VOL. III. ΕΕ 


HERODOTUS 


συχνάς τὸ γὰρ δὴ ὄρος τὸ Μακεδονικὸν ἔκειρε 
τῆς στρατιῆς τριτημορίς, iva ταύτῃ διεξίῃ ἅ ἅπασα 
ἡ στρατιὴ ἐς Περραιβούς. οἱ δὲ δὴ κήρυκες οἱ 
ἀποπεμφθέντες ἐς τὴν Ἑλλάδα ἐπὶ γῆς αἴτησιν 
ἀπίκατο οἳ μὲν κεινοί, οἳ δὲ φέροντες γῆν τε καὶ 
ὕδωρ. 

132. Τῶν δὲ δόντων ταῦτα ἐγένοντο οἶδε, Θεσσα- 
λοὶ Δόλοπες ᾿Ενιῆνες Περραιβοὶ Aoxpot Μάγνητες 
Μηλιέες ᾿Αχαιοὶ οἱ Φθιῶται καὶ Θηβαῖοι καὶ οἱ 
ἄλλοι Βοιωτοὶ πλην Θεσπιέων τε καὶ Ἡλαταιέων. 
ἐπὶ τούτοισι οἱ "Ελληνες ἔταμον ὅρκιον οἱ τῷ 
βαρβάρῳ πόλεμον ἀειράμενοι᾽ τὸ δὲ ὅ ὅρκιον ὧδε 
εἶχε, ὅσοι τῷ Πέρση ἔδοσαν σφέας αὐτοὺς "Ελληνες 
ἐόντες μὴ ἀναγκασθέντες, καταστάντων σφι εὖ 
τῶν πρηγμάτων, τούτους δεκατεῦσαι τῷ ἐν Δελ- 
φοῖσι θεῴ. τὸ μὲν δὴ ὅρκιον ὧδε εἶχε τοῖσι 
Ἕλλησι. 

199. Es δὲ ᾿Αθήνας καὶ Σπάρτην οὐκ ἀπέπεμψε 
Ξέρξης ἐπὶ γῆς αἴτησιν κήρυκας τῶνδε εἴνεκα' 
πρότερον Δαρείου. πέμψαντος ἐπ᾽ αὐτὸ τοῦτο, οἳ 
μὲν αὐτῶν τοὺς αἰτέοντας ἐς τὸ βάραθρον οἳ οἳ δ᾽ ἐς 
φρέαρ ἐμβαλόντες. ἐκέλευον γῆν τε καὶ ὕδωρ ἐκ 
τούτων φέρειν παρὰ βασιλέα. τούτων μὲν εἵνεκα 
οὐκ ἔπεμψε Ἐέρξης τοὺς -αἰτήσοντας" ὅ τι δὲ τοῖσι 
᾿Αθηναίοισι ταῦτα ποιήσασι τοὺς κήρυκας συν- 
ήνεικε ἀνεθέλητον γενέσθαι, οὐκ ἔχω εἶπαί τι, πλὴν 
ὅτι σφέων 7 χώρη καὶ UR πόλις ἐδηιώθη. ἀλλὰ 
τοῦτο οὐ διὰ ταύτην τὴν αἰτίην δοκέω γενέσθαι. 

134. Τοῖσι δὲ àv Λακεδαιμονίοισι μῆνις kart- 
έσκηψε Ταλθυβίου τοῦ ᾿Αγαμέμνονος κήρυκος. ἐν 


1 Not all the inhabitants of Thessaly, here, but the tribe 
434 


BOOK VII. 131-134 


Pieria; for a third part of his army was clearing a 
road over the Macedonian mountains, that all the 
army might pass by that way to the Perrhaebian 
country ; and now returned the heralds who had been 
sent to Hellas to demand earth, some empty-handed, 
some bearing earth and water. 

132. Among those who paid that tribute were 
the Thessalians,! Dolopes, Enienes, Perrhaebians, 
Locrians, Magnesians, Melians, Achaeans of Phthia, 
Thebans, and all the Boeotians except the men of 
Thespiae and Plataea. Against all of these the 
Greeks who declared war with the foreigner entered 
into a sworn agreement, which was this: that if they 
should be victorious they would dedicate to the god 
of Delphi the possessions of all Greeks who had of 
free will surrendered themselves to the Persians. 
Such was the agreement sworn by the Greeks. 

133. But to Athens and Sparta Xerxes sent no 
heralds to demand earth, and this was the reason: 
when Darius had before sent men with this same 
purpose, the demanders were cast at the one city into 
the Pit 2 and at the other into a well, and bidden to 
carry thence earth and water to the king. For this 
cause Xerxes sent no demand. What calamity befel 
the Athenians for thus dealing with the heralds I 
cannot say, save that their land and their city was laid - 
waste; but I think that there was another reason 
for this, and not the aforesaid.? 

134. Be that as it may, the Lacedaemonians were 
visited by the wrath of Talthybius, Agamemnon’s 


of that name which had settled in the Peneus valley and 
given its name to the surrounding peoples. 
? [nto which criminals condemned to death were thrown. 
? Possibly the burning of the temple at Sardis (V. 102). 


435 
FF 2 


HERODOTUS 


γὰρ Σπάρτη ἐστὶ Ταλθυβίου ἰρόν, εἰσὶ δὲ καὶ 
ἀπόγονοι Ταλθυβιάδαι καλεόμενοι, τοῖσι αἱ 
κηρυκηίαι αἱ ἐκ Σπάρτης πᾶσαι γέρας δέδονται. 
μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα τοῖσι Σπαρτιήτῃσι καλλιερῆσαι 
θυομένοισι οὐκ ἐδύνατο' τοῦτο Ò ἐπὶ χρόνον 
συχνὸν ἦν σφι. ἀχθομένων δὲ καὶ συμφορῇ 
χρεωμένων Λακεδαιμονίων, ἁλίης τε πολλάκις 
συλλεγομένης καὶ κήρυγμα τοιόνδε ποιευμένων, 
εἴ τις βούλοιτο Λακεδαιμονίων πρὸ τῆς Σπάρτης 
ἀποθνήσκειν, Σπερθίης τε ὁ ᾿Ανηρίστου καὶ Βοῦλις 
ὁ Νικόλεω, ἄνδρες Σπαρτιῆται φύσι τε γεγονότες 
εὖ καὶ χρήμασι ἀνήκοντες ἐ ἐς τὰ πρῶτα, ἐθελονταὶ 
ὑπέδυσαν ποινὴν τῖσαι Ξέρξῃ. τῶν Δαρείου κηρύ- 
κων τῶν ἐν Σπάρτῃ ἀπολομένων. οὕτω Ἅπαρ- 
τιῆται τούτους ὡς ἀποθανευμένους ἐς Μήδους 
ἀπέπεμψαν. 

185. Αὕτη τε ἡ τόλμα τούτων τῶν ἀνδρῶν 
θώματος ἀξίη καὶ τάδε πρὸς τούτοισι τὰ ἔπεα. 
πορευόμενοι. γὰρ ἐς Σοῦσα ἀπικνέονται παρὰ 
Ὑδάρνεα: ὁ δὲ Ὑδάρνης ἦν μὲν γένος Πέρσης, 
στρατηγὸς δὲ τῶν παραθαλασσίων ἀνθρώπων τῶν 
ἐν τῇ Acin ὅς σφεας ξείνια προθέμενος ἱστία, 
ξεινίξων δὲ εἴρετο τάδε. '''"Ανδρες Λακεδαιμόνιοι, 
τί δὴ φεύγετε Βασιλέι φίλοι γενέσθαι; ὁρᾶτε γὰρ 
ὡς ἐπίσταται Βασιλεὺς ἄνδρας ἀγαθοὺς τιμᾶν, ἐς 
ἐμέ τε καὶ τὰ ἐμὰ πρήγματα ἀποβλέποντες. οὕτω 
δὲ καὶ ὑμεῖς εἰ δοίητε ὑμέας αὐτοὺς βασιλέι, 
δεδόξωσθε. γὰρ πρὸς αὐτοῦ ἄνδρες εἶναι ἀγαθοί, 
ἕκαστος ἂν ὑμέων ἄρχοι γῆς Ἑλλάδος δόντος 
βασιλέος. πρὸς ταῦτα ὑπεκρίναντο τάδε. 
$s "Téapves, οὐκ ἐξ ἴσου γίνεται. 7) συμβουλίη 7) 
ἐς ἡμέας τείνουσα. τοῦ μὲν γὰρ πεπειρημένος 
436. 


BOOK VII. 134-1355 


herald; for at Sparta there is a shrine of Talthybius, 
and descendants of Talthybius called Talthybiadae, 
who have by right the conduct of all embassies from 
Sparta. Now after that deed the Spartans could 
not win good omens from sacrifice, and for a long 
time it was so. The Lacedaemonians were grieved 
and dismayed ; ofttimes they called assemblies, and 
made a proclamation inviting some Lacedaemonian 
to give his life for Sparta; then two Spartans of noble 
birth and great wealth, Sperthias son of Aneristus 
and Bulis son of Nicolaus, undertook of their own 
free will that they would make atonement to Xerxes 
for Darius' heralds who had been done to death at 
Sparta. Thereupon the Spartans sent these men to 
Media for execution. 

135. Worthy of all admiration was these men's 
deed of daring, and so also were their sayings which 
I here record. As they journeyed to Susa, they 
came to Hydarnes, a Persian, who was general of the 
sea-coast of Asia; he entertained and feasted them 
as guests, and as they sat at his board, * Lacedae- 
monians," he questioned them, “why do you shun 
the king’s friendship? You can judge from what 
you see of me and my condition how well the king 
can honour men of worth. So might it be with you ; 
would you but put yourselves in the king's hands, 
being as you are of proven worth in his eyes, every 
one of you might by his commission be a ruler of 
Hellàs." To this the Spartans answered: ** Your 
counsels to us, Hydarnes, are ill assorted ; one half 

; 437 


HERODOTUS 


συμβουλεύεις, τοῦ δὲ ἄπειρος wv’ τὸ μὲν γὰρ 
δοῦλος εἶναι ἐξεπίστεαι, ἐλευθερίης δὲ οὔκω 
ἐπειρήθης, οὔτ᾽ εἰ ἔστι γλυκὺ οὔτ᾽ εἰ μή. εἰ γὰρ 
αὐτῆς πειρήσαιο, οὐκ ἂν δόρασι συμβουλεύοις 
ἡμῖν περὶ αὐτῆς μάχεσθαι, ἀλλὰ καὶ πελέκεσι.᾽ 
196. Ταῦτα μὲν Ὑδάρνεα ἀμείψαντο. ἐνθεῦτεν 
δὲ ὡς ἀνέβησαν ἐς Σοῦσα καὶ Βασιλέι ἐς ὄψιν 
ἦλθον, πρῶτα μὲν τῶν δορυφόρων κελευόντων καὶ 
ἀνάγκην σφι προσφερόντων προσκυνέειν βασιλέα 
προσπίπτοντας, οὐκ ἔφασαν ὠθεόμενοι i ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν 
ἐπὶ κεφαλὴν πονήσει» ταῦτα οὐδαμά' οὔτε γὰρ 
σφίσι ἐν vop εἶναι ἄνθρωπον προσκυνέειν οὔτε 
κατὰ ταῦτα ἥκειν. ὡς δὲ ἀπεμαχέσαντο τοῦτο, 
δεύτερά σφι λέγουσι τάδε καὶ λόγου τοιοῦδε 
ἐχόμενα “OQ βασιλεῦ Μήδων, ἔπεμψαν ἡμέας 
Λακεδαιμόνιοι. ἀντὶ τῶν ἐν Σπάρτη ἀπολομένων 
κηρύκων ποινὴν ἐκείνων τίσοντας,᾽ λέγουσι δὲ 
αὐτοῖσι ταῦτα Ξέρξης ὑπὸ μεγαλοφροσύνης οὐκ 
ἔφη ὅμοιος ἔσεσθαι Λακεδαιμονίοισι" κείνους μὲν 
γὰρ συγχέαι τὰ πάντων ἀνθρώπων νόμιμα 
ἀποκτείναντας κήρυκας, αὐτὸς δὲ τὰ ἐκείνοισι 
ἐπιπλήσσει ταῦτα οὐ ποιήσειν, οὐδὲ ἀνταποκτείνας 
ἐκείνους ἀπολύσειν Λακεδαιμονίους τῆς αἰτίης. 
197. Οὕτω ἡ Ταλθυβίου μῆνις καὶ ταῦτα 
ποιησάντων Σπαρτιητέων ἐπαύσατο τὸ παραυ- 
τίκα, καίπερ ἀπονοστησάντων ἐς Σπάρτην 
Σπερθίεώ τε καὶ Βούλιος. χρόνῳ δὲ μετέπειτα 
πολλῷ ἐπηγέρθη κατὰ τὸν Πελοποννησίων καὶ 
᾿Αθηναίων πόλεμον, ὡς λέγουσι Λακεδαιμόνιοι. 
τοῦτό μοι ἐν τοῖσι θειότατον φαίνεται γενέσθαι. 
ὅτι μὲν γὰρ κατέσκηψε e ἐς ἀγγέλους 7) Ταλθυβίου 
μῆνις οὐδὲ ἐπαύσατο πρὶν ἡ ἐξῆλθε, τὸ δίκαιον 


438 


BOOK VII. 135-137 


of them rests on knowledge, but the other on igno- 
rance; you know well how to be a slave, but you 
have never tasted of freedom, to know whether it 
be sweet or not. Were you to taste of it, not with 
spears you would counsel us to fight for it, no, but 
with axes." 

136. This was their answer to Hydarnes. Thence 
being come to Susa and into the king's presence, 
when the guards commanded and would have com- 
pelled them to fall down and do obeisance to the 
king, they said they would never do that, no not if 
they were thrust down headlong; for it was not 
their custom (said they) to do obeisance to mortal 
men, nor was that the purpose of their coming. 
Having beaten that off, they next said, “ The Lace- 
daemonians have sent us, O king of the Medes, in 
requital for the slaying of your heralds at Sparta, to 
make atonement for their death," and more to that 
effect; whereupon Xerxes of his magnanimity said 
that he would not imitate the Lacedaemonians ; 
* for you," said he, * made havoc of all human law 
by slaying heralds; but I will not do that which I 
blame in you, nor by putting you in turn to death 
set the Lacedaemonians free from this guilt." 

137. Thus by this deed of the Spartans the wrath 
of Talthybius was appeased for the nonce, though 
Sperthias and Bulis returned to Sparta. But long 
after that it awoke to life again in the war between 
the Peloponnesians and Athenians, as the Lacedae- 
monians say. "That seems to me to be a sure sign of 
heaven's handiwork. It was but just that the wrath 
of Talthybius descended on ambassadors, nor was 


439 


HERODOTUS 


οὕτω ἔφερε' τὸ δὲ συμπεσεῖν ἐς τοὺς παῖδας τῶν 
ἀνδρῶν. τούτων τῶν ἀναβάντων πρὸς βασιλέα διὰ 
τὴν μῆνιν, ἐς Νικόλαν τε τὸν Βούλιος καὶ ἐς 
᾿Ανήριστον τὸν Σπερθίεω, ὃς εἷλε ᾿Αλιέας τοὺς ἐκ 
T ίρυνθος ὀλκάδι καταπλώσας πλήρεϊ ἀνδρῶν, 
δῆλον ὦ ὧν μοι ὅτι θεῖον ἐγένετο τὸ πρῆγμα ἐκ τῆς 
μήνιος᾽ οἳ γὰρ πεμφθέντες ὑπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων 
ἄγγελοι ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίην, προδοθέντες δὲ ὑπὸ 
Σιτάλκεω τοῦ Τήρεω Θρηίκων βασιλέος καὶ 
Νυμφοδώρου τοῦ Πύθεω , ἀνδρὸς ᾿Αβδηρίτεω, 
ἥλωσαν κατὰ Βισάνθην. τὴν ἐν Ἑλλησπόντῳ, 
καὶ ἀπαχθέντες ἐς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν ἀπέθανον ὑπὸ 
᾿Αθηναίων, μετὰ δὲ αὐτῶν καὶ ᾿Αριστέας ὁ ᾿Αδει- 
μάντου Κορίνθιος ἆ ἀνήρ. ταῦτα μέν νυν πολλοῖσι 
ἔτεσι ὕστερον ἐγένετο τοῦ βασιλέος στόλου, 
ἐπάνειμι δὲ ἐπὶ τὸν πρότερον λόγον. 

138. Ἡ δὲ στρατηλασίη 5 βασιλέος οὔνομα 
μὲν εἶχε ὡς ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αθήνας ἐλαύνει, κατίετο δὲ ἐς 
πᾶσαν τὴν Ἑλλάδα. πυνθανόμενοι δὲ ταῦτα πρὸ 
πολλοῦ οἱ j^ "Ελληνες οὐκ ἐν ὁμοίῳ. πάντες ἐποιεῦντο. 
οἱ μὲν γὰρ αὐτῶν δόντες γῆν καὶ ὕδωρ τῷ Πέρσῃ 
εἶχον θάρσος ὡς οὐδὲν πεισόµενοι ἄχαρι πρὸς τοῦ 
Βαρβάρου' οἱ δὲ οὐ δόντες ἐν .δείματι. μεγάλῳ 
κατέστασαν, ATE οὔτε νεῶν ἐουσέων ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι 
ἀριθμὸν ἀξιομάχων δέκεσθαι τὸν ἐπιόντα, οὔτε 
βουλομένων τῶν πολλῶν ἀντάπτεσθαι τοῦ πολέ- 
μου, μηδιξόντων δὲ προθύμως. 

1899. ᾿Ενθαῦτα ἆ ἀναγκαίῃ ἐξέργομαι γνώμην ἀπο- 
δέξασθαι ἐπίφθονον μὲν πρὸς τῶν πλεόνων ἀνθρώ- 
πων, ὅμως δὲ τῇ γέ μοι φαίνεται εἶναι ἀληθὲς οὐκ 


1 Halia was a port in Argolis. The event took place prob- 
449 


BOOK VII. 137-139 


abated till it was satisfied; but the venting of it on 
the sons of those men who went up to the king to 
appease it, namely, on Nicolas son of Bulis and 
Aneristus son of Sperthias (that Aneristus who 
landed a merchant ship's crew at the Tirynthian 
settlement of Halia and took it),! makes it plain to 
me that this was heaven's doing by reason of Talthy- 
bius anger. For these two had been sent by the 
Lacedaemonians as ambassadors to Asia; betrayed 
by the Thracian king Sitalces son of Tereus and 
Nymphodorus son of Pytheas of Abdera, they were 
made captive at Bisanthe on the Hellespont, and 
carried away to Attica, where the Athenians put 
them to death,? and with them Aristeas son of Adi- 
mantus, a Corinthian. This happened many years 
after the king's expedition; I return now to the 
course of my history. 

138. The professed intent of the king's march was 
to attack Athens, but in truth all Hellas was his 
aim. This the Greeks had long since learnt, but not 
all of them regarded the matter alike. Those of 
them that had paid tribute of earth and water to the 
Persian were of good courage, thinking that the 
foreigner would do them no harm; but they who 
had refused tribute were sore afraid, since there 
were not in Hellas ships enough to do battle with 
their invader, and the greater part of them had no 
stomach for grappling with the war, but were making 
haste to side with the Persian. 

139. Here I am constrained perforce to declare an 
opinion which will be displeasing to most; but I will 
not refrain from uttering what seems to me to be 


ably between 460] and 450, when Athens and Argos were 
allied against Sparta, 2 In 430; cp. Thucyd. 11. 67. 
441 


HERODOTUS 


ἐπισχήσω. εἰ ᾿Αθηναῖοι καταρρωδήσαντες τὸν 
ἐπιόντα κίνδυνον ἐξέλιπον τὴν σφετέρην, ἢ καὶ μὴ 
ἐκλιπόντες ἀλλὰ μείναντες ἔδοσαν σφέας αὐτοὺς 
Ἐέρξῃ, κατὰ τὴν θάλασσαν οὐδαμοὶ ἂν ἐπειρῶντο 
ἀντιούμενοι βασιλέι. εἰ τοίνυν κατὰ τὴν | θάλασσαν 
μηδεὶς ἠντιοῦτο Ξέρξῃ, κατά γε ἂν τὴν ἤπειρον 
τοιάδε ἐγίνετο: εἰ καὶ πολλοὶ τειχέων κιθῶνες 
ἦσαν ἐληλαμένοι διὰ τοῦ Ἰσθμοῦ Πελοποννησίοισι, 
προδοθέντες ἂν Λακεδαιμόνιοι ὑπὸ.τῶν συμμάχων 
οὐκ ἑκόντων ἀλλ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ἀναγκαίης, κατὰ πόλις 
ἁλισκομένων ὑπὸ τοῦ ναυτικοῦ στρατοῦ τοῦ 
βαρβάρου, ἐμουνώθησαν, μουνωθέντες δὲ ἂν καὶ 
ἀποδεξάμενοι ἔργα μεγάλα ἀπέθανον γενναίως. 
ἢ ταῦτα ἂν ἔπαθον, ἢ πρὸ τοῦ ὁρῶντες ἂν καὶ 
τοὺς ἄλλους “Ελληνας μηδίξοντας ὁμολογίῃ ἂν 
ἐχρήσαντο πρὸς Ξέρξην. καὶ οὕτω ἂν ἐπ᾿ ἀμφό- 
Tepa Ñ Ἑλλὰς ἐγίνετο ὑπὸ Πέρσῃσι. τὴν γὰρ 
ὠφελίην τὴν τῶν τειχέων τῶν διὰ τοῦ Ioh μοῦ ἐλη- 
λαμένων οὐ δύναμαι πυθέσθαι ἥτις ἂν ἦν, βασιλέος 
ἐπικρατέοντος τῆς θαλάσσης. νῦν δὲ ᾿Αθηναίους 
ἄν τις λέγων σωτῆρας γενέσθαι τῆς Ἑλλάδος οὐκ 
ἂν ἁμαρτάνοι τὸ ἀληθές. οὗτοι γὰρ ἐπὶ ὁκότερα 
τῶν πρηγμάτων ἐτράποντο, ταῦτα -ῥέψειν ἔμελλε" 
ἑλόμενοι δὲ τὴν Ελλάδα περιεῖναι. ἐλευθέρην, 
τοῦτο τὸ Ἑλληνικὸν πᾶν τὸ λοιπόν, ὅσον μὴ 
ἐμήδισε, αὐτοὶ οὗτοι ἦσαν οἱ ἐπεγείραντες καὶ 
βασιλέα μετά γε θεοὺς ἀνωσάμενοι. οὐδὲ σφέας 
χρηστήρια φοβερὰ ἐλθόντα ἐκ Δελφῶν καὶ ἐς 
δεῖμα βαλόντα ἔπεισε ἐκλιπεῖν THY Ἑλλάδα, 
ἀλλὰ καταμείναντες ἀνέσχοντο τὸν ἐπιόντα ἐπὶ 
τὴν χώρην δέξασθαι. 

140. Πέμψαντες γὰρ οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἐς Δελφοὺς 
443 


BOOK VII, 139-140 


true. Had the Athenians been panic-struck by 
the threatened peril and left their own country, or 
had they not indeed left it but remained and sur- 
rendered themselves to Xerxes, none would have 
essayed to withstand the king by sea. If, then, no 
man had withstood him by sea, I will show what 
would have happened by land: though the Pelo- 
ponnesians had built not one but many walls across 
the Isthmus for their armour,! yet the Lacedaemon-: 
ians would have been deserted by their allies (these 
having no choice or free will in the matter, but see- 
ing their citiés taken one by one by the foreign fleet), 
till at last they would have stood alone; and so 
standing they would have fought a great fight and 
nobly perished. Such would have been their fate ; 
or it may be that, when they saw the rest of Hellas 
siding with the enemy, they would have made terms 
with Xerxes; and thus either way Hellas would 
have been subdued by the Persians. For I cannot 
perceive what advantage could accrue from the walls 
built across the isthmus, while the king was master 
of the seas. But as it is, to say that the Athenians 
were the saviours of Hellas is to hit the truth. For 
which part soever they took, that way the balance was 
like to incline; and by choosing that Hellas should 
remain free they and none others roused all the rest 
of the Greeks who had not gone over to the Persians, 
and did under heaven beat the king off. Nor were 
they moved to desert Hellas by the threatening 
oracles that came from Delphi and sorely dismayed 
them, but they stood firm and were bold to abide 
the invader of their country. 

140. For the Athenians had sent messages to 


1 ΟΡ. I. 181, where the wall of Babylon is called a θώρηξ. 
443 


HERODOTUS 


θεοπρόπους χρηστηριάξεσθαι ἧσαν ἕτοιμοι καί 
σφι ποιήσασι περὶ τὸ ἱρὸν τὰ νομιζόμενα, ὡς ἐς 
τὸ μέγαρον ἐσελθόντες ἵζοντο, χρᾷ ἡ Πυθίη, τῇ 
αμα ἦν JVABIO OPERI τάδε. 
ὦ μέλεοι, τί κάθησθε; λιπὼν Hedy ἔσχατα 
γαίης 
δώματα καὶ πόλιος τροχοειδέος ἄ ἄκρα κάρηνα. 
οὔτε γὰρ ἡ κεφαλὴ μένει ἔμπεδον οὔτε τὸ σῶμα, 
οὔτε πόδε: νέατοι οὔτ᾽ ὧν χέρες, οὔτε τι μέσσης 
λείπεται, ἀλλ᾽ ἄζηλα πέλει: κατὰ γάρ μιν 
ἐρείπει 
πῦρ τε καὶ ὀξὺς "Άρης, Συριηγενὲς ἅ ἅρμα | διώκων. 
πολλὰ δὲ KAAN ἀπολεῖ πυργώματα κοὐ τὸ σὸν 
οἷον, 
πολλοὺς δ᾽ ἀθανάτων νηοὺς μαλερῷ πυρὶ δώσει, 
οἵ που νῦν ἱδρῶτι ῥ ῥεούμενοι ἑστήκασι, 
δείματι παλλόμενοι, κατὰ Ò φερρτάτους ὀρό- 


f! - 


φοισι US 
αἷμα μέλαν κέχυται, προϊδὸν κακότητος 
ἀνάγκας. 
4 ^ > 
ἀλλ᾽ ἴτον ἐξ ἀδύτοιο, κακοῖς ὃ ἐπικίδνᾳτε 
θυμὸν. . αι τν ο Ov 


141. Ταῦτα ἀκούσαντες οἱ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων θεο- 
πρόποι συμφορῇ τῇ μεγίστῃ ἐχρέωντο. προβάλ.- 
λουσι δὲ σφέας αὐτοὺς ὑπὸ τοῦ κακοῦ τοῦ 
κεχρησμένου, Τίμων o ᾿Ανδροθούλου, τῶν Δελφῶν 
ἀνὴρ δόκιμος ὅ ὅμοια τῷ μάλιστα, συνεβούλευέ σφι 
ἱκετηρίην λαβοῦσι δεύτερα αὖτις ἐλθόντας χρᾶσθαι 
τῷ χρηστηρίῳ ὡς ἱκέτας. πειθομένοισι δὲ ταῦτα 


1 Lit. spread courage over your evils. But most com- 
mentators translate ‘‘ steep your souls in woe,” 


444 


BOOK VII. 140-141 


Delphi and asked that an oracle be given them ; and 
when they had performed all due rites at the temple 
and sat them down in the inner hall, the priestess, 
whose name was Aristonice, gave them this answer: 


Wretches, why tarry ye thus? Nay, flee from your 
houses and city, 

Flee to the ends of the earth from the circle em- 
battled of Athens! 

Body and head are alike, nor one is stable nor 
other, 

Hands and feet wax faint, and whatso lieth 
between them 

Wasteth in darkness and gloom; for flame 
destroyeth the city, 

Flame and the War-god fierce, swift driver of Syrian 
horses, 

Many a fortress too, not thine alone, shall he 
shatter ; 

Many a shrine of the gods he'll give to the flame 
for devouring ; 

Sweating for fear they stand, and quaking for dread 
of the foeman, 

Running with gore are their roofs, foreseeing the 
stress of their sorrow ; 

Wherefore I bid you begone! Have courage to 
lighten your evil.! 


141. When the Athenian messengers heard that, 
they were very greatly dismayed, and gave themselves 
up for lost by reason of the evil foretold. Then Timon 
son of Androbulus, as notable a man as any Delphian, 
counselled them to take boughs of supplication, and 
to go once again and in that guise enquire of the 


445 


HERODOTUS 


τοῖσι ᾿Αθηναίοισι. καὶ λέγουσι “Ὧναξ, χρῆσον . 
x . 


e a y , \ ^ $^ 25 6 ` M 
ἡμῖν ἄμεινόν τι περὶ τῆς πατρίϑος, αἰδεσθεὶς τὰς 
e / ΄ / € / À Ρ 
ἱκετηρίας τάσδε τάς τοι ἥκομεν φέροντες, ἢ ob 
τοι ἄπιμεν ἐκ τοῦ ἁδύτόυ, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτοῦ τῇδε 
/ v 5 A \ , » ^ δὲ 
μενέομεν ἔστ᾽ ἂν καὶ τελευτήσωμεν,, ταῦτα δὲ 
/ ec / ^ / / 
λέγουσι ἡ πρόμαντις χρᾷ δεύτερα τάδε. 

κ iU αλά ; 
ov δύναται Παλλὰς Ac ONETO ἐξιλάσασθαι 
λισσομένη πολλοῖσι λόγοις καὶ urit * TUI. 
Hes 7 

σοὶ δὲ τόδ᾽ αὖτις ἔπος ἐρέω ἀδάμαντι πελάσσας. 
τῶν ἄλλων γὰρ ἁλισκομένων ὅσα Κέκροπος 
οὖρος 


a 
, 


ἐντὸς ἔχει κευθµών τε Κιθαιρῶνος ζαθέοιο, 
τεῖχος Τριτογενεῖ ξύλινον διδοῖ evouama Ζεύς. 


μοῦνον ἀπόρθητον τελέθειν, τὸ σὲ τέκνα T 
iuda 


μηδὲ σύ y ἱπποσύνην τε μένειν καὶ πε ov ἰόντα 


πολλὸν aT “ἠπείρου στρατὸν ἥσυχος, ἀλλ. 
ὑποχωρεῖν 


^ 3 / y , , / y 
νῶτον ἐπιστρέψας' ἔτι τοί ποτε κἀντίος ἔσσῃ. 
4 - ^ / ` O A 
ὦ θείη Σαλαμίς, ἀπολεῖς δὲ σὺ τέκνα γυναικῶν 


jj που σκιδναμένης Δημήτερος ἢ συνιούσης. 


142. Ταῦτά σφι ἠπιώτερα γὰρ τῶν προτέρων 
καὶ ἦν καὶ ἐδόκεε εἶναι, συγγραψάµενοι ἁπαλλάσ- 
446 


BOOK VII. 141-142 


oracle. Thus the Athenians did; “ Lord,” they 
said, “regard in thy mercy these suppliant boughs 
which we bring to thee, and give us some better 
answer concerning our country; else we will not de- 
part out of thy temple, but abide here till we die."' 
Thereupon the priestess gave them this second 
oracle: 


Vainly doth Pallàs strive to appease great Zeus of 
Olympus; 

Words of entreaty are vain, and cunning counsels 
of wisdom. 

Nathless a rede I will give thee again, of strength 
adamantine. 

All shall be taken and lost that the sacred border 
of Cecrops . 

Holds in keeping to-day, and the dales divine of 
Cithaeron ; 

Yet shall a wood-built wall by Zeus all-seeing be 
granted 

Unto the Trito-born, a stronghold for thee and thy 
children. 

Bide not still in thy place for the host that cometh 

. from landward, 

Cometh with horsemen and foot; but rather with- 
draw at his coming, 

Turning thy back to the foe; thou yet shalt meet 
him in battle. 

Salamis, isle divine! ‘tis writ that children of 
women 

Thou shalt destroy one day, in the season of seed- 
time or harvest. 


142. This being in truth and appearance a more 
merciful answer than the first, they wrote it down 


441 ` 


HERODOTUS 


σοντο ἐς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας. ὡς δὲ ἀπελθόντες οἱ 
θεοπρόποι ἀπήγγελλον ἐς τὸν δῆμον, γνῶμαι καὶ 
ἄλλαι πολλαὶ γίνονται διζηµένων τὸ μαντήιον 
καὶ aide συνεστηκυῖαι μάλιστα. τῶν πρεσβυ- 
τέρων ἔλεγον μετεξέτεροι δοκέειν σφίσι τὸν θεὸν 
/ ^ 
τὴν ἀκρόπολιν χρῆσαι περιέσεσβαι. ἡ γὰρ ἀκρό- . 
\ / aA 2 / vam RAMS y TE COO 
πολις τὸ πάλαι τῶν Αθηναίων ῥηχῷ ἐπέφρακτὸ. 
ot μὲν δὴ κατὰ τὸν φραγμὸν συνεβάλλοντο 
τοῦτο τὸ ξύλινον τεῖχος εἶναι, ot δ᾽ αὖ ἔλεγον, τὰς. 
νέας σημαίνειν τὸν θεόν, καὶ ταύτας παραρτέξσθαί 
/ V oy a CK Cet .. 9 \ \ / 
ἐκέλευον τὰ ἄλλα ἀπέντας. τοὺς ὧν δὴ τὰς νέας 
/ 9 ` " ^ yt: NU \ ΄ 
λέγοντας εἶναι τὸ ξύλινον τεῖχος ἔσφαλλε τὰ δύο 
τὰ τελευταῖα ῥηθέντα ὑπὸ τῆς Πυθίης, 


ὦ θείη Σαλαμίς, ἀπολεῖς δὲ σὺ τέκνα γυναικῶν 
ἤ που σκιδναμένης Δημήτερος ἢ συνιούσης. 


κατὰ ταῦτα τὰ ἔπεα συνεχέοντο αἱ γνῶμαι τῶν 
φαμένων τὰς νέας τὸ ξύλινον τεῖχος εἶναι' οἱ γὰρ 
ρησμολόγοι ταύτη ταῦτα ἐλάμβανον, ὡς ἀμφὶ 
αλαμῖνα δεῖ σφεας ἑσσωθῆναι ναυμαχίην παρα- 
σκευασαμένους. 

148. Ἦν δὲ τῶν τις ᾿Αθηναίων ἀνὴρ ἐς πρώτους 
νεωστὶ παριών, τῷ οὔνομα μὲν ἦν Θεμιστοκλέης, 
παῖς δὲ Νεοκλέος ἐκαλέετο. οὗτος ὠνὴρ οὐκ ἔφη 
πᾶν ὀρθῶς τοὺς χρησμολόγους συμβάλλεσθαι, 
λέγων τοιάδε' εἰ ἐς ᾿Αθηναίους εἶχε τὸ ἔπος 
εἰρημένον ἐόντως, οὐκ ἂν οὕτω μιν δοκέειν ἠπίως 
χρησθῆναι, ἀλλὰ ὧδε “ ὦ σχετλίη Σαλαμίς ” ἀντὶ 
τοῦ '' ὦ θείη Σαλαμέίς,᾽ εἴ πέρ γε ἔμελλον οἱ oich- 
τορες ἀμφ᾽ αὐτῇ τελευτήσειν' ἀλλὰ γὰρ ἐς τοὺς 
πολεμίους τῷ θεῷ εἰρῆσθαι τὸ χρηστήριον 
448 


BOOK VII. 142—143 


and departed back to Athens. So when the mes- 
sengers had left Delphi and laid the oracle before 
the people, there was much enquiry concerning its 
meaning, and there were two contrary opinions in 
especial 4mong the many that were uttered. Some 
of the elder men said that the god's answer signified 
that the acropolis should be saved; for in old time 
the acropolis of Athens had been fenced by a thorn 
hedge, and by their interpretation it was this fence 
that was the wooden wall. But others supposed 
that the god signified their ships, and they were for 
doing nought else but equip these. They then that 
held their ships to be the wooden wall were disabled 
by the two last verses of the priestess answer: 


Salamis, isle divine! 'tis writ that children of 
women 

Thou shalt destroy one day, in the season of seed- 
'time or harvest. 


These verses confounded the opinion of those who 
said that their ships were the wooden wall; for the 
readers of oracles took the verses to mean, that they 
should offer battle by sea near Salamis and be there 
overthrown. 

143. Now there was a certain Athenian, by name 
and title Themistocles son of Neocles, who had lately 
risen to be among their chief men. He said, that 
the readers of oracles had not rightly interpreted 
the whole; and this was his plea: had the verse 
been verily spoken of the Athenians, the oracle had 
used a word less mild of import, and had called 
Salamis rather “cruel” than “ divine,” if indeed the 
dwellers in that place were in it and for it to perish ; 
nay (said he), rightly understood, the god’s oracle 


449 
VOL. Ill, GG 


HERODOTUS 


συλλαμβάνοντι κατὰ τὸ ὀρθόν, ἀλλ) οὐκ ἐς 'Άθη- 
ναίους' παρασκευάξεσθαι ὦ ὧν αὐτοὺς ὡς vavpa ή- 
σοντας συνεβούλευε, ὡς τούτου ἐόντος τοῦ ξυλίνου 
τείχεος. ταύτῃ Θεμιστοκλέος ἀποφαινομένου 
᾿Αθηναῖοι ταῦτα σφίσι ἔ ἔγνωσαν αἱρετώτερα εἶναι 
μᾶλλον ἢ τὰ τῶν χρησμολόγων, οἳ οὐκ ἔων ναυ- 
μαχίην ἀρτέεσθαι, τὸ δὲ σύμπαν εἰπεῖν οὐδὲ 
χεῖρας ἀνταείρεσθαι, ἀλλὰ ἐκλιπόντας χώρην τὴν 
᾿Αττικὴν ἄλλην τινὰ οἰκίζειν. 

144. Ἑτέρη τε Θεμιστοκλέι γνώμη ἔμπροσθε 
ταύτης ἐς καιρον ἠρίστευσε, ὅτε ᾿Αθηναίοισι γενο- 
μένων χρημάτων μεγάλων ἐν τῷ κοινῷ, τὰ ἐκ τῶν 
μετάλλων σφι προσῆλθε τῶν ἀπὸ Λαυρείου, 
ἔμελλον λάξεσθαι ὀρχηδὸν ἕ ἕκαστος δέκα δραχμάς: 
τότε Θεμιστοκλέης ἀνέγνωσε ᾿Αθηναίους τῆς 
διαιρέσιος ταύτης παυσαμένους νέας τούτων τῶν 
χρημάτων ποιήσασθαι διηκοσίας ἐς τὸν πόλεμον, 
τὸν προς Αἰγινήτας λέγων. οὗτος γὰρ ὁ πόλεμος 
συστὰς ἔσωσε ἐς τὸ τότε τὴν Ελλάδα, d ἀναγκάσας 
θαλασσίους γενέσθαι ᾿Αθηναίους. αἳ δὲ ἐς τὸ 
μὲν ἐποιήθησαν οὐκ ἐχρήσθησαν, ἐ ἐς δέον δὲ οὕτω 
τῇ Ελλάδι ἐγένοντο. αὗταί τε δὴ αἱ νέες τοῖσι 
᾿Αθηναίοισι προποιηθεῖσαι ὑπῆρχον, ἑτέρας τε 
ἔδεε προσναυπηγέεσθαι. ἔδοξέ τέ σφι μετὰ τὸ 
χρηστήριον βουλευομένοισι ἐπιόντα ἐπὶ τὴν 
“Ελλάδα τὸν βάρβαρον δέκεσθαι τῆσι νηυσὶ παν- 
δημεί, τῷ θεῷ πειθομένους, ἅμα Ἑλλήνων τοῖσι 
βουλομένοισι. 


1 Silver, lead, and perhaps copper mines in Attica, from 
which the state drew an annual revenue. Apparently when 
this exceeded the usual amount the general public received 
a largess. Even if the population numbered 30,000 (cp. V. 


450 


BOOK VII. 143-144 


was spoken not of the Athenians but of their enemies ; 
and his counsel was that they should believe their 
ships to be the wooden wall, and so make ready to 
fight by sea. Themistocles thus declaring, the 
Athenians judged him to be a better counsellor than 
the readers of oracles, who would have had them 
prepare for no sea fight, and in brief offer no resist- 
ance at all, but leave Attica and settle in some other 
country. 

144. Themistocles had ere this given another 
eounsel that seasonably prevailed. The revenues 
from the mines at Laurium! had brought great 
wealth into the Athenians' treasury, and when they 
were to receive each man ten drachmae for his share, 
then Themistocles persuaded the Athenians to make 
no such division, but out of the money to build two 
hundred ships for the war, that is, for the war with 
Aegina ; it was that war whereof the outbreak then 
saved Hellas, by compelling the Athenians to be- 
come seamen. The ships were not used for the 
purpose wherefor they were built, but it was thus 
that they came to serve Hellas in her need. These 
ships, then, had been made and were already there 
for the Athenians' service, and now they must build 
yet others besides; and in their debate after the 
giving of the oracle they resolved, that they would 
put their ‘trust in heaven and meet the foreign 
invader of Hellas with the whole power of their 
fleet, ships and men, and with all other Greeks that 
were so minded. 


97) ten drachmae per head would be only 50 talents; far too 
small a sum for the building of 200 ships ; Herodotus cannot 
mean more than that the Laurium money was a contribution 
towards a ship-building fund. 


451 
Ga 2 


HERODOTUS 


145. Τὰ μὲν δὴ χρηστήρια ταῦτα τοῖσι ᾿Αθη. 
ναΐοισι ἐγεγόνεε. συλλεγομένων δὲ ἐς τὠυτὸ τῶν 
περὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα Ἑλλήνων τῶν τὰ ἀμείνω 
φρονεόντων καὶ διδόντων σφίσι λόγον καὶ πίστιν, 
ἐνθαῦτα ἐδόκεε βουλευομένοισι αὐτοῖσι πρῶτον 
μὲν χρημάτων πάντων καταλλάσσεσθαι τάς τε 
ἔχθρας καὶ τοὺς κατ᾽ ἀλλήλους ἐόντας πολέμους: 
ἦσαν. δὲ πρὸς τινὰς καὶ ἄλλους ἐγκεκρημένοι;᾽ 0 δὲ 
ὧν μέγιστος ᾿Αθηναίοισί τε καὶ Αἰγινήτῃσι. μετὰ 
δὲ πυνθανόμενοι Ἐέρξην σὺν τῷ στρατῷ εἶναι ἐν 
Σάρδισι, ἐβουλεύσαντο κατασκόπους πέμπειν ἐς 
τὴν ᾿Ασίην τῶν βασιλέος πρηγμάτων, ἐς Αργος 
τε ἀγγέλους ὁμαιχμίην συνθησομένους πρὸς τὸν 
Πέρσην, καὶ ἐς Σικελίην ἄλλους πέμπειν παρὰ 
Γέλωνα τὸν Δεινομένεος ἔς τε Κέρκυραν κελεύ- 
σοντας βοηθέειν τῇ Ἑλλάδι καὶ ἐς Κρήτην ἄλλους, 
φρονήσαντες εἴ κως ἕν τε γένοιτο τὸ Ἑλληνικὸν 
καὶ εἰ συγκύψαντες τὠυτὸ πρήσσοιεν πάντες, ὡς 
εινῶν ἐπιόντων ὁμοίως πᾶσι Ἕλλησι. τὰ δὲ 
Γέλωνος πρήγματα μεγάλα ἐλέγετο εἶναι, οὐδαμῶν 
Ἑλληνικῶν τῶν οὗ πολλὸν μέξω. 

146. Ὡς δὲ ταῦτά σφι ἔδοξε,. καταλυσάμενοι 
τὰς ἔχθρας πρῶτα μὲν κατασκόπους πέμπουσι 
ἐς τὴν Asiy ἄνδρας τρεῖς. οἳ δὲ ἀπικόμενοί τε 
ἐς Σάρδις καὶ καταμαθόντες τὴν βασιλέος στρα- 
τιήν, ὡς ἐπάιστοι ἐγένοντο, βασανισθέντες ὑπὸ 
τῶν στρατηγῶν τοῦ πεζοῦ στρατοῦ ἀπήγοντο ὡς 
ἀπολεόμενοι. καὶ τοῖσι μὲν κατεκέκριτο θάνατος, 
Ξέρξης δὲ ὡς ἐπύθετο ταῦτα, μεμφθεὶς τῶν 
στρατηγῶν τὴν γνώμην πέμπει τῶν τινας δορυ- 
φόρων, ἐντειλάμενος, ἣν καταλάβωσι τοὺς κατα- 
σκόπους ξῶντας, ἄγειν παρ᾽ ἑωυτόν. ὡς δὲ ἔτι 
453 


BOOK VII. 145-146 


145. These oracles, then, had been given to the 
Athenians. All the Greeks that had the better 
purpose for Hellas now assembling themselves to- 
gether and there taking counsel and plighting faith, 
they resolved in debate to make an end of all their 
feuds and their wars against each other, from what- 
ever cause arising; and among others that were 
afoot the greatest was the war between the Athenians 
and the Aeginetans. Presently, learning that Xerxes 
was at Sardis with his army, they planned to send 
men into Asia to spy out the king’s doings, and to 
despatch messengers, some to Argos, who should 
make the Argives their brothers in arms against the 
Persian, some to Gelon son of Dinomenes in Sicily, 
some to Corcyra, praying aid for:Hellas, and some 
to Crete; for they hoped that since the danger 
threatened all Greeks alike, all of Greek blood 
might unite and work jointly for one common end. 
Now the power of Gelon was said to be very great, 
surpassing by far any power in Hellas. 

146. Being so resolved, and having composed 
their quarrels, they first sent three men as spies into 
Asia. These came to Sardis, and took note of the 
king’s army; but they were discovered, and after 
examination by the generals of the land army they 
were led away for execution. So they were con- 
demned to die; but when Xerxes heard of it he 
blamed the judgment of his generals, and sent some 
of his guards, charging them if they found the 
spies alive to bring them before him. They were 


1 From ἐγκεράννυμι; Reiske’s conjecture for MS. ἐγκεχρη- 
µένοι Which Stein prints, admitting the difficulty of inter- 
preting it. 


453 


HERODOTUS 


περιεόντας αὐτοὺς κατέλαβον καὶ ἦγον ἐς ὄψιν 
τὴν βασιλέος, τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν πυθόμενος ἐπ᾽ οἷσι 
ἦλθον, ἐκέλευε σφέας τοὺς δορυφόρους περιάγοντας 
ἐπιδείκνυσθαι πάντα τε τὸν πεζὸν στρατὸν καὶ 
τὴν ἵππον, ἐπεὰν δὲ ταῦτα θηεύμενοι ἔ ἔωσι πλήρεες, 
ἀποπέμπειν ἐς τὴν ἂν αὐτοὶ ἐθέλωσι χώρην 
ἀσινέας. 

147. ᾿Επιλέγων δὲ τὸν λόγον τόνδε ταῦτα ève- 
τέλλετο, ὡς εἰ μὲν ἀπώλοντο οἱ κατάσκοποι, οὔτ᾽ 
ἂν τὰ ἑωυτοῦ πρήγματα προεπύθοντο οἱ "Ελληνες 
ἐόντα λόγου μέζω, οὔτ᾽ ἄν τι τοὺς πολεμίους μέγα 
ἐσίναντο, ἄνδρας τρεῖς ἀπολέσαντες' νοστησάντων 
δὲ τούτων ἐς τὴν Ἑλλάδα δοκέειν ἔφη ἀκούσαντας 
τοὺς "Ελληνας τὰ ἑωυτοῦ πρήγματα πρὸ τοῦ 
στόλου τοῦ γινομένου παραδώσειν σφέας τὴν ἰδίην 
ἐλευθερίην, καὶ οὕτω οὐδὲ δεήσειν ἐπ] αὐτοὺς 
στρατηλατέοντας πρήγματα ἔχειν. oixe δὲ αὐτοῦ 
αὕτη ἡ γνώμη τῇ γε ἄλλῃ. ἐὼν γὰρ ἐν ᾿Αβύδῳ ὁ 
Ξέρξης εἶδε πλοῖα ἐκ τοῦ Πόντου σιταγωγὰ 
διεκπλώοντα τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον, ἔς τε Αἴγιναν 
καὶ Πελοπόννησον κομιξόμενα. οἱ μὲν δὴ πάρεδροι 
αὐτοῦ ὡς ἐπύθοντο πολέμια εἶναι τὰ πλοῖα, 
ἕτοιμοι ἦσαν αἱρέειν αὐτά, ἐσβλέποντες ἐς τὸν 
βασιλέα. ὁκότε παραγγελέει. ὁ δὲ Ἑέρξης εἴρετο 
αὐτοὺς ὅκῃ πλέοιεν' ot δὲ εἶπαν “' Ἐς τοὺς σοὺς 
πολεμίους, ὦ δέσποτα, σῖτον ayovtes. ὃ δὲ 
ὑπολαβὼν ἔφη “Οὐκῶν καὶ ἡμεῖς ἐκεῖ πλέομεν 
ἔνθα περ οὗτοι, τοῖσί τε ἄλλοισι -ἐξηρτυμένοι καὶ 
σίτῳ; τί δῆτα ἀδικέουσι οὗτοι ἡμῖν σιτία παρα- 
ο Coles" 

148. Οἱ μέν νυν κατάσκοποι οὕτω θεησάµενοί 
τε καὶ ἀποπεμφθέντες ἐνόστησαν ἐς τὴν Εὐρώπην, 
454 


BOOK VII. 146-148 


found stil living and brought into the king's 
presence; then Xerxes, having enquired of them 
the purpose of their coming, bade his guards lead 
them about and show them all his army, horse and 
foot; and when the spies should have seen all to 
their hearts’ content, send them away unharmed 
whithersoever they would go. 

147. The reason alleged for his command was 
. this: had the spies been put to death, the Greeks 
would not so soon have learnt the unspeakable 
greatness of his power, and the Persians would have 
done their enemy no great harm by putting three 
men to death; “but if they return to Hellas,” said 
he, “methinks when the Greeks hear of my power 
they will before the expedition surrender this 
peculiar freedom that they have, and so we need 
not be at pains to march against them.” This was 
like that other saying of Xerxes’, when he was at 
Abydos and saw ships laden with corn sailing out of 
the Pontus through the Hellespont, voyaging to 
Aegina and the Peloponnese. They that sat by him, 
perceiving that they were enemy ships, were for 
taking them, and looked to the king for him to give 
the word. But Xerxes asked them whither the 
ships were sailing; “to your enemies, Sire," said 
they, “carrying corn." Whereto Xerxes answered, 
* And are not we too sailing to the same places as 
they, with corn among all our other provisions? 
What wrong are they doing us in carrying food 
thither?” 

148. So the spies were sent back after they had 
thus seen all, and returned to Europe. They of the 


455 


HERODOTUS 


οἱ δὲ συνωμόται “Ἑλλήνων ἐπὶ τῷ Πέρσῃ μετὰ 
τὴν ἀπόπεμψιν τῶν κατασκόπων δεύτερα ἔ ἔπεμπον 
és "Άργος ἀγγέλους. ᾿Αργεῖοι δὲ λέγουσι τὰ Kar’ 
ἑωυτοὺς γενέσθαι ὧδε. πυθέσθαι γὰρ αὐτίκα κατ᾽ 
ἀρχὰς τὰ ἐκ τοῦ βαρβάρου ἐγειρόμενα. ἐπὶ τὴν 
Ἑλλάδα, πυθόμενοι δέ, καὶ μαθόντες ὡς σφέας 
οἱ Ἕλληνες πειρήσονται παραλαμβάνοντες ἐπὶ 
τὸν Πέρσην, πέμψαι θεοπρόπους ἐς Δελφοὺς τὸν 
θεὸν ἐπειρησομένους ὥς ope μέλλει ἄριστον 
ποιέουσι γενέσθαι" νεωστὶ γὰρ σφέων τεθνάναι 
ἑξακισχιλίους ù ὑπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ Κλεομένεος 
τοῦ ᾿Λναξανδρίδεω' τῶν δὴ. εἵνεκα πέμπειν. τὴν 
δὲ Πυθίην ἐπειρωτῶσι αὐτοῖσι ἀνελεῖν τάδε. 


ἐχθρὲ περικτιόνεσσι, φίλ᾽ ἀθανάτοισι θεοῖσιν, 

εἴσω τὸν προβόλαιον ἔ ἔχων πεφυλαγμένος ἦσο 

καὶ κεφαλὴν πεφύλαξο' κάρη δὲ τὸ σῶμα 
σαώσει. 


ταῦτα μὲν τὴν Πυθίην χρῆσαι πρότερον’ μετὰ δὲ 
ὡς ἐλθεῖν τοὺς ἀγγέλους ἐς δὴ τὸ Ἄργος, ἐπελθεῖν 
ἐπὶ τὸ βουλευτήριον καὶ λέγειν τὰ ἐντεταλμένα. 
τοὺς δὲ π ὃς τὰ λεγόμενα ὑποκρίνασθαι ὡς ἔτου- 
por εἰσὶ Αργεῖοι ποιέειν ταῦτα, τριήκοντα ἔτεα 
εἰρήνην σπεισάμενοι Λακεδαιμονίοισι καὶ ἡγεό- 
μενοι κατὰ τὸ ἥμισυ πάσης τῆς συμμαχίης. 
καίτοι κατά γε τὸ δίκαιον γίνεσθαι τὴν ἡγεμονίην 
ἑωυτῶν" ἀλλ᾽ ὅμως σφίσι ἀποχρᾶν κατὰ τὸ ἥμισυ 


ἡγεομένοισι. 
149. Ταῦτα μὲν λέγουσι τὴν βουλὴν ὑποκρίνα- 


1 [n the battle of Tiryns, 494: cp. VI. 77. 
2 That is, those with full citizenship, the nucleus of the 
population ; σῶμα being the remainder. 


456 


BOOK VII. 148-149 


Greeks who had sworn alliance against the Persian 
next after sending the spies sent messengers to 
Argos. Now this is what the Argives say of their 
own part in the matter:—They were informed from 
the first that the foreigner was stirring up war 
against Hellas; knowing this, when they learnt 
that the Greeks would essay to gain their aid against 
the Persian, they sent (they say) messengers to 
Delphi, there to enquire of the god how it were 
best for themselves that they should act; for six 
thousand of them had been lately! slain by a Lace- 
daemonian army and Cleomenes son of Anaxandrides 
its general; for this cause, they said, the messengers 
were sent. The Driestees gave this answer to their 
questioning : 


Hated of dwellers around, by the god's immortal 
belovéd, 

Crouch with a lance in rest, NE a warrior fenced in 
his armour, 

Guarding thy head ? from the blow: and the head 
shall shelter the body. 


This answer had already been uttered by the 
priestess; and presently the messengers came to 
Argos, and there appeared in the council chamber 
and spoke as they were charged. Then the Argives 
(this is their story) answered to what was said, that 
they would do as was asked of them if they might 
first make a thirty years' peace with Lacedaemon, 
and the command of half the allied power were 
theirs; they would be content with half, albeit if 
they had their rights they should have commanded 
the whole. 

149. This, they say, was the answer of their 


457 


HERODOTUS 


σθαι, καίπερ ἀπαγορεύοντός σφι τοῦ χρηστηρίου 
μὴ ποιέεσθαι τὴν πρὸς τοὺς "Ελληνας συμμαχίην" 
σπουδὴν δὲ ἔ ἔχειν σπονδὰς γενέσθαι τριηκοντοέ- 
τιδας .καΐπερ τὸ χρηστήριον φοβεόμενοι, í iva δή 
σφι ol παῖδες ἀνδρωθέωσι ἐ ἐν τούτοισι τοῖσι ἔτεσι' 
µη δὲ σπονδέων ἐουσέων ἐπιλέγεσθαι, ἦν ἄρα 
σφέας καταλάβῃ πρὸς τῷ γεγονότι κακῷ ἆλλο 
πταῖσμα πρὸς τὸν Πέρσην, μὴ τὸ λοιπὸν ἔωσι 
Λακεδαιμονίων ὑπήκοοι. τῶν δὲ ἀγγέλων τοὺς 
ἀπὸ τῆς Σπάρτης πρὸς τὰ ῥηθέντα ἐκ τῆς Βουλῆς 
| ἀμείψασθαι τοῖσιδε" περὶ μὲν σπονδέων ἀνοίσειν 
ἐς τοὺς πλεῦνας, περὶ δὲ ἡγεμονίης αὐτοῖσι évre- 
τἆλθαι ὑποκρίνασθαι, καὶ δὴ λέγειν, σφίσι. μὲν 
εἶναι δύο βασιλέας, ᾿Αργείοισι δὲ ἕνα: οὔκων 
δυνατὸν εἶναι τῶν ἐκ. Σπάρτης οὐδέτερον παῦσαι 
τῆς ἡγεμονίης, μετὰ δὲ δύο τῶν σφετέρων ὁμόψη- 
φον τὸν ᾿Αρηεῖον | εἶναι κωλύειν οὐδέν. οὕτω δὴ 
οἱ ᾿Αργεῖοι φασὶ οὐκ ἀνασχέσθαι τῶν Σπαρτιητέων 
τὴν πλεονεξίην, ἀλλ᾽ ἑλέσθαι μᾶλλον ὑπὸ τῶν 
Βαρβάρων ἄρχεσθαι 1j ἢ τι ὑπεῖξαι Λακεδαιμονίοισι, 
προειπεῖν τε τοῖσι ἀγγέλοισι πρὸ δύντος ἡλίου 
ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι € ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αργείων χώρης, εἰ δὲ μή, 
περιέψεσθαι ὡς πολεμίους. 

150. Αὐτοὶ μὲν ᾿Αργεῖοι τοσαῦτα τούτων πέρι 
λέγουσι: ἔστι δὲ ἄλλος λόγος λεγόμενος. ἀνὰ τὴν 
Ἑλλάδα, ὡς Ξέρξης ἔπεμψε κήρυκα ἐς "Άργος 
πρότερον ἤ περ ὁρμῆσαι στρατεύεσθαι ἐπὶ τὴν 
Ἑλλάδα: ἐλθόντα δὲ τοῦτον λέγεται εἰπεῖν 
"Ανδρες ᾿Αργεῖοι, βασιλεὺς Ξέρξης τάδε ὑμῖν 
λέγει. ἡμεῖς νομίζομεν Πέρσην εἶναι ἀπ᾽ οὗ ἡμεῖς 
γεγόναμεν παῖδα Περσέος τοῦ Δανάης, γεγονότα 
ἐκ τῆς Κηφέος θυγατρὸς ᾿Ανδρομέδης. οὕτω ἂν 


458 


BOOK VII. 149-150 


council, although the oracle forbade them to make 
the alliance with the Greeks; and though they 
feared the oracle, yet they were instant that a 
thirty years’ treaty might be made, that so their 
children might have time in those years to grow 
to be men; were there no such treaty,—so, by their 
account they reasoned,—then, if after the evil that 
had befallen them the Persian should deal them 
yet another wound, it was to be feared that they 
would be at the Lacedaemonians' mercy. Then 
those of the envoys that were Spartans replied to 
what was said by the council, * That the matter of 
a treaty would be brought before their general 
assembly; but as touching the command, they 
themselves had been commissioned to answer, and 
to say, that the Spartans had two kings, and the 
Argives but one ; now it was impossible to deprive 
either Spartan of his command; but there was 
nought to hinder the Argive from having the same 
right of voting as their two had.” At that, —say the 
Argives,—they deemed that the Spartans' covetous- 
ness was past all bearing, and that it was better 
to be ruled by the foreigners than give way to the 
Lacedaemonians; and they bade the envoys depart 
from the land of Argos before sunset, else they 
would be entreated as enemies. 

150. Such is the Argives’ account of this matter ; 
but there is another story told ir Hellas: That 
before Xerxes set forth on his march against Hellas, 
he sent a herald to Argos, who said on his coming 
(so the story goes) “Men of Argos, this is the 
message to you of king Xerxes. Perses our fore- 
father had, as we believe, Perseus son of Danaé for 
his father, and Andromeda daughter of Cepheus 


459 


HERODOTUS 


ὧν εἴημεν ὑμέτεροι ἀπόγονοι. οὔτε ὧν ἡμέας οἰκὸς 
ἐπὶ τοὺς ἡμετέρους προγόνους στρατεύεσθαι, οὔτε 
ὑμέας ἄλλοισι τιμωρέοντας ἡμῖν ἀντιξόους γίνε- 
σθαι, ἀλλὰ παρ᾽ ὑμῖν αὐτοῖσι ἡσυχίην ἔχοντας 
κατῆσθαι. ἦν γὰρ ἐμοὶ γένηται κατὰ νόον, οὐ- 
δα μοὺς μέξονας ὑμέων ἄξω.᾽ ταῦτα ἀκούσαντας 
᾿Αργείους λέγεται πρῆγμα ποιήσασθαι, καὶ παρα- 
χρῆμα μὲν οὐδὲν ἐπαγγελλομένους μεταιτέειν, 
ἐπεὶ δὲ σφέας παραλαμβάνειν τοὺς Ἕλληνας, 
οὕτω δὴ ἐπισταμένους ὅτι οὐ μεταδώσουσι τῆς 
ἀρχῆς Λακεδαιμόνιοι μεταιτέειν, ἵνα ἐπὶ προφά- 
ε 

σιος ἡσυχίην ἄγωσι. 

151. Συμπεσεῖν δὲ τούτοισι καὶ τόνδε τὸν λόγον 
λέγουσι τινὲς. Ἑλλήνων πολλοῖσι ἔτεσι ὕστερον 
γενόμενον. τούτων. τυχεῖν ἐν Σούσοισι τοῖσι 
Μεμνονίοισι ἐόντας ἑτέρου πρήγματος εἵνεκα 
ἀγγέλους ᾿Αθηναίων Καλλίην τε τὸν Ἱππονίκου 
καὶ τοὺς μετὰ τούτου ἀναβάντας, ᾿Αργείους δὲ 
τὸν αὐτὸν τοῦτον χρόνον πέμψαντας καὶ τούτους 
ἐς Σοῦσα ἀγγέλους. εἰρωτᾶν ᾿Αρτοξέρξεα τὸν 
Ἐέρξεω εἴ σφι ἔτι ἐμμένει ἐθέλουσι τὴν πρὸς 
Ξέρξην (λίην συνεκεράσαντο, ἢ νομιξοίατο πρὸς 
αὐτοῦ εἶναι πολέμιοι" βασιλέα δὲ ᾿Αρτοξέρξεα 
μάλιστα ἐμμένειν φάναι, καὶ οὐδεμίαν νομίξειν 
πόλιν Ἄργεος φιλιωτέρην. 

152. Ei n νυν Ἐλέρξης τε ἀπέπεμψε, ταῦτα 
λέγοντα κήρυκα ἐς Αργος καὶ ᾿Αργείων ἄγγελοι 
ἀναβάντες ἐ ἐς Σοῦσα ἐπειρώτων ᾿Αρτοξέρξεα περὶ 
pins, οὐκ ἔχω ἀτρεκέως εἰπεῖν, οὐδέ τινα γνώμην 
περὶ αὐτῶν πο ανομαι ἄλλην γε ἢ τήν περ 


1 ΟΡ. V. 53. 
46ο 


BOOK VII. 150-152 


for his mother ; if that be so, then we are descended 
from your nation. Wherefore in all right and reason 
neither should we march against the land of our 
forefathers, nor should you become our enemies by 
aiding others, nor do aught but abide by yourselves 
in peace ; for if all go as I desire, I will hold none 
in higher esteem than you." Hearing this, the 
Argives were thereby much moved; and though 
for the nonce they made no promise and demanded 
no share, yet when the Greeks strove to gain their 
aid, then, knowing that the Lacedaemonians would 
not grant it, they did demand a part of the com- 
mand, that so they might have a pretext for abiding 
at peace. 

151. This is borne out (say some Greeks) by the 
tale of α΄ thing which happened many years after- 
wards. It chanced that while Athenian envoys, 
Callias son of Hipponicus, and the rest who had 
come up with him, were at Susa, called the Mem- 
nonian,! about some other business,? the Argives also 
had at this same time sent envoys to Susa, asking 
of Xerxes’ son Artoxerxes “if the friendship which 
they had compounded with Xerxes still held good, 
as they desired; or did he consider them as his 
enemies?" Whereto Artoxerxes answered, “Αγ 
indeed it holds good, and I deem no city a better 
friend to me than Argos." | 

152. Now, if it be true that Xerxes sent a herald 
with the aforesaid message to Argos, and that the 
Argive envoys came up to Susa. and questioned 
Artoxerxes about their friendship, 1 cannot with 
exactness say; nor do I now declare that I hold 


* In 448, apparently. See How and Wells ad loc. for a 
full discussion of the matter. 


461 


HERODOTUS 


αὐτοὶ ᾿Αργεῖοι λέγουσι ἐπίσταμαι δὲ τοσοῦτο 
ὅτι εἰ πάντες ἄνθρωποι τὰ οἰκήια κακὰ ἐς μέσον 
συνενείκαιεν ἀλλάξασθαι βουλόμενοι τοῖσι πλη- 
σίοισι, ἐγκύψαντες ἂν ἐς τὰ τῶν πέλας κακὰ 
ἀσπασίως ἕκαστοι αὐτῶν ἀποφεροίατο ὀπίσω τὰ 
ἐσενεικαίατο. οὕτω δὲ οὐδ᾽ ᾿Αργείοισι αἴσχιστα 
πεποίηται. ἐγὼ δὲ ὀφείλω λέγειν τὰ λεγόμενα, 
πείθεσθαί γε μὲν ov παντάπασι ὀφείλω, καί μοι 
τοῦτο τὸ ἔπος ἐχέτω ἐς πάντα. λόγον: ἐπεὶ καὶ 
ταῦτα λέγεται, ὡς ἄρα ᾿Αργεῖοι ἡ ἦσαν οἱ ἐπικαλε- 
σάμενοι τὸν Πέρσην ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα, ἐπειδή σφι 
πρὸς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους κακῶς ἡ αἰχμὴ ἑστήκεε, 
πᾶν δὴ Βουλόμενοι σφίσι εἶναι πρὸ τῆς παρεούσης 
λύπης. 

153, Τὰ μὲν περὶ ᾿Αργείων εἴρηται" ἐς δὲ τὴν 
Σικελίην ἄλλοι τε ἀπίκατο ἄγγελοι ἀπὸ τῶν 
συμμάχων συμμίξοντες Γέλωνι καὶ δὴ καὶ ἀπὸ 
Λακεδαιμονίων ύαγρος. τοῦ δὲ Γέλωνος τούτου 
πρόγονος, οἰκήτωρ ὁ ἐν Γέλῃ, ἡ ἦν ἐκ νήσου Τήλου 
τῆς ἐπὶ Τριοπίῳ κειμένης" ὃς κτιξομένης Γέλης 
ὑπὸ Λινδίων τε τῶν ἐκ “Ῥόδου καὶ ᾿Αντιφήμου 
οὐκ .ἐλείφθη. ἀνὰ χρόνον δὲ αὐτοῦ οἱ ἀπόγονοι 
γενόμενοι ἱροφάνται τῶν χθονίων θεῶν διετέλεον 
ἐόντες, Τηλίνεω ἑνός τευ τῶν προγόνων κτησα- 
μένου τρόπῳ τοιῷδε. ἐς Μακτώριον πόλιν τὴν 
ὑπὲρ Γέλης οἰκημένην ἔφυγον , ἄνδρες Γελῴων 
στάσι ἑσσωθέντες" τούτους ὧν ὁ Τηλίνης κατή- 
yarye ἐς Γέλην, ἔχων οὐδεμίαν ἀνδρῶν δύναμιν 


1 The general idea, —rather obscurely expressed,— seems 
to be that some who judge the Argives harshly have really 
just as many κακὰ and αἰσχρὰ (which Herodotus appears to 
confuse) of their own. 


462 


BOOK VII. 152-153 


aught for truth but what the Argives themselves 
say. But this I know full well, —if all men should 
carry their own private troubles to market for barter 
with their neighbours, not one but when he had 
looked into the troubles of other men would be 
right glad to carry home again what he had brought.! 
Thus judging, you shall see that others did yet more 
foully than the Argives. For myself, though it be 
my business to set down that which is told me, 
to believe it is none at all of my business; let that 
saying hold good for the whole of my history; for 
indeed there is another tale current, whereby it 
would seem that it was the Argives who invited 
the Persian into Hellas, because after the breaking 
of their battle by the Lacedaemonians there was 
nothing that they would rather not have than their 
present distresses. 

153. Thus ends the story of the Argives. As for 
Sicily, envoys were sent thither by the allies to hold 
converse with Gelon, Syagrus from Lacedaemon 
being among them. This Gelon’s ancestor, he who 
made a settlement at Gela, was of the island of 
Telos that lies off Triopium ; he, when the founding 
of Gela by Antiphemus and the Lindians of Rhodes 
was afoot, would not be left behind. His posterity 
became in time ministering priests of the goddesses 
of the nether world? and continued so to be; this 
office had been won as I shall show by Telines, one 
of their forefathers. Certain Geloans, worsted in 
party strife, having been banished to the town of 
Mactorium, inland of Gela, Telines brought them 
back to Gela, with no force of men to aid him but 


2 Demeter and Persephone. 


463 


HERODOTUS 


ἀλλὰ ἱρὰ τούτων τῶν θεῶν' ὅθεν. δὲ αὐτὰ ἔλαβε ἡ 
αὐτὸς ἐκτήσατο, τοῦτο δὲ οὐκ ἔχω εἰπεῖν" τού- 
τοισι δ᾽ ὧν πίσυνος ἐὼν κατήγαγε, ἐπ᾽ ᾧ τε οἱ 
ἀπόγονοι αὐτοῦ ἱροφάνται τῶν θεῶν ἔσονται. 
θῶμά μοι ὧν καὶ τοῦτο γέγονε πρὸς τὰ πυνθάνο- 
μαι, κατεργάσασθαι Τηλίνην ἔ ἔργον τοσοῦτον" τὰ 
τοιαῦτα γὰρ ἔργα οὐ πρὸς. τοῦ ἅπαντος ἀνδρὸς 
νενόμικα γίνεσθαι, ἀλλὰ πρὸς ψυχῆς τε ἀγαθῆς 
καὶ ῥώμης ἀνδρηίης' ὃ δὲ λέγεται πρὸς τῆς Σικε- 
Mns τῶν οἰκητόρων τὰ ὑπεναντία τούτων πεφυ- 
κέναι θηλυδρίης τε καὶ μαλακώτερος ἀνὴρ. 

154. Οὗτος μέν νυν ἐκτήσατο τοῦτο τὸ γέρας" 
Κλεάνδρου δὲ τοῦ Iavrápeos τελευτήσαντος τὸν 
βίον, ὃ ὃς ἐτυράννευσε μὲν Γέλης ἑπτὰ ἔτεα, ἀπέθανε 
δὲ ὑπὸ ò Σαβύλλου ἀνδρὸς Γελῴου, ἐνθαῦτα ἀναλαμ- 
βάνει τὴν μουναρχίην. Ἱπποκράτης Κλεάνδρου € ἐὼν 
ἀδελφεός. ἔχοντος δὲ" Ιπποκράτεος τὴν τυραννίδα, 
ὁ Γέλων ἐ ἐὼν Τηλίνεω τοῦ ἱροφάντεω ἆ ἀπόγονος, TON- 
λῶν μετ᾽ ἄλλων καὶ Αἰνησιδήμου τοῦ Παταίκου } 
oee ὃς ἦν δορυφόρος Ἱπποκράτεος. μετὰ δὲ οὐ 
πολλὸν «Χρόνον δι ἀρετὴν ἀπεδέχθη πάσης τῆς 
ἵππου εἶναι ἵππαρχος" πολιορκέοντος γὰρ. Ἵππο- 
κράτεος Καλλιπολίτας τε καὶ Ναξίους καὶ Zay- 
κλαίους τε καὶ Λεοντίνους καὶ πρὸς Συρηκοσίους 
τε καὶ τῶν βαρβάρων συχνούς, ἀνὴρ ἐφαίνετο ἐν 
τούτοισι τοῖσι πολέμοισι ἐὼν ὁ Γέλων λαμπρό- 
τατος. τῶν δὲ εἶπον πολίων τουτέων πλὴν 
Συρηκουσέων οὐδεμία διέφυγε δουλοσύνην πρὸς 
Ἱπποκράτεος" Συρηκοσίους δὲ Κορίνθιοί τε καὶ 
Κερκυραῖοι ἐρρύσαντο μάχη ἑσσωθέντας ἐπὶ 
ποταμῷ ᾿Ελώρῳ, ἐρρύσαντο δὲ οὗτοι ἐπὶ τοῖσιδε 
καταλλάξαντες, ἐπ᾽ ᾧ τε Ἱπποκράτεϊ Καμάριναν 


464 


BOOK VII. 153-154 


only the holy instruments of the goddesses’ worship. 
Whence he got these, and whether or no they were 
of his own discovering, I cannot say ; however that 
be, it was in their strength that he restored the 
exiles, on the condition that his posterity should be 
ministering priests of the goddesses. Now the story 
that is told me makes me marvel that Telines should 
have achieved such a feat; for I have ever supposed 
that such feats are not for every man’s performing 
but only such as have a stout heart and a manly 
strength ; but Telines is reported by the dwellers 
in Sicily to have been contrariwise of a soft and 
womanish habit. 

154. So he won this right ; and at the decease ! of 
Cleandrus son of Pantares,—who was for seven years 
despot of Gela, and was slain by a man of that 
city named Sabyllus,—the sovereignty passed to 
Cleandrus' brother Hippocrates. While Hippocrates 
was despot, Gelon, a descendant of the ministering 
priest Telines, was one of Hippocrates' guard, as 
were Aenesidemus son of Pataecus and many others; 
and in no long time he was appointed for his worth 
to be captain of all the horse; for Hippocrates 
besieging Callipolis and Naxos and Zancle and 
Leontini, nay, Syracuse too and many of the 
foreigners’ towns, Gelon in those wars shone pré- 
eminent. None ofthe cities aforesaid escaped being 
enslaved by Hippocrates save only Syracuse; the 
Syracusans were defeated in battle on the river 
Elorus, but were rescued by the Corinthians and 
Corcyraeans, who made a peace for them on the 


1 [n 498. 
1 Something is omitted after this word; Stein suggests 


υἱέος. 
465 
VOL, III. HH 


HERODOTUS 


Συρηκοσίους παραδοῦναι. Συρηκοσίων δὲ ἣν 
Καμάρινα τὸ ἀρχαῖον. 

155. Ὡς δὲ καὶ Ιπποκράτεα τυραννεύσαντα ἴσα 
ἔτεα τῷ ἀδελφεῷ Κλεάνδρῳ κατέλαβε ἀποθανεῖν 
πρὸς πόλι' Ύβλῃ στρατευσάμενον ἐπὶ τοὺς Σικε- 
λούς, οὕτω δὴ ὁ Γέλων τῷ λόγῳ τιμωρέων τοῖσι 
Ἱπποκράτεος παισὶ Εὐκλείδῃ τε καὶ Κλεάνδρῳ, 
οὐ βουλομένων τῶν πολιητέων κατηκόων ἔτι εἶναι, 
τῷ ἔργῳ, ὡς ἐπεκράτησε μάχῃ τῶν Γελῴων, ἦρχε 
αὐτὸς ἀποστερήσας, τοὺς Ἱπποκράτεος παῖδας. 
μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο τὸ εὕρημα. τοὺς γαμόρους καλεο- 
μένους τῶν Συρηκοσίων ἐκπεσόντας ὑπό τε τοῦ 
δήμου καὶ τῶν σφετέρων δούλων, καλεομένων δὲ 
Κυλλυρίων, ὁ Γέλων καταγαγὼν τούτους ἐκ 
Κασμένης πόλιος ἐς τὰς Συρηκούσας ἔσχε καὶ 
ταύτας" ὁ γὰρ δῆμος ὁ τῶν Συρηκοσίων ἐπιόντι 
Γέλωνι παραδιδοῖ τὴν πόλιν καὶ ἑωυτόν. 

156. Ὃ δὲ ἐπείτε παρέλαβε τὰς Συρηκούσας, 
Γέλης μὲν ἐπικρατέων λόγον ἐλάσσω ἐποιέετο, 
ἐπιτρέψας αὐτὴν “Ἱέρωνι ἀδελφεῷ, ἑωυτοῦ, ὃ δὲ 
τὰς Συρηκούσας ἐκράτυνε, καὶ σάν οἱ πάντα αἱ 
Συρήκουσαι: at δὲ παραυτίκα ἀνά T ἔδραμον καὶ 
ἔβλαστον. τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ Καμαριναίους ἅ ἅπαντας 
ἐς τὰς Συρηκούσας ἀγαγὼν πολιήτας ἐποίησε, 
Καμαρίνης δὲ τὸ ἄστυ κατέσκαψε, ταῦτο δὲ 
Γελῴων ὑπερημίσεας τῶν ἀστῶν τὠυτὸ τοῖσι 
Καμαριναίοισι ἐποίησε: Μεγαρέας τε τοὺς ἐν 
Σικελίῃ, ὡς πολιορκεύμενοι ἐς ὁμολογίην προσε- 
χώρησαν, τοὺς μὲν αὐτῶν παχέας, ἀειραμένους τε 
πόλεμον αὐτῷ καὶ προσδοκῶντας ἀπολέεσθαι διὰ 
τοῦτο, ἀγαγὼν ἐς τὰς Συρηκούσας πολιήτας 
ἐποίησε" τὸν δὲ δῆμον τῶν Μεγαρέων οὐκ ἐόντα 
466 


BOOK VII. 154-156 


condition that the Syracusans should deliver up to 
Hippocrates Camarina, which was formerly theirs. 

155. When Hippocrates, too, after reigning the 
same number of years as his brother Cleandrus, 
came to his end near the town of Hybla, whither he 
had marched against the Sicels, then Gelon made a 
pretence of serving the cause of Hippocrates’ sons 
Euclides and Cleandrus, whose rule the citizens 
would no longer bear; but in very deed, when he 
had defeated the men of Gela, he deposed the sons 
of Hippocrates and held sway himself. After this 
stroke of good fortune, the Syracusan landowners 
(as they were called) being driven into banishment 
by the commonalty and their own slaves (Cyllyrians, 
as they were called), Gelon brought them back 
from the town of Casmena to Syracuse, and took 
possession of that city also; for the Syracusan 
commonalty delivered themselves and it to Gelon 
at his coming. 

156. Having taken Syracuse for his own, he made 
less account of his rule over Gela, which he gave in 
charge to his brother Hiero; over Syracuse he 
reigned, and all his care was for Syracuse, Straight- 
way that city grew and waxed great; for not only 
did Gelon bring all the people of Camarina to 
Syracuse and give them its citizenship, razing the 
town of Camarina, but he did likewise to more 
than half of the townsmen of Gela; and when the 
Megarians! in Sicily surrendered to him on terms 
after a siege, he took the wealthier of them, who 
had made war on him and looked to be put to death 
therefor, and brought them to Syracuse to be 
citizens there ; but as for the commonalty of Megara, 


! At Hybla, N. of Syracuse, on the E. coast of Sicily. 


467 
HH 2 


HERODOTUS 


μεταίτιον τοῦ πολέμου τούτου οὐδὲ προσδεκό- 
μενον κακὸν οὐδὲν πείσεσθαι, ἀγαγὼν καὶ τούτους 
ἐς τὰς Συρηκούσας ἀπέδοτο ἐπ᾽ ἐξαγωγῆ ἐκ 
Σικελίης. τὠυτὸ δὲ τοῦτο καὶ Εὐβοέας τοὺς ἐν 
Σικελίῃ ἐποίησε διακρίνας. ἐποίεε δὲ ταῦτα 
τούτους ἀμφοτέρους νομίσας δῆμον εἶναι συνοί- 
κήµα ἀχαριτώτατον. 

157. Towvro μὲν τρόπῳ τύραννος ἐγεγόνεε 
μέγας ὁ Γέλων: τότε δ ὡς οἱ ἄγγελοι τῶν Ἑλλή: 
νων ἀπίκατο ἐς τὰς Συρηκούσας, ἐλθόντες αὐτῷ 
ἐς λόγους ἔλεγον τάδε. s Ἔπεμψαν ἡ ἡμέας Λακε- 
δαιμόνιοι καὶ οἱ τούτων σύμμαχοι παραλαμψο- 
μένους σε πρὸς τὸν βάρβαρον" τὸν γὰρ ἐπιόντα 
ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα πάντως κου πυνθάνεαι, ὅτι 
Πέρσης ἀνὴρ μέλλει, ξεύξας τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον 
καὶ ἐπάγων πάντα τὸν H@ov στρατὸν ἐκ τῆς 
᾿Ασίης, στρατηλατήσειν ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα, προ- 
σχηµα uev ποιεύμενος ὡς em ᾿Αθήνας ἐλαύνει, 
ἐν νόῳ δὲ ἔχων πᾶσαν τὴν Ἑλλάδα ὑπ᾽ ἑωυτῷ 
ποιήσασθαι. σὺ δὲ δυνάμιός τε yàp. ἥκεις μεγά- 
λως καὶ μοῖρά τοι τῆς Ἑλλάδος οὐκ ἐλαχίστη 
μέτα ἄρχοντί γε Σικελίης, Αοήθεέ τε τοῖσι 
ἐλευθεροῦσι τὴν Ἑλλάδα καὶ συνελευθέρου. ἁλὴς 
μὲν γὰρ γενομένη πᾶσα ἡ 'Ελλὰς χεὶρ μεγάλη 
συνάγεται, καὶ ἀξιόμαχοι γινόμεθα τοῖσι ἐπιοῦσι: 
ἦν δὲ οἳ μὲν ἡμέων καταπροδιδῶσι οἳ δὲ μὴ θέλωσι 
τιμωρέειν, τὸ δὲ Ù ὑγιαῖνον τῆς Ἑλλάδος 5j 7 ὀλίγον, 
τοῦτο δὲ ἤδη δεινὸν γίνεται μὴ πέσῃ πᾶσα ἡ 
Ἑλλάς. μὴ γὰρ ἐλπίσῃς, ἦν ἡμέας καταστρέ- 
ψηται ὁ Πέρσης μάχῃ κρατήσας, ὡς οὐκὶ ἥξει 
παρὰ σέ γε, ἀλλὰ πρὸ τούτου φύλαξαι". βοηθέων 
γὰρ ἡμῖν σεωυτῷ τιμωρέεις. τῷ δὲ εὖ βουλευ- 
468 


BOOK VII. 156-157 


who had had no hand in the making of that war and 
expected that no harm would be done them, these too 
he brought to Syracuse and sold them for slaves to 
be carried out of Sicily. In like fashion he dealt 
with the Euboeans! of Sicily, making the same 
difference; the cause of his so doing to the people 
of both places was, that he held the commonalty to 
be an exceeding thankless crew to live withal. 

157. By these means Gelon had grown to great- 
ness as a despot; and now, when the Greek envoys 
were come to Syracuse, they had audience of him 
and spoke as follows. “The Lacedaemonians and 
their allies," said they, * have sent us to win your 
aid against the foreigner ; for it cannot be, we think, 
that you have no knowledge of the Persian invader 
of Hellas, how he purposes to bridge the Hellespont 
and lead all the hosts of the east from Asia against us, 
making an open show of marching against Athens, but 
in very deed with intent to subdue all Hellas to his 
wil. Now you are rich in power, and being lord of 
Sicily you rule thereby what is not the least part of 
Hellas; wherefore, we pray you, send help to them 
that would free Hellas, and aid them in so doing. 
For the uniting of all of Greek stock is the muster- 
ing of a mighty host, able to meet our invaders in 
the field; but if some of us play false, and others 
will not come to our aid, and the sound part of 
Hellas be but small, then it is to be feared that all 
Greek lands alike will be undone. Think not that 
if the Persian defeat us in battle and subdue us, he 
` will leave you unassailed ; but look well to yourself 
ere that day come. Aid us, and you champion your 


1 A colony from Chalcis, at Leontini. 


469 


HERODOTUS 


θέντι πρήγματι τελευτὴ ὡς τὸ ἐπίπαν χρηστὴ 
ἐθέλει ἐπιγίνεσθαι." 

158. Ot μὲν ταῦτα ἔλεγον, Γέλων δὲ πολλὸς 
ἐνέκειτο λέγων τοιάδε. ‘ “"Ανδρες" Ἕλληνες, λόγον 
ἔχοντες πλεονέκτην ἐτολμήσατε ἐμὲ σύμμαχον 
ἐπὶ τὸν βάρβαρον παρακαλέοντες ἐλθεῖν: αὐτοὶ 
δὲ ἐμεῦ πρότερον δεηθέντος βαρβαρικοῦ στρατοῦ 
συνεπάψασθαι, ὃ ὅτε µοι πρὸς Καρχηδονίους νεῖκος 
συνῆπτο, ἐπισκήπτοντός τε τὸν Δωριέος τοῦ 
᾿Αναξανδρίδεω πρὸς ᾿Εγεσταίων φόνον ἐκπρή- 
ξασθαι, ὑποτείνοντός τε τὰ ἐμπόρια συνελευ- 
θεροῦν͵ an ὧν ὑμῖν μεγάλαι ὠφελίαι τε καὶ 
ἐπαυρήσιες γεγόνασι, οὔτε ἐμεῦ εἵνεκα ἤλθετε 
βοηθήσοντες οὔτε τὸν Δωριέος φόνον. ἐκπρηξόμε- 
νοι, TO τε KAT ὑμέας τάδε ἅπαντα ὑπὸ βαρβά- 
ροισι νέμεται. ἀλλὰ εὖ γὰρ ἡμῖν καὶ ἐπὶ τὸ 
ἄμεινον κατέστη. νῦν δὲ ἐπειδὴ περιελήλυθε ὁ 
πόλεμος καὶ ἀπῖκται ἐς ὑμέας, οὕτω δὴ Γ έλωνος 
μνῆστις γέγονε. -ἀτιμίης δὲ πρὸς ὑμέων κυρήσας 
οὐκ ὁμοιώσομαι ἱ ὑμῖν, ἀλλ᾽ ἕτοιμος εἰ μὶ βοηθέειν 
παρεχόμενος διηκοσίας τε τριήρεας καὶ δισµυ- 
ρίους ὁπλίτας καὶ δισχιλίην ἵππον καὶ δισχιλίους 
τοξότας καὶ δισχιλίους σφενδονήτας καὶ δισχι- 
λίους ἱπποδρόμους. ψιλούς" σῖτόν τε ἁπάσῃ τῇ 
“Ελλήνων στρατιῇ, ἔστ᾽ ἂν διαπολεμήσωμεν, 
ὑποδέκομαι παρέξειν. ἐπὶ δὲ λόγῳ τοιῷδε τάδε 
ὑπίσχομαι, ἐπ᾽ ᾧ στρατηγός τε καὶ ἡγεμὼν, τῶν 
“Ελλήνων € ἔσομαι πρὸς τὸν βάρβαρον. ἐπ᾿ ἄλλῳ 
δὲ λόγῳ οὔτ᾽ ἂν αὐτὸς ἔλθοιμι οὔτ᾽ ἂν ἄλλους 


πέμψαιμι.᾽ 


t The Carthaginians were as influential in the west of the 
island as Gelo in the east; Greeks and Semites continually 
competed for commercial supremacy. 


470 


BOOK VII. 157-158 


own cause; a well-laid plan commonly leads to a 
happy issue." 

158. Thus they spoke; whereto Gelon answered, 
speaking very vehemently, * Men of Hellas, it is 
with a self-seeking plea that you have made bold to 
come hither and invite me to be your ally against 
the foreigners; yet what of yourselves? When I 
was at feud with the Carchedonians,! and prayed you 
to stand my comrades against a foreign army, and 
when I was instant that you should avenge the 
slaying of Dorieus ? son of Anaxandrides by the men 
of Egesta, and when I promised to free those trading 
ports whence great advantage and profit have accrued 
to you,—then neither for my sake would you come 
to aid nor to avenge the slaying of Dorieus; and 
for all that you did, all these lands lie beneath the 
foreigners' feet. Let that be; for all ended well, 
and our state was bettered. But now that the war 
has come round to you in your turn, 'tis the time 
for remembering Gelo! Yet albeit you so slighted 
me, I will not take example by you; I am ready to 
send to your aid two hundred triremes, twenty 
thousand men-at-arms, two thousand horse, two 
thousand archers, two thousand slingers, and two 
thousand light-armed men to run with horsemen ;? 
and l undertake that I will furnish provision for the 
whole Greek army till we have made an end of the 
war. But I thus promise on this one condition, 
that I shall be general and leader of the Greeks 
against the foreigner. On no other condition will 
I come myself or send others." 


` ? (p. V. 42-46. 
* Probably active infantry troops, able to keep up with 
the cavalry. 


471 


HERODOTUS 


139. Ταῦτα ἀκούσας οὔτε ἠνέσχετο ὁ Σύαγρος 
εἶπέ τε τάδε. “`H κε μέγ᾽ οἰμώξειε ὁ ὁ Πελοπίδης 
᾿Αγαμέμνων πυθόμενος Σπαρτιήτας τὴν ἡγεμονίην 
ἀπαραιρῆσθαι ὑπὸ Γέλωνός τε καὶ Συρηκοσίων. 
ἀλλὰ τούτου μὲν τοῦ λόγου μηκέτι μνησθῇς, ὅ οκως 
τὴν ἡγεμονίην τοι παραδώσομεν, ἀλλ᾽ εἰ μὲν βού- 
λεαι βοήθέειν τῇ “Ελλάδι, ἴσθι ἀρξόμενος ὑπὸ 
Λακεδαιμονίων" εἰ ὃ dpa μὴ δικαιοῖς ἄρχεσθαι, 
σὺ δὲ μηδὲ βοήθεε.” 

160. Πρὸς ταῦτα ὁ Γέλων, ἐπειδὴ ὥρα áme- 
στραμμένους τοὺς λόγους τοῦ Συάγρου, τὸν 
τελευταῖόν σφι τόνδε ἐξέφαινε λόγον. “ Ὦ ξεῖνε 
Σπαρτιῆτα, ὀνείδεα κατιόντα ἀνθρώπῳ φιλέει 
ἐπανάγειν τὸν θυμόν" σὺ μέντοι ἀποδεξάμενος 
ὑβρίσματα ἐν τῷ λόγῳ οὔ με πείσεις ἀσχήμονα 
ἐν τῇ ἀμοιβῇ γενέσθαι. ὅκου δὲ ὑμεῖς οὕτω 
περιέχεσθε τῆς ἡγεμονίης, οἰκὸς καὶ ἐμὲ μᾶλλον 
ὑμέων περιέχεσθαι, στρατιῆς τε ἐόντα πολλα- 
πλησίης ἠγεμόνα καὶ νεῶν πολλὸν πλεύνων. 
ἀλλ᾽ ἐπείτε ὑμῖν ὁ λόγος οὕτω προσάντης κατί- 
σταται, mets TL ὑπείξομεν τοῦ ἀρχαίου λόγου: 
εὖ τοῦ μὲν πεξοῦ ὑμεῖς ἡγέοισθς, τοῦ δὲ ναυτικοῦ 
ἐγώ. εἰ δὲ 0 ὑμῖν ἡδονὴ τοῦ κατὰ θάλασσαν yE- 
μονεύειν, τοῦ melon ἐγὼ θέλω. καὶ 7) τούτοισι 
ὑμέας χρεὸν ἐστι ἀρέσκεσθαι ἢ ἀπιέναι συμμά- 
χων τοιῶνδε ἐ ἐρήμους. 

161. Γέλων μὲν δὴ ταῦτα προετείνετο, φθάσας 
δὲ ὁ ᾿Αθηναίων ἄγγελος τὸν Λακεδαιμονίων ἀμεί- 
Beré μιν τοῖσιδε. “ Ὦ βασιλεῦ Συρηκοσίων, οὐκ 
ἡγεμόνος δεομένη ἡ j Ἑλλὰς ἀπέπεμψε ἡμέας πρὸς 
σέ, ἀλλὰ στρατιῆς. σὺ δὲ ὅκως μὲν στρατιὴν 
πέμψεις μὴ ἡγεύμενος τῆς “Ελλάδος οὐ προφαίνεις, 


472 


BOOK VII. 159-161 


159. When Syagrus heard that, he could not con- 
tain himself; “ Verily,” he cried, “loud would lament 
Agamemnon son of Pelops, an he heard that the 
Spartans had been bereft of their command by 
Gelon and his Syracusans! Nay, put that thought 
from you, that we will deliver up the command to 
you. If it is your will to aid Hellas, know that you 
must obey the Lacedaemonians; but if (as I think) 
you are too proud to obey, then send no aid.” 

160. Thereupon Gelon, seeing how unfriendly 
were Syagrus’ words, thus and for the last time 
declared his mind to them: “ My Spartan friend, 
the hard words that a man hears are apt to arouse 
his anger; but for all the arrogant tenor of your 
speech you shall not move me to make an unseemly 
answer. When you set such store by the command, 
it is but reasonable that I should set yet more, 
being the leader of an army many times greater 
than yours and more ships by far. But seeing that 
you answer me thus stiffly, we will abate somewhat 
of our first condition. It might be, that you should 
command the army, and J the fleet; or if it be your 
pleasure to lead by sea, then I am willing that the 
army should be mine. With that you must needs 
be content, unless you would depart hence without 
such allies as we are." 

161. Such was Gelon's offer; and the Athenian 
envoy answered him ere the Lacedaemonian could 
speak. “King of the Syracusans,” said he, “ Hellas 
sends us to you to ask not for a leader but for an 
army; and you say no word of sending an army 
save and except you can be the leader of Hellas; it 


473 


HERODOTUS 


ὡς δὲ στρατηγήσεις αὐτῆς γλίχεαι. ὅσον μὲν 
νυν παντὸς τοῦ "Ἑλλήνων στρατοῦ ἐδέεο ἡγέεσθαι, 
ἐξήρκεε ἡμῖν τοῖσι ᾿Αθηναίοισι ἡσυχίην ἄγειν, 
ἐπισταμένοισι ὡς ὁ Λάκων ἱκανός τοι ἔμελλε 
ἔσεσθαι καὶ ὑπὲρ ἀμφοτέρων ἀπολογεύμενος' 
ἐπείτε δὲ ἆ ἁπάσης ᾿ἀπελαυνόμενος δέεηι τῆς ναυτι- 
κῆς ἄρχειν, οὕτω ἔχει TOL οὐδ᾽ jv ὁ Λάκων ἐπιῇ 
τοι ἄρχειν αὐτῆς, ἡμεῖς ἐπήσομεν' ἡμετέρη γὰρ 
ἐστὶ αὕτη γε, μὴ αὐτῶν βουλομένων Λακεδαιμο- 
νίων. τούτοισι μὲν ὧν ἡγέεσθαι βουλομένοισι 
οὐκ ἀντιτείνομεν, ἄλλῳ δὲ παρήσομεν οὐδενὶ 
ναναρχέειν. μάτην yap av ade πάραλον Ἑλλή- 
νων στρατὸν πλεῖστον εἴημεν ἐκτημένοι, εἰ Xvpn- 
κοσίοισι ἐόντες ᾿Αθηναῖοι συγχωρήσομεν τῆς 
ἡγεμονίης, -ἀρχαιότατον μὲν ἔθνος παρεχόμενοι, 
μοῦνοι δὲ ἐόντες οὐ μετανάσται ' "Ελλήνων" τῶν 
καὶ "Όμηρος ὁ ἐποποιὸς ἄνδρα ἄριστον ἔφησε ἐς 
"Ἴλιον ἀπικέσθαι τάξαι τε καὶ διακοσμῆσαι στρα- 
τόν. οὕτω οὐκ ὄνειδος οὐδὲν ἡμῖν ἐστι λέγειν 
ταῦτα." 

162. ᾽Αμείβετο Γέλων τοῖσιδε. “Ξεῖνε ᾿Αθηναῖε, 
ὑμεῖς οἴκατε τοὺς μὲν ἄρχοντας ἔχειν, τοὺς δὲ 
ἀρξομένους | οὐκ ἕξειν. ἐπεὶ τοίνυν οὐδὲν i ὑπιέντες 
ἔχειν τὸ πᾶν ἐθέλετε, οὐκ ἂν φθάνοιτε τὴν ταχί- 
στην ὀπίσω ἀπαλλασσόμενοι καὶ ἀγγέλλοντες τῇ 
“Ελλάδι 6 ὅτι ἐκ τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ τὸ ἔαρ αὐτῇ ἐξαραί- 
pura." οὗτος δὲ ὁ νόος τοῦ ῥήματος τὸ ἐθέλει 
λέγειν' δῆλα γὰρ ὡς ἐν τῷ ἐνιαυτῷ ἐστὶ τὸ ἔαρ 
δοκιμώτατον, τῆς δὲ τῶν “Ελλήνων στρατιῆς τὴν 
ἑωυτοῦ στρατιήν: στερισκομένην ὧν τὴν Ελλάδα 


1 Most Greek populations had traditionally immigrated 
414 


BOOK VII. 161-162 


is for the command that all your desire is. Now 
as long as you sought the leadership of the whole 
armament, we Athenians were content to hold our 
peace, knowing that the Laconian was well able to 
answer for both of us; but since, failing to win the 
whole, you would fain command the fleet, we would 
have you know how the matter stands. Even 
though the Laconian should suffer you to command 
it, not so will we; for the command of the fleet is 
ours, the Lacedaemonians desire it not for themselves. 
If they desire to lead it, we withstand them not ; 
but none other will we suffer to be admiral. For it 
were vain that we should possess the greatest multi- 
tude of sea-faring men in Hellas, if, being Athenians, 
we yield up our command to Syracusans, —we who 
can show of all the longest lineage, and who alone 
among Greeks have never changed our dwelling 21 
and whose he was of whom the poet Homer says, 
that of all who came to Ilion he was the best man in 
ordering and marshalling armies.? Thus we are not 
to be reproached for this that we say." 

162. * My Athenian friend," Gelon answered, “ it 
would seem that you have many that lead, but none 
that will follow. Since, then, you will waive no 
claim but must have the whole, 'tis high time that 
you depart home with all speed and tell your Hellas 
that her year has lost its spring." Of which saying 
this is the signification, that Gelon's army was the 
most notable part of the Greek army, even as the 
spring is of the year; so he compared Hellas 


into their present localities from elsewhere ; but the Athen- 
ians had no such tradition ; their writers often dwell on the 
fact with pride. 

2 Menestheus : Iliad ii. 552. 


475 


HERODOTUS 


τῆς ἑωυτοῦ συμμαχίης εἴκαξε ὡς εἰ τὸ ἔαρ ἐκ τοῦ 
ἐνιαυτοῦ ἐξαραιρημένον εἴη. 

163. Οἱ μὲν δὴ τῶν “Ελλήνων ἄγγελοι τοιαῦτα 

^ ’ 4, > / / N 
τῷ Γέλωνι χρηματισάμενοι ἀπέπλεον' Γέλων δὲ 
πρὸς ταῦτα δείσας μὲν περὶ τοῖσι “Ελλησι μὴ οὐ 

7 M 7 ε / ~ \ 
δύνωνται τὸν βάρβαρον ὑπερβαλέσθαι, δεινὸν δὲ 

. 
καὶ οὐκ ἀνασχετὸν ποιησάμενος ἐλθὼν ἐς Ieo- 
πόννησον ἄρχεσθαι ὑπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων ἐὼν Σικεὺ 

ε ΄. 

λίης τύραννος, ταύτην μὲν τὴν ὁδὸν ἠμέλησε, ὃ 
δὲ ἄλλης εἴχετο. ἐπείτε γὰρ τάχιστα ἐπύθετο 
τὸν Πέρσην διαβεβηκότα τὸν "Ελλήσποντον, 
πέμπει πεντηκοντέροισι τρισὶ Κάδμον τὸν Σκύθεω 
4 ^ , ΄ LÁ , 
ἄνδρα Κῷον ἐς Δελφούς, ἔχοντα χρήματα πολλὰ 
καὶ φιλίους λόγους, καραδοκήσοντα τὴν μάχην 
τῇ πεσέεται, καὶ ἣν μὲν ὁ βάρβαρος νικᾶ, τά τε 
χρήματα αὐτῷ διδόναι καὶ γῆν τε καὶ ὕδωρ τῶν 
» e I a . ε ej , / 
ἄρχει ὁ Γέλων, ἦν δὲ οἱ "Έλληνες, ὀπίσω 
ἀπάγειν. 

104. Ὁ δὲ Κάδαος οὗτος πρότερον τούτων 
παραδεξάμενος παρὰ πατρὸς τυραννίδα Κῴων εὖ 
βεβηκυῖαν, ἑκών τε εἶναι καὶ δεινοῦ ἐπιόντος 

JÒ N , . ε A 1 ὃ ΄ , / ’ 
οὐδενὸς ἀλλὰ ὑποὶ δικαιοσύνης ἐς μέσον Κῳοισι 
καταθεὶς τὴν ἀρχὴν οἴχετο ἐς Σικελίην, ἔνθα 
παρὰ Σαμίων ἔσχε τε καὶ κατοίκησε πόλιν 
Ζάγκλην τὴν ἐς Μεσσήνην μεταβαλοῦσαν τὸ 
y A . ε 4 N / . 
οὔνομα. τοῦτον δὴ ὁ Γέλων τὸν Κάδμον καὶ 
τοιούτῳ τρόπῳ ἀπικόμενον διὰ δικαιοσύνην, τήν οἱ 

- ^ ^ 
αὐτὸς ἄλλην συνῄδεε ἐοῦσαν, ἔπεμπε' ὃς ἐπὶ τοῖσι 
ἄλλοισι δικαίοισι τοῖσι ἐξ ἑωυτοῦ ἐργασμένοισι 


1 Stein reads ἀπό, with the MSS.; the Oxford text prints 
ὑπό. There is no real warrant for ἀπὸ in the sense of ** on 
account of." 


476 


BOOK VII. 162-164 


deprived of alliance with him to a year bereft of its 
spring. 

163. After such trafficking with Gelon the Greek 
envoys sailed away. But Gelon feared therefore 
that the Greeks would not avail to overcome the 
foreigner, yet deemed it a thing hard and intolerable 
that he, the despot of Sicily, should go to the 
Peloponnese to be at the beck and call of Lacedae- 
monians; wherefore of this plan he thought no 
more, but followed another instead. -As soon as he 
was informed that the Persian had crossed the 
Hellespont, he sent Cadmus son of Scythes,? a man 
of Cos, to Delphi with three ships of fifty oars, 
carrying with them money and messages of friend- 
ship; Cadmus was to watch the event of the battle, 
and if the foreigner should be victorious then to 
give him the money, and earth and water withal on 
behalf of Gelon's dominions; but if the Greeks, 
then to carry all back again. 

164. This Cadmus had ere now inherited from his 
father the despotism of Cos; and albeit it was strong 
and well stablished, yet of his own will and under 
no constraint of danger, but of mere justice, he gave 
over the government to the whole body of Coans 
and betook himself to Sicily, where he was given by 
the Samians that city of Zancle which changed its 
name to Messene, and he planted a colony there. 
Thus had Cadmus come, and it was he now whom 
Gelon sent, by reason of the justice that he knew 
to be ever in him ; and this that I will relate was 


1 According to Aristotle (Rhet. i. 7 and iii. 10) Pericles 
used the same simile in a funeral oration, referring to the 
State's loss of its young men. 

3 Probably the expelled ruler of Zancle ; cp. the following 
chapter, and VI. 23. 


411 


HERODOTUS 


καὶ τόδε οὐκ ἐλάχιστον τούτων ἐλίπετο. κρα- 

Thoas yàp μεγάλων χρημάτων τῶν οἱ Γέλων 
ἐπετράπετο, παρεὸν κατασχέσθαι οὐκ ἠθέλησε, 
ἀλλ᾽ ἐπεὶ οἱ "Ἕλληνες ἐπεκράτησαν τῇ ναυμαχίῃ 
καὶ Ξέρξης οἰχώκεε ἀπελαύνων, καὶ δὴ καὶ ἐκεῖνος 
ἀπίκετο ἐς τὴν Σικελίην ἀπὸ πάντα τὰ χρήματα 
ἄγων. 

165, Λέγεται: δὲ καὶ τάδε ὑπὸ τῶν ἐν τῇ Σικελίῃ 
οἰκημένων, ὡς ὅμως καὶ μέλλων ἄρχεσθαι ὑπὸ 
Λακεδαιμονίων. ὁ Γέλων ἐβοήθησε ἂν τοῖσι 
"Ἕλλησι, εἰ μὴ ὑπὸ Θήρωνος τοῦ Αἰνησιδήμου 
᾿Ακραγαντίνων μουνάρχου ἐξελασθεὶς ἐξ Ἱμέρης 
Τήριλλος ὁ 0 Κρινίππου τύραννος ἐὼν Ἱμέρης ἐπῆγε 
ὑπ’ αὐτὸν τὸν χρόνον τοῦτον Φοινίκων καὶ Λιβύων 
καὶ Ἰβήρων καὶ Λιγύων καὶ ᾿Ελισύκων καὶ Σαρδο- 
νίων καὶ Κυρνίων τριήκοντα μυριάδας καὶ 
στρατηγὸν αὐτῶν ᾿Αμίλκαν τὸν "Avvavos, Καρχη- 
δονίων ἐ ἐόντα βασιλέα, κατὰ ξεινίην τε τὴν ἑωυτοῦ 
ὁ Τήριλλος ἀναγνώσας καὶ μάλιστα διὰ τὴν 
᾿Αναξίλεω τοῦ Κρητίνεω προθυμίην, ὃς Ῥηγίου 
ἐὼν τύραννος τὰ ἑωυτοῦ τέκνα δοὺς ὁ ήρους 
᾽Αμίλκα ἐπῆγε ἐπὶ τὴν Σικελίην τιµωρέων T 
πενθερῷ: Τηρίλλου γὰρ εἶχε θυγατέρα Avati- 
λεως, TH οὔνομα ἦν RM MA οὕτω δὴ οὐκ οἷόν 
τε γενόμενον βοηθέειν τὸν Γέλωνα τοῖσι EANN 
ἀποπέμπειν ἐς Δελφοὺς τὰ χρήματα. 

166. Πρὸς δὲ καὶ τάδε λέγουσι, ὡς συνέβη τῆς 
αὐτῆς ἡμέρης ἔν τε τῇ Σικελίῃ Γέλωνα καὶ 


1 The Carthaginians invaded Sicily with a force drawn 
from Africa and the western Mediterranean. The Ligyes 
are Ligurians, the Cyrnians Corsicans; the Elisyci an Iberian 


478 


BOOK VII. 164-166 


not the least of the many just acts of Cadmus’ life ; 
he had in his power great sums entrusted to him by 
Gelon, and might have kept them; yet he would 
not so do, but when the Greeks had prevailed in the 
sea-fight and Xerxes had betaken himself home- 
ward, Cadmus for his part returned back to Sicily 
with all that money. 

165. But there is another story told by the 
dwellers in Sicily: that even though he was to be 
under Lacedaemonian authority Gelon would still 
have aided the Greeks, had it not been for Terillus 
son of Crinippus, the despot of Himera; who, being 
expelled from Himera by Theron son of Aenesi- 
demus, sovereign ruler of Acragas, did at this very 
time bring against Gelon three hundred thousand 
Phoenicians, Libyans, Iberians, Ligyes, Elisyci, 
Sardinians, and Cyrnians,} led by Amilcas son of 
Annon, the king of the Carchedonians; whom 
Terillus won to this purpose partly by private 
friendship, but chiefly by the zealous aid of Anaxilaus 
son of Cretines, despot of Rhegium; he gave his 
own children as hostages to Amilcas, and brought 
him into Sicily to the help of his father-in-law ; for 
Anaxilaus had to wife Terillus’ daughter Cydippe. 
Thus it was (they say) that Gelon sent the money to 
Delphi, because he could not aid the Greeks. 

166. They add this tale too,—that Gelon and 
Theron won a victory over Amilcas the Carchedonian 


people living on the coast between the Pyrenees and the 
Rhone. According to a statement quoted from the historian 
Ephorus, this Carthaginian expedition was part of a con- 
certed plan, whereby the Greek world was to be attacked 
by the Carthaginians in the west and the Persians in the 
east simultaneously. 


479 


HERODOTUS 


Θήρωνα νικᾶν ᾿Αμίλκαν τὸν Καρχηδόνιον καὶ ἐν 
Σαλαμῖνι τοὺς "Ελληνας τὸν Πέρσην. τὸν δὲ 
᾿Αμίλκαν Καρχηδόνιον ἐόντα πρὸς πατρός, 
μητρόθεν δὲ Συρηκόσιον, βασιλεύσαντά τε κατ᾽ 
ἀνδραγαθίην Καρχηδονίων, ὡς ἡ συμβολή τε 
ἐγίνετο καὶ ὡς ἑσσοῦτο τῇ μάχῃ, ἀφανισθῆναι 
πυνθάνομαι: οὔτε γὰρ ζῶντα οὔτε ἀποθανόντα 
φανῆναι οὐδαμοῦ γῆς: τὸ πᾶν γὰρ ἐπεξελθεῖν 
διξήμενον Γέλωνα. 

167. Ἔστι δὲ i ὑπ᾽ αὐτῶν Καρχηδονίων ὅδε λόγος 
λεγόμενος, οἰκότι χρεωμένων, ὡς οἱ μὲν βάρβαροι 
τοῖσι Ἕλλησι ἐν τῇ Σικελίῃ ἐμάχοντο ἐξ ἠοῦς 
ἀρξάμενοι μέχρι δείλης ὀψίης (ἐπὶ τοσοῦτο γὰρ 
λέγεται ἑλκύσαι τὴν σύστασιν), ὁ δὲ ᾿Αμίλκας ἐν 
τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ μένων ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ ἐθύετο 
καὶ ἐκαλλιερέετο ἐπὶ πυρῆς μεγάλης σώματα 
ὅλα καταγίζων, ἰδὼν δὲ τροπὴν τῶν ἑωυτοῦ 
γινομένην, ὡς ἔτυχε ἐπισπένδων τοῖσι ἱροῖσι, 
ὦσε ἑωυτὸν ἐς τὸ πῦρ' οὕτω δὴ κατακαυθέντα 
ἀφανισθῆναι. -ἀφανισθέντι δὲ ᾿Αμίλκᾳ τρόπῳ 
εἴτε τοιούτῳ ὡς Φοίνικες λέγουσι, εἴτε ἑτέρῳ 
ὡς Καρχηδόνιοι καὶ Συρηκόσιοι,] τοῦτο μέν οἱ 

lA 

ύουσι, τοῦτο δὲ μνήματα ἐποίησαν ἐν πάσῃσι 
τῇσι πόλισι τῶν ἀποικίδων, ἐν αὐτῇ τε μέγιστον 
Καρχηδόνι. 
"^ 168. Τὰ μὲν ἀπὸ Σικελίης τοσαῦτα. Κερκυ- 
ραῖοι δὲ τάδε ὑποκρινάμενοι τοῖσι ἀγγέλοισι 
τοιάδε ἐ ἐποίησαν" καὶ γὰρ τούτους παρελάμβανον 
οἱ αὐτοὶ ot περ ἐς Σικελίην ἀπίκοντο, λέγοντες 
τοὺς αὐτοὺς λόγους τοὺς καὶ πρὸς Γέλωνα ἔλεγον. 

1 Stein brackets ós K. καὶ X.; the Καρχ. are of course the 
same as the Φοίνικες. 


430 


BOOK VII. 166-168 


in Sicily on the selfsame day whereon the Greeks 
vanquished the Persian at Salamis. This Amilcas 
was, on his father's side, a Carchedonian, and a 
Syracusan on his mother's, and had been made king 
of Carchedon for his manly worth. When the 
armies met and he was worsted in the battle, it is 
said that he vanished out of sight; for Gelon sought 
for him in every place, yet nowhere on earth could 
he be found, dead or alive. 

167. The story told by the Carchedonians them- 
selves has a show of truth. They say, that the 
foreigners fought with the Greeks in Sicily from 
dawn til late evening (so long, it is said, the 
mellay was drawn out), during all which time 
Amilcas stayed in his camp offering sacrifice and 
striving to win favourable omens by burning whole 
bodies on a great pyre; and when he saw his army 
routed, he cast himself into the fire where he was 
pouring libations on the sacrifice ; whereby he was 
consumed and no more seen. Whether it were 
thus that he vanished, as the Phoenicians say, or 
in some other way, as say the Carchedonians and 
Syracusans, sacrifice is offered to him, and monuments 
have been set up in all the colonists' cities, the 
greatest of all which is in Carchedon itself. 

168. Thus much of the Sicilian part. As for the 
Corcyraeans, their answer to the envoys and their 
acts were as I will show ; for the men who had gone 
to Sicily sought their aid too, using the same plea as 
they had used with Gelon ; and the Corcyraeans for 


The story may be true; or it may have arisen out of the 
name Hamilcar (= Abd Melqart, servant of Melqart); for 
self-immolation by fire is closely associated with Melqart 
worship. | 
| 481 
VOL. III. I I 


HERODOTUS 


οἳ δὲ .παραυτίκα μὲν ὑπίσχοντο πέμψειν τε καὶ 
ἀμυνέειν, φράζοντες ὡς οὔ σφι περιοπτέη ἐστὶ ἡ 
Ἑλλὰς ἀπολλυμένη" ἦν γὰρ σφαλῇ, σφεῖς γε 
οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἢ δουλεύσουσι τῇ πρώτῃ τῶν ἡμερέων' 
ἀλλὰ τιμωρητέον. εἴη ἐς τὸ δυνατώτατον. ὑπεκρί- 
ναντο μὲν οὕτω εὐπρόσωπα: ἐπεὶ δὲ ἔδει βοηθέειν, 
ἄλλα νοέοντες ἐπλήρωσαν νέας ἑξήκοντα, μόγις 
δὲ ἀναχθέντες προσέμιξαν τῇ Πελοποννήσῳ, καὶ 
περὶ Ἠύλον καὶ Ταίναρον γῆς τῆς Λακεδαιμονίων 
ἀνεκώχευον ' τὰς νέας, καραδοκέοντες καὶ οὗτοι τὸν 
πόλεμον τῇ πεσέεται, ἀελπτέοντες μὲν τοὺς 
Ἕλληνας ὑπερβαλέεσθαι, δοκέοντες δὲ τὸν Πέρσην 
κατακρατήσαντα πολλὸν ἄρξειν πάσης τῆς 
Ἑλλάδος, ἐποίευν ὧν ἐπίτηδες, ἱ ἵνα ἔχωσι πρὸς 
τὸν Πέρσην λέγειν τοιάδε. ‘CO βασιλεῦ, ἡμεῖς, 
παραλαμβανόντων τῶν “Ελλήνων ἡμέας ἐς τὸν 
πόλεμον τοῦτον, ἔχοντες δύναμιν οὐκ ἐλαχίστην 
οὐδὲ νέας ἐλαχίστας παρασχόντες ἂν ἀλλὰ 
πλείστας μετά γε ᾿Αθηναίους, οὐκ ἠθελήσαμέν 
τοι ἐναντιοῦσθαι οὐδέ τι ἀποθύμιον ποιῆσαι. 

τοιαῦτα λέγοντες ἤλπιζον πλέον τι τῶν ἄλλων 
οἴσεσθαι: τώ περ ἂν καὶ ἐγένετο, ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκέει. 
πρὸς δὲ τοὺς “Ελληνάς σφι σκῆψις! ἐπεποίητο, τῇ 
περ 67 kai ἐχρήσαντο. αἰτιωμένων yap τῶν 
Ἑλλήνων ὅτι οὐκ ἐβοήθεον, ἔφασαν πληρῶσαι 
μὲν ἐξήκοντα τριήρεας, ὑπὸ δὲ ἐτησιέων ἀνέμων 
ὑπερβαλεῖν Μαλέην οὐκ οἷοί τε γενέσθαι" οὕτω 
οὐκ ἀπικέσθαι ἐς Σαλαμῖνα, καὶ οὐδεμιῇ κακότητι 
λειφθῆναι τῆς ναυμαχίης. 

169. Οὗτοι μὲν οὕτω διεκρούσαντο τοὺς ENAN- 
νας. Κρῆτες δέ, ἐπείτε σφέας παρελάμβανον οἱ 
ἐπὶ τούτοισι ταχθέντες “Ελλήνων, ἐποίησαν 
482 


BOOK VII. 168-169 


the nonce promised to send help and protection, 
declaring that they could not suffer Hellas to perish, 
—for if she should fall, of a surety the very next 
day would see them also enslaved,—but they must 
render aid to the best of their power. Thus they 
gave a specious answer; but when the time came for 
sending help, their minds were changed; they 
manned sixty ships, and did with much ado put out 
to sea and make the coast of the Peloponnese; but 
there they anchored off Pylos and Taenarus in the 
Lacedaemonian territory, waiting like the others to 
see which way the war should incline; they had no 
hope that the Greeks would prevail, but thought 
_ that the Persian would win a great victory and be 
lord of all Hellas. What they did, therefore, was 
done of set purpose, that they might be able to say 
to the Persian, * O king, we whose power is as great 
as any, and who could have furnished as many ships 
as any state save Athens,—we, when the Greeks 
essayed to gain our aid in this war, would not resist 
you nor do aught displeasing to you." This plea 
they hoped would win them some advantage more 
than ordinary; and so, methinks, it would have 
been. But they were ready with an excuse which 
they could make to the Greeks, and in the end they 
made it; when the Greeks blamed them for sending 
no help, they said that they had manned sixty 
triremes, but by stress of the etesian winds they 
could not round Malea ; thus it was (they said) that 
they could not arrive at Salamis: it was no craven 
spirit that made them late for the sea-fight. 

169. With such a plea they put the Greeks off. 
But the Cretans, when the Greeks appointed to 
deal with them strove to gain their aid, did as I will 

483 
11 2 


HERODOTUS 


τοιόνδε' πέμψαντες κοινῇ θεοπρόπους è ἐς Δελφοὺς 
τὸν θεὸν ἐπειρώτων ei σφι ἄμεινον τιμωρέουσι 
γίνεται τῇ Ελλάδι. 7 δὲ Πυθίη i ὑπεκρίνατο E 
νήπιοι, ἐπιμέμφεσθε ὅ ὅσα ὑμῖν ἐκ τῶν Μενελάου 
τιμωρημάτων Μίνως ἔπεμψε μηνίων δακρυµατα, 
ὅτι οἳ μὲν οὐ συνεξεπρήξαντο αὐτῷ τὸν ἐν Καμικῷ 
θάνατον γενόμενον, ὑμεῖς. δὲ ἐκείνοισι τὴν ἐκ 
Σπάρτης ἁρπασθεῖσαν ὑπ ἀνδρὸς βαρβάρου 
γυναῖκα." ταῦτα οἱ Κρῆτες ὡς ἀπενειχθέντα 
ἤκουσαν, ἔσχοντο τῆς τιμωρίης. 

170. Λέγεται γὰρ Μίνων κατὰ ζήτησιν Δαιδά- 
λου ἀπικόμενον ἐς Σικανίην τὴν νῦν Σικελίην 
καλευμένην ἀποθανεῖν βιαίῳ θανάτῳ. ἀνὰ δὲ 
χρόνον Κρῆτας, θεοῦ σφι ἐποτρύναντος, πάντας 
πλὴν Ἠολιχνιτέων τε καὶ Πραισίων ἀπικομένους 
στόλῳ μεγάλῳ ἐς Σικανίην πολιορκέειν ἐπ᾽ ἔτεα 
πέντε πόλιν Καμικόν, τὴν κατ᾽ ἐμὲ ᾿Ακραγαντῖνοι 
ἐνέμοντο" τέλος δὲ οὐ δυναμένους οὔτε ἑλεῖν 
οὔτε παραμένειν λιμῷ συνεστεῶτας, ἀπολιπόντας 
οἴχεσθαι. ὡς δὲ κατὰ Ἰηπυγίην γενέσθαι 
πλέοντας, ὑπολαβόντα σφέας χειμῶνα μέγαν 
ἐκβαλεῖν ἐς . τὴν γῆν" συναραχθέντων δὲ τῶν 
πλοίων, οὐδεμίαν γάρ σφι ἔτι κομιδὴν ἐ ἐς Κρήτην 
φαίνεσθαι, ἐνθαῦτα “Ὑρίην πόλιν κτίσαντας κατα- 
μεῖναί τε καὶ μεταβαλόντας ἀντὶ μὲν Κρητῶν 
γενέσθαι Ἰήπυγας Μεσσαπίους, ἀντὶ δὲ εἶναι 
νησιώτας ἠπειρώτας. ἀπὸ δὲ Ὑρίης πόλιος τὰς 
ἄλλας οἰκίσαι, τὰς δὴ Ταραντῖνοι χρόνῳ ὕστερον 
πολλῷ ἐξανιστάντες προσέπταισαν μεγάλως, ὥστε 
φόνος Ἑλληνικὸς µέγιστος οὗτος δὴ ἐγένετο 


1 That is, the Greeks would not help the Cretans to avenge 
484 


BOOK VII. 169-170 


show. They sent messengers to Delphi, enquiring 
if it should be for their advantage to succour the 
Greeks. The priestess answered them, “ Foolish 
folk, ye are not then content with the weeping that 
Minos sent upon your people for the help given to 
Menelaus, angered because that those others! would 
not aid to avenge his death at Camicus, yet ye did 
aid them to avenge the stealing of that woman from 
Sparta by a foreigner." This being brought to the 
ears of the Cretans, they would have nought to do 
with succouring the Greeks. 

170. For Minos (it is said), having gone to Sicania, 
which is now called Sicily, in search for Daedalus, 
there perished by a violent death ; and presently all 
the Cretans save the men of Polichne and Praesus 
were bidden by a god to go with a great host to 
Sicania, where for five years they beleaguered the 
town of Camicus, where in my day the men of 
Acragas dwelt; but since they could not take it nor 
abide there for the famine that afflicted them, they 
left it and departed away. But when they were at 
sea off lapygia, a great storm caught and drove them 
ashore ; and their ships being wrecked, and no way 
left of returning to Crete, they founded there the 
town of Hyria, and abode in it, changing from 
Cretans to Messapians of Iapygia, and from islanders 
to dwellers on the mainland. From Hyria they 
made settlements in those other towns, which a very 
long time afterwards the Tarentines essayed to 
destroy, but suffered great disaster thereby ; so that 
none has ever heard of so great a slaughter of 


the death of Minos ; yet afterwards the Cretans helped the 
Greeks to avenge the carrying off of Helen. 


485 


HERODOTUS 


πάντων τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν, αὐτῶν τε Ταραντίνων 
καὶ Ῥηγίνων, ot ὑπὸ Μικύθου τοῦ Χοίρου 
ἀναγκαξόμενοι τῶν ἀστῶν καὶ ἀπικόμενοι τιμωροὶ 
Ταραντίνοισι ἀπέθανον τρισχίλιοι οὕτω: αὐτῶν 
δὲ Ἑαραντίνων οὐκ ἐπῆν ἀριθμός. ὁ δὲ Μίκυθος 
οἰκέτης ἐὼν ᾿Αναξίλεω ἐπίτροπος “Ῥηγίου καταλέ- 
λειπτο, οὗτος ὅς περ ἐκπεσὼν ἐκ Ῥηγίου καὶ 
Τεγέην τὴν ᾿Αρκάδων οἰκήσας ἀνέθηκε ἐν Ὀλυμπίῃ 
τοὺς πολλοὺς ἀνδριάντας. 

171. ᾿Αλλὰ τὰ μὲν κατὰ “Ῥηγίνους τε καὶ 
Ταραντίνους τοῦ λόγου μοι παρενθήκη γέγονε’ 
ἐς δὲ τὴν Κρήτην ἐρημωθεῖσαν, ὡς λέγουσι 
Πραίσιοι, ἐσοικίζεσθαι ἄλλους τε ἀνθρώπους καὶ 
μάλιστα ' Ελληνας, τρίτῃ δὲ γενεῇ μετὰ Μίνων 
τελευτήσαντα γενέσθαι τὰ Τρωικά, ἐν τοῖσι οὐ 
φλαυροτάτους φαίνεσθαι € ἐόντας Κρῆτας τιμωροὺς 
Μενέλεῳ. ἀπὸ τούτων δέ σφι ἀπονοστήσασι ἐκ 
Τροίης λιμόν τε καὶ λοιμὸν γενέσθαι καὶ αὐτοῖσι 
καὶ τοῖσι προβάτοισι, ἔστε τὸ δεύτερον ἐρη- 
μωθείσης Κρήτης μετὰ τῶν ὑπολοίπων τρύτους 
αὐτὴν νῦν νέμεσθαι Κρῆτας. ἡ μὲν δὴ Πυδίη 
ὑπομνήσασα ταῦτα ἔσχε ον... τιμωρέειν 
τοῖσι "Ελλησι. 

172. Θεσσαλοὶ δὲ ὑπὸ ἀναγκαίης τὸ πρῶτον 
ἐμήδισαν, ὡς διέδεξαν, ὅτι oU σφι ἥνδανε τὰ οἱ 
᾿Αλευάδαι ἐμηχανῶντο. ἐπείτε γὰρ ἐπύθοντο 
τάχιστα μέλλοντα διαβαίνειν τὸν Πέρσην ἐς τὴν 
Εὐρώπην, πέμπουσι ἐς τὸν ᾿Ισθμὸν ἀγγέλους" ἐν 
δὲ τῷ ᾿Ισθμῷ ἧσαν ἁλισμένοι πρὀβουλοι τῆς 
Ἑλλάδος ἀραιρημένοι ἀπὸ τῶν πολίων τῶν τὰ 
ἀμείνω φρονεουσέων περὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα. ἀπικό- 
μενοι δὲ ἐπὶ τούτους τῶν Θεσσαλῶν οἱ ἄγγελοι 
486 


BOOK VII. 170-172 


Greeks as was made of the Tarentines and Rhegians ; 
three thousand townsmen of these latter were slain, 
who had been constrained by Micythus son of 
Choerus to come and help the Tarentines, and of 
the Tarentine slain no count was kept. Micythus 
was a servant of Anaxilaus, and had been left in 
charge of Rhegium; it was he who was banished 
from Rhegium and settled in Tegea of Arcadia, and 
who set up those many statues at Olympia. 

171. But this business of the Rhegians and 
Tarentines is a matter apart from my history. Crete 
being thus left desolate (so the Praesians say), it 
was peopled by Greeks in especial among other men; 
and in the third generation after Minos befel the 
Trojan business, wherein the Cretans bore themselves 
as bravely as any in the cause of Menelaus. After 
this when they returned from Troy they and their 
flocks and herds were afflicted by famine and 
pestilence, till Crete was once more left desolate; 
then came a third people of Cretans, and it is they 
who, with those that were left, now dwell there. 
It was this that the priestess bade them remember, 
and so stayed them from aiding the Greeks as they 
would have done. 

172. The Thessalians had at first taken the Persian 
part not willingly but of necessity, as their acts 
showed, because they misliked the devices of the 
Aleuadae. For as soon as they heard that the 
Persian was about to cross over into Europe, they 
sent messengers to the Isthmus, where were as- 
sembled in council for the Greek cause men chosen 
from the cities that had the best will towards Hellas. 
To these the Thessalian messengers came, and said, 


487 


HERODOTUS 


ἔλεγον “ "Άνδρες Ἕλληνες, δεῖ φυλάσσεσθαι τὴν 
ἐσβολὴν τὴν Ὀλυμπικήν, i ἶνα Θεσσαλίη τε καὶ K 
σύμπασα 7 Ἑλλὰς ἐ ἐν σκέπῃ τοῦ πολέμου. ἡμεῖς 
μέν νυν ἕτοιμοι εἰμὲν συμφυλάσσειν, πέμπειν δὲ 
χρὴ καὶ ὑμέας στρατιὴν πολλήν, ὡς, εἰ μὴ 
πέμψετε, ἐπίστασθε ἡ ἡμέας ὁμολογήσειν τῷ Πέρσῃ' 
οὐ γάρ τι προκατημένους τοσοῦτο πρὸ τῆς ἄλλης 
“Ελλάδος μούνους πρὸ ὑμέων δεῖ ἀπολέσθαι. 
βοηθέειν δὲ οὐ Βουλόμενοι ἀναγκαίην ἡμῖν 
οὐδεμίαν οἷοί τε ἐστὲ προσφέρειν" οὐδαμὰ γὰρ 
ἀδυνασίης å ἀνάγκη κρέσσων ἔφυ. ἡμεῖς δὲ πειρησό- 
μεθα αὐτοί τινα σωτηρίην μηχανώμενοι. > 

173. Ταῦτα ἔλεγον οἱ Θεσσαλοί. οἱ δὲ" Ελληνες 
πρὸς ταῦτα ἐβουλεύσαντο ἐς Θεσσαλίην πέμπειν 
κατὰ θάλασσαν πεξὸν στρατὸν φυλάξοντα τὴν 
ἐσβολήν. ὡς δὲ συνελέχθη ὁ 0 στρατός, ἔπλεε "TM 
Εὐρίπου" ἀπικόμενος δὲ τῆς ᾿Αχαιίης ἐς "λλον, 
ἀποβὰς ἐπορεύετο ἐς Θεσσαλίην, τὰς νέας αὐτοῦ 
καταλιπών, καὶ ἀπίκετο ἐς τὰ Τέμπεα ἐς τὴν 
ἐσβολὴν ἥ περ ἀπὸ Μακεδονίης τῆς κάτω ἐς 
Θεσσαλίην φέρει παρὰ ποταμὸν Πηνειόν, μεταξὺ 
δὲ Ὀλύμπου τε ὄρεος ἐόντα καὶ τῆς Ὄσσης. 
ἐνθαῦτα ἐστρατοπεδεύοντο τῶν Ἑλλήνων κατὰ 
μυρίους ὁπλίτας συλλεγέντες, καί σφι προσῆν ἡ 
Θεσσαλῶν ἱ ἵππος" ἐστρατήγεε δὲ Λακεδαιμονίων 
μὲν Εὐαίνετος ὁ Καρήνου ἐκ τῶν πολεμάρχων 
ἀραιρημένος, γένεος μέντοι ἐὼν ov τοῦ βασιληίου, 
᾿Αθηναίων δὲ Θεμιστοκλέης ὁ ο Νεοκλέος. ἔμειναν 
δὲ ὀλίγας ἡμέρας ἐνθαῦτα: ἀπικόμενοι γὰρ 
ἄγγελοι παρὰ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου τοῦ ᾿Αµύντεω ἀνδρὸς 
Μακεδόνος συνεβούλευόν σφι ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι 
μηδὲ μένοντας ἐν τῇ ἐσβολῇ καταπατηθῆναι ὑπὸ 
488 


BOOK VII. 172-173 


* Men of Hellas, the pass of Olympus must be 
guarded, that Thessaly and all Hellas may be 
sheltered from the war. Now we are ready to guard 
it with you; but you too must send a great force; if 
you will not send it, be assured that we shall make 
terms with the Persian; for it is not right that we 
should be left to stand alone for an outpost of Hellas 
and so perish for your sakes. If you will not send 
help, there is no constraint that you can put upon us ; 
for no necessity can prevail over lack of ability. Ας 
for us, we will essay for ourselves to find some way of 
deliverance." Thus spoke the men of Thessaly. 

173. Thereupon the Greeks resolved that they 
would send a land army to Thessaly by sea to guard 
the pass. When the army had mustered, they passed 
through the Euripus, and came to Alus in Achaea, 
where they disembarked and took the road for 
Thessaly, leaving their ships where they were; and 
they came to the pass of Tempe, which runs from the 
lower! Macedonia into Thessaly along the river 
Peneus, between the mountains Olympus and Ossa. 
There the Greeks encamped, to the number of about 
ten thousand men-at-arms altogether, and the 
Thessalian horse was there withal; the general of 
the Lacedaemonians was Euaenetus son of Carenus, 
chosen among the polemarchs, yet not of the royal 
house; and of the Athenians, Themistocles son of 
Neocles. They remained but a few days there ; for 
messengers came from Alexander son of Amyntas, 
the Macedonian, counselling them to depart and not 
abide there to be trodden under foot of the invading 


1 As opposed to the hill country further inland. 


489 


HERODOTUS 


τοῦ στρατοῦ τοῦ ἐπιόντος, σημαίνοντες τὸ πλῆθός 
τε τῆς στρατιῆς καὶ τὰς νέας, ὡς δὲ οὗτοί σφι 
ταῦτα συνεβούλευον, χρηστὰ γὰρ ἐδόκεον συµβου- 
λεύειν καί σφι εὔνοος ἐφαίνετο ἐὼν ὁ Μακεδών, 
ἐπείθοντο. δοκέειν δέ μοι, ἀρρωδίη ἦν τὸ πεῖθον, ὡς 
ἐπύθοντο καὶ ἄλλην ἐοῦσαν ἐσβολὴν ἐς Θεσσαλοὺς 
κατὰ τὴν ἄνω Μακεδονίην διὰ Περραιβῶν κατὰ 
Γόννον πόλιν, τῇ περ δὴ καὶ ἐσέβαλε ἡ στρατιὴ 7 
Εέρξεω. καταβάντες δὲ οἱ Ελληνες ἐπὶ τὰς νέας 
ὀπίσω ἐπορεύοντο ἐς τὸν Ἰσθμόν. 

174. Αὕτη ἐγένετο ἡ ἐς Θεσσαλίην στρατηΐη, 
βασιλέος τε μέλλοντος διαβαίνειν € ἐς τὴν Εὐρώπην 
ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ασίης καὶ ἐόντος ἤδη ἐ ἐν ᾿Αβύδῳ. Θεσσα- 
λοὶ δὲ ἐρημωθέντες συμμάχων οὕτω δὴ ἐμήδισαν 
προθύμως οὐδ᾽ ἔτι ἐνδοιαστῶς, ὥστε ἐν τοῖσι 
πρήγμασι ἐφαίνοντο βασιλέι ἄνδρες ἐόντες 
χρησιμώτατοι. 

175. Οἱ δὲ “Ἕλληνες ἐπείτε ἀπίκατο ἐς τὸν 
]σθμόν, ἐβουλεύοντο πρὸς τὰ λεχθέντα ἐξ 
᾿Αλεξάνδρου τῇ τε στήσονται τὸν πόλεμον καὶ 
ἐν οἴοισι χώροισι. ἡ νικῶσα δὲ γνώμη ἐγίνετο 
τὴν ἐν Θερμοπύλῃσι ἐσβολὴν φυλάξαι: στεινο- 
τέρη γὰρ ἐφαίνετο ἐοῦσα τῆς ἐς Θεσσαλίην καὶ 
ἅμα ἀγχοτέρη ! τῆς ἑωυτῶν: τὴν δὲ .ἀτραπόν, 
δι ἣν ἥλωσαν οἱ ἁλόντες Ἑλλήνων ἐν Θερμο- 
πύλῃσι, οὐδὲ Ἴδεσαν ἐοῦσαν πρότερον ἢ περ 
ἀπικόμενοι ἐς Θερμοπύλας ἐπύθοντο Τρηχινίων. 
ταύτην ὧν ἐβουλεύσαντο φυλάσσοντες τὴν ἐσβο- 
ANY μὴ παριέναι ἐς τὴν Ἑλλάδα τὸν βάρβαρον, τὸν 

1 MS. ἀγχοτέρη τε, in consequence of which Stein marks 


a lacuna, for words (e. g. καὶ μούνη) corresponding to τε, after 
ἑωυτῶν. But re may easily be a mistake, arising out of τῆς. 


490 


BOOK VII. 173-175 


host; whereby the message signified the multitude 
of the army, and the ships. Thus admonished by 
the messengers (as they thought that the advice was 
good and that the Macedonian meant well by them), 
the Greeks followed their counsel. But to my 
thinking what persuaded them was fear, since they 
were informed that there was another pass leading 
into Thessaly by the hill country of Macedonia through 
the country of the Perrhaebi,near the town of Gonnus; 
which indeed was the way whereby Xerxes' army 
descended on Thessaly. So the Greeks went down 
to their ships and made their way back to the 
Isthmus. 

174. This was their expedition to Thessaly, while 
the king was planning to cross into Europe from 
Asia and was already at Abydos. The Thessalians, 
being bereft of their allies, did thereupon take the 
Persian part whole-heartedly and with no further 
doubt, so that in their acts they approved themselves 
men most useful to the king. 

175. Being come to the Isthmus, the Greeks con- 
sulted together how and where they should stand to 
fight, having regard to what was said by Alexander. 
The counsel that prevailed was, that they should 
guard the pass of Thermopylae; for they saw that 
it was narrower than the pass into Thessaly and 
moreover nearer home; and for the path which 
brought about the fall of those Greeks who fell at 
Thermopylae, they knew not even that there was 
one till they came to Thermopylae and learnt of 
it from the men of Trachis. This pass then they 
were resolved to guard, and so stay the foreigners' 
passage into Hellas, while their fleet should sail to 


491 


HERODOTUS 


δὲ ναυτικὸν στρατὸν πλέειν γῆς τῆς Ἱστιαιώτιδος 
ἐπὶ ΄᾿Αρτεμίσιον. ταῦτα γὰρ ἀγχοῦ TE ἀλλήλων 
ἐστὶ ὥστε πυνθάνεσθαι τὰ κατὰ ἑκατέρους ἐόντα, 
οἵ τε χῶροι οὕτω .ἔχουσι. 

176. Τοῦτο μὲν τὸ ᾿Αρτεμίσιον' ἐκ τοῦ πελά- 
γεος τοῦ Θρηικίου. ἐξ εὐρέος συνάγεται ἐς στεινὸν 
ἐόντα τὸν πόρον τὸν μεταξὺ νήσου τε Σκιάθου καὶ 
ἠπείρου Μαγνησίης" ἐκ δὲ τοῦ στεινοῦ τῆς Εὐβοίης 
ἤδη τὸ ᾿Αρτεμίσιον δέκεται αἰγιαλός, ἐν δὲ ᾿Αρτέ- 
µιδος i ἱρόν. ἡ δὲ αὖ διὰ Τρηχῖνος ἔσοδος ἐς τὴν 
Ἑλλάδα ἐστὶ τῇ ,στεινοτάτη -ἡμίπλεθρον. οὐ 
μέντοι κατὰ τοῦτό ye ἐστὶ τὸ στεινότατον τῆς 
χώρης τῆς ἄλλης, ἀλλ᾽ ἔμπροσθέ τε Θερμοπυλέων 
καὶ ὄπισθε, κατά τε ᾿Αλπηνοὺς ὄπισθε ἐόντας 
ἐοῦσα ἁμαξιτὸς μούνη, καὶ ἔμπροσθε κατὰ Φοίνικα 
ποταμὸν ἀγχοῦ ᾿Ανθήλης πόλιος ἄλλη, ἁμαξιτὸς 
μούνη. τῶν δὲ Θερμοπυλέων τὸ μὲν πρὸς ἑσπέρης 
ὄρος ἄβατόν τε καὶ ἀπόκρημνον, ὑψηλόν, ἀνατεῖνον 
ἐς τὴν Οἴτην" τὸ δὲ πρὸς τὴν ἠῶ τῆς ὁδοῦ θάλασσα 
ὑποδέκεται καὶ τενάγεα. ἔστι δὲ ἐν τῇ ἐσόδῳ 
ταύτῃ θερμὰ λουτρά, τὰ Χύτρους καλέουσι οὗ 
ἐπιχώριοι, καὶ βωμὸς ἵδρυται "Ἡρακλέος ἐπ᾽ aù- 
τοῖσι. ἐδέδμητο δὲ τεῖχος κατὰ ταύτας τὰς 
ἐσβολάς, καὶ τό ye παλαιὸν πύλαι ἐπῆσαν. 
ἔδειμαν δὲ Φωκέες τὸ τεῖχος δείσαντες, ἐπεὶ 
Θεσσαλοὶ ἦλθον ἐκ Θεσπρωτῶν οἰκήσοντες γῆν 
τὴν Αἰολίδα τήν περ νῦν ἐκτέαται. ἅτε δὴ πειρω- 
μένων τῶν Θεσσαλῶν .καταστρέφεσθαι σφέας, 
τοῦτο προεφυλάξαντο οἱ Φωκέες, καὶ τὸ ὕδωρ τὸ 


1 Hellas in the narrower sense, not including Thessaly. 
3 Herodotus’ points of the compass are wrong throughout 


492 


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BOOK VII. 175-176 


Artemisium in the territory of Histiaea. These 
places are near together, so that each force could be 
informed of the other’s doings; and their nature is as 
I will now show. 

176. As touching Artemisium first: the wide 
Thracian sea draws in till the passage between the 
island of Sciathus and the mainland of Magnesia is 
but narrow; and this strait leads next to Artemisium, 
which is a beach on the coast of Euboea, with a 
temple of Artemis thereon. The pass through 
Trachis into Hellas! is at its narrowest fifty feet wide. 
Yet it is not here but elsewhere that the way is 
narrowest, namely, in front of Thermopylae and 
behind it; at Alpeni, which lies behind, it is but the 
breadth of a cart-way, and the same at the Phoenix 
stream, near the town of Anthele. To the west? of 
Thermopylae rises a high mountain inaccessible and 
precipitous, a spur of Oeta ; to the east of the road 
there is nought but marshes and sea. In this pass 
are warm springs for bathing, called by the people of 
the country The Pots, and an altar of Heracles 
stands thereby. Across this entry a wall had been 
built, and formerly there was a gate therein; it was 
built by the Phocians? for fear of the Thessalians, 
when these came from Thesprotia to dwell in the 
Aeolian land which they now possess; inasmuch as 
the Thessalians were essaying to subdue them, the 
Phocians made this their protection, and in their 


in his description of Thermopylae; the road runs east and 
west, not north and south as he supposes; so '* west" here 
should be **south" and “east” ‘‘north.” -**In front" and 
** behind " are equivalent to ** west” and ‘‘east” respectively. 

3 [t is to be noted that in 480 the pass of Thermopylae 
was no longer in Phocian territory. 


493 


HERODOTUS 


θερμὸν Τότε ἐπῆκαν ἐπὶ τὴν ἔσοδον, ὡς ἂν χαρα- 
δρωθείη ὁ ὁ χῶρος, πᾶν μηχανώμενοι ὅκως μή σφι 
ἐσβάλοιεν οἱ Θεσσαλοὶ ἐπὶ τὴν χώρην. τὸ μέν 
νυν τεῖχος τὸ ἀρχαῖον. ἐκ παλαιοῦ τε ἐδέδμητο καὶ 
τὸ πλέον αὐτοῦ ἤδη ὑπὸ χρόνου ἔκειτο τοῖσι δὲ 
αὖτις ὀρθώσασι ἔδοξε ταύτῃ ἀπαμύνειν ἀπὸ τῆς 
Ἑλλάδος τὸν βάρβαρον. κώμη δὲ ἐ ἐστὶ ἀγχοτάτω 
τῆς ὁδοῦ ᾿Αλπηνοὶ οὔνομα’ ἐκ ταύτης δὲ ἐπισιτιεῖ- 
σθαι ἐλογίξοντο οἱ "Ελληνες. 

177. Οἱ μέν νυν χῶροι οὗτοι τοῖσι "Ελλησι 
εἶναι ἐφαίνοντο ἐπιτήδεοι" πάντα γὰρ προσκεψά- 
µενοι καὶ ἐπιλογισθέντες 6 ὅτι οὔτε πλήθεϊ ἕξουσι 
χρᾶσθαι οἱ βάρβαροι οὔτε ὕππῳ, ταύτῃ σφι ἔδοξε 
δέκεσθαι τὸν ἐπιόντα ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα. ὡς δὲ 
ἐπύθοντο τὸν Πέρσην ἐ ἐόντα ἐν Πιερίῃ, διαλυθέντες 
ἐκ τοῦ Ἰσθμοῦ ἐστρατεύοντο αὐτῶν οἳ μὲν ἐς 
Θερμοπύλας meth, ἄλλοι δὲ κατὰ θάλασσαν ἐπ᾽ 
᾿Ἀρτεμίσιον. 

178. Οἱ μὲν δῇ “Ἕλληνες κατὰ τάχος ἐβοήθεον 
διαταχθέντες, Δελφοὶ δ᾽ ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ 
ἐχρηστηριάξοντο τῷ θεῷ ὑπὲρ ἑωυτῶν καὶ τῆς 

Ελλάδος καταρρωδηκότες, καί σφι ἐχρήσθη ἀνέ- 
pow eU εσθαι" μεγάλους γὰρ τούτους ἔσεσθαι 
τῇ ‘ade συμμάχους. Δελφοὶ δὲ δεξάμενοι τὸ 
μαντήιον πρῶτα μὲν Ἑλλήνων τοῖσι βουλομένοισι 
εἶναι ἐλευθέροισι ἐξήγγειλαν τὰ χρησθέντα αὐτοῖ- 
σι, καί σφι δεινῶς καταρρωδέουσι τὸν βάρβαρον 
ἐξαγγείλαντες χάριν ἀθάνατον κατέθεντο. μετὰ 
δὲ ταῦτα οἱ Δελφοὶ τοῖσι ἀνέμοισι βωμόν τε 
ἀπέδεξαν ἐ ἐν Ovin, τῇ περ τῆς Κηφισοῦ θυγατρὸς 
Θυίης τὸ τέμενος ἐστί, ÈT ἧς καὶ ὁ χῶρος οὗτος 
τὴν ἐπωνυμίην ἔχει, καὶ θυσίῃσι σφέας μετήισαν. 


494 


BOOK VII. 176-178 


search for every means to keep the Thessalians from 
invading their country they then turned the stream 
from the hot springs into the pass, that it might be a 
watercourse. The ancient wall had been built long 
ago and time had by now laid the most of it in ruins ; 
it was now built up again, that the foreigners’ way 
into Hellas might thus be barred. Very near the 
road is a village, called Alpeni, whence the Greeks 
reckoned that they would get provender. 

177. These places, then, were thought by the 
Greeks to suit their purpose; for after due survey 
they reckoned that the foreigners could not make use 
of their multitude, nor of their horsemen ; and there- 
fore they resolved, that here they would encounter 
the invader of Hellas. Then, hearing that the 
Persian was in Pieria, they broke up from the 
Isthmus and set out with their army to Thermopylae 
and their fleet to Artemisium. 

178. So with all speed the Greeks went their 
several ways to meet the enemy. In the meantime, 
the Delphians, being sore afraid for themselves and 
for Hellas, enquired of the god, and the oracle was 
given them, That they should pray to the winds; 
for these would be potent allies of Hellas. Having 
received the oracle, the Delphians first sent word of 
it to such Greeks as desired to be free, for which 
message in their mortal fear of the foreigner these 
were for ever grateful ; and next, they made an altar 
to the winds at Thyia, where is now the precinct of 
Thyia the daughter of Cephisus; and they offered 
sacrifices to them. 

495 


HERODOTUS 


17 9. Δελφοὶ μὲν δὴ κατὰ τὸ χρηστήριον ἔτι 
καὶ νῦν τοὺς ἀνέμους ἱλάσκονται. ὁ δὲ ναυτικὸς 
EépEeo στρατὸς ὁρμώμενος ἐκ Θέρμης πόλιος 
παρέβαλε νηυσὶ τῆσι ἄριστα πλεούσῃσι δέκα ἰθὺ 
Σκιάθου, ἔνθα ἦσαν προφυλάσσουσαι νέες τρεῖς 
Ἑλληνίδες, Τροιξηνίη τε καὶ Αἰγιναίη καὶ Αττική. 
προϊδόντες δὲ οὗτοι τὰς νέας τῶν βαρβάρων ἐς 
φυγὴν ὅρμησαν. 

180. Τὴν μὲν δὴ Τροιξηνίην, τῆς ἦρχε Ἡρηξῖνος, 
αὐτίκα αἱρέουσι ἐπισπόμενοι οἱ βάρβαροι, καὶ 
ἔπειτα τῶν ἐπιβατέων αὐτῆς τὸν καλλιστεύοντα 
ἀγαγόντες ἐπὶ τῆς πρώρης τῆς νεὸς ἔσφαξαν, 
διαδέξιον ποιεύμενοι τὸν εἶλον τῶν Ελλήνων 
πρῶτον καὶ κάλλιστον. τῷ δὲ σφαγιασθέντι 
τούτῳ οὔνομα ἣν Λέων τάχα ὃ ἄν τι καὶ τοῦ 
οὐνόματος ἐπαύροιτο. 

181. Ἡ δὲ Αἰγιναύη, τῆς ἐτριηράρχεε ᾿Ασωνίδης, 
καὶ τινά σφι θόρυβον παρέσχε, Ην έω τοῦ 
᾿Ισχενόου ἐπιβατεύοντος, ἀνδρὸς ἀρίστου Ύενο- 
μένου ταύτην τὴν ἡμέρην" ὃς ἐπειδὴ 7 νηῦς 
ἡλίσκετο ἐς τοῦτο ἀντεῖχε μαχόμενος ἐς ὃ κατε- 
κρεουργήθη ἅπας, ὡς δὲ πεσὼν οὐκ ἀπέθανε 
ἀλλ. ἦν ἔμπνοος, οἱ Πέρσαι, οἵ περ ἐπεβάτευον 
ἐπὶ τῶν νεῶν, δι ἀρετὴν τὴν ἐκείνου περιποιῆσαί 
μιν περὶ πλείστου ἐποιήσαντο, σμύρνησί τε 
ἰώμενοι τὰ ἕλκεα καὶ σινδόνος βυσσίνης τελαμῶσι 
κατειλίσσοντες᾽ καί μιν, ὡς ὀπίσω ἀπίκοντο ἐς τὸ 
ἑωυτῶν στρατόπεδον, ἐπεδείκνυσαν ἐκπαγλεόμενοι 
πάσῃ τῇ στρατιῇ περιέποντες εὖ. τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους 
τοὺς ἔλαβον ἐν τῇ νηὶ ταύτῃ περιεῖπον ὡς 
ἀνδράποδα. 


2 διαδέξιον has been otherwise translated, as meaning “ of 


496 


BOOK VII. 179-181 


179. So the Delphians offer to the winds sacrifice 
of propitiation to this day by the oracle's bidding. 
But Xerxes' fleet set forth from the city of Therma, 
and the ten swiftest of the ships laid their course 
straight for Sciathus, where there lay an advance 
guard of three Greek ships, a Troezenian and an 
Aeginetan and an Attic. These, when they sighted 
the foreigners' ships, took to flight. | 

180. The ship of Troezen, whereof Prexinus was 
captain, was pursued and straightway taken by the 
foreigners, who thereupon brought the goodliest of 
its fighting men and cut his throat on the ship's 
prow, so making a common sacrifice! of the first and 
goodliest of their Greek captives. The name of him 
that was thus offered up was Leon; and mayhap it 
was his name that he had to thank for it. 

181. But the Aeginetan trireme, whereof Asonides 
was captain, did even give them some trouble. 
There was a fighting man aboard, Pytheas son of 
Ischenous, who that day bore himself very gallantly ; 
for his ship being taken, he would not give over 
fighting till he was all hacked about with wounds ; and 
when he fell, yet was not slain but had life in him, 
the Persian soldiers on the ships were at great pains 
to save him alive for his valour, tending his wounds 
with ointments and wrapping him in bandages of 
linen cloth 2; and when they returned back to their 
own station, they showed him to the whole host, and 
made much of him and kindly entreated him. But 
the rest that they took in that ship they used as slaves. 


good augury”; Stein derives it rather from διαδέχεσθαι, 

supposing the meaning to be ‘‘a sacrifice where the portions 

of the victim are handed round among the sacrificers.” 
eo used for mummy-wrappings in Egypt; cp. 


497 
VOL. III. | κκ 


HERODOTUS 


182. Αἱ μὲν δὴ δύο τῶν νεῶν οὕτω ἐχειρώθησαν' 
ἡ δὲ τρίτη, τῆς ἐτριηράρχεε Poppos ἀνὴρ ᾿Αθη. 
ναῖος, φεύγουσα ἐξοκέλλει ἐς τὰς ἐκβολὰς τοῦ 
Πηνειοῦ, καὶ τοῦ μὲν σκάφεος ἐκράτησαν οἱ 
βάρβαροι, τῶν δὲ ἀνδρῶν οὔ ὡς γὰρ δὴ τάχιστα 
ἐπώκειλαν τὴν νέα οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι, ἀποθορόντες κατὰ 
Θεσσαλίην πορευόμενοι ἐκομίσθησαν ἐ ἐς ᾿Αθήνας. 

188. Ταῦτα οἱ “Ελληνες οἱ ἐπ᾿ ᾿Αρτεμισίῳ 
στρατοπεδευόµενοι πυνθάνονται παρὰ πυρσῶν ἐκ 
Σκιάθου᾽ πυθόμενοι δὲ καὶ καταρρωδήσαντες ἆ ἀπὸ 
τοῦ ᾿Αρτεμισίου μετορμίξοντο ἐς Χαλκίδα, φυλά- 
ἕ οντες μὲν τὸν Εὔριπον, λείποντες δὲ ἡ ἡμεροσκόπους 
περὶ τὰ ὑψηλὰ τῆς Εὐβοίης. τῶν δὲ δέκα νεῶν 
τῶν βαρβάρων τρεῖς ἐπήλασαν περὶ τὸ ἕρμα τὸ 
μεταξὺ ἐὸν Σκιάθου τε καὶ Μαγνησίης, καλεόμενον 
δὲ Μύρμηκα. ἐνθαῦτα οἱ ἱ βάρβαροι ἐπειδὴ στήλην 
λίθου ἐπέθηκαν κομίσαντες ἐπὶ τὸ ἕρμα, ὁρμη- 
θέντες αὐτοὶ ἐκ Θέρμης, ὥς σφι τὸ ἐμποδὼν 
ἐγεγόνεε καθαρόν, ἐπέπλεον πάσῃσι. τῆσι νηυσί, 
ἕνδεκα ἡμέρας παρέντες μετὰ την βασιλέος 
ἐξέλασιν € ἐκ Θέρμη». τὸ δὲ ἕρμα σφι κατηγήσατο 
ἐὸν ἐν πόρῳ μάλιστα Πάμμων Σκύριος. πανημερὸν 
δὲ πλέοντες οἱ βάρβαροι ἐξανύουσι τῆς Μαγνησίης 
χώρης ἐπὶ Σηπιάδα τε καὶ τὸν αἰγιαλὸν τὸν 
μεταξὺ Κασθαναίης τε πόλιος ἐόντα καὶ Σηπιάδος 
ἀκτῆς. 

184. Μέχρι μέν νυν τούτου τοῦ χώρου καὶ 
Θερμοπυλέων ἀπαθής τε κακῶν ἦν ὁ στρατός, καὶ 
πλῆθος ἡ ἦν τηνικαῦτα ἔτι, ὡς ἐγὼ συμβαλλόμενος 
εὑρίσκω, τῶν μὲν ἐκ τῶν νεῶν τῶν ἐκ τῆς, ᾿Ασίης, 
ἐουσέων ἑπτὰ καὶ διηκοσιέων καὶ χιλιέων, τὸν 
μὲν ἀρχαῖον ἑκάστων τῶν ἐθνέων éovra ὅμιλον 


498 


BOOK VII. 182-184 


182, So two of the ships were thus made captive ; 
the third trireme, whereof Phormus an Athenian 
was captain, ran ashore in her flight at the mouth of 
the Peneus, and the foreigners got the hull of her, 
but not the crew ; for the Athenians, as soon as they 
had run their craft aground, leapt out of her and 
made their way through Thessaly to Athens. 

183. The Greeks that had their station at Artemi- 
sium were informed of these matters by beacons 
from Sciathus; whereupon, being affrighted, they 
changed their anchorage from Artemisium to Chalcis, 
purposing to guard the Euripus, and leaving watch- 
men on the heights of Euboea. , Three of the ten 
foreign ships ran foul of the reef called the Ant, 
between Sciathus and Magnesia. The foreigners 
then brought a pillar of stone and set it on the reef; 
and presently, when their course was plain before 
them, the whole fleet set forth and sailed from 
Therma, eleven days after the king had marched 
thence. Pammon of Scyros it was who showed 
them where the reef lay, in the strait itself. Voyag- 
ing all day, the foreign fleet made Sepias in Magnesia 
and the beach between the town of Casthanaea and 
the Sepiad headland. 

184. Until the whole host reached this place and 
Thermopylae it suffered no hurt; and calculation 
proves to me that its numbers were still such as I will 
now show. The ships from Asia being twelve 
hundred and seven, the whole multitude of all the 
nations, which was in them from the first, was two 


499 
KK 2 


HERODOTUS 


τέσσερας καὶ εἴκοσι μυριάδας καὶ πρὸς χιλιάδα τε 
καὶ τετρακοσίους, ὡς ἀνὰ διηκοσίους ἄνδρας λογιξο- 
µένοισι. ἐν ἑκάστῃ vii. ἐπεβάτευον δὲ ἐπὶ του- 
τέων τῶν νεῶν, χωρὶς ἑκάστων τῶν ἐπιχωρίων 
ἐπιβατέων, Περσέων τε καὶ Μήδων καὶ Σακέων 
τριήκοντα ἄνδρες. οὗτος ἄλλος ὅμιλος γίνεται 
τρισμύριοι καὶ ἑξακισχίλιοι. καὶ πρὸς διηκόσιοί 
τε καὶ δέκα. προσθήσω δ ἔτι τούτῳ καὶ τῷ 
προτέρῳ ἀριθμῷ τοὺς ἐκ τῶν πεντηκοντέρων, 
ποιήσας, © τι πλέον ἦν αὐτῶν ἢ ἔλασσον, ἀν᾽ 
ὀγδώκοντα ἄνδρας. ἐνεῖναι. συνελέχθη δὲ ταῦτα 
τὰ πλοία, ὡς καὶ πρότερον εἰρέθη, τρισχίλια. 
ἤδη ὧν ἄνδρες ἃ ἂν εἶεν ἐν αὐτοῖσι τέσσερες μυριά- 
ες καὶ εἴκοσι. τοῦτο μὲν δὴ TO ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ασίης 
ναυτικὸν ἦν, σύμπαν ἐὸν πεντήκοντα μυριάδες καὶ 
μία, χιλιάδες δὲ ἔπεισι ἐπὶ ταύτῃσι. ἑπτὰ καὶ 
πρὸς ἑκατοντάδες εξ καὶ δεκάς. τοῦ δὲ πεξοῦ 
ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν μυριάδες ἐγένοντο, τῶν 
δὲ ἱππέων ὀκτὼ μυριάδες. προσθήσω δ ἔτι 
τούτοισι τὰς καμήλους τοὺς ἐλαύνοντας ᾿Αραβίους 
καὶ τοὺς τὰ ἅρματα Λίβυας, πλῆθος ποιήσας 
δισμυρίους ἄνδρας. καὶ δὴ τό τε ἐκ τῶν νεῶν 
καὶ τοῦ πεζοῦ πλῆθος συντιθέμενον γίνεται δίη- 
κόσιαί τε μυριάδες καὶ τριήκοντα καὶ μία, καὶ 
πρὸς χιλιάδες ἑ ἑπτὰ καὶ ἑκατοντάδες ἓξ καὶ δεκάς. 
τοῦτο μὲν τὸ ἐξ αὐτῆς τῆς ᾿Ασίης στράτευμα 
ἐξαναχθὲν εἴρηται, ἄνευ τε τῆς θεραπηίης τῆς 
ἑπομένης καὶ τῶν σιταγωγῶν πλοίων καὶ ὅσοι 
ἐνέπλεον τούτοισι. 

185. Τὸ δὲ δὴ ἐκ τῆς Εὐρώπης ἀγόμενον 
στράτευμα ἔτι προσλογιστέα τούτῳ παντὶ τῷ 
ἐξηριθμημένῳ: δόκησιν δὲ δεῖ λέγειν. νέας μέν 
500 


BOOK VII. 184-185 


hundred and forty-one thousand and four hundred 
men, two hundred being reckoned for each ship.! 
On board of all these ships were thirty fighting men 
of the Persians and Medes and Sacae, over and above 
the company which each had of native fighters; the 
sum of this added multitude is thirty-six thousand, 
two hundred and ten. But to this and to the first 
number I add the crews of the ships of fifty oars, 
reckoning each at eighty men, be they more or 
fewer. Now seeing that, as has already been said,” 
there were collected three thousand of these craft, 
the number of men in them must be on that showing 
two hundred and forty thousand. These then were 
the ships' companies from Asia, and the total sum of 
them was five hundred and seventeen thousand, six 
hundred and ten. The footmen were shown to be 
seven hundred thousand and one hundred in number, 
and the horsemen eighty thousand ; to whom I add 
the Arabian camel-riders and Libyan charioteers, 
reckoning them at twenty thousand men. Thus if 
the forces of sea and land be added together their total 
sum will be two millions, three hundred and seven- 
teen thousand, six hundred and ten. Thus far I 
have spoken of the armament that came from Asia 
itself, without the service-train that followed it and 
the corn-bearing craft and the companies thereof. 
185. But I must still take into account, besides all 
the host that I have numbered, the armament brought 
from Europe, speaking to the best of my belief. 


1 200 was the usual complement for a Greek trireme— 
170 rowers, 30 fighters. 

2 [n 97. But Herodotus’ total of 3000 there is only partly 
composed of fifty-oared ships. 


501 


HERODOTUS 


νυν οἱ ἀπὸ Θρηίκης Ἕλληνες καὶ οἱ ἐκ τῶν νήσων 
τῶν ἐπικειμενέων τῇ Θρηίκῃ παρείχοντο εἴκοσι 
καὶ ἑκατόν: ἐκ μέν νυν τουτέων τῶν νεῶν ἄνδρες 
τετρακισχίλιοι καὶ δισμύριοι γίνονται. πεξοῦ δὲ 
τὸν Θρήικες παρείχοντο καὶ Παἴονες καὶ ᾿Εορδοὶ 
καὶ Βοττιαῖοι καὶ τὸ Χαλκιδικὸν γένος καὶ Βρύγοι 
καὶ lliepes καὶ Μακεδόνες καὶ Περραιθοὶ καὶ 
᾿Ενιῆνες καὶ Δόλοπες καὶ Μάγνητες. καὶ ᾿Αχαιοὶ 
καὶ ὅσοι τῆς Θρηίκης τὴν παραλίην νέμονται, 
τούτων τῶν ἐθνέων τριήκοντα μυριάδας δοκέω 
γενέσθαι. αὗται ὧν αἱ μυριάδες ἐκείνῃσι προσ- 
τεθεῖσαι τῇσι ἐκ τῆς ᾿Ασίης, γίνονται αἱ πᾶσαι 
ἀνδρῶν αἱ μάχιμοι μυριάδες διηκόσιαι καὶ ἑξή- 
κοντα καὶ τέσσερες, ἔπεισι δὲ ταύτησι ἑκατοντάδες 
ἑκκαίδεκα καὶ δεκάς. 

186. Ῥοῦ μαχίμου δὲ τούτου ἐόντος ἀριθμὸν 
τοσούτου, τὴν θεραπηΐην τὴν ἑπομένην τούτοισι 
καὶ τοὺς ἐν τοῖσι σιταγωγοῖσι ἀκάτοισι ἐόντας καὶ 
μάλα ἐν τοῖσι ἄλλοισι πλοίοισι τοῖσι ἅμα πλέουσι 
τῇ στρατιῇ, τούτους τῶν μαχίμων ἀνδρῶν οὐ δοκέω 
εἶναι ἐλάσσονας ἀλλὰ πλεῦνας. καὶ δή σφεας 
ποιέω ἴσους ἐκείνοισι εἶναι καὶ οὔτε πλεῦνας οὔτε 
ἐλάσσονας οὐδέν" ἐξισούμενοι δὲ οὗτοι τῷ μαχίμῳ 
ἐκπληροῦσι . τὰς ἴσας μυριάδας ἐκείνοισι. οὕτω 
πεντακοσίας τε μυριάδας καὶ εἴκοσι καὶ ὀκτὼ καὶ 
χιλιάδας τρεῖς, καὶ ἑκατοντάδας δύο καὶ δεκάδας 
δύο ἀνδρῶν ἤγαγε Ξέρξης ὁ Δαρείου μέχρι 
Σηπιάδος καὶ Θερμοπυλέων. 

187. Οὗτος μὲν δὴ τοῦ συνάπαντος τοῦ Ξέρξεω 
στρατεύματος ἀριθμός, γυναικῶν δὲ σιτοποιῶν καὶ 
παλλακέων καὶ εὐνούχων οὐδεὶς ἂν εἴποι ἀτρεκέα 
ἀριθμόν' οὐδ᾽ αὖ ὑποζυγίων τε καὶ τῶν ἄλλων 
592 


BOOK VII. 185-187 


For ships, then, the Greeks of Thrace and the islands 
off Thrace furnished one hundred and twenty; the 
companies of these ships must then be twenty-four 
thousand men; and of the land army supplied by all 
the nations—Thracians, Paeonians, Eordi, Bottiaei, 
Chalcidians, Brygi, Pierians, Macedonians, Perrhaebi, 
Enienes, Dolopes, Magnesians, Achaeans, dwellers 
on the seaboard of Thrace—of all these I suppose 
the number to have been three hundred thousand. 
These numbers being added to the numbers from 
Asia, the full tale of fighting men is seen to be two 
millions, six hundred and forty-one thousand, six 
hundred and ten. 

186. Such was the sum of the fighting part of the 
whole ; as for the service-train that followed them, 
and the crews of the light corn-bearing vessels and 
all the other craft besides that came by sea with the 
armament, these I suppose to have been no fewer but 
more than the fighting men. But put the case that 
they were as many, neither more nor fewer: then if 
they were equal to the fighting part they make up 
as many tens of thousands as the others; and thus 
the number of those whom Xerxes son of Darius led 
as far as the Sepiad headland and Thermopylae was 
five millions, two hundred and eighty-three thousand, 
two hundred and twenty. 

187. That is the number of Xerxes' whole arma- 
ment; but none can say what was the exact sum of 
cooking women, and concubines, and eunuchs ; nor 


593 


HERODOTUS 


κτηνέων τῶν ἀχθοφόρων καὶ κυνῶν ᾿Ινδικῶν τῶν 
ἑπομένων, οὐδ᾽ ἂν τούτων ὑπὸ πλήθεος οὐδεὶς ἃ ἂν 
εἴποι ἀριθμόν. ὥστε οὐδέν μοι θῶμα παρίσταται 
προδοῦναι. τὰ ῥέεθρα τῶν ποταμῶν ἔστι ὧν, ἀλλὰ 
μᾶλλον ὅκως τὰ σιτία ἀντέχρησε θῶμά μοι 
μυριάσι .τοσαύτῃσι. εὑρίσκω γὰρ συμβαλλό- 
μενος, εἰ χοίνικα πυρῶν ἕκαστος τῆς ἡμέρης 
ἐλάμβανε καὶ μηδὲν πλέον, ἕνδεκα μυριάδας 
μεδίμνων τελεομένας ἐπ᾽ ἡμέρῃ ἑκάστῃ καὶ πρὸς 
τριηκοσίους τε ἄλλους μεδίμνους καὶ τεσσερά- 
κοντα" γυναιξὶ δὲ καὶ εὐνούχοισι καὶ ὑποξυγίοισι 
«καὶ κυσὶ οὐ λογίξομαι. ἀνδρῶν δὲ ἐ ἐουσέων τοσου- 
τέων μυριάδων, κάλλεός τε εἵνεκα καὶ μεγάθεος 
οὐδεὶς αὐτῶν ἀξιονικότερος ἦν αὐτοῦ Ξέρξεω ἔχειν 
τοῦτο τὸ κράτος. 

188. Ὁ δὲ δὴ ναυτικὸς στρατὸς ἐπείτε ὁρμηθεὶς 
ἔπλεε καὶ κατέσχε τῆς Μαγνησίης χώρης ἐς τὸν 
αἰγιαλὸν τὸν μεταξὺ Κασθαναίης τε πόλιος ἐόντα 
καὶ Σηπιάδος ἀκτῆς, αἱ μὲν δῆ πρῶται τῶν νεῶν 
ὅρμεον πρὸς γ γῇ, ἄλλαι Ò ἐπ᾽ ἐκείνῃσι. ἐπ᾽ ἀγκυρέων' 
ἅτε γὰρ τοῦ αἰγιαλοῦ ἐόντος οὐ μεγάλου, πρό- 
κροσσαι ὁρμέοντο ἐς πόντον καὶ ἐπὶ ὀκτὼ νέας. 
ταύτην μὲν τὴν εὐφρόνην οὕτω, ἅμα δὲ ὄρθρῳ ἐξ 

αἰθρίης τε καὶ νηνεμίης τῆς θαλάσσης δεσάσης 
ἐπέπεσέ σφι χειμών τε μέγας καὶ πολλὸς ἄνεμος 
ἀπηλιώτης, τὸν δὴ Ἑλλησποντίην καλέουσι οἱ 
περὶ ταῦτα τὰ χωρία οἰκημένοι. ὅσοι μέν νυν 
αὐτῶν αὐξόμενον ἔμαθον. τὸν ἄνεμον καὶ τοῖσι 
οὕτω εἶχε ὅρμου, οἳ δ᾽ ἔφθησαν τὸν χειμῶνα ἆνα- 
σπάσαντες τὰς νέας, καὶ αὐτοί τε περιῆσαν καὶ αἱ 


1 The figure is wrong. Reckoning 48 choenixes to the 


504 


BOOK VII. 187—188 


of the beasts of draught and burden, and the Indian 
dogs that were with the host, could any one tell the 
number, so many they were. Wherefore it is to me 
no marvelthat some of the streams of water ran dry ; 
rather I marvel how there were provisions sufficient 
for so many tens of thousands; for calculation shows 
me, that if each man received one choenix of wheat 
a day and no more, there would be every day a full 
tale of eleven hundred thousand and three hundred 
and forty bushels;! and in this I take no account of 
what was for the women and eunuchs and beasts of 
draught and dogs. Of all those tens of thousands 
of men, for goodliness and stature there was not one 
worthier than Xerxes himself to hold that command. 

188. The fleet having put to sea and come to the 
strand of Magnesia which is between the town of 
Casthanaea and the Sepiad headland, the first comers 
of the ships lay close to the land, and others outside 
them at anchor; for the strand being of no great 
length, they lay eight ships deep, their prows 
pointing seaward. So it was with them for that 
night; but at dawn, after clear and calm weather, 
the sea began to boil, and there brake upon them a 
great storm and a strong east wind, that wind which 
the people of that country call the Hellespontian. 
As many of them as noted the wind's rising, or so lay 
shat this could be done, hauled their ships ashore 
tre the storm came, and thereby saved themselves 


nedimnus, Herodotus has of course divided 5,283,220 by 48. 
Che right quotient is 110,0677;. 5,280,000 divided by 48 
produces 110,000; 3220 divided by 48 leaves a dividend, 
iol the first stage of division, of 340, and this for some 
explained reason Herodotus has added to the quotient. 
]he medimnus is the chief Attic unit for dry measure ; said 
b be the equivalent of six gallons. 


999 


HERODOTUS 


νέες αὐτῶν ὅσας δὲ τῶν νεῶν μεταρσίας ἔλαβε, 
τὰς μὲν ἐξέφερε πρὸς Ἴπνους καλεομένους τοὺς ἐν 
Πηλίῳ, τὰς δὲ ἐς τὸν αἰγιαλόν: αἳ δὲ περὶ αὐτὴν 
τὴν Σηπιάδα περιέπιπτον, ai δὲ ἐς Μελίβοιαν 
πόλιν, αἳ δὲ ἐς Κασθαναίην ἐξεβράσσοντο' ἦν τε 
τοῦ χειμῶνος χρῆμα ἀφόρητον. 

189. Λέγεται δὲ λόγος ὡς ᾿Αθηναῖοι τὸν Βορέην 
ἐκ θεοπροπίου ἐπεκαλέσαντο, ἐλθόντος σφι ἄλλου 
χρηστηρίου τὸν γαμβρὸν ἐπίκουρον καλέσασθαι. 
Βορέης δὲ κατὰ τὸν Ἑλλήνων λόγον ἔχει γυναῖκα 
᾿Αττικήν, Ὡρειθυίην τὴν ᾿Ερεχθέος. κατὰ δὴ τὸ 
κῆδος τοῦτο οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι, ὡς φάτις ὅρμηται, 
συμβαλλόμενοι σφίσι τὸν Βορέην γαμβρὸν εἶναι, 
ναυλοχέοντες τῆς Εὐβοίης ἐν Χαλκίδι ὡς ἔμαθον 
αὐξόμενον τὸν χειμῶνα ἢ καὶ πρὸ τούτου, ἐθύοντό 
τε καὶ ἐπεκαλέοντο τόν τε Βορέην καὶ τὴν Ὥρει- 
θυίην τιμωρῆσαι σφίσι καὶ διαφθεῖραι τῶν βαρ- 
βάρων τὰς νέας, ὡς καὶ πρότερον περὶ "Αθων. 
εἰ μέν νυν διὰ ταῦτα τοῖσι βαρβάροισι ὁρμέουσι 
Βορέης ἐ ἐπέπεσε, οὐκ ἔχω εἰπεῖν" οἱ δ᾽ ὧν ᾿Αθηναῖοι 
σφίσι λέγουσι Βοηθήσαντα τὸν Βορέην πρότε- 
ρον καὶ τότε ἐκεῖνα κατεργάσασθαι, καὶ ἱρὸν 
ἀπελθόντες Βορέω ἱδρύσαντο παρὰ ποταμὸν 
Ἰλισσόν. 

190. Ἐν τούτῳ τῷ πόνῳ νέας οἳ ἐλαχίστας 
λέγουσι διαφ θαρῆναι τετρακοσιέων οὐκ ἐλάσσονας 
ἄνδρας τε ἀναριθμήτους χρημάτων ` TE πλῆθοε 
ἄφθονον. ὥστε ᾿Αμεινοκλέι τῷ Κρητίνεω ἀνδρ 
Μάγνητι γηοχέοντι περὶ Σηπιάδα μεγάλως T 
ναυηγίη αὕτη ἐγένετο χρηστή' ὃς πολλὰ μὲν χρύ. 
σεα ποτήρια ὑστέρῳ χρόνῳ ἐκβρασσόμενα ἀνείλετι 
πολλὰ δὲ ἀργύρεα, θησαυρούς τε τῶν Περσέων, 
506 


BOOK VII. 188-190 


and the ships ; but the ships that were caught at sea 
were driven some on the rocks of Pelion called 
Ovens, and some on the beach; others were wrecked 
on the Sepiad headland itself, and others cast up at 
the town of Meliboea, or at Casthanaea. In truth 
the storm was past all bearing. 

189. There is a tale that the Athenians at an 
oracles bidding prayed to Boreas to aid them, 
. another divination having been sent them that they 
should call for help to their son-in-law; the Greek 
story makes Boreas the husband of an Attic wife, 
Orithyia daughter of Erechtheus; by reason of which 
kinship the Athenians, if the tale current is to be | 
believed, inferred that Boreas was their son-in-law, 
and when at their station of Chalcis they perceived 
that the storm was rising, then (or mayhap before 
that) they offered sacrifice and called on Boreas and 
Orithyia to aid them and destroy the foreigners’ 
ships, even as before on the coast of Athos. Now 
if this was the cause that the wind Boreas assailed 
the foreigners, I cannot tell; however it be, the 
Athenians say that Boreas came to their aid before 
and that the present effect was of his achieving; and 
when they went home they built a temple of Boreas 
by the river Ilissus. 

190. In that stress there perished by the least 
reckoning not fewer than four hundred ships, and 
men innumerable and a great plenty of substance; 
insomuch, that Aminocles son of Cretines, a Magne- 
sian who held land about Sepias, was greatly 
benefited by that shipwreck; for he presently 
gathered many drinking-cups of gold and 'silver 
that were cast ashore, and he found Persian treasures, 


507 


HERODOTUS 


εὗρε, ἄλλα τε ἄφατα Χρήματα περιεβάλετο. 
ἀλλ᾽ ὃ μὲν τἆλλα οὐκ εὐτυχέων εὑρήμασι, μέγα 
πλούσιος ἐγένετο ἦν γάρ τις καὶ τοῦτον ἄχαρις 
συμφορὴ λυπεῦσα παιδοφόνος. 

191. Σιταγωγῶν δὲ ὁλκάδων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων 
πλοίων διαφθειρομένων οὐκ ἐπῆν ἀριθμός. ὥστε 
δείσαντες οἱ στρατηγοὶ τοῦ ναυτικοῦ στρατοῦ μή 
die κεκακωμένοισι ἐπιθέωνται οἱ Θεσσαλοί, ἕρκος 

λὸν ἐκ τῶν ναυηγίων περιεβάλοντο" ἡμέρας 
γὰρ δὴ ἐχείμαξε τρεῖς. τέλος δὲ ἔ ἔντομά τε ποιεῦντες 
καὶ καταείδοντες Ὑόησι οἱ Μάγοι τῷ ἀνέμῳ, πρός 
τε τούτοισι καὶ τῇ Θέτι καὶ τῇσι Νηρηίσι θύοντες, 
ἔπαυσαν τετάρτῃ ἡμέρῃ, 7) ἄλλως κως αὐτὸς ἐθέλων 
ἐκόπασε. τῇ δὲ Θέτι ἔθυον πυθόμενοι παρὰ τῶν 
Ἰώνων τὸν λόγον. ὡς ἐκ τοῦ χώρου τούτου 
ἁρπασθείη ἡ ὑπὸ Πηλέος, εἴη τε ἅπασα ἡ ἀκτὴ ἡ 
Σηπιὰς ἐ ἐκείνης τε καὶ τῶν ἀλλέων Νηρηίδων. 

192. Ὃ μὲν δὴ τετάρτῃ ἡμέρῃ ἐπέπαυτο’ τοῖσι 
δὲ "Ελλησι οἱ ἡμεροσκόποι ἀπὸ τῶν. ἄκρων τῶν 
Εὐβοϊκῶν καταδραμόντες δευτέρῃ ἡ ἡμέρῃ ἀπ ᾿ ἧς ὁ ὁ 
χειμὼν ὁ πρῶτος ἐγένετο, ἐσήμαινον πάντα τὰ 
γενόμενα περὶ τὴν ναυηγίην. oi δὲ ὡς ἐπύθοντο, 
]Ροσειδέωνι σωτῆρι εὐξάμενοι καὶ σπονδὰς προ- 
χέαντες τὴν ταχίστην ὀπίσω ἠπείγοντο ἐπὶ τὸ 
᾿Αρτεμίσιον, ἐλπίσαντες ὀλίγας τινάς σφι ἀντι- 
ξόους ἔσεσθαι νέας. 

193. Ot μὲν δὴ τὸ δεύτερον ἐλθόντες περὶ τὸ 
᾿Αρτεμίσιον ἐναυλόχεον, Ποσειδέωνος σωτῆρος 
ἐπωνυμίην ἀπὸ τούτου ἔτι καὶ ἐς τόδε νομίξοντες. 
οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι, ὡς ἐπαύσατο τε ὁ ἄνεμος καὶ τὸ 
κῦμα ἔστρωτο, κατασπάσαντες τὰς νέας ἔπλεον 
παρὰ τὴν ἤπειρον, κάμψαντες δὲ τὴν ἄκρην τῆς 
508 


BOOK VII. 190-193 


and won unspeakable wealth besides. Yet though 
luck greatly enriched him he was not in all things 
fortunate, for even he was afflicted by a grievous 
mischance in the slaying of his son. 

191. The corn-bearing ships of merchandise and 
other craft destroyed were past all counting ; where- 
fore the admirals of the fleet, fearing lest the 
Thessalians should set upon them in their evil 
plight, built a high fence of the wreckage for their 
protection. For the storm lasted for three days; 
and at last the Magians, by using victims and 
wizards’ spells on the wind, and by sacrificing also 
to Thetis. and the Nereids, did make it to cease 
on the fourth day, or mayhap it was not of their 
doing but of itself that it abated. Το Thetis they 
sacrificed after hearing from the Ionians the story 
how that it was from this country that she had been 
carried off by Peleus, and all the Sepiad headland 
belonged to her and the other daughters of Nereus. 

192. So on the fourth day the storm ceased ; and 
the watchers ran down from the heights of Euboea 
on the second day after its beginning and told the 
Greeks all the story of the shipwreck ; who, hearing 
this, offered prayer and libation to Poseidon their 
deliverer, and made all speed back to Artemisium, 
supposing that they would find but few ships to with- 
stand them. 

193. So they came back once more and lay off 
Artemisium ; and ever since then to this day they 
have called Poseidon by the title of Deliverer. The 
foreigners, when the wind ceased and the waves no 
more ran high, put to sea and coasted along the 


1 ἄλλα τε [χρύσεα] Stein. 
509 


HERODOTUS 


Μαγνησίης ἰθέαν ἔπλεον ἐς τὸν κόλπον τὸν ἐπὶ 
Παγασέων φέροντα, ἔστι δὲ χῶρος ἐν τῷ κόλπῳ 
τούτῳ τῆς Μαγνησίης, ἔνθα λέγεται τὸν Ἡ ρακλέα 
καταλειφθῆναι t ὑπὸ Ἰήσονος τε καὶ τῶν συνεταίρων 
ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αργοῦς ἐπ᾽ ὕδωρ πεμφθέντα, εὖτ᾽ ἐπὶ τὸ 
κῶας ἔπλεον ἐς Alav τὴν Κολχίδα' ἐνθεῦτεν γὰρ 
ἔμελλον ὑδρευσάμενοι ἐς τὸ πέλαγος ἀφήσειν. 
ἐπὶ τούτου δὲ τῷ χώρῳ οὔνομα γέγονε ᾿Αφέται. 
ἐν τούτῳ ὧν ὅρμον οἱ Ἐέρξεω ἐποιεῦντο. 

194. Πεντεκαίδεκα δὲ τῶν νεῶν τουτέων ἔτυχόν 
τε ὕσταται πολλὸν ἐξαναχθεῖσαι καί κως κατεῖδον 
τὰς ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αρτεμισίῳ τῶν Ἑλλήνων νέας. ἔδοξάν 
τε δὴ τὰς σφετέρας εἶναι οἱ βάρβαροι καὶ πλέοντες 
ἐσέπεσον ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους τῶν ἐστρατήγεε ὁ 
ἀπὸ Κύμης τῆς Αἰολίδος ὕπαρχος Σανδώκης ὁ 
Θαμασίου τὸν δὴ πρότερον τούτων βασιλεὺς 
Δαρεῖος ἐπ᾽ αἰτίῃ τοιῇδε λαβὼν ἀνεσταύρωσε 
ἐόντα τῶν βασιληίων δικαστέων. ὁ Σανδώκης 
ἐπὶ χρήμασι ἄδικον δίκην ἐδίκασε. ἀνακρεμα- 
σθέντος ὧν αὐτοῦ, λογιζόμενος ὃ Δαρεῖος εὗρέ οἱ 
πλέω ἀγαθὰ τῶν ἁμαρτημάτων πεποιημένα ἐς 
οἶκον τὸν βασιλήιον' εὑρὼν δὲ τοῦτο o Δαρεῖος, 
καὶ γνοὺς ὡς ταχύτερα αὐτὸς ἡ σοφώτερα ἐργα- 
στο εἴη, ἔλυσε. βασιλέα μὲν 5 Δαρεῖον οὕτω 

διαφυγὼν μὴ ἀπολέσθαι περιῆν, τότε δὲ ἐς τοὺς 
"Ελληνας καταπλώσας ἔμελλε οὐ τὸ δεύτερον 
διαφυγὼν ἔσεσθαι" ὡς γὰρ σφέας εἶδον προσ- 
πλέοντας οἱ "Ελληνες, μαθόντες αὐτῶν τὴν yi- 
νομένην ἁμαρτάδα, ἐπαναχθέντες εὐπετέως σφέας 
εἷλον. 

195. Ἐν τουτέων μιῇ ᾿Αρίδωλις πλέων ἥλω, 
τύραννος ᾿Αλαβάνδων τῶν ἐν Καρίη, ἐν ἑτέρῃ δὲ ὁ 
510 


BOOK VII. 193-195 


mainland, and turning the headland of Magnesia ran 
straight into the gulf that stretches toward Pagasae. 
There is a place on this gulf in Magnesia, where, it 
is said, Heracles was sent for water and so left behind 
by Jason and his comrades of the Argo, when they 
were sailing to Aea in Colchis for the fleece; for 
their purpose was to draw water thence and so 
launch out to sea; and thence that place has been 
called Aphetae.! Here Xerxes’ men made their 
anchorage. 

191. Fifteen of those ships had put to sea a long 
time after all the rest, and it chanced that they 
sighted the Greek ships off Artemisium. Supposing 
these to be their own fleet, the foreigners held on 
their course into the midst of their enemies. Their 
captain was the viceroy from Cyme in Aeolia, San- 
doces son of Thamasius; he had once before this, 
being then one of the king’s judges, been taken and 
crucified by Darius because he had given unjust 
judgment for a bribe. But Sandoces having been 
hung on the cross, Darius found on a reckoning that 
his good services to the royal house were more than 
_ his offences; whereat the king perceived that he had 
acted with more haste than wisdom, and so set 
Sandoces free. Thus he escaped with his life from 
being put to death by Darius; but now that he was 
borne into the midst of the Greeks he was not to 
escape a second time; for when the Greeks saw the 
Persians bearing down on them they perceived their 
mistake, and put to sea and easily took them captive. 

195. They took in one of these ships Aridolis, the 
despot of Alabanda in Caria, and in another the 


1 More probably, the name (from ἀφιήμι, to send off or 
launch) gave rise to the legend. 


511 


HERODOTUS 


Πάφιος στρατηγὸς Πενθύλος ὁ Δημονόου, ὃς ἦγε 
μὲν δυώδεκα νέας ἐκ Ἠάφου, ἀποβαλὼν δὲ σφέων 
τὰς ἔνδεκα τῷ χειμῶνι τῷ γενομένῳ. κατὰ Σηπιάδα, 
μιῇ τῇ περιγενομένῃ καταπλέων ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αρτεμίσιον 
ἥλω, τούτους οἱ “Ελληνες ἐξιστορήσαντες τὰ 
ἐβούλοντο πυθέσθαι ἀπὸ τῆς Ξέρξεω στρατιῆς, 
ἀποπέμπουσι δεδεμένους ἐ ἐς τὸν Κορινθίων ἰσθμόν. 

190. Ὁ μὲν δὴ ναυτικὸς ὁ τῶν βαρβάρων 
στρατός, πάρεξ τῶν πεντεκαίδεκα νεῶν τῶν εἶπον 

ανδώκεα στρατηγέειν, ἀπίκοντο ἐς ᾿Αφέτας. 
Ἐέρξης δὲ καὶ ὁ πεξζὸς πορευθεὶς διὰ Θεσσαλίης 
καὶ ᾿Αχαιίης ἐσβεβληκὼς ἦν καὶ δὴ τριταῖος ἐς 
Μηλιέας, ἐν Θεσσαλίῃ. μὲν ἅμιλλαν ποιησάμενος 
ἵππων τῶν τε ἑωυτοῦ ἀποπειρώμενος καὶ τῆς 
Θεσσαλίης | ἵππου, πυθόμενος ὡς ἀρίστη εἴη τῶν 
ἐν Ἕλλησι, ἔνθα δὴ αἱ Ἑλληνίδες ἵ ἵπποι ἐλείποντο 
πολλόν. τῶν μέν νυν ἐν Θεσσαλίῃ ποταμῶν 
Ὀνόχωνος μοῦνος οὐκ ἀπέχρησε τῇ στρατιῇ τὸ 
ῥέεθρον πινόμενος" τῶν δὲ ἐν ᾿Αχαιίῃ. ποταμῶν 
ῥεόντων οὐδὲ ὅστις μέγιστος αὐτῶν ἐστι Ἠπι- 
δανός, οὐδὲ οὗτος ἀντέσχε εἰ μὴ φλαύρως. 

197. Ἔς "AXov δὲ τῆς ᾿Αχαιίης ἀπικομένῳ 
Ξέρξῃ οἱ κατηγεμόνες τῆς ὁδοῦ βουλόμενοι τὸ 
πᾶν ἐξηγέεσθαι ἔλεγόν οἱ ἐπιχώριον λόγον, τὰ 
περὶ τὸ ἱρὸν τοῦ Λαφυστίου Διός, ὡς ᾿Αθάμας ὁ 
Λἰόλου ἐμηχανήσατο Φρίξῳ μόρον σὺν ᾿Ινοῖ 
βουλεύσας, μετέπειτα δὲ ὦ ὡς ἐκ θεοπροπίου ᾿Αχαιοὶ 
προτιθεῖσι. τοῖσι ἐκείνου ἀπογόνοισι ἀέθλους 
τοιούσδε" ὃ ὃς ἂν ᾖ τοῦ γένεος τούτου πρεσβύτατος, 
τούτῳ ἐπιτάξαντες ἔργεσθαι τοῦ Ἀηίτου αὐτοὶ 
φυλακὰς ἔχουσι. λήιτον δὲ καλέουσι τὸ πρυ- 
τανήιον οἱ Αχαιοί. ἣν δὲ ἐσέλθῃ, οὐκ ἔστι ὅκως 
512 


BOOK VII. 195-197 


Paphian captain Penthylus son of Demonous; of 
twelve ships that he had brought from Paphos he 
had lost eleven in the storm off the Sepiad headland, 
and was in the one that remained when he was taken 
as he bore down on Artemisium. Having questioned 
these men and learnt what they desired to know of 
Xerxes’ armament, the Greeks sent them away to 
the isthmus of Corinth in bonds. 

196. So the foreign fleet, all but the fifteen ships 
whereof, as I have said, Sandoces was captain, came 
to Aphetae. Xerxes and his land army journeyed 
through Thessaly and Achaea, and it was three days 
since he had entered Malis. In Thessaly he made a 
race for his own horses, wherein he also tried the 
mettle of the Thessalian horse, having heard that it 
was the best in Hellas; and the Greek horses were 
far outpaced. Of the Thessalian rivers, the Ono- 
chonus was the only one that could not give water 
enough for his army's drinking. But in Achaea, even 
the greatest river there, the Apidanus,! gave out, all 
but a sorry remnant. 

197. When Xerxes was come to Alus in Achaea, 
his guides, desiring to inform him of all they knew, 
told him the story that is related in that country 
concerning the worship of Laphystian Zeus: how 
Athamas son of Aeolus plotted Phrixus’ death with 
Ino, and further, how the Achaeans by an oracle’s 
bidding compel Phrixus’ posterity to certain tasks: 
namely, they bid the eldest of that family forbear to 
enter their town hall (which the Achaeans call the 
People’s House),? and themselves keep watch there ; 


! The Apidanus and Enipeus unite; the whole stream, a 


tributary of the Peneus, is sometimes called Apidanus and 
sometimes Enipeus. 2 From λεώς or Anés. 


VOL. III, LL 


HERODOTUS 


ἔξεισι πρὶν ἢ θύσεσθαι éan: ὥς T ἔτι πρὸς 
τούτοισι πολλοὶ ἤδη τούτων τῶν μελλόντων θύ- 
σεσθαι δείσαντες οἴχοντο ἀποδράντες ἐς ἄλλην 
χώρην, χρόνου δὲ προϊόντος ὀπίσω κατελθόντες 
jv ἁλίσκωνται ἐστέλλοντο ἐς τὸ πρυτανήιον' ὡς 
θύεταί τε ἐξηγέοντο στέμμασι πᾶς πυκασθεὶς καὶ 
ὡς σὺν πομπῇ ἐξαχθείς. ταῦτα δὲ πάσχουσι οἱ 
Κυτισσώρου τοῦ «Φρίξου παιδὸς ἀπόγονοι, διότι 
καθαρμὸν τῆς χώρης ποιευμένων ᾿Αχαιῶν ἐκ 
θεοπροπίου ᾿Αθάμαντα τὸν Αἰόλου καὶ μελλόντων 
μιν θύειν ἀπικόμενος οὗτος ὁ Κυτίσσωρος ἐξ Αἴης 
τῆς Κολχίδος ἐρρύσατο, ποιήσας δὲ τοῦτο τοῖσι 
ἐπιγενομένοισι ἐξ ἑωυτοῦ μῆνιν τοῦ θεοῦ ἐνέβαλε. 
Eiép£ns δὲ ταῦτα ἀκούσας ὡς κατὰ τὸ ἄλσος 
ἐγίνετο, αὐτός τε ἔργετο αὐτοῦ καὶ TH στρατιῇ 
πάσῃ παρήγγειλε, τῶν τε ᾿Αθάμαντος ἀπογόνων 
τὴν οἰκίην ὁμοίως καὶ τὸ τέμενος ἐσέβετο. 

198. Tatra μὲν τὰ ἐν Θεσσαλίη καὶ τὰ ἐν 
᾿Αχαιίῃ' ἀπὸ δὲ τούτων τῶν χώρων ἤιε ἐς τὴν 
Μηλίδα παρὰ κόλπον θαλάσσης, ἐν τῷ ἄμπωτίς 
τε καὶ ῥηχίη ἀνὰ πᾶσαν ἡμέρην γίνεται. περὶ δὲ 
τὸν κόλπον τοῦτον ἐστὶ χῶρος πεδινός, τῇ μὲν εὐρὺς 
τῇ δὲ καὶ κάρτα στεινὸς" περὶ δὲ τὸν χῶρον ὄρεα 
ὑψηλὰ καὶ ἄβατα περικληίει πᾶσαν τὴν Μηλίδα 
γῆν, Τρηχίνιαι πέτραι καλεόμεναι. πρώτη μέν 
νυν πόλις ἐστὶ ἐν τῷ κόλπῳ ἰόντι ἀπὸ ᾿Αχαιΐης 
᾿Αντικύρη, παρ᾽ ἣν Σπερχειὸς ποταμὸς ῥέων ἐξ 
᾿Ενιήνων ἐς θάλασσαν ἐκδιδοῖ. ἀπὸ δὲ τούτου 


1 The legend, in its main features, originates in the cult of 
* Zeus Laphystius," a tribal god who, like the Jehovah of 
the Ο.Τ, and the Moloch and Melqart of the Phoenicians, 
has a right to all first-born, especially of the priestly house. 


514 


BOOK VII. 197-198 


if he enter, he may not come out, save only to be 
sacrificed; and further also, how many of those 
that were to be sacrificed had fled away in fear to 
another country, but if they returned back at a later 
day and were taken, they had been brought into the 
town hall; and the guides showed Xerxes how the 
man is sacrificed, with fillets covering him all over 
and a procession to lead him forth. It is the 
descendants of Phrixus' son Cytissorus who are thus 
dealt with, because when the Achaeans by an oracle's 
bidding made Athamas son of Aeolus a scapegoat for 
their country and were about to sacrifice him, this 
Cytissorus came from Aea in Colchis and delivered 
him, but thereby brought the god's wrath on his own 
posterity. Hearing all this, Xerxes when he came 
to the temple grove forbore to enter it himself and 
bade all his army do likewise, holding the house and 
the precinct of Athamas’ descendants alike in 
reverence.! 

198. These were Xerxes' doings in Thessaly and 
Achaea; whence he came into Malis along a gulf of 
the sea, in which the tide ebbs and flows daily.? 
There is low-lying ground about this gulf, sometimes 
wide and sometimes very narrow ; and about it stand 
mountains high and inaccessible, enclosing the whole 
of Malis, called the Rocks of Trachis. Now the first 
town by the gulf on the way from Achaea is Anticyra, 
near to which the river Spercheus flows from the 
country of the Enieni and issues into the sea. About 


In time human sacrifice is avoided by the substitution of a 
ram ; but even then the first-born child must leave the country. 

3 Tidal movement is rare in the Mediterranean. But there 
is & strong ebb and flood in the Euripus, which is not far 
from the Malian gulf. 


515 
LL 2 


HERODOTUS 


διὰ εἴκοσί κου σταδίων ἄλλος ποταμὸς τῷ οὔνομα 
κεῖται Δύρας, τὸν Βοηθέοντα τῷ Ἡρακλέι καιο- 
μένφ λόγος ἐστὶ ἀναφανῆναι. ἀπὸ δὲ τούτου δι 
ἄλλων εἴκοσι σταδίων ἄλλος ποταμός ἐστι ὃς 
καλέεται Μέλας. 

199. Τρηχὶς δὲ πόλις ἀπὸ τοῦ Μέλανος τούτου 
ποταμοῦ πέντε στάδια ἀπέχει. ταύτῃ δὲ καὶ eù- 
ρύτατον ἐστὶ πάσης τῆς χώρης ταύτης ἐκ τῶν 
ὀρέων ἐς θάλασσαν, κατ ἃ Τρηχὶς πεπόλισται: 
δισχίλιά τε γὰρ καὶ δισμύρια πλέθρα τοῦ πεδίου 
ἐστί. τοῦ δὲ Speos TO περικλήΐει τὴν γῆν τὴν 
Τρηχινίην ἐστὶ διασφὰξ πρὸς μεσαμβρίην 1ρηχῖ- 
vos, ya δὲ τῆς διασφάγος ᾿Ασωπὸς ποταμὸς ῥέει 
παρὰ τὴν ὑπωρέην τοῦ ὄρεος. 

200. "Ἔστι δὲ ἄλλος Φοῖνιξ ποταμὸς οὐ μέγας 
πρὸς μεσαμβρίην τοῦ ᾿Ασωποῦ, ὃς ἐκ τῶν ὀρέων 
τούτων ῥέων ἐς τὸν ᾿Ασωπὸν ἐκδιδοῖ. κατὰ δὲ 
τὸν Φοίνικα ποταμὸν στεινότατον ἐστί' ἁμαξιτὸς 
γὰρ μούνη δέδμηται. ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ Φοίνικος ποταμοῦ 
πεντεκαίδεκα στάδια ἐστὶ ἐς Θερμοπύλας. ἐν δὲ 
τῷ μεταξὺ Φοίνικος ποταμοῦ καὶ Θερμοπυλέων 
κώμη τε ἐστὶ τῇ οὔνομα ᾿Ανθήλη κεῖται, Tap ἣν 
δὴ παραρρέων ὁ ᾿Ασωπὸς ἐς θάλασσαν ἐκδιδοῖ, 
καὶ χῶρος περὶ αὐτὴν εὐρύς, ἐν τῷ Δήμητρός τε 
ἱρὸν ᾽Αμϕικτυονίδος ἵδρυται καὶ ἕδραι εἰσὶ ᾽Αμϕι- 
κτύοσι καὶ αὐτοῦ τοῦ ᾽Αμϕικτύονος ἱρόν. 

201. Βασιλεὺς μὲν δὴ Ξέρξης ἐστρατοπεδεύετο 
τῆς Μηλίδος ἐν τῇ Τρηχινίῃ, οἱ δὲ 5) Ἕλληνες 
ἐν τῇ διόδῳ. καλέεται δὲ ὁ χῶρος οὗτος ὑπὸ μὲν 


1 This must be a measure not of length but of superficial 
extent: more than 5000 acres. 


516 


BOOK VII. 198-201 


twenty furlongs from that river is another named 
Dyras, which is said to have risen from the ground 
to aid Heracles against the fire that consumed him; 
and twenty furlongs again from that there is another 
river, called the Black river. 

.199. The town of Trachis is five furlongs distant 
from this Black river. Here is the greatest width 
in all this region between the sea and the hills 
whereon Trachis stands; for the plain is two million 
and two hundred thousand feet in extent.! In the 
mountains that hem in the Trachinian land there is 
a ravine to the south of Trachis, wherethrough flows 
the river Asopus past the lower slopes of the 
mountains. 

200. There is another river south of the Asopus, 
the Phoenix, a little stream, that flows from those 
mountains into the Asopus. Near this stream is the 
narrowest place; there is but the space of a single 
builded cart-way. Thermopylae is fifteen furlongs 
distant from the river Phoenix. Between the river 
and Thermopylae there is a village named Anthele, 
past which the Asopus flows out into the sea, and 
there is a wide space about it wherein stands a 
temple of επ Demeter, and seats withal 
for the Amphietyong and a temple of Amphictyon 
himself. 

201. King Xerxes, then, lay encamped in that 
part of Malis which belongs to Trachis, and the 
Greeks in the midst of the pass:? the place where 


2 Lit. dwellers around: neighbouring tribes forming a 
league, and sending representatives (Pylagori) to a confer- 
ence held twice a year. 

ὃ In the space between the eastern and western narrow 
ἔσοδοι. 


517 


HERODOTUS 


TÓV πλεόνων Ἑλλήνων Θερμοπύλαι, 0 ὑπὸ δὲ τῶν 
ἐπιχωρίων καὶ περιοίκων Πύλαι. ἐστρατοπε- 
δεύοντο μέν νυν ἑκάτεροι ἐν τούτοισι τοῖσι χωρί- 
οισι, ἐπεκράτεε δὲ ὃ μὲν τῶν πρὸς Βορέην. ἄνεμον 
ἐχόντων πάντων μέχρι Τρηχῖνος, οἳ δὲ τῶν πρὸς 
νότον καὶ μεσαμβρίην φερόντων τὸ ἐπὶ ταύτης 
τῆς ἠπείρου. 
|... 202. Ἦσαν δὲ οἵδε Ἑλλήνων οἱ ὑπομένοντες 
τὸν Πέρσην. ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χώρῳ, Σπαρτιητέων τε 
τριηκόσιοι ὁπλῖται καὶ Τεγεητέων καὶ Μαντινέων 
χίλιοι, ἡμίσεες ἑκατέρων, ἐξ Ὀρχομενοῦ τε τῆς 
᾿Αρκαδίης εἴκοσι καὶ ἑκατόν, καὶ ἐκ τῆς λοιπῆς 
᾿Αρκαδίης χίλιοι" τοσοῦτοι μὲν ᾿Αρκάδων, ἀπὸ 
δὲ Κορίνθου τετρακόσιοι καὶ ἀπὸ Φλειοῦντος 
διηκόσιοι καὶ Μυκηναίων. ὀγδώκοντα. οὗτοι μὲν 
ἀπὸ Πελοποννήσου παρῆσαν, ἀπὸ δὲ Βοιωτῶν 
Θεσπιέων τε ἑπτακόσιοι καὶ Θηβαίων τετρακόσιοι. 

208. II pos τούτοισι ἐπίκλητοι ἐγένοντο Λοκροί 
τε οἱ ᾿Οπούντιοι πανστρατιῇ καὶ Φωκέων χίλιοι. 
αὐτοὶ γὰρ σφέας οἱ “Ελληνες ἐπεκαλέσαντο, λέ- 
γοντες δι ἀγγέλων ὡς αὐτοὶ μὲν ἥκοιεν πρόδρομοι 
τῶν ἄλλων, οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ τῶν συμμάχων προσ- 
δόκιμοι πᾶσαν εἶεν ἡμέρην, ἡ θάλασσά τέ σφι 
εἴη ἐν φυλακῇ i ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίων τε φρουρεομένη καὶ 
Αἰγινητέων καὶ τῶν ἐς τὸν ναυτικὸν στρατὸν 
ταχθέντων, καί σφι εἴη δεινὸν οὐδέν" οὐ γὰρ θεὸν 
εἶναι τὸν ἐπιόντα ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα ἀλλ᾽ ἄνθρωπον, 
εἶναι δὲ θνητὸν οὐδένα οὐδὲ ἔσεσθαι τῷ κακὸν ἐξ 
ἀρχῆς γινομένῳ οὐ συνεμίχθη, τοῖσι δὲ μεγίστοισι 
αὐτῶν μέγιστα. ὀφείλειν ὧν καὶ τὸν ἐπελαύνοντα, 


518 


BOOK VII. 201-203 


they were is called by most of the Greeks Thermo- 
pylae, but by the people of the country and their 
neighbours Pylae. In these places, then, they lay 
encamped, Xerxes being master of all that was north ! 
of Trachis, and the Greeks of all that lay southward 
towards this part of the mainland.? 

202. The Greeks that awaited the Persian in that 
place were these :—Of the Spartans, three hundred 
men-at-arms; a thousand Tegeans and Mantineans, 
half from each place; from Orchomenus in Arcadia 
a hundred and twenty, and a thousand from the rest 
of Arcadia; besides these Arcadians, four hundred 
from Corinth, two hundred from Phlius, and eighty 
Mycenaeans. These were they who had come from 
Peloponnesus: from Boeotia, seven hundred Thespians 
and four hundred Thebans. 

203. Besides these the whole power ofthe Opuntian 
Locrians and a thousand Phocians had been sum- 
moned, and came. The Greeks had of their own 
motion summoned these to their aid, telling them by 
their messengers that they themselves had come for 
an advance guard of the rest, that the coming of the 
remnant of the allies was to be looked for every day, 
and that the sea was strictly watched by them, being 
guarded by the Athenians and Aeginetans and all 
that were enrolled in the fleet; there was nought 
(they said) for them to fear; for the invader of 
Hellas was no god, but a mortal man, and there was 
no mortal, nor ever would be, to whom at birth some 
admixture of misfortune was not allotted ; the greater 
the man, the greater the misfortune ; most surely then 
he that marched against them, being but mortal, 


1 West, properly speaking ; *southward" below should 
be “ eastward.” 2 That is, Greece. 


519 


HERODOTUS 


ὡς ἐόντα θνητόν, ἀπὸ τῆς δόξης πεσεῖν ἄν. οἳ δὲ 
ταῦτα πυνθανόμενοι. ἐβοήθεον ἐς τὴν Τρηχῖνα. 

204. Τούτοισι ἡ σαν μέν νυν καὶ ἄλλοι στρατηγοὺ 
κατὰ πόλιας ἑκάστων, ὁ δὲ θωμαξόµενος μάλιστα 
καὶ παντὸς τοῦ στρατεύματος ἡγεόμενος Λακε- 
δαιμόνιος ἡ ἦν Λεωνίδης ὁ ὁ Αναξανδρίδεω τοῦ Λέοντος 
τοῦ Εὐρυκρατίδεω τοῦ ᾿Αναξάνδρου τοῦ Εὐρυκρά- 
τεος τοῦ Πολυδώρου. τοῦ ᾿Αλκαμένεος τοῦ Ὁ Τηλέκλου 
τοῦ ᾿Αρχέλεω. τοῦ Ἠγησίλεω τοῦ Δορύσσου τοῦ 
Λεωβώτεω τοῦ Ἐχεστράτου τοῦ "Hos τοῦ Εὐρυ- 
σθένεος τοῦ ᾿Δριστοδήμου τοῦ ᾿Αριστομάχου τοῦ 
Κλεοδαίου τοῦ Ὕλλου τοῦ Ἡρακλέος, κτησάμενος 
τὴν βασιληίην ἐ ἐν Σπάρτῃ ἐξ ἀπροσδοκήτου. 

205. Διξῶν γάρ οἱ ἐόντων πρεσβυτέρων ἆδελ.- 
φεῶν, Κλεομένεός᾽ τε καὶ Δωριέος, ἀπελήλατο τῆς 
φροντίδος περὶ τῆς βασιληίης. ἀποθανόντος δὲ 
Κλεομένεος ἄπαιδος ἔρσενος γόνου, Δωριέος τε 
οὐκέτι ἐόντος ἀλλὰ τελευτήσαντος καὶ τούτου ἐν 
Σικελίῃ, οὕτω δὴ ἐς Λεωνίδην ἀνέβαινε ἡ βασιληίη, 
καὶ διότι πρότερος ἐγεγόνεε Κλεομβρότου (οὗτος 
γὰρ ἦν νεώτατος ᾿Αναξανδρίδεω παῖς) καὶ δὴ καὶ 
εἶχε Κλεομένεος θυγατέρα. ὃς τότε ῆιε ἐς Beppo- 
πύλας ἐπιλεξάμενος. ἄν pas τε τοὺς κατεστεῶτας 
τριηκοσίους καὶ τοῖσι ἐτύγχανον παῖδες ἐόντες" 
παραλαβὼν δὲ ἀπίκετο καὶ Θηβαίων τοὺς ἐς τὸν 
ἀριθμὸν λογισάμενος εἶπον, τῶν ἐστρατήγεε Λεον- 
τιάδης ὁ Εὐρυμάχου. τοῦδε δὲ εἵνεκα τούτους 
σπουδὴν ἐποιήσατο Λεωνίδης μούνους Ἑλλήνων 
παραλαβεῖν, ὅτι σφέων μεγάλως κατηγόρητο μηδί- 


1 The regular number of the royal body-guard, the so- 
called ἱππεῖς. No other translation of this sentence than what 


520 


BOOK VII. 203-205 


would be disappointed of his hope. Hearing that, the 
Locrians and Phocians marched to aid the Greeks at 
Trachis. 

204. All these had their generals, each city its 
own; but he that was most regarded and was leader 
of the whole army was Leonidas of Lacedaemon, 
whose descent was from Anaxandrides, Leon, Eury- 
cratides, Anaxandrus, Eurycrates, Polydorus, Alca- 
menes, Teleclus, Archelaus, Hegesilaus, Doryssus, 
Leobotes, Echestratus, Agis, Eurysthenes, Aristode- 
mus, Aristomachus, Cleodaeus, Hyllus, Heracles ; 
who was king at Sparta, yet had not looked to be 
such. 

205. For since he had two elder brothers, Cleo- 
menes and Dorieus, he had renounced all thought 
of the kingship. But when Cleomenes died without 
male issue, and Dorieus was dead too (having met 
his end in Sicily), so it came about that the suc- 
cession fell to Leonidas, because he was older than 
Anaxandrides' youngest son Cleombrotus, and more- 
over had Cleomenes' daughter to wife. He now 
came to Thermopylae, with a picked force of the 
customary three hundred,! and those that had sons; 
and he brought with him too those Thebans whom 
I counted among the number, whose general was 
Leontiades son of Eurymachus. Leonidas was at pains 
to bring these Thebans more than any other Greeks, 
because they were constantly charged with favouring 


I have given is possible; but if **those that had sons” are 
added to the 300, this is inconsistent with the received 
tradition that there were only 300 Spartans at Thermopylae. 
There seems to be no explanation of the matter, except Dr. 
Macan’s theory that Herodotus made a mistake. Of course 
if ἐπιλεξάμενος could mean ‘‘selecting from," the difficulty 
might be removed ; but I do not think it can. 


521 


HERODOTUS 


Ce" παρεκαλεε ὧν ἐς τὸν πόλεμον, θέλων εἰδέναι 
εἴτε συμπέμψουσι εἴτε καὶ ἀπερέουσι ἐκ τοῦ 
ἐμφανέος τὴν Ἑλλήνων συμμαχίην. ob δὲ àXXo- 
φρονέοντες ἔ ἔπεμπον. 

206. Τούτους μὲν τοὺς ἀμφὶ Λεωνίδην πρώτους 
ἀπέπεμψαν Σπαρτιῆται, i ἵνα τούτους ὁρῶντες οἱ 
ἄλλοι σύμμαχοι στρατεύωνται μηδὲ καὶ οὗτοι 
μηδίσωσι, ἦν αὐτοὺς πυνθάνωνται ὑπερβαλλομέ- 
νους' μετὰ δέ, Κάρνεια γάρ σφι ἦν ἐμποδών, 
ἔμελλον ὁρτάσαντες καὶ φυλακὰς λιπόντες ἐν τῇ 
Σπάρτῃ κατὰ τάχος βοηθέειν πανδημεί. ὣς δὲ 
καὶ οἱ λοιποὶ τῶν συμμάχων ἐνένωντο καὶ αὐτοὶ 
ἕτερα τοιαῦτα ποιήσειν" ἦν γὰρ κατὰ τὠυτὸ 
Ὀλυμπιὰς τούτοισι τοῖσι πρήγμασι συμπεσοῦσα" 
οὔκων δοκέοντες κατὰ τάχος οὕτω διακριθήσεσθαι 
τὸν ἐν Θερμοπύλῃσι πόλεμον ἔπεμπον τοὺς προ- 
δρόμους. 

207. Οὗτοι μὲν δὴ οὕτω διενένωντο ποιήσειν" 
οἱ δὲ ἐν Θερμοπύλῃσι ' Ελληνες, ἐπειδὴ πέλας 
ἐγένετο τῆς ἐσβολῆς ὁ Πέρσης, καταρρωδέοντες 
ἐβουλεύοντο περὶ ἀπαλλαγῆς. τοῖσι μέν νυν 
ἄλλοισι Πελοποννησίοισι ἐδόκεε ἐλθοῦσι ἐς Πελο- 
πὀννησον τὸν Ἰσθμὸν ë ἔχειν ἐν φυλακῆ' Λεωνίδης 
δέ, Φωκέων καὶ Δοκρῶν περισπε χεόντων τῇ 
γνώμῃ ταύτη, αὐτοῦ τε μένειν ἐψηφίξετο πέμπειν 
τε ἀγγέλους ἐς τὰς πόλιας κελεύοντάς σφι ἐπι- 
Βοηθέειν, ὡς ἐόντων αὐτῶν ὀλίγων στρατὸν τὸν 
Μήδων ἀλέξασθαι. 

208, Ταῦτα βουλευομένων σφέων, ἔπεμπε 
Ἐέρξης κατάσκοπον ἱππέα ἰδέσθαι ὁκόσοι εἰσὶ 


522 


BOOK VII. 205-208 


the Persian part; therefore it was that he summoned 
them to the war, because he desired to know whether 
they would send their men with him or plainly refuse 
the Greek alliance. They sent the men; but they 
had other ends in view. 

206. These, the men with Léonidas, were sent 
before the rest by the Spartans, that by the sight of 
them the rest of the allies might be moved to arm, 
and not like others take the Persian part, as might 
well be if they learnt that the Spartans were delaying; 
and they purposed that later when they should have 
kept the feast of the Carnea,! which wastheir present 
hindrance, they would leave a garrison at Sparta and 
march out with the whole of their force and with all 
speed. ‘The rest of the allies had planned to do the 
same likewise; for an Olympic festival fell due at 
the same time as these doings; wherefore they sent 
their advance guard, not supposing that the war at 
Thermopylae would so speedily come to an issue. 

207. Such had been their intent; but the Greeks 
at Thermopylae, when the Persian drew near to the 
entrance of the pass, began to lose heart and debate 
whether to quit their post or no. The rest of the 
Peloponnesians were for returning to the Peloponnese 
and guarding the isthmus; but the Phocians and 
Locrians were greatly incensed by this counsel, and 
Leonidas gave his vote for remaining where they 
were and sending messages to the cities to demand 
‘aid, seeing that he and his were too few to beat off 
the Median host. 

208. While they thus debated, Xerxes sent a 
mounted watcher to see how many they were and 


1 The national festival in honour of Apollo, held in 
September. 


523 


HERODOTUS 


καὶ ὅ τι ποιέοιεν. ἀκηκόεε δὲ ἔτι ἐὼν ἐν Θεσσαλίῃ 
ὡς ἁλισμένη εἴη ταύτῃ στρατιὴ ὀλίγη, καὶ τοὺς 
ἡγεμόνας ὡς εἴησαν Λακεδαιμόνιοί τε καὶ Λεωνίδης 
ἐὼν γένος Ἡρακλείδης. ὡς δὲ προσήλασε ὁ 
ἱππεὺς πρὸς τὸ στρατόπεδον, ἐθηεῖτό τε καὶ 
κατώρα may μὲν ov τὸ στρατόπεδον' τοὺς γὰρ 
ἔσω τεταγμένους τοῦ τείχεος, τὸ ἀνορθώσαντες 
εἶχον ἐν φυλακῇ, οὐκ οἷά τε ἦν κατιδέσθαι" ὃ 
δὲ τοὺς ἔξω ἐμάνθανε, τοῖσι πρὸ τοῦ τείχεος τὰ 
ὅπλα ἔκειτο' ἔτυχον δὲ τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον Λακε- 
δαιμόνιοι ἔξω τεταγμένοι. τοὺς μὲν δὴ ὥρα 
γυμναξομένους τῶν ἀνδρῶν, τοὺς δὲ τὰς κόμας 
κτενιξομένους, ταῦτα δὴ θεώμενος ἐθώμαξε καὶ 
τὸ πλῆθος ἐμάνθανε. μαθὼν δὲ πάντα ἀτρεκέως 
ἀπήλαυνε ὀπίσω κατ ἡσυχίην" οὔτε γάρ τις 
ἐδίωκε ἀλογίης τε ἐνεκύρησε πολλῆς" ἀπελθών 
τε ἔλέγε πρὸς Ξέρξην τώ περ ὀπώπεε πάντα. 
209. ᾿Ακούων δὲ Ξέρξης οὐκ εἶχε συμβαλέσθαι 
τὸ ἐόν, ὅτι παρασκευάξοιντο ὡς ἀπολεύμενοί τε 
καὶ ἀπολέοντες κατὰ δύναμιν’ AAN αὐτῷ γελοῖα 
γὰρ ἐφαίνοντο ποιέειν, μετεπέμψατο Δημάρητον 
τὸν ᾿Αρίστωνος ἐόντα ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ" ἀπικό- 
μενον δέ μιν εἰρώτα Ξέρξης ë ἕκαστα τούτων, ἐθέλων 
μαθεῖν. τὸ ποιεύμενον πρὸς τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων. 
ὃ δὲ εἶπε “ Ἤκουσας μὲν καὶ πρότερόν μευ, εὖτε 
ὁρμῶμεν ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα, περὶ τῶν ἀνδρῶν. τού- 
των, ἀκούσας δὲ γέλωτά µε ἔθευ λέγοντα τῇ περ 
ὥρων ἐκβησόμενα πρήγματα ταῦτα ἐμοὶ γὰρ 
τὴν ἀληθείην, ἀσκέειν ἀντία σεῦ βασιλεῦ ἀγὼν 
μέγιστος ἐστί. ἄκουσον δὲ καὶ νῦν" οἱ ἄνδρες 
οὗτοι ἀπίκαται μαχησόμενοι ἡμῖν περὶ τῆς ἐσόδου, 
καὶ ταῦτα παρασκευάξονται. νόμος γάρ σφι ἔχων 


524 


BOOK VII. 208-209 


what they had in hand; for while he was yet in 
Thessaly, he had heard that some small army was 
here gathered, and that its leaders were Lacedae- 
monians, Leonidas a descendant of Heracles among 
them. The horseman rode up to the camp and 
viewed and overlooked it, yet not the whole; for it 
was not possible to see those that were posted within 
the wall which they had restored and now guarded ; 
but he took note of those that were without, whose 
arms were piled outside the wall, and it chanced that 
at that time the Lacedaemonians were posted there. 
There he saw some of the men at exercise, and others 
combing their hair. Marvelling at the sight, and 
taking exact note of their numbers, he rode back 
unmolested, none pursuing nor at all regarding him ; 
so he returned and told Xerxes all that he had 
seen. 

209. When Xerxes heard that, he could not under- 
stand the truth, namely, that the Lacedaemonians 
were preparing to slay to the best of their power or 
be slain; what they did appeared to him laughable ; 
wherefore he sent for Demaratus the son of Ariston, 
who was in his camp, and when he came questioned 
him of all these matters, that he might understand 
what it was that the Lacedaemonians were about. 
* [ have told you already," said Demaratus, * of these 
men, when we were setting out for Hellas; but when 
you heard, you mocked me, albeit I told you of this 
which I saw plainly would be the outcome; for it is 
my greatest endeavour, O king, to speak truth in 
your presence. Now hear me once more: these men 
are come to fight with us for the passage, and for 
that they are preparing; for it is their custom to 


525 


HERODOTUS 


οὕτω ἐστί᾽ ἐπεὰν μέλλωσι κινδυνεύειν τῇ ψυχῇ, 
τότε τὰς κεφαλὰς κοσμέονται. ἐπίστασο δέ, εἰ 
τούτους ye καὶ TÒ ὑπομένον ἐν Σπάρτη κατα- 
στρέψεαι, ἔστι οὐδὲν ἄλλο ἔθνος ἀνθρώπων τὸ 
σὲ βασιλεῦ ὑπομενέει χεῖρας. ἀνταειρόμενον" νῦν 
γὰρ πρὸς βασιληίην τε καὶ καλλίστην πόλιν 
τῶν ἐν Ἕλλησι προσφέρεαι καὶ ἄνδρας ἆ ἀρίστους." 

κάρτα τε δὴ Rép£n. ἄπιστα ἐφαίνετο τὰ λεγόμενα 
elvat, καὶ δεύτερα ἐ ἐπειρώτα ὄντινα τρόπον τοσοῦ- 
τοι ἐόντες τῇ ἑωυτοῦ στρατιῇ μαχήσονται. ὃ δὲ 
εἶπε “ery βασιλεῦ, e ἐμοὶ χρᾶσθαι ὦ ὡς ἀνδρὶ ψεύστῃ, 
jv μὴ ταῦτά τοι ταύτῃ ἐκβῇ τῇ ἐγὼ ΛΝ 

210. Ταῦτα λέγων οὐκ ἔπειθε τὸν Ἐέ ρξην. 
τέσσερας μὲν δὴ παρεξῆκε ἡμέρας, ἐλπίζων. αἰεί 
σφεας ἀποδρήσεσ αι’ πέμπτῃ έ, ὡς οὐκ amad- 
λάσσοντο ἀλλά οἱ ἐφαίνοντο ἀναιδείῃ. τε καὶ 
ἀβουλίῃ διαχρεώµενοι, μένειν, πέμπει ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς 
Μήδους τε καὶ Κισσίους θυμωθείς, ἐντειλάμενος 
σφέας ξωγρήσαντας ἄγειν ἐς ὄψειν τὴν ἑωυτοῦ. 
ὡς Ò ἐσέπεσον φερόμενοι ἐς τοὺς "Ελληνας οἱ 
Μῆδοι, € ἔπιπτον πολλοί, ἄλλοι δ᾽ ἐπεσήισαν, καὶ 
οὐκ ἀπηλαύνοντο, καίπερ μεγάλως προσπταίοντες. 
δῆλον δ᾽ ἐποίευν παντί τεῳ καὶ οὐκ ἥκιστα αὐτῷ 
βασιλέι, ὅ ὅτι πολλοὶ μὲν ἄνθρωποι. εἶεν, ὀλίγοι δὲ 
ἄνδρες. ἐγίνετο δὲ ἡ ἡ συμβολὴ δι᾽ ἡμέρης. 

211. Ἐπείτε δὲ οἱ M ῆδοι τρηχέως περιείποντο, 
ἐνθαῦτα οὗτοι μὲν ὑπεξήισαν, οἱ δὲ Πέρσαι ἐκδε- 
ξάμενοι ἐ ἐπήισαν, τοὺς ἀθανάτους ἐκάλεε βασιλεύς, 
τῶν ἦρχε Ὑδάρνης, ὡς δὴ οὗτοί γε εὐπετέως κατ- 
εργασόµενοι. ὡς δὲ καὶ οὗτοι συνέμισγον τοῖσι 
“Ελλησι, οὐδὲν πλέον ἐφέροντο τῆς στρατιῆς τῆς 
Μηδικῆς ἀλλὰ τὰ αὐτά, ἅτε ἐν στεινοπόρῳ τε 
526 


BOOK VII. 209-211 


dress their hair whensoever they are about to put 
their lives in jeopardy. Moreover I tell you, that if 
you overcome these and what remains behind at 
Sparta, there is no other nation among men, O king! 
that will abide and withstand you; now are you face 
to face with the noblest royalty and city and the most 
valiant men in Hellas" Xerxes deemed what was 
said to be wholly incredible, and further enquired of 
him how they would fight against his army, being 
so few. “O king," Demaratus answered, “use me 
as a liar, if the event of this be not what I tell 
ou." 

210. Yet for all that Xerxes would not believe 
him. For the space of four days the king waited, 
ever expecting that the Greeks would take to flight ; 
but on the fifth, seeing them not withdrawing and 
deeming that their remaining there was but shame- 
lessness and folly, he was angered, and sent the 
Medes and Cissians against them, bidding them take 
the Greeks alive and bring them into his presence. 
The Medes bore down upon the Greeks and charged 
them ; many fell, but others attacked in turn; and 
though they suffered grievous defeat yet they were 
not driven off. But they made it plain to all and 
chiefly to the king himself that for all their number 
of human creatures there were few men among them. 
This battle lasted all the day. 

211. The Medes being so roughly handled, they 
were then withdrawn from the fight, and the Persians 
whom the king called Immortals attacked in their 
turn, led by Hydarnes. It was thought that they at 
least would make short and easy work of the Greeks; - 
but when they joined battle, they fared neither 
better nor worse than the Median soldiery, fighting 


527 


HERODOTUS 


χώρῳ μαχόμενοι καὶ δόρασι βραχυτέροισι χρεώ- 
μενοι ἤ περ οἱ "Ελληνες, καὶ οὐκ ἔχοντες πληθεῖ 
χρήσασθαι. Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ ἐμάχοντο ἀξίως 
λόγου, ἄλλα τε ἀποδεικνύμενοι ev οὐκ ἐπισταμέ- 
νοισι μάχεσθαι ἐξεπιστάμενοι, καὶ ὅκως ἐντρέψειαν 
τὰ νῶτα, ἁλέες φεύγεσκον δῆθεν, οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι 
ig φεύγοντας βοῇ τε καὶ πατάγῳ ἐπήισαν, 

? δ ἂν καταλαμβανόμενοι ὑπέστρεφον ἀντίοι 
εἶναι τοῖσι βαρβάροισι, µεταστρεφόµενοι, δὲ κατέ- 
βαλλον πλήθεϊ ἀναριθμήτους τῶν Περσέων: ἔπι- 
πτον δὲ καὶ αὐτῶν τῶν Σπαρτιητέων ἐνθαῦτα 
ὀλίγοι. ἐπεὶ δὲ οὐδὲν ἐδυνέατο παραλαβεῖν οἱ 
Πέρσαι τῆς ἐσόδου πειρώμενοι καὶ κατὰ τέλεα 
καὶ παντοίως π οσβάλλοντες, ἀπήλαυνον ὀπίσω. 

212. Ἐν ταύτῃσι τῇσι προσόδοισι τῆς μάχης 
λέγεται βασιλέα θηεύμενον τρὶς ἀναδραμεῖν ἐκ 
τοῦ θρόνου δείσαντα περὶ τῇ στρατιῇ. τότε μὲν 
οὕτω ἠγωνίσαντο, τῇ ὃ ὑστεραίῃ οἱ βάρβαροι 
οὐδὲν ἄμεινον ἀέθλεον. ἅτε γὰρ ὀλίγων ἐόντων, 
ἐλπίσαντες σφέας κατατετρωματίσθαι τε καὶ οὐκ 
οἵους τε ἔσεσθαι ἔτι χεῖρας ἀνταείρασθαι συνέ- 
βαλλον. οἱ δὲ Ἕλληνες κατὰ τάξις τε καὶ κατὰ 
ἔθνεα κεκοσμημένοι ἦσαν, καὶ ἐν μέρεϊ ἕκαστοι 
ἐμάχοντο, πλὴν Φωκέων" οὗτοι δὲ ἐς τὸ ὄρος 
ἐτάχθησαν φυλάξοντες τὴν ἀτραπόν. ὡς δὲ οὐδὲν 
εὕρισκον ἀλλοιότερον οἱ Πέρσαι ἢ τῇ προτεραίῃ 
ἐνώρων, ἀπήλαυνον. 

218. ᾿Απορέοντος δὲ βασιλέος ὅ τι χρήσηται 
τῷ, παρεόντι πρήγματι, ᾿Επιάλτης ὁ .Εὐρυδήμου 
ἀνὴρ Μηλιεὺς ἦλθέ οἱ ἐς λόγους" ὃς μέγα τι παρὰ 
βασιλέος δοκέων οἴσεσθαι ἔφρασέ τε τὴν ἀτραπὸν 


528 


BOOK VII. 211-213 


as they were in a narrow space and with shorter 
spears than the Greeks, where they could make no 
use of their numbers. But the Lacedaemonians 
fought memorably. They were skilled warriors 
against unskilled; and it was among their many 
feats of arms, that they would turn their backs and 
feign flight; seeing which, the foreigners would 
pursue after them with shouting and noise; but 
when the Lacedaemonians were like to be overtaken 
they turned upon the foreigners, and so rallying 
overthrew Persians innumerable ; wherein some few 
of the Spartans themselves were slain. So when the 
Persians, attacking by companies and in every other 
fashion, could yet gain no inch of the approach, they 
drew off out of the fight. 

212. During these onsets the king (it is said) 
thrice sprang up in fear for his army from the throne 
where he sat to view them. Such was then the 
fortune of the fight, and on the next day the 
foreigners had no better luck at the game. They 
joined battle, supposing that their enemies, being so 
few, were now disabled by wounds and could no 
longer withstand them. But the Greeks stood 
arrayed by battalions and nations, and each of these 
fought in its turn, save the Phocians, who were 
posted on the mountains to guard the path.! So 
when the Persians found the Greeks in no way 
different from what the day before had shown them 
to be, they drew off from the fight. 

213. The king being at a loss how to deal with 
the present difficulty, Epialtes son of Eurydemus, a 
Malian, came to speak with him, thinking so to 
receive a great reward from Xerxes, and told him of 


1 For which see below, ch. 215, 216. 
529 
VOL. ΠΠ. MM 


HERODOTUS 


τὴν διὰ τοῦ ὄρεος φέρουσαν ἐς Θερμοπύλας, καὶ 
διέφθειρε τοὺς ταύτῃ ὑπομείναντας Ἑλλήνων. 
ὕστερον δὲ δείσας Λακεδαιμονίους ἔφυγε ἐς Θεσ- 
σαλίην, καί οἱ φυγόντι ὑπὸ τῶν Πυλαγόρων τῶν 
᾽Αμϕικτυόνων ἐς τὴν Ἠυλαίην συλλεγομένων 
ἀργύριον ἐπεκηρύχθη. χρύνῳ δὲ ὗ ὕστερον, κατῆλθε 
γὰρ ἐς ᾿Αντικύρην, ἀπέθανε ù ὑπὸ ᾿Αθηνάδεω ἀνδρὸς 
Τρηχινίου. ὁ δὲ ᾿Αθηνάδης οὗτος ἀπέκτεινε μὲν 
Ἠπιάλτεα δι᾽ ἄλλην αἰτίην, τὴν ἐγὼ ἐν τοῖσι 
ὄπισθε λόγοισι σημανέω, ἐτιμήθη μέντοι ὑπὸ 
Λακεδαιμονίων οὐδὲν ἧσσον. 

214. Ἐπιάλτης μὲν οὕτω ὕστερον τούτων ἀπέ- 

θανε, ἔ ἔστι δὲ ἕ ἕτερος λεγόμενος λόγος, ὡς ᾿Ὀνήτης 
τε ὁ Φαναγόρεω ἀνὴρ Καρύστιος καὶ Κορυδαλλὸς 
᾿Αντικυρεὺς εἰσὶ οἱ εἴπαντες πρὸς βασιλέα τούτους 
τοὺς λόγους καὶ περιηγησάμενοι τὸ -ὄρος τοῖσι 
Πέρσῃσι, οὐδαμῶς ἔμοιγε πιστός. τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ 
τῶδε χρὴ σταθμώσασθαι, ὅτι οἱ τῶν Ἑλλήνων 
Πυλαγόροι ἐπεκήρυξαν οὐκ ἐπὶ ᾿Ονήτῃ τε καὶ 
Κορυδαλλῷ ἀργύριον ἀλλ ἐπὶ Ἐπιάλτῃ τῷ 
Τ ρηχινίῳ, πάντως κου τὸ ἀτρεκέστατον πυθόμενοι' 
τοῦτο δὲ φεύγοντα ᾿Επιάλτην ταύτην τὴν αἰτίην 
οἴδαμεν. εἰδείη μὲν γὰρ ἂν καὶ ἐὼν μὴ Μηλιεὺς 
ταύτην τὴν ἀτραπὸν Ὀνήτης, εἰ τῇ χώρῃ πολλὰ 
ὡμιληκὼς εἴη" ἀλλ’ Ἐπιάλτης γὰρ ἐστι ὁ περι- 
ηγησάµενος τὸ ὄρος κατὰ τὴν ἀτραπόν, τοῦτον 
αἴτιον γράφω. 

215, Ἐέρξης δέ, ἐπεὶ ἤρεσε τὰ ὑπέσχετο ὁ 
Ἐπιάλτης κατεργάσασθαι, αὐτίκα περιχαρὴς YE- 
νόμενος ἔπεμπε ‘TSdpvea καὶ τῶν ἐστρατήγεε 

1 Cp. 200 (note). 

2 The expression proves Herodotus’ intention of con- 


530 


BOOK VII. 213-215 


the path leading over the mountain to Thermopylae; 
whereby he was the undoing of the Greeks who had 
been left there. This Epialtes afterwards fled into 
Thessaly, for fear of the Lacedaemonians; and he 
being so banished a price was put on his head by the 
Pylagori! when the Amphictyons sat together in 
their council at Thermopylae; and a long time after 
that, having returned to Anticyra, he was slain by 
Athenades, a man of Trachis. It was for another 
cause (which I will tell in the latter part of my 
history)? that this Athenades slew Epialtes, but 
he was none the less honoured for it by the 
Lacedaemonians. 

214. Such was the end of Epialtes at a later day. 
There is another story current, that it was Onetes 
son of Phanagoras, a Carystian, and Corydallus of 
Anticyra, who spoke to the king to this effect and 
guided the Persians round the mountain; but I 
wholly disbelieve it. For firstly, we must draw con- 
clusion from what the Pylagori did ; they set a price 
on the head of the Trachinian Epialtes, not of Onetes 
and Corydallus; and it must be supposed that they 
used all means to learn the truth; and secondly, 
we know that Epialtes was for this cause banished. 
I do not deny that Onetes might know the path, 
even though not a Malian, if he had many times been 
in that country ; but the man who guided them by 
that path round the mountain was Epialtes, and on 
him I here fix the guilt. 

215. Xerxes was satisfied with what Epialtes pro- 
mised to accomplish ; much rejoicing thereat, he sent 
Hydarnes forthwith and Hydarnes’ following; and 
εν μμ his history beyond 479, the year with which Book IX 
enas. 


531 
MM 2 


HERODOTUS 


“Ὑδάρνης, ὁρμέατο δὲ περὶ λύχνων ἀφὰς ἐκ τοῦ 
στρατοπέδου. τὴν δὲ ἀτραπὸν ταύτην ἐξεῦρον μὲν 
οἱ ἐπιχώριοι Μηλιέες, ἐξευρόντες δὲ Θεσσαλοῖσι 
κατηγήσαντο͵ ἐπὶ Φωκέας, τότε ὅτε οἱ Φωκέες 
φράξαντες τεύχεϊ τὴν ἐσβολὴν ἦσαν ἐν σκέπῃ τοῦ 
πολέμου' ἔκ τε τόσου δὴ κατεδέδεκτο ἐοῦσα 
οὐδὲν χρηστὴ Μηλιεῦσι. 

216. Ἔχει δὲ ὧδε ἡ ἀτραπὸς αὕτη" ἄρχεται 
μὲν ἀπὸ τοῦ ᾿Ασωποῦ ποταμοῦ τοῦ διὰ τῆς δια- 
σφάγος ῥέοντος, οὔνομα δὲ τῷ ὄρεϊ τούτῳ καὶ τῇ 
ἀτραπῷ τὠυτὸ κεῖται, ᾿Ανόπαια" τείνει δὲ ἡ η ᾿Ανό- 
TULA αὕτη κατὰ ῥάχιν τοῦ ὄρεος, λήγει δὲ κατά 
τε ᾽Αλπηνὸν πόλιν, π πρώτην ἐοῦσαν τῶν Λοκρίδων 
πρὸς τῶν Μηλιέων, καὶ κατὰ Μελαμπύγου τε 
καλεόμενον λίθον καὶ κατὰ Κερκώπων ἕδρας, τῇ 
καὶ τὸ στεινότατον ἐστί. 

211. Κατὰ ταύτην δὴ τὴν ἀτραπὸν καὶ οὕτω 
ἔχουσαν οἱ Πέρσαι, τὸν ᾿Ασωπὸν διαβάντες, 
ἐπορεύοντο πᾶσαν τὴν νύκτα, ἐν δεξιῇ μὲν ἔχοντες 
ὄρεα τὰ Οἰταίων, ἐν ἀριστερῇ δὲ τὰ Τρηχινίων. 
ἠώς. τε δὴ διέφαινε καὶ οἳ ἐγένοντο ἐπ᾽ ἀκρω- 
τηρίῳ τοῦ ὄρεος. κατὰ δὲ τοῦτο. τοῦ ὄρεος 
ἐφύλασσον, ὡς καὶ πρότερόν μοι εἴρηται, Dw- 
κέων χίλιοι ὁπλῖται, ῥυόμενοί τε τήν .σφετέρην 
χώρην καὶ φρουρέοντες τὴν ἀτραπόν. ἡ μὲν γὰρ 
κάτω ἐσβολὴ. ἐφυλάσσετο ὑπὸ τῶν εἴρηται τὴν 
δὲ διὰ τοῦ ὄρεος ἀτραπὸν ἐθελονταὶ Φωκέες 
ὑποδεξάμενοι Λεωνίδῃ ἐφύλασσον. 


! Plutarch in his life of Cato (13) describes the difficulty 
ios troops under Cato's command encountered in trying to 
ollow it. 


532 


BOOK VII. 215-217 


they set forth from the camp about the hour when 
lamps are lit. Now this path! had been discovered 
by the Malians of the country, who guided the 
Thessalians thereby into Phocis, at the time when 
the Phocians sheltered themselves from attack by 
fencing the pass with a wall; thus early had the 
Malians shown that the pass could avail nothing.? 

216. Now the path runs thuswise. It begins at 
the river Asopus which flows through the ravine; 
the mountain there and the path have the same 
name, Anopaea; this Anopaea crosses the ridge of 
the mountain and ends at the town of Alpenus, the 
Locrian town nearest to Malis, where is the rock 
called Blackbuttock and the seats of the Cercopes ; 
and this is its narrowest part.? 

217. Of such nature is the path; by this, when 
they had crossed the Asopus, the Persians marched 
all night, the Oetean mountains being on their right 
hand and the Trachinian on their left. At dawn of 
day they came to the summit of the pass. Now in 
this part of the mountain-way a thousand Phocians 
were posted, as I have already shown, to defend 
their own country and guard the path ; for the lower 
pass was held by those of whom I have spoken, but 
the path over the mountains by the Phocians, ac- 
cording to the promise that they had of their own 
motion given to Leonidas. 


2 This is Stein's interpretation ; others make οὐδὲν χρηστὴ 
refer to the àrpamós, meaning there ‘‘ pernicious.” 

ὃ The Cercopes, mischievous dwarfs, had been warned 
against a ‘‘ueAduruyos” enemy. Heracles, to rid the country 
of them, carried off two on his back, hanging head down- 
wards, in which position they had every opportunity of 
observing his title to the above epithet; until their jests 
on the subject moved him to release them. 


533 


HERODOTUS 


218. Ἔμαθον δὲ σφέας οἱ Φωκέες ὧδε ἆνα- 
βεβηκότας" ἀναβαίνοντες γὰρ ἐλάνθανον οἱ Πέρ- 
σαι τὸ ὄρος πᾶν ἐὸν δρυῶν ἐπίπλεον. v μὲν δὴ 
νηνεμίη, ψόφου δὲ γινομένου πολλοῦ, OS οἰκὸς 
ἦν φύλλων ὑποκεχυμένων ὑπὸ τοῖσι ποσί, ἀνά 
τε ἔδραμον οἱ Φωκέες καὶ ἐνέδυνον τὰ ὅπλα, καὶ 
αὐτίκα οἱ βάρβαροι παρῆσαν. ὡς δὲ εἶδον ἄνδρας 
ἐνδυομένους ὅπλα, ἐν θώματι ἐγένοντο' ἐλπόμενοι 
γὰρ οὐδένα σφι φανήσεσθαι ἀντίξοον ἐνεκύρησαν 
στρατῷ. ἐνθαῦτα Ὑδάρνης καταρρωδήσας μὴ 
οἱ Φωκέες ἔωσι Λακεδαιμόνιοι, εἴρετο ᾿Επιάλτην 
ὁποδαπὸς εἴη ὁ στρατός, πυθόμενος δὲ ἀτρεκέως 
διέτασσε τοὺς Πέρσας ὡς ἐς μάχην. οἱ δὲ Φωκέες 
ὡς ἐβάλλοντο τοῖσι τοξεύμασι πολλοῖσί τε καὶ 
πυκνοῖσι, οἴχοντο φεύγοντες ἐπὶ τοῦ ὄρεος τὸν 
κόρυμβον, ἐπιστάμενοι ὡς ἐπὶ σφέας ὁρμήθησαν 
ἀρχήν, καὶ παρεσκευάδατο ἆ ὡς ἀπολεόμενοι. οὗτοι 
μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ἐφρόνεον, οἱ δὲ ἀμφὶ ᾿Επιάλτην 
καὶ Ὑδάρνεα Πέρσαι Φωκέων μὲν οὐδένα λόγον 
ἐποιεῦντο, οἳ δὲ κατέβαινον τὸ ὄρος κατὰ τάχος. 

219. Τοῖσι δὲ ἐν Θερμοπύλῃσι ἐοῦσι Ἑλλήνων 
πρῶτον μὲν ὁ μάντις Μεγιστίης ἐσιδὼν ἐς τὰ ἱρὰ 
ἔφρασε τὸν μέλλοντα ἔσεσθαι ἅμα ἠοῖ σφι ĝa- 
νατον, ἐπὶ δὲ καὶ αὐτόμολοι ἦσαν οἱ ἐξαγγείλαντες 
τῶν Περσέων τὴν περίοδον. οὗτοι μὲν ἔτι νυκτὸς 
ἐσήμηναν, τρίτοι δὲ οἱ ἡμεροσκόποι καταδρα- 
μόντες ἀπὸ τῶν ἄκρων ἤδη διαφαινούσης ἡ ἡμέρης. 
ἐνθαῦτα ἐβουλεύοντο οἱ "Ελληνες, καί σφεων 
ἐσχίξοντο αἱ γνῶμαι: οἳ μὲν γὰρ οὐκ ἔων τὴν 
τάξιν ἐκλιπεῖν, οἳ δὲ ἀντέτεινον. μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο 
διακριθέντες οἳ μὲν ἀπαλλάσσοντο καὶ διασκεδα- 


534 


BOOK VII. 218-219 


218. Now the mountain-side where the Persians 
ascended was all covered by oak woods, and the 
Phocians knew nothing of their coming till they 
were warned of it, in the still weather, by the much 
noise of the enemy's tread on the leaves that lay 
strewn underfoot; whereupon they sprang up and 
began to arm, and in a moment the foreigners were 
upon them. These were amazed at the sight of men © 
putting on armour; for they had supposed that no 
one would withstand them, and now they fell in 
with an army. Hydarnes feared that the Phocians 
might be Lacedaemonians, and asked Epialtes of 
what country they were; being informed of the 
truth he arrayed the Persians for battle; and the 
Phocians, assailed by showers of arrows, and sup- 
posing that it was they whom the Persians had 
meant from the first to attack, fled away up to the 
top of the mountain and prepared there to perish. 
Such was their thought; but the Persians with 
Epialtes and Hydarnes paid no regard to the 
Phocians, but descended from the mountain with 
all speed. 

219. The Greeks at Thermopylae were warned 
first by Megistias the seer; who, having examined 
the offerings, advised them of the death that awaited 
them in the morning ; and presently came deserters, 
while it was yet night, with news of the circuit made 
by the Persians; which was lastly brought also by 
the watchers running down from the heights when 
day was now dawning. Thereupon the Greeks held 
a council, and their opinions were divided, some 
advising that they should not leave their post, and 
some being contrariwise minded ; and presently they 
parted asunder, these taking their departure and 


535 


HERODOTUS 


’ N [4 ν > , [A A 3 ^ 
σθέντες κατὰ πόλις ἕκαστοι ἐτράποντο, οἳ δὲ αὐτῶν 
ἅμα Λεωνίδῃ μένειν αὐτοῦ παρεσκευάδατο. 

220. Λέγεται δὲ καὶ ὡς αὐτός σφεας ἀπέπεμψε 

/ 4 3 , , š 3 ^ X . 
Λεωνίδης, μὴ ἀπόλωνται κηδόμενος: αὐτῷ δὲ καὶ 
"wl ’ ^ ^ 9 » 3 s 
Σπαρτιητέων τοῖσι παρεοῦσι οὐκ ἔχειν εὐπρεπέως 
ἐκλιπεῖν τὴν τάξιν ἐς τὴν. ἦλθον φυλάξοντες 
ἀρχήν. ταύτῃ καὶ μᾶλλον τὴν γνώμην πλεῖστος 

/ 
εἰμί, Λεωνίδην, ἐπείτε ἤσθετο τοὺς συμμάχους 

’ 
ἐόντας ἀπροθύμους καὶ οὐκ ἐθέλοντας συνδιακιν- 

s A 4 9 2 3 ^ 

δυνεύειν, κελεῦσαι σφέας ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι, αὐτῷ 
δὲ ἀπιέναι οὐ καλῶς ἔχειν: μένοντι δὲ αὐτοῦ 
li / ’ 9 ’ X e , ?, Pd 
κλέος μέγα ἐλείπετο, καὶ 7) Σπάρτης εὐδαιμονίη 

9 9 ’ 9 ’ ~ e N ^ [4 
οὐκ ἐξηλείφετο. ἐκέχρηστο γὰρ ὑπὸ τῆς Πυθίης 
τοῖσι Σπαρτιήτῃσι χρεωμένοισι περὶ τοῦ πολέμου 
τούτου αὐτίκα κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς ἐγειρομένου, ἢ Aa- 

N ^ 

κεδαίµονα ἀνάστατον γενέσθαι ὑπὸ τῶν βαρβάρων 
ἢ τὴν βασιλέα σφέων ἀπολέσθαι. ταῦτα δέ σφι 
ἐν ἔπεσι ἑξαμέτροισι χρᾷ λέγοντα ὧδε, 


e ^ » . 4 3 ’ » / 

ὑμῖν δ᾽, ὦ Σπάρτης οἰκήτορες εὐρυχόροιο, 

à fF T 3 0 ον ε » » / " 

ἢ μέγα ἄστυ ἐρικυδὲς ὑπ᾽ ἀνδράσι Περσεΐδῃσι 

πέρθεται, ἢ τὸ μὲν οὐχί, ἀφ᾽ Ἡρακλέους δὲ 
γενέθλης 

πενθήσει βασιλῆ φθύμενον Λακεδαίμονος οὗρος. 

οὐ γὰρ τὸν ταύρων σχήσει μένος οὐδὲ λεόντων 

ἀντιβίην: Ζηνὸς γὰρ ἔχει μένος" οὐδέ é φημί 

σχήσεσθαι, πρὶν τῶνδ᾽ ἕτερον διὰ πάντα 
δάσηται. 


536 


BOOK VII. 219-220 


dispersing each to their own cities, and those resolving 
to remain where they were with Leonidas. 

220. It is said indeed that Leonidas himself sent 
them away, desiring in his care for them to save 
their lives, but deeming it unseemly for himself and 
the Spartans to desert that post which they had first 
come to defend. But to this opinion I the rather 
incline, that when Leonidas perceived the allies to 
be faint of heart and not willing to run all risks with 
him he bade them go their ways, departure being 
for himself not honourable ; if he remained, he would 
leave a name of great renown, and the prosperity of 
Sparta would not be blotted out. For when the 
Spartans enquired of the oracle concerning this war 
at its very first beginning, the Pythian priestess had 
prophesied to them that either Lacedaemon should 
be destroyed of the foreigners, or that its king should 
perish : which answer was given in these hexameter 
verses : 


Fated it is for you, ye dwellers in wide-wayed 


Sparta, 

Either your city must fall, that now is mighty and 
famous, 

Wasted by Persian men, or the border of fair 
Lacedaemon 

Mourn for a king that is dead, from Heracles' line 
descended. 

Yea, for the foe thou hast nor bulls nor lions can 


conquer ; 
Mighty he cometh as Zeus, and shall not be stayed 
in his coming ; 
One of the two will he take, and rend his quarry 
asunder. 


$37. 


HERODOTUS 


ταῦτά τε δὴ ἐπιλεγόμενον Λεωνίδην, καὶ βουλό- 
μενον κλέος καταθέσθαι μούνων Σπαρτιητέων, 
ἀποπέμψαι τοὺς συμμάχους μᾶλλον ἢ γνώμῃ 
διενειχθέντας οὕτω ἀκόσμως οἴχεσθαι τοὺς οἶχο- 
μένους. 

221. Μαρτύριον δέ µοι καὶ τόδε οὐκ ἐλάχιστον 
τούτου πέρι γέγονε, ὅτι καὶ τὸν μάντιν ὃς εἵπετο 
τῇ στρατιῇ ταύτῃ, Μεγιστίην τὸν Ακαρνῆνα, 
λεγόμενον εἶναι τὰ ἀνέκαθεν ἀπὸ Μελάμποδος, 
τοῦτον εἴπαντα ἐκ τῶν ἱρῶν τὰ μέλλοντά σφι 
ἐκβαίνειν, φανερός ἐστι Λεωνίδης ἀποπέμπων, 
ἵνα μὴ συναπόληταί σφι. ὃ δὲ ἀποπεμπόμενος 
αὐτὸς μὲν οὐκ ἀπέλιπε, τὸν δὲ παῖδα συστρατευό- 
μενον, ἐόντα οἱ μουνογενέα, ἀπέπεμψε. 

222. Οἱ μέν νυν σύμμαχοι οἱ ἀποπεμπόμενοι 
οἴχοντό τε ἀπιόντες καὶ ἐπείθοντο Λεωνίδῃ, Oe- 
σπιέες δὲ καὶ Θηβαῖοι κατέμειναν μοῦνοι παρὰ 
Λακεδαιμονίοισι. τούτων δὲ Θηβαῖοι μὲν ἀέκοντες 
ἔμενον καὶ οὐ βουλόμενοι: κατεῖχε γὰρ σφέας 
Λεωνίδης ἐν ὁμήρων λόγῳ ποιεύμενος: Θεσπιέες 
δὲ ἑκόντες μάλιστα, οἳ οὐκ ἔφασαν ἀπολιπόντες 
Λεωνίδην καὶ τοὺς μετ αὐτοῦ ἀπαλλάξεσθαι, 
ἀλλὰ καταμείναντες συναπέθανον. ἐστρατήγεε 
δὲ αὐτῶν Δημόφιλος Διαδρόμεω. 

228. Ξέρξης δὲ ἐπεὶ ἡλίου ἀνατείλαντος σπονδὰς 
ἐποιήσατο, ἐπισχὼν χρόνον ἐς ἀγορῆς κου μάλιστα 
πληθώρην πρόσοδον ἐποιέετο' καὶ γὰρ ἐπέσταλτο 
ἐξ Ἐπιάλτεω οὕτω" ἀπὸ γὰρ τοῦ ὄρεος ἡ rard- 
βασις συντοµωτέρη τε ἐστὶ καὶ βραχύτερος ὁ 
χῶρος πολλὸν ἤ περ ἡ περίοδός τε καὶ ἀνάβασις. 
ot τε δὴ βάρβαροι οἱ ἀμφὶ Ἐέρξην προσήισαν, 
καὶ οἱ ἀμφὶ Λεωνίδην "Ελληνες, ὡς τὴν ἐπὶ 
538 


BOOK VII. 220-223 

Of this (it is my belief) Leonidas bethought 
himself, and desired that the Spartans alone should 
have the glory ; wherefore he chose rather to send the 
allies away than that the departure of those who went 
should be the unseemly outcome of divided counsels. 

22]. In which matter I hold it for one of my 
strongest proofs, that Megistias the Acarnanian (re- 
puted a descendant of Melampus), who advised the 
Greeks from the offerings of what should befal them, 
was past all doubt bidden by Leonidas to depart, lest 
he should perish with the rest. Yet though thus 
bidden Megistias himself would not go; he had an 
only son in the army, and him he sent away instead. 

222. So those of the allies who were bidden to go 
went their ways in obedience to Leonidas, and the 
Thespians and Thebans alone stayed by the Lace- 
daemonians; the Thebans indeed against their will 
and desire, and kept there by Leonidas as hostages ; 
but the Thespians remained with great goodwill. 
They refused to depart and leave Leonidas and his 
comrades, but remained there and died with him. 
Their general was Demophilus son of Diadromes. 

223. Xerxes, having at sunrise offered libations, 
waited till about the hour of marketing and then 
made his assault, having been so advised by Epialtes ; 
for the descent from the mountain is more direct and 
the way is much shorter than the circuit and the 
ascent.^ So the foreigners that were with Xerxes 
attacked; but the Greeks with Leonidas, knowing 


1 Stein reads μοῦνον, with most MSS.; but μούνων has 
some authority, and expresses the sense much better. 

2 So that the Persians who came by the Anopaea path, 
leaving the top of the pass at dawn (ορ. 217), could reach the 
low ground by the early forenoon, 


539 


HERODOTUS 


L4 


θανάτῳ ἔξοδον ποιεύμενοι, ἤδη πολλῷ μᾶλλον 
ἢ κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς ἐπεξήισαν ἐς τὸ εὐρύτερον τοῦ 
αὐχένος. τὸ μὲν γὰρ ἔρυμα τοῦ τείχεος ἐφυλάσ- 
σετο, οἳ δὲ ἀνὰ τὰς προτέρας ἡμέρας ὑπεξιόντες 
ἐς τὰ στεινόπορα ἐμάχοντο. τότε δὲ συμμίσγοντες 
ἔξω τῶν στεινῶν ἔπιπτον πλήθεϊ πολλοὶ τῶν 
βαρβάρων' ὄπισθε γὰρ οἱ ἡγεμόνες τῶν τελέων 
ἔχοντες μάστιγας ἐρράπιξον πάντα ἄνδρα, αἰεὶ 
ἐς τὸ πρόσω ἐποτρύνοντες. πολλοὶ μὲν δὴ ἐσέ- 
πιπτον αὐτῶν ἐς τὴν θάλασσαν καὶ διεφθείροντο, 
πολλῷ Ò ἔτι πλεῦνες κατεπατέοντο ζωοὶ ὑπ᾽ 
ἀλλήλων: ἦν δὲ λόγος οὐδεὶς τοῦ ἀπολλυμένου. 
ἅτε γὰρ é ἐπιστάμενοι τὸν μέλλοντα σφίσι ἔσεσθαι 
θάνατον. ἐκ τῶν περιιόντων τὸ ὄρος, an εδείκνυντο 
ῥώμης ὅσον εἶχον μέγιστον ἐς τοὺς βαρβάρους, 
παραχρεώμενοί τε καὶ ἀτέοντες. 

224. -Δόρατα μὲν νυν τοῖσι πλέοσι αὐτῶν 
τηνικαῦτα ἤδη ἐτύγχανε κατεηγότα, οἳ δὲ τοῖσι 
ξίφεσι διεργάξοντο τοὺς Πέρσας. καὶ Λεωνίδης 
τε ἐν τούτῳ. τῷ πόνῳ πίπτει ἀνὴρ γενόμενος 
ἄριστος καὶ ἕτεροι μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ ὀνομαστοὶ Σπαρτιη- 
τέων, τῶν ἐγὼ ὡς ἀνδρῶν ἀξίων γενομένων ἐπυ- 
θόμην τὰ οὐνόματα, ἐπυθόμην δὲ καὶ ἁπάντων 
τῶν τριηκοσίων. καὶ δὴ Περσέων πίπτουσι 
ἐνθαῦτα ἄλλοι τε πολλοὶ καὶ ὀνομαστοί, ἐν δὲ 
δὴ καὶ Δαρείου δύο παῖδες ᾿Αβροκόμης τε καὶ 
Ὑπεράνθης, ἐκ τῆς ᾿Αρτάνεω θυγατρὸς Φρα- 
ταγούνης γεγονότες Δαρείῳ. ὁ δὲ ᾿Αρτάνης Δα- 
ρείου μὲν τοῦ βασιλέος ἦν ἀδελφεός, Ὑστάσπεος 
δὲ τοῦ ᾿Αρσάμεος παῖς' ὃς καὶ ἐκδιδοὺς τὴν 
θυγατέρα Δαρείῳ τὸν οἶκον πάντα τὸν ἑωυτοῦ 
ἐπέδωκε, ὡς μούνης οἱ ἐούσης ταύτης τέκνου. 


549 


BOOK VII. 223-224 


that they went to their death, advanced now much 
farther than before into the wider part of the strait. 
For ere now it was the wall of defence that they had 
guarded, and all the former days they had withdrawn 
themselves into the narrow way and fought there ; 
but now they met their enemies outside the narrows, 
and many of the foreigners were there slain; for 
their captains came behind the companies with 
scourges and drove all the men forward with lashes. 
Many of them were thrust into the sea and there 
drowned, and more by far were trodden down bodily 
by each other, none regarding who it was that 
perished; for inasmuch as the Greeks knew that 
they must die by the hands of those who came round 
the mountain, they put forth the very utmost of 
their strength against the foreigners, in their 
recklessness and frenzy. 

224. By this time the spears of the most of them 
were broken, and they were slaying the Persians 
with their swords. There in that travail fell 
Leonidas, fighting most gallantly, and with him 
other famous Spartans, whose names I have learnt 
for their great worth and desert, as I have learnt 
besides the names of all the three hundred.! "There 
too fell, among other famous Persians, Abrocomes 
and Hyperanthes, two sons of Darius by Phratagune 
daughter of Artanes. This Artanes was brother to 
king Darius, and son of Hystaspes who was the son 
of Arsames; and when he gave his daughter in 
marriage to Darius he dowered her with the whole 
wealth of his house, she being his only child. 


1 Leonidas’ body was brought to Sparta and there buried 
in 440 ; a column was erected on his grave bearing the names 
of the three hundred, which Herodotus probably saw. 


541 


HERODOTUS 


225. Eép£eo τε δὴ δύο ἀδελφεοὶ. ἐνθαῦτα πίπ- 
. τουσι μαχόμενοι, καὶ ὑπὲρ τοῦ νεκροῦ τοῦ Λεωνίδεω 

ερσέων τε καὶ Λακεδαιμονίων ὠθισμὸς ἐγίνετο 
πολλός, ἐς ὃ τοῦτόν τε ἀρετῇ οἱ "Ελληνες ὑπεξεί- 
ρυσαν καὶ ἐτρέψαντο τοὺς ἐναντίους τετράκις. 
τοῦτο δὲ συνεστήκεε μέχρι οὗ οἱ σὺν ᾿Επιάλτῃ 
παρεγένοντο. ὡς δὲ τούτους ἥκειν ἐπύθοντο οἱ Ἕλ- 
ληνες, ἐνθεῦτεν ἤδη ἑτεροιοῦτο τὸ νεῖκος" ἔς τε γὰρ 
τὸ στεινὸν τῆς ὁδοῦ ἀνεχώρεον ὁ ὀπίσω, καὶ παρα- 
μειψάμενοι τὸ τεῖχος ἐλθόντες ἵξοντο ἐπὶ τὸν 
κολωνὸν πάντες ἁλέες οἱ ἄλλοι πλὴν Θηβαίων. 
ὁ δὲ κολωνὸς ἐστὶ ἐν τῇ ἐσόδῳ, ὅ ὅκου. νῦν ὁ λίθινος 
λέων ἕστηκε ἐπὶ Λεωνίδῃ. ἐν τούτῳ σφέας τῷ 
χώρῳ ἀλεξομένους μαχαίρῃσι, τοῖσι αὐτῶν ἐτύγ- 
χανον ἔτι περιεοῦσαι, καὶ χερσὶ καὶ στόμασι 
κατέχωσαν οἱ βάρβαροι βάλλοντες, οἳ μὲν ἐξ 
ἐναντίης ἐπισπόμενοι καὶ τὸ epu TOÜ τείχεος 
συγχώσαντες, of δὲ περιελθόντες πάντοθεν Tepi- 
σταδόν. 

996. Λακεδαιμονίων δὲ καὶ Θεσπιέων τοιούτων 
γενομένων ὅμως λέγεται ἀνὴρ ἄριστος γενέσθαι 
Σπαρτιήτης Διηνέκης' τὸν τόδε φασὶ εἰπεῖν τὸ 
ἔπος πρὶν 7) συμμῖξαι σφέας τοῖσι Μήδοισι, 
πυθόμενον πρός τευ τῶν Τρηχινίων ὡς ἐπεὰν οἱ 
βάρβαροι ἀπιέωσι τὰ τοξεύματα, τὸν ἥλιον ὑπὸ 
τοῦ πλήθεος τῶν ὀιστῶν ἀποκρύπτουσι' τοσοῦτο 
πλῆθος αὐτῶν εἶναι. τὸν δὲ οὐκ ἐκπλαγέντα 
τούτοισι εὐπεῖν ἐν ἀλογίῃ ποιεύμενον τὸ Μήδων 
πλῆθος, ὡς πάντα σφι ἀγαθὰ ὁ Τρηχίνιος ξεῖνος 
ἀγγέλλοι, εἰ ἀποκρυπτόντων τῶν Μήδων τὸν 
ἥλιον ὑπὸ σκιῇ ἔσοιτο πρὸς αὐτοὺς ἡ μάχη καὶ 
οὐκ ἐν ἡλίῳ. 


542 


BOOK VII. 225-226 


225. So two brothers of Xerxes fell there in the 
battle; and there was a great struggle between the 
Persians and Lacedaemonians over Leonidas' body, 
till the Greeks of their valour dragged it away and 
four times put their enemies to flight. Nor was there 
an end of this mellay till the men with Ejpialtes 
came up. When the Greeks were aware of their 
coming, from that moment the face of the battle was 
changed; for they withdrew themselves back to the 
narrow part of the way, and passing within the wall 
they took post, all save the Thebans, upon the 
hillock that is in the mouth of the pass, where now 
stands the stone lion in honour of Leonidas. Inthat 
place they defended themselves with their swords, as 
many as yet had such, ay and with fists and teeth ; 
till the foreigners overwhelmed them with missile 
weapons, some attacking them in front and throwing 
down the wall of defence, and others standing around 
them in a ring. 

226. Thus did the men of Lacedaemon and Thespiae 
bear themselves. Yet the bravest of them all (it is 
said) was Dieneces, a Spartan, of whom a certain 
saying is reported: before they joined battle with 
the Medes, it was told Dieneces by a certain 
Trachinian that the enemies were so many, that 
when they shot with their bows the sun was hidden 
by the multitude of arrows; whereby being no whit 
dismayed, but making light of the multitude of the 
Medes, “ Our friend from Trachis," quoth he, “ brings 
us right good news, for if the Medes hide the sun we 
shall fight them in the shade and not in the sun- 
shine." 


543 


HERODOTUS 


221. Ταῦτα μὲν καὶ ἄλλα τοιουτότροπα ἔπεα 
φασὶ Διηνέκεα τὸν Λακεδαιμόνιον λιπέσθαι µνη- 
μόσυνα' μετὰ δὲ τοῦτον ἀριστεῦσαι λέγονται 
Λακεδαιμόνιοι δύο ἀδελφεοί, Αλφεός τε καὶ Μά- 
ρων ᾿Ὀρσιφάντου παῖδες. Θεσπιέων δὲ εὐδοκίμεε 
μάλιστα τῷ οὔνομα ἦν Διθύραμβος “Αρματίδεω. 

228. Θαφθεῖσι δέ σφι αὐτοῦ ταύτῃ τῇ περ 
ἔπεσον, καὶ τοῖσι πρότερον τελευτήσασι ἢ ὑπὸ 
Λεωνίδεω ἀποπεμφθέντας οἴχεσθαι, ἐπιγέγραπται 
γράμματα λέγοντα τάδε. 


μυριάσιν ποτὲ τῇδε τριηκοσίαις͵ ἐμάχοντο 
ἐκ Πελοποννάσου χιλιάδες τέτορες. 


ταῦτα μὲν δὴ τοῖσι πᾶσι ἐπιγέγραπται, τοῖσι δὲ 
Σπαρτιήτῃσι ἐδίῃ. 
ὦ ξεῖν, ἀγγέλλειν. Λακεδαιμονίοις 6 ὅτι τῇδε 
κείμεθα τοῖς κείνων ῥήμασι πειθόμενοι. 


Λακεδαιμονίοισι μὲν δὴ τοῦτο, τῷ δὲ μάντι τόδε. 


μνῆμα τόδε Κλεινοῖο Mey ría, ὃν ποτε Μήδοι 
περχειὸν ποταμὸν κτεῖναν ἀμειψάμενοι, 
μάντιος, ὃς τότε κῆρας ἐπερχομένας σάφα εἰδώς 
οὐκ ἔτλη Σπάρτης ἡγεμόνα προλιπεῖν. 


ἐπιγράμμασι μέν νυν καὶ στήλῃσι, ἔξω ἢ τὸ τοῦ 
μάντιος ἐπίγραμμα, ᾿Αμϕικτύονες εἰσὶ σφέας οἱ 
ἐπικοσμήσαντες' τὸ δὲ τοῦ μάντιος Μεγιστίεω 
Σιμωνίδης ὁ Λεωπρέπεος ἐστὶ κατὰ ξεινίην o 
ἐπιγράψας. 

229. Δύο δὲ τούτων τῶν τριηκοσίων λέγεται 
Εὔρυτόν τε καὶ ᾿Αριστόδημον, παρεὸν αὐτοῖσι 


1 As a matter of fact Simonides composed all three 


544 


BOOK VII. 227—229 


227. This and other sayings of a like temper 
are recorded of Dieneces, whereby he is remembered. 
The next after him to earn the palm of valour 
were, it is said, two Lacedaemonian brothers, Alpheus 
and Maron, sons of Orsiphantus. The Thespian who 
gained most renown was one whose name was 
Dithyrambus, son of Harmatides. 

228. All these, and they that died before any had 
departed at Leonidas' bidding, were buried where 
they fell, and there is an inscription over them, which 
is this : | 

Four thousand warriors, flower of Pelops' land, 

Did here against three hundred myriads stand. 


This is the inscription common to all; the Spartans 
have one for themselves: 


Go tell the Spartans, thou that passest by, 
That here obedient to their words we lie. 


That is for the Lacedaemonians, and this for the 
seer: 


Here fought and fell Megistias, hero brave, 

Slain by the Medes, who crossed Spercheius' wave ; 
Well knew the seer his doom, but scorned to fly, 
And rather chose with Sparta's king to die. 


The inscriptions and the pillars were set there in 
their honour by the Amphictyons, except the 
epitaph of the diviner Megistias; that inscription 
was made for him for friendship's sake by Simonides 
son of Leoprepes.! 


229. There is a story told concerning two of these 
three hundred, Eurytus and Aristodemus. Leonidas 


inscriptions ; but the epitaph of Megistias was the only one 
which he made at his own cost. 


545 
VOL. III, N N 


HERODOTUS 


ἀμφοτέροισι κοινῷ λόγῳ χρησαμένοισι ἡ amro- 
σωθῆναι ὁμοῦ ἐς Σπάρτην, ὡς μεμετιμένοι γε 
ἦσαν ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου ὑπὸ Λεωνίδεω καὶ 
κατεκέατο ἐν ᾿Αλπηνοῖσι ὀφθαλμιῶντες ἐς τὸ 
ἔσχατον, ἢ εἴ γε μὴ ἐβούλοντο νοστῆσαι, ἀπο- 
θανεῖν ἅμα τοῖσι ἄλλοισι, παρεόν σφι τούτων 
τὰ ἕτερα ποιέειν οὐκ ἐθελῆσαι ὁμοφρονέειν, ἀλλὰ 
γνώμῃ διενειχθέντας Εὔρυτον μέν, πυθόμενον τῶν 
Περσέων τὴν περίοδον, αἰτήσαντά τε τὰ ὅπλα 
καὶ ἐνδύντα ἄγειν ἑωυτὸν κελεῦσαι τὸν εἴλωτα 
ἐς τοὺς μαχομένους, ὅκως δὲ αὐτὸν ἤγαγε, τὸν μὲν 
ἀγαγόντα οἴχεσθαι φεύγοντα, τὸν δὲ ἐσπεσόντα 
ἐς τὸν ὅμιλον διαφθαρῆναι, ᾿Αριστόδημον δὲ 
λιποψυχέοντα λειφθῆναι. εἰ μέν νυν ἢ μοῦνον 
᾿Αριστόδημον ἀλγήσαντα" ἀπονοστῆσαι ἐς Σπάρ- 
την ἢ καὶ ὁμοῦ σφεων ἀμφοτέρων τὴν κομιδὴν 
γενέσθαι, δοκέειν ἐμοί, οὐκ ἄν σφι Σπαρτιήτας 
μῆνιν οὐδεμίαν προσθέσθαι" νυνὶ δὲ τοῦ μὲν 
αὐτῶν ἀπολομένου, τοῦ δὲ τῆς μὲν αὐτῆς ἐχομένου 
προφάσιος οὐκ .ἐθελήσαντος δὲ ἀποθνήσκειν, ἀν- 
αγκαίως σφι ἔχειν ΜΠΕ μεγάλως ᾿Αριστο- 
δήμω. 

230. Ot μέν νυν οὕτω σωθῆναι λέγουσι ᾿Αριστό- 
nuov ἐ ἐς Σπάρτην καὶ διὰ πρόφασιν τοιήνδε, οἳ δὲ 
ἄγγελον πεμφθέντα ἐ ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου, ἐξεὸν αὐτῷ 
καταλαβεῖν. τὴν μάχην γινομένην οὐκ ἐθελῆσαι, 
ἀλλ. ὑπομείναντα ἐν τῇ ὁδῷ περιγενέσθαι, τὸν δὲ 
συνάγγελον αὐτοῦ ἀπικόμενον ἐς τὴν μάχην ἆπο- 
θανεῖν. 

931. ᾿Απονοστήσας δὲ ἐς Λακεδαίμονα ὁ , Δρι- 
στόδηµος εἶχε ὄνειδός τε καὶ ἀτιμίην' πάσχων 
δὲ τοιάδε ἠτίμωτο' οὔτε οἱ πῦρ οὐδεὶς ἔναυε 


546 


BOOK VII. 229-231 


had suffered them both to leave the camp, and they 
were lying at Alpeni, very sick of ophthalmia; they 
might have both made common cause and returned 
in safety to Sparta, or if they had no desire to return 
have died with the rest; but though they might have 
done one thing or the other, they could not agree, 
and each followed his own plan. Eurytus, when he 
learnt of the Persians' circuit, called for his armour 
and put it on, and bade his helot lead him into the 
battle; the helot led him thither and then himself 
fled; and Eurytus rushed into the press and was 
slain. But Aristodemus' heart failed him, and he 
stayed behind. Now if Aristodemus alone had been 
sick, and so returned to Sparta, or if they had betaken 
themselves home together, then to my thinking the 
Spartans would have shown no anger against them ; 
but as it was, when one of the two was slain, and the 
other had the selfsame pretext to rely upon, yet 
would not die, they could not but be very wroth with 
Aristodemus. l 

230. Some, then, say that it was thus and with 
such an excuse that Aristodemus came safe back to 
Sparta; according to others he had been sent on a 
message from the camp, and might have come back 
in time for the battle’s beginning, yet would not, but 
lingered on the way and so saved his life; whereas 
his fellow-messenger returned for the battle and was 
there slain. | 

231. When Aristodemus returned to Lacedaemon, 
he was disgraced and dishonoured; this was the 
manner of his dishonour, that no Spartan would give 


1 Stein reads ἀλογήσαντα, of which I can make no good 
sense. There is MS. authority for both. 


547 
NN 2 


HERODOTUS 


Σπαρτιητέων οὔτε διελέγετο. ὄνειδος δὲ εἶχε ὁ 
τρέσας ᾿Αριστόδημος καλεόμενος. 

239. ᾿Αλλ’ ὃ μὲν ἐν τῇ ἐν Πλαταιῇσι μάχῃ 
ἀνέλαβε πᾶσαν τὴν ἐπενειχθεῖσαν αἰτίην" λέγεται 
δὲ καὶ ἄλλον ἀποπεμφθέντα ἄγγελον ἐς Oec- 
σαλίην τῶν τριηκοσίων τούτων. περιγενέσθαι, τῷ 
οὔνομα εἶναι .Παντίτην" νοστήσαντα δὲ τοῦτον 
ἐς Σπάρτην, ὡς ἠτίμωτο, ἀπάγξασθαι. 

233. Oi be Θηβαῖοι, τῶν ὁ Λεοντιάδης ἐστρα- 
τήγεε, τέως μὲν μετὰ τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἐ ἐόντες ἐμάχοντο 
ὑπ] ἀναγκαίης ἐχόμενοι πρὸς τὴν βασιλέος στρα- 
τιήν: ὡς δὲ εἶδον κατυπέρτερα τῶν Περσέων 
γινόμενα τὰ πρήγματα, οὕτω δή, τῶν σὺν Λεωνίδῃ 
Ἑλλήνων ἐπειγομένων ἐπὶ τὸν. κολωνόν, ATO- 
σχισθέντες τούτων χεῖράς. τε προέτεινον καὶ ἤισαν 
ἆσσον τῶν FRU umi λέγοντες τὸν ἀληθέστατον 
τῶν λόγων, ὡς καὶ μηδίξουσι καὶ γῆν τε καὶ ὕδωρ 
ἐν πρώτοισι ἔδοσαν βασιλέι, ὑπὸ δὲ ἀναγκαίης 
ἐχόμενοι ἐς Θερμοπύλας ἀπικοίατο καὶ ἀναίτιοι 
εἶεν τοῦ τρώματος τοῦ γεγονότος βασιλέι. ὥστε 
ταῦτα λέγοντες περιεγίνοντο' εἶχον γὰρ καὶ 
Θεσσαλοὺς τούτων τῶν λόγων μάρτυρας" οὐ 
μέντοι τά γε πάντα εὐτύχησαν' ὡς γὰρ αὐτοὺς 
ἔλαβον οἱ βάρβαροι ἐλθόντας, τοὺς μὲν τινὰς 
καὶ ἀπέκτειναν προσιόντας, τοὺς δὲ πλεῦνας 
αὐτῶν κελεύσαντος Ἐϊέρξεω ἔστιξον στίγματα 
βασιλήια, ἀρξάμενοι ἀπὸ τοῦ στρατηγοῦ Λεοντι- 
άδεω' τοῦ τὸν παῖδα Εὐρύμαχον χρόνῳ μετέπειτα 
ἐφόνευσαν Πλαταιέες στρατηγήσαντα ,ἀνδρῶν 
Θηβαίων τετρακοσίων καὶ σχόντα τὸ ἄστυ τὸ 
Πλαταιέων. 

284. Οἱ μὲν δὴ περὶ Θερμοπύλας "Ελληνες 


548 


BOOK VII. 231—234 


him fire, nor speak with him; and they called him 
for disgrace, Aristodemus the coward. 

232. But he repaired all that was laid to his charge 
in the fight at Plataeae. It is said too that another 
of the three hundred, whose name was Pantites, was 
saved alive, carrying a message into Thessaly ; he also 
returned to Sparta, but being there dishonoured 
hanged himself. 

233. As for the Thebans, whose general was 
Leontiades, they were for a while with the Greeks 
and constrained by necessity to fight against the 
king's army ; but as soon as they saw the Persians 
gaining the upper hand, then, when the Greeks with 
Leonidas were pressing towards the hillock, the 
Thebans separated from them and drew nigh to the 
foreigners, holding out their hands and crying that 
they were the Persians men and had been among 
the first to give earth and water to the king; it 
was under constraint (they said) that they had come 
to Thermopylae, and they were guiltless of the harm 
done to the king; which was the truest word ever 
spoken ; so that by this plea they saved their lives, the 
Thessalians being there to bear witness to what they 
said. Howbeit they were not wholly fortunate ; 
for when the foreigners caught them coming, they 
even slew some of them as they drew near; the most 
of them were branded by Xerxes' command with the 
king's marks, from their general Leontiades down. 
wards. This is he whose son Eurymachus long 
afterwards! put himself at the head of four hundred 
Thebans and seized the citadel of Plataeae, but was 
slain by the Plataeans. 

234. Thus did the Greeks at Thermopylae contend. 


1 In 431; cp. Thucyd. II. 2 ff. 
549 


HERODOTUS 


οὕτω ἠγωνίσαντο, Ἐέρξης δὲ καλέσας Δημάρητον 
εἰρώτα ἀρξάμενος ἐνθένδε. “ Δημάρητε, ἀνὴρ εἷς 
ἀγαθὸς. τἐκμαίρομαι δὲ τῇ ἀληθείῃ ὅσα γὰρ 
εἶπας, ἅπαντα ἀπέβη οὕτω. νῦν δέ μοι εἰπέ, 
κόσοι τινὲς εἰσὶ οἱ λοιποὶ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, καὶ 
τούτων ὁκόσοι τοιοῦτοι τὰ πολέμια εἴτε καὶ 
ἅπαντες. ὃ Ò εἶπε “Q βασιλεῦ, πλῆθος μὲν 
πολλὸν πάντων τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ πόλιες 
πολλαί τὸ δὲ θέλεις ἐκμαθεῖν, εἰδήσεις. ἔστι 
ἐν τῇ Λακεδαίμονι Σπάρτη πόλις ἀνδρῶν ὁ ὀκτακισ- 
χιλίων μάλιστα, καὶ οὗτοι πάντες εὐσὶ ὅμοιοι 
τοῖσι ἐνθάδε μαχεσαμένοισι" οἵ γε μὲν ἄλλοι 
Λακεδαιμόνιοι. τούτοισι μὲν οὐκ ὅμοιοι, ἀγαθοὶ 
δέ. εἶπε πρὸς ταῦτα Ἐξέρξης i Δημάρητε, τέῳ 
τρόπῳ ἀπονητότατα τῶν ἀνδρῶν τούτων ἐπι- 
κρατήσομεν ; ; ἴθι ἐξηγέο σὺ γὰρ ἔχεις αὐτῶν 
τὰς διεξόδους τῶν βουλευμάτων ola βασιλεὺς 
γενόμενος. 

285. Ὃ & ἀμείβετο “NQ βασιλεῦ, εἰ μὲν δὴ 
συμβουλεύεαί μοι προθύμως, δίκαιόν µε σοί ἐστι 
φράξειν τὸ ἄριστον' εἰ τῆς ναυτικῆς στρατιῆς 
νέας τριηκοσίας ἀποστείλειας ἐπὶ τὴν Λάκαιναν 
χώρην. ἔστι δὲ ἐπ᾿ αὐτῇ νῆσος ἐπικειμένη τῇ 
οὔνομα ἐστὶ Κύθηρα, τ τὴν Χίλων ἀνὴρ παρ ἡμῖν 
σοφώτατος γενόμενος. κέρδος μέζον ἂν ἔφη εἶναι 

παρτιήτῃσι κατὰ τῆς θαλάσσης καταδεδυκέναι 
μᾶλλον ἢ ὑπερέχειν, αἰεί τί προσδοκῶν ἀπ᾽ αὐτῆς 
τοιοῦτο ἔσεσθαι οἷόν τοι ἐγὼ ἐξηγέομαι, οὔτι τὸν 
σὸν στόλον προειδώς, ἀλλὰ πάντα ὁμοίως φοβε- 
ὀμενος ἀνδρῶν στόλον. ἐκ ταύτης τῆς νήσου 
ὁρμώμενοι φοβεόντων τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους. παρ- 
οἴκου δὲ πολέμου σφι ἐόντος οἰκηίου, οὐδὲν 
550 


BOOK VII. 234-235 


Xerxes then sent for Demaratus and questioned him, 
saying first, ** Demaratus, you are a right good man. 
I hold that proved by the plain truth; for the event 
has been none other than what you foretold. Now, 
tell me this: how many are the Lacedaemonians that 
are left, and how many of them are warriors like 
these? or is it so with them all?" “O king,” said 
Demaratus, *the Lacedaemonians altogether are 
many in number, and their cities are many. But 
what you would know, I will tell you: there is in 
Lacedaemon a city called Sparta, a city of about 
eight thousand men, all of them equal to those who 
have here fought; the rest of the Lacedaemonians 
are not equal to these; yet they are valiant men." 
* And how, Demaratus," answered Xerxes, “ shall we 
with least ado master those men? Come, make that 
plain to me; for you have been their king, and know 
the plan and order of their counsels.” 

235. “O king," Demaratus replied, “if you do in 
sincerity ask my counsel, it is but right that I should 
point out to you the best way. It is this: that you 
should send three hundred ships of your fleet to the 
Laconian land. There is an island lying off their 
coasts called Cythera, whereof it was said by Chilon, 
a man of much wisdom among us, that for the 
Spartans' advantage Cythera were better beneath the 
sea than above it; for he ever looked that some 
such business should spring from thence as I now set 
before you; not that he had any foreknowledge of 
your armament, but he dreaded all men's armaments 
alike. Let them then make that island their station 
and issue thence to strike fear into the Lacedae- 
monians ; if these have a war of their own on their 
borders, you will have no cause to fear lest they send 


551 


HERODOTUS 


δεινοὶ ἔσονταί τοι μὴ τῆς ἄλλης Ἑλλάδος ἁλι- 
σκομένης ὑπὸ τοῦ ' πεξοῦ βοηθέωσι ταύτῃ. KATA- 
δουλωθείσης δὲ τῆς ἄλλης Ἑλλάδος ἀσθενὲς ἤδη 
τὸ Λακωνικὸν μοῦνον λείπεται. ἣν δὲ ταῦτα μὴ 
ποιέης, τάδε τοι προσδόκα ἔσεσθαι. ἔστι τῆς 
Πελοποννήσου ἰσθμὸς στεινός' ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χώρῳ 
πάντων. Πελοποννησίων συνομοσάντων ἐπὶ σοὶ 
μάχας ἰσχυροτέρας ἄλλας τῶν γενομενέων προσ- 
δέκεο ἔσεσθαί. τοι. ἐκεῖνο δὲ ποιήσαντι ἀμαχητὶ 
ὅ τε ἰσθμὸς οὗτος καὶ αἱ πόλιες προσχωρήσουσι. 4 

236. Λέγει μετὰ τοῦτον ᾿Αχαιμένης, ἀδελφεός 
τε ἐὼν Ξέρξεω καὶ τοῦ ναυτικοῦ στρατοῦ στρατη- 
γός, παρατυχών τε τῷ λόγῳ καὶ δείσας μὴ ava- 
γνωσθῇ Ξέρξης ποιέειν ταῦτα, “NA βασιλεῦ, ὁ ὁρῶ 
σε ἀνδρὸς ἐνδεκόμενον λόγους ὃς φθονέει τοι εὖ 
πρήσσοντι 7 καὶ προδιδοῖ πρήγματα τὰ σά. καὶ 
γὰρ δὴ καὶ τρόποισι τοιούτοισι χρεώμενοι Ἕλλη- 
ves χαίρουσι" τοῦ τε εὐτυχέειν φθονέουσι καὶ τὸ 
κρέσσον στυγέουσι. εἰ δ᾽ ἐπὶ τῇσι παρεούσῃσι 
τύχῃσι, τῶν νέες νεναυηγήκασι τετρακόσιαι, 
ἄλλας ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου τριηκοσίας ἀποπέμψεις 
περιπλέειν Πελοπόννησον, ἀξιόμαχοί τοι γίνονται 
οἱ ἀντίπαλοι' ἁλὴς δὲ ἐὼν ὁ ναυτικὸς στρατὸς 
δυσμεταχείριστός τε αὐτοῖσι γίνεται, καὶ ἀρχὴν 
οὐκ ἀξιόμαχοί τοι ἔσονται, καὶ πᾶς ὁ ναυτικὸς τῷ 
πεζῷ ἀρήξει καὶ ὁ πεξὸς τῷ ναυτικῷ ὁμοῦ πορευό- 
μενος" εἰ δὲ διασπάσεις, οὔτε σὺ ἔσεαι ἐκείνοισι 
χρήσιμος οὔτε ἐκεῖνοι σοί. τὰ σεωτοῦ δὲ τιθέμενον 
εὖ γνώμην ἔχω τὰ τῶν ἀντιπολέμων μὴ ἐπιλέ- 
γεσθαι πρήγματα, τῇ τε στήσονται τὸν πόλεμον 
τά τε ποιήσουσι ὅσοι τε πλῆθος εἰσί. ἱκανοὶ γὰρ 
ἐκεῖνοί γε αὐτοὶ ἑωυτῶν πέρι φροντίξειν εἰσί, 
552 


BOOK VII. 235-236 


men to save the rest of Hellas from being overrun by 
your armies: and the enslavement of the rest of 
Hellas must weaken Laconia, if it be thus left 
to stand alone. But if you will not do this, then 
look for that whereof I tell you: a narrow isthmus 
leads to the Peloponnese ; all the Peloponnesians will 
be there banded together against you, and you may 
expect battles more stubborn than those that you 
have fought already. But if you do as I have said, 
then you may have that isthmus and all their cities 
without striking a blow." 

236. Next spoke Achaemenes, Xerxes' brother and 
adiniral of the fleet; it chanced that he was present 
at their converse, and he feared lest Xerxes be over- 
persuaded to follow Demaratus' counsel. “Ο king," 
said he, *I see that you are hearkening to a man 
who is jealous of your good fortune or perchance is 
even à traitor to your cause. These are the ways 
that are dear to the hearts of all Greeks: they are 
jealous of success and they hate power. Nay, if after - 
the late calamity which has wrecked four hundred of 
your ships you send away three hundred more from 
your fleet to sail round the Peloponnese, your enemies 
will be enough to do battle with you; but while your 
fleet is united, it is thereby invincible, and your 
enemies will not so much as be enough to fight ; 
moreover, all your navy will be a help to your army 
and your army to your navy, both moving together ; 
but if you separate some from yourself, you will be of 
no use to them, nor they to you. My counsel is 
rather that you lay your own plans well, and take no 
account of the business of your adversaries, what 
battlefields they will choose, and what they will do, 
and how many they be. They are well able to think 


553 


HERODOTUS 


ἡμεῖς δὲ ἡμέων ὡσαύτως. Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ ἦν 
ἴωσι ἀντία , Πέρσῃσι ἐς μάχην, οὐδὲν τὸ παρεὸν 
τρῶμα ἀκεῦνται. 

237. ᾽Αμείβεται Ἐέρξης τοῖσιδε. ''᾿Αχαίμενες, 
εὖ τε µοι δοκέεις λέγειν καὶ ποιήσω ταῦτα. Δημά- 
ρητος δὲ λέγει μὲν τὰ ἄριστα ἔλπεται εἶναι Epo, 
γνώμῃ μέντοι ἑσσοῦται ὑπὸ σεῦ. οὐ γὰρ δὴ κεῖνό γε 
ἐνδέξομαι ὅ ὅκως οὐκ εὐνοέει τοῖσι ἐμοῖσι πρήγμασι, 
τοῖσί τε λεγομένοισι πρότερον ἐκ τούτου σταθμώ- 
μενος καὶ τῷ ἐόντι, ὅτι, πολιήτης μὲν πολιήτῃ εὖ 
πρήσσοντι φθονέει καὶ ἔστι δυσμενὴς τῇ σιγῇ, οὐδ᾽ 
ἂν συμ βουλενομένου τοῦ ἀστοῦ πολιήτης ἀνὴρ τὰ 
ἄριστά οἱ δοκέοντα εἶναι ὑποθέοιτο, εἰ -μὴ πρόσω 
ἀρετῆς ἀνήκοι" σπάνιοι δὲ εἰσὶ οἱ τοιοῦτοι" ξεῖνος 
δὲ ξείνῳ εὖ πρήσσοντι ἐστὶ εὐμενέστατον πάντων, 
συμβουλευομένου τε ἂν συμβουλεύσειε τὰ ἄριστα. 
οὕτω ὧν κακολογίης t τῆς ἐς Δημάρητον, ἐόντος 
ἐμοὶ ξείνου πέρι, ἔχεσθαι τινὰ τοῦ λοιποῦ κελεύω.” 

238. Ταῦτα εἴπας Ξέρξης διεξήιε διὰ τῶν 
νεκρῶν, καὶ Λεωνίδεω, ἀκηκοὼς ὅτι βασιλεύς τε 
ἦν καὶ στρατηγὸς Λακεδαιμονίων, ἐκέλευσε ἀπο- 
ταμόντας τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀνασταυρῶσαι. δῆλά μοι 
πολλοῖσι μὲν καὶ ἄλλοισι τεκμηρίοισι, ἐν δὲ καὶ 
τῷδε οὐκ ἥκιστα γέγονε, ὅτι βασιλεὺς Ξέρξης 
πάντων δὴ μάλιστα ἀνδρῶν ἐθυμώθη ξῶντι Aew- 
νίδη οὐ γὰρ ἄ ἄν κοτε ἐς τὸν νεκρὸν ταῦτα παρενό- 
µησε, ἐπεὶ τιμᾶν μάλιστα νομίξουσι τῶν ἐγὼ οἶδα 
ἀνθρώπων Πέρσαι ἄνδρας ἀγαθοὺς τὰ πολέμια. 
οἳ μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ἐποίευν, τοῖσι ἐπετέτακτο ποιέειν. 

239. ᾿Ανειμι δὲ ἐκεῖσε τοῦ λόγου τῇ μοι τὸ 


1 [περὶ] κακολογίης Stein. 
554 


BOOK VII. 236-239 


for themselves, and we likewise for ourselves. Ας 
for the Lacedaemonians, if they meet the Persians 
in the field, they will in nowise repair their late 
hurts." 

237. ** Achaemenes,” Xerxes answered, ** methinks 
you say well, and I will do as you counsel. But 
Demaratus, albeit your advice is better than his, 
says what he supposes to be most serviceable to me: 
for assuredly I will never believe that he is no friend 
to my cause; I judge that he is so by all that he has 
already said, and by what is the truth, namely, that if 
one citizen prosper another citizen is jealous of him 
and shows his enmity by silence, and no one (except 
he have attained to the height of excellence; and 
such are seldom seen) if his own townsman asks for 
counsel will give him what he deems the best advice. 
But if one stranger prosper, another stranger is beyond. 
all men his well-wisher, and will if he be asked impart 
to him the best counsel he has. Wherefore I bid 
you all refrain from maligning Demaratus, seeing 
that he is a stranger and my friend." 

238. Having thus spoken, Xerxes passed over the 
place where the dead lay ; and hearing that Leonidas 
had been king and general of the Lacedaemonians, 
he bade cut off his head and impale it. Itis plain to 
me by this especial proof among many others, that 
while Leonidas lived king Xerxes was more incensed 
against him than against all others; else had he 
never dealt so outrageously with his dead body; for 
the Persians are of all men known to me the most 
wont to honour valiant warriors. So they who were 
thus charged did as I have said. 

239. I return now to that place in my history 


555 


HERODOTUS 


πρότερον ἐξέλιπε. ἐπύθοντο Λακεδαιμόνιοι ὅτι 
βασιλεὺς στέλλοιτο ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα πρῶτοι, καὶ 
οὕτω δὴ ἐς τὸ χρηστήριον τὸ ἐς Δελφοὺς ἀπέπεμ- 
‘par, ἔνθα δή σφι ἐχρήσθη. τὰ ὀλίγῳ πρότερον 
εἶπον" ἐπύθοντο δὲ τρόπῳ θωμασίῳ. Δημάρητος 
γὰρ ὁ ᾿Αρίστωνος φυγὼν ἐς Μήδους, ὡς uev ἐγὼ 
δοκέω καὶ τὸ οἰκὸς ἐμοὶ συμμάχεται, οὐκ ἣν εὔνοος 
Λακεδαιμονίοισι, πάρεστι δὲ εἰκάξειν eire εὐνοίῃ 
ταῦτα ἐποίησε εἴτε καὶ καταχαίρων. ἐπείτε γὰρ 
Ξέρξῃ ἔδοξε στρατηλατέειν ἐπὶ τὴν Ελλάδα, ἐὼν 
ἐν Σούσοισι ὁ Δημάρητος καὶ πυθόμενος ταῦτα 
ἠθέλησε Λακεδαιμονίοισι ἐξαγγεῖλαι. ἄλλως μὲν 
δὴ οὐκ εἶχε σημῆναι: ἐπικίνδυνον γὰρ ἦν μὴ 
λαμϕθείη' ὃ δὲ μηχανᾶται τοιάδε" δελτίον δί- 
πτυχον λαβὼν τὸν κηρὸν αὐτοῦ ἐξέκνησε, καὶ 
ἔπειτα ἐν τῷ ξύλῳ τοῦ δελτίου ἔγραψε τὴν βα- 
σιλέος γνώμην, ποιήσας ὲ ταῦτα ὀπίσω ἐπέτηξε 
τὸν κηρὸν ἐπὶ τὰ γράμματα, ἵνα φερόμενον κεινὸν 
τὸ δελτίον μηδὲν πρῆγμα παρέχοι πρὸς τῶν 
ὀδοφυλάκων. ἐπεὶ δὲ καὶ ἀπίκετο ἐς τὴν Λακε- 
δαίμονα, οὐκ εἶχον συμβαλέσθαι οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, 
πρίν ye δή σφι, ὡς ἐγὼ πυνθάνομαι, Κλεομένεος 
μὲν θυγάτηρ Λεωνίδεω δὲ γυνὴ Γοργὼ ὑπέθετο 
ἐπιφρασθεῖσα αὐτή, τὸν κηρὸν κνᾶν κελεύουσα, 
καὶ εὑρήσειν σφέας γράμματα ἐν τῷ ξύλῳ. πειθό- 
μενοι δὲ εὗρον καὶ ἐπελέξαντο, ἔπειτα δὲ τοῖσι 
ἄλλοισι"Ελλησι ἐπέστειλαν. ταῦτα μὲν δὴ οὕτω 
λέγεται γενέσθαι. 


1 220, where Herodotus mentioned the bare fact of the 


556 


BOOK VII. 239 


where it lately left off! The Lacedaemonians were 
the first to be informed that the king was equipping 
himself to attack Hellas; with this knowledge it was 
that they sent to the oracle at Delphi, where they 
received the answer whereof I spoke a little while 
ago; and the way of their being so informed was 
strange. Demaratus son of Ariston, being an exile 
among the Medes, was, as I suppose (reason being 
also my ally), no friend to the Lacedaemonians, and 
I leave it to be imagined whether what he did was 
done out of goodwill or despiteful triumph. Xerxes 
being resolved to march against Hellas, Demaratus, 
who was then at Susa and had knowledge of this, 
desired to send word of it to the Lacedaemonians. 
But he feared to be detected, and had no other way 
of acquainting them than this trick :—taking a double 
tablet, he scraped away the wax from it, and then 
wrote the king's intent on the wood ; which done, he 
melted the wax back again over the writing, so that 
the bearer of the tablet thus left blank might not be : 
troubled by the way-wardens. When the tablet came 
to Lacedaemon, the Lacedaemonians could not guess 
its meaning, till at last (as I have been told) Gorgo, 
Cleomenes’ daughter and Leonidas’ wife, discovered 
the trick of herself and advised them to scrape the 
wax away, when they would find writing on the 
wood. So doing, they found and read the message, 
and presently sent it to the rest of the Greeks. This 
is the story, as it is told. 


Spartans getting early intelligence of Xerxes’ plans against 
Greece. Now he completes the story. 


557 


Digitized by Google 


INDEX OF PROPER NAMES 


Abdera, vi. 46, 47; vii. 109, 120, 126, 
137 


Abrocomes, vii. 224 

Abydos, v. 117; vi. 26; vii. 33, 34, 37, 
44, 95, 147, 174 

Acanthus, vi. 44; vii. 115, 116, 121 

Acarrania, vii. 126, 221 

Achaea, v. 72; vii. 94, 132, 173, 185, 
196, 197, 198 

Achaemenes, vii. 7, 11, 97, 236 

Achaemenidae, v. 32; vii. 62 

Achelous, vii. 126 

Acheron, v. 92 

Achilleium, v. 94 

Acragas, vii. 165, 170 

Acrathoum, vii. 22 

Acrisius, vi. 53, 54 

Adimantus, vii. 137 

Adrastus, v. 67 

Adria, v. 9 

Aea, vii. 193, 197 

Aeaces, vi. 13, 14, 22, 25 

Aeacus, v. 81, 89; vi. 35 

Aege, vii, 123 

Aegean, vii, 36, 65 

Aegialeus, v. 68 

Aegialian, vii. 94 

Aegicores, v. 66 

Aegilea, vi. 107 

Aegilia, vi. 101 

Aegina, v. 80-91; vi. 35-49, 50, 61, 
13, 85, 87-93 ; vii. 145, 147,181, 205 

Aenea, vii. 123 

Aenesidemus, vii. 154, 165 

Aenus, vii. 58 

Aenyra, vi. 47 

Aeolians, v. 94, 122 
58, 95, 176, 197 

Aeolus, vii. 197 

Aeschines, vi. 100 

Aetolia, vi. 127 

Agaeus, vi. 127 

Agamemnon, vii. 134, 159 


HEROD III. 


; vi. 8, 28, 98; vii. 


Agariste, vi. 126, 128, 131 

Agbalus, vii. 98 

Agenor, vii. 91 

Agetus, vi. 61 

Agis, vi. 65; vii. 204 

Agora, vii. 58 

Agrianes, v. 16 

Aias, v. 66; vi. 35 

Alabanda, vii. 195 

Alarodii, vii. 79 

Alcaeus, v. 95 

Alcamenes, vii. 204 

Alcides, vi. 61 

Alcimachus, vi. 101 

Alemaeonidae, v. 62, 66, 70, 71, 90; 
vi. 115, 121-124, 125, 127, 131 

Alcon, vi. 127 

Aleian plain, vi. 95 

Aleuadae, vii. 6 

Alexander, v. 17; vii. 173 

Alopecae, v. 63 

Alpeni, vii. 176, 216 

Alpheus, vii. 227 

Alus, vii. 173, 197 

Amathus, v. 104, 108, 114 

Amestris, vii. 61, 114 

Amiantus, vi. 127 

Amilcas, vii. 165-167 

Aminocles, vii. 190 

Amorges, v. 121 

Ampe, vi. 20 

Ampelus, vii. 122 

Amphictyones, v. 62; vii. 213, 228 

Amphilochus, vii. 91 

Amphimnestus, vi. 127 

Amphion, v. 92 

Amphitryon, v. 59; vi. 53 

Amyntas, v. 18, 94; vii. 173 

Amyris, vi. 127 

Anaphes, vii. 62 

Anaua, vii. 30 

Anaxandrides, v. 39, 40, 61; vi. 108; 
vii, 158, 203, 205 


559 


INDEX OF PROPER NAMES 


Anaxandrus, vii. 204 
Anaxilaus, vii. 165, 170 


us, 
Andromeda, vii, 61, 150 
Andros, v. 31 
Aneristus, vii. 134 
Angites, vii. 113 


Antandrus, v. 26 ; vii. 42 
Anthele, vil. 176, "200 
Anthemus, v. 94 
Antichares, v. 43 
Anticyra, vii. 198, 213 
Antipatrus, vii. 118 
Antiphemus, vii. 153 
An , vii. 98 
Ap etae, vii. 193, 196 
Aphidnae, vi. 109 
Aphytis, vii. 123 
Api anus, vli. 129, 196 
Apollo, v. 59, 60; vi. 57, 118; vii. 26 
Apollophanes, vi. 26 
Apsinthus, vi. 34, 37 
Arabians, vii. 69, 86 
Aradian, vii. 98 
Arcadia, v. 49; vi. 74, 83, 127; vii. 

90, 170, 202 
Archelai, v. 68 
Archelaus, vii. 204 
Archidemus, vi. 71 
Ardericca, vi. 119 
Ares, v. 7; vii. 76, 140 


Argos, v. 22, 49, 57, 61, 67, 86, 88, 113; 

m 19, 76-83, 92, 127; vii, 145, 148- 
2 

Ariabignes, vii. 97 

Ariaramnes, vii. 11 

Ariazus, vii. 82 

Aridolis, vii. 195 

Arii, vii, 62, 66 

Ariomardus, vii. 6 7,78 

Ariphron, kroi 136; vii. 33 

Aristagoras passim ap. ᾿ν.; vi. 9, 13, 18 

Aristocyprus, v. 113 

Aristodemus (1), vi. 51, 52; vii. 204 

— (2), vii. 229, 230 

Aristogiton, v. 50; vi. 109 

Aristomachus, vi. 61; vii. 204 

Ariston, v. 51, 75; vi. 61-69 


560 


Aristonice, vii. 140 
Aristophantus, vi. 66 
Armatides, vii. 227 
Armenia, v. 49, 52; vii. 73 
Arsamenes, vii. 68 


Artaphrenes (1), v. 25, 30, 31, 32, 33, 
73, τ 100, 123; vi. 1, 2, 4, 30, 42, 


— (2), vii. 74 

Artaxerxes, vi. 98; vii. 106, 151, 152 

Artayctes, vii. 33, 78 

Artazostre, vi. 43 

Artemis, v. 7; vi. 138; vii. 176 

Artemisia, vii. 99 

Artemisium, vii, 175, 177, 182, 192, 
194, 195 

Artobarzanes, vii. 2, 3 

Artochmes, vii. 73 

Artybius, v. 108, 111, 112 

Artyntes, vii. 6 

Artyphius, vil 66, 67 

Artystone, vii. 69 


Asia, passim 

Asonides, vii. 181 

Asopus, vi. 108; vii. 199, 200, 217 

Aspathines, vii, '97 

Assa, vii. 122 

Assyria, vi. 54; vii. 9, 63 

Astacus, v. 67 

Aster, v. 63 

Astrabacus, vi. 69 

Astyages, vii. 8 

Atarneus, vi. 28, 29; vii. 42 

Athamas, vii. 58, 197 

Athenades, vii. 213 

Athene, v. 45, 82; vii. 43 

EET passim ; esp. v. 59-99 and vi. 

xn vi. 44, 45; vii. 22, 37, 122, 
9 

Atossa, vii. 2, 3, 64, 82 

Atramyttium, vii. 42 

Atys (1), vii. 27 

— (2), vii. 74 

Autesion, vi. 52 

Auxesia, v. 82, 83 


INDEX OF PROPER NAMES 


Axius, vii. 123, 124 
Azanes, vii.'66 
Azenian, vi. 127 


Babylon, vii. 62 
Bacchiadae, v. 92 


Bisaltia, vii. 115 

Bisanthe, vii. 137 

Bistones, vii. 109-110 

Bithynia, vii. 75 

Boebean lake, vii. 129 

Boeotia, v. 57, 59, 61, 67, 74, 77, 81, 
89; vi. 34, 108; vii. 132, 202 

Boges, vii. 107, 113 

Boreas, vii. 189 

Bosporus, vii, 10, 20 

Bottiaea, vii. 123, 127, 185 

Branchidae, v. 36 

Brauron, vi. 138 

Briantice, vii. 108 

Briges, vii. 73 

Brygi, vi. 45; vii. 185 

Bubares, v. 21; vii. 22 

Bulis, vii. 135, 137 

Butacides, v. 47 

Byzantium, v. 26, 104; vi. 5, 26, 33 


Cabelees, vii. 77 

Cadmus (1), v. 57, 58, 59, 61 

— (2), vii. 163, 164, 165 

Caicus, vi. 28; "vii. 42 

Calchas, vii. 91 

Calchedon, v. 26 

Callatebus, vii. 31 

Callias (1), v. 44, 45 

— (2), vi. 121, 122 ; vii. 151 
Callimachus, vi. 109, 110, 111, 114 
Callipolis, vii. 154 

Calymnus, vii. 99 

Camarina, vii. 154, 156 
Cambyses, y. 25; vii. 1, 8, 11, 18, 51 
Camicus, vii. 169, 170 

Campsa, vii. 123 

Canastraeum, vii. 123 

Candaules, vii. 98 

Cane, vii. 42 


VOL. Ill. 


Cappadocia, v. s 52 

Carchedon, v. 42; vi. 17; vii. 165-167 

Cardia, vi. 33, 36 41; vii. 58 

Carenus, vii. 173 

Caria, v. 66, 87, 103, 111, 112, 118-121, 
122; vi. 20, 26; vii. 31, 93, 97, 98 

Carine, vii. 42 

Carnea, vii. 206 

Carystus, vi. 99; vii. 214 

Casambus, vi. 73 

Casmena, vii. 155 

Caspian, vii. 67, 86 

Caspiri, vii. 86 

Casthanaea, vii. 183, 188 

Cataractes, vii. 26 

Caucasa, v. 33 

Caunus, v. 103 

Caystrius, v. 100 

Cecrops, vii. 141 

Celaenae, vii. 26 

Celeas, v. 46 

Ceos, v. 102 

Cephenes, vii. 61 

Cepheus, vii. 61, 150 

Cephissus, vii. 178 

Chalcis, v. 74, XE 91, 99; vi, 100, 118; 
vii. 182, 185 '89 

Chaldeans, vii. 63 

Chalestra, vii. 123 

Charopinus, v. 99 

Chersis, v. 104, 113 

Chersonesus, vi. 33, 36-41, 103, 104, 
140; vii. 33, 58 

-— (of Athos), vii. 22 

Chilon, vi. 65; vii. 235 

tS v. 34, 98; vi. 2, 5, 15, 16, 26, 27, 

Choaspes, v. 49 

Choereae, vi. 101 

Choerus, ii. 170 

Cicones, vii. 110 

Cilicia, v. 49, 52, 108; vi. 6, 43; vii. 
71, 91, 98 

Cimmerians, vii. 20 

στῶ, SE 0» vi. 34, 39, 103 


Cissians, v. 49, 52; vi. 119; vii. 62, 86, 
210 l 

Cithaeron, vii. 141 

Clazomenae, v. 123 

Cleandrus (1), vi. 83 

— (2), vii. 154, 156 


561 


INDEX OF PROPER NAMES 


Oleisthenes (Athens), v. 66,67, 69, 70, 
72, 73; vi. 131 

— (Sicyon), v. 67, 68, 126-130, 131 

Cleodaeus, vi, 52; vii. 904 

Cleombrotus, v. 32, 41; vii. 205 

Cleomenes, v. 89, 42, 48-51, 64, 70, 
72-76, 90, 97; vi. 50, 51, 61, 64-66, 
73-84, 92, 108; vii. 203, 239 

Oleonae vii, 22 

Cnoethus, vi. 88 

Cobon, vi. 66 

Codrus, v. 65, 76 

Coenyra, vi. 41 

Coes, v. 11, 37, 38 

Colchis, vii. 62, τν 193, 197 

Combrea, vii, 1 

Compsantus, vii, 3 09 

Conia, v. 63 

Corcyra, vii. 145-154, 168 

Coressus, v. 100 

Corinth, v. 74, 75, 87, 92, 93; vi. 89, 
108; vii. 137, 184, 195, 202” 

Corydallus, vii, 214 

Cos, vii. 99 

Cranon, vi. 127 

Crastian, v. 45 

Crathis, v. 45 

Crestonaean, v. 3; vii. 124, 127 

Crete, vii. 92, 99, 145, 169-171 

Cretines, vii, 165, 


Crius, vii. 50, 73 

Croesus, v. 36; vi. 37, 38, 125, 127 

Crossaea, vii. 123 

Croton, v. 44, 45, 47; vi. 21 

Cuphagoras, vi. 117 

Curium, v. 113 

Cybebe, v. 102 

Cyberniscus, vit. 98 

Cyclades, v. 31 

Cydippe, vii. 165 

Cydrara, vii. 30 

Cyllyrians, vii, 155 

Cylon, vi. 70 

Cyme, v. 37, 38, 123; vii. 194 
aegirus, vi. 114 


σος v. 63; vi. 116 
Cypselus (Athens), vi. 34 
— (Corinth), v. 92, 95; vi. 129 
Cyprus, v. 9, 31, 104, 108-110, 113, 
115; en vil, θη, 98 
Cyrnus, vii . 165 


562 


Cyrus, v. 52; vii. 2, 8, 11, 18, 51, 69 
Cythera, vii. "235 

Cythnus, vii. 90" 

Cytissorus, vii. 197 

Cyzicus, vi. 33 


Dadicae, vii. 66 


74, w^ 

Daurises, v. 116, 121, 122 

Deceles, vi. 92 

Delos, vi. 97-99, 118 

Delphi, v. 62, 63, 89, 92; vi. 19, 27. 
34, 35, 52, 66; vii. 11i, 140, 141, 
148, 165, 169, 178 

Demaratus, v. 75; vi. 51, 61, 63-71, 
74, 75, 84; vii. "101-104, 234, 237, 
239 


Demarmenus, v. 41; vi. 65 

Demeter, vi. 91, 134; vii. 142 

Demonous, vii, 195 

Demophilus, vii, 222 

Dersaei, vii. 110 

Diactorides, vii. 71 

Diadromes, vii. 222 

Dicaea, vii. 109 

Didyma, vi. 19 

Dieneces, vii. 226 

Dinomenes, vii. 145 

Dionysius, vi. 11, 12, 17 

Dionysus, v, 7; vii, 111 

ως 197 ; 

Dithyrambus, 22 

Dium, vii. 22 

Doberes, v. 16; vii. 13 

Dolonci, vi. 34, 35, 36 

Dolopes, vii. 132, 185 

Dorians, v. 68, 72, 76, 87; vi. 53. 55; 
vii. 9, 99 

Dorieus, v. 41-48; vii. 158, 205 

Doriscus, v. 98; vil. 25, 59, 105, 106. 
108, 121 


INDEX OF PROPER NAMES. 


Echecrates, v. 92 

Echestratus, vii. 204 

Echidorus, vii. 124, 127 

Edonian, v. 11, 124; vii. 110, 114 

Eetion, v. 92 

Egesta, v. 46, 47 

Egypt, vi. 53, 54, 60; vii. 2, 4, 7, 8, 
20, 25, 84, 63, 69, 89, 91, 97 

Eion, vii. 25, 113 

Elaeus, vi. 140; vii. 22, 33 

Eleon, v. 43 

Eleusis, v. 74, 75, 76 ; vi. 75 

Elis, v. 44; vi. 70, 127 

Elisyci, vii. 165 

Enchelees, v. 61 

Eneti, v. 9 

Enienes, vii. 192, 185, 198 

Enipeus, vii. 129 

Ennea, Hodoi vii. 114 

Kordi, vii. 185 

Ephesus, v. 54, 100, 102; vi. 16, 84 

Epialtes, vii. 213-218, 223, 225 

Epicydes, vi. 86 

Epidamnus, vi. 127 

Epidaurus, v. 82-86; vii. 99 

Epistrophus, vi. 127 

Epizelus, vi. 117 

Epizephyrii, vi. 23 
Erasinus, vi. 76 

Erechtheus, v. 82; vii. 189 

Eretria, v. 57, 99, "102; vi. 43, 94, 99- 
102, 106, 115, 119, 127 

Erxandrus, v. 37 

Erythrae, vi. 8 

Eryx, v. 43, 45 

Eteocles, v. 61 

Ethiopia, vii. 18, 69, 70, 90 

Evagoras, vi. 103 

Evalcidas, v. 102 

Euboea, v. 77; vi, 127; vii. 176, 182, 
189, 192 

— (Euboeans i in Sicily), vii. 156 

Euclides, vii. 155 

Evelthon, v. 104 

Euphorion (1), vi. 114 

— (2), vi. 127 

Euphrates, v. 52 

Euripus, v. 97; vii, 173, 182 

Europe, v. 1, 12; vi. 33, 43 ; vii. 8, 9, 
10, 20, 33, "64, 56, 73, 126, 172, 174, 
184 


Eurybates, vi. 92 
Eurycrates, vii. 204 
Eurycratides, vii. 204 
Eurydame, vi. 71 


Eurydemus, vii. 213 
Euryleon, v. 46 
Eurymachus (1), vii. 205 

— (2), vii. 233 

Eurysthenes, vi. 52; vii. 201 
Eurytus, vii. 229 

Euxine, vii. 36 


Galepsus, vii. 122 

Gallalce, vii. 108 

Gandarii, vii. 66 

Gela, vi. 93; vii. 153, 154, 156 
Geleon, v. 66 

Gelon, vii. 145, 153-166 
Gephyrael, v. 55, 57, 58, 61 
Gergis, vil. 81, 121 

Gergithes, v. 123 


== τ 9) vit. 

Gonnus, ur 128, 173 
Gorgo, v. 48, 51; vii. 239 
Gorgus, v. 10 

Gygaea, v. 21 

Gyges, v. 121 

Gyndes, v. 52 


Halicarnassus, vii. 99 

Halys, v. 52, 102; vii. 26 

Harmamithres, vii. 88 

Harmatides, vii. 227 

Harmodius, v. 55; vi. 109, 123 

Harpagus, vi. 28, 30 

Hebrus, vii. 59 

Hecataeus, v. 36, 125; vi. 137 

Hegesandrus, v. 125; vi. 197 

Hegesilaus, vii. 204 

Hegesistratus, v. 94 

Helen, v. 94: vl. 61 

Hellas, Hellenes passim 

Helle, vii. 58 

Hellespont, v. 1,11, 13, 14, 23; vi. 43, 
95 ; vii. 8, 10, 35, 36, 56, 58, 157, 163 

Hephaestia, vi. 140 

Heraclea, v. 43 

Heracles, v. 43; vi. 53; vii. 176, 198, 
204 

Heracleum, v. 63 ; vi. 116 

Heraclides, v. 37 

Heraeum, v. 92; vi. 81, 82 


Hermippus, vi. 4 
563. 


INDEX OF PROPER NAMES 


Hermophantus, v. 99 i 

Hieron, vii, 156 

Himera, vi. 24; vii. 165 

Hipparchus, v. 55, 56, 62; 
vii. 6 

Hippias, v. 55, 62, 91, 92, 93-96; vi. 
107 


vi. 123; 


Ü 
Hippoclides, vl. 127-129 
Hippocoon, v. 60 
Hippocrates (D, vi. 23 


— (3), vi. 131 

— (4), vii. 154, 155 

Hipponicus, vil. 151 

Histiaeus (1), v. 11, 23-25, 30, 35, 36, 
106-108, 124; vi. 1-6, 26-30, 46; 
vii. 10 

— (2), v. 97; vii. 98 

Homer, v. 67; vii. 161 

Hoples, v. 66 

Hyatae, v. 68 

Hybla, vii. 155 

Hn ness vi. 133; vii. 83, 135, 215, 

21 


Hylleis, v. 68 

Hyllus, vi. 51; vii. 204 
Hymeas, v. 116, 122 
Hymassus, vi. 137 
Hypachaei, vii. 91 
Hyperanthes, vii. 224 
Hyrcanians, vii. 62 
Hyria, vii. 170 

Hysiae, vi. 108 
Hystanes, vii. 77 
ρα v. 90, 73; vi. 98; vii. 10, 


Iamidae, v. 44 
Iapygians, vii. 170 
Iason, vii. 193 
Iatragoras, v. 37 
Ibanollis, v. 37,121 


Iiium, vii. 20, 42, 43, 161 
Imbros, v. 26; vi. 41, 104 
Indians, v. 3; vii. 9, 66, 187 
Ino, vii. 197 

Inycus, vi. 23, 24 

Iolcus, v. 94 

Ion, v. 66 


564 


Ionians, v. 28, 30, 33, 37, 49, 58, 69, 
87, 97-124; vi. 1, 2 3, 7-18, 22--23, 
48, 86, 95, 98; vii, 9, 10, 20, 51, 94, 
97 


Isagoras, v. 66, 70, 72, 74 
Ischenous, vii. 181 

Ister, v. 9, 10; vii. 10 

Isthmus, vii. 139, 172, 174, 175, 207 
Italia, v. 43; vi. 127 

Ithamitres, vii. 67 


Labda, v. 92 

Labdacus, v. 59 

Labranda, v. 119 

Lacedaemon (& Sparta), passim; esp. 
vi. 49-86, and vii. 202-239 

Lade, vi. 7 

Laius, v. 59, 60 

Lampito, vi. 71 

Lamponium, v. 26 

Lampsacus, v. 117; vi. 37, 38 

Laodamas, v. 61 

Laphanes, vi. 127 

Lapithes, v. 92 

Lasus, vii. 6 

Lemnos, v. 26; 
vii. 6 

Leobotes, vii. 204 

Leon, vii. 204 (Lac.), 180 (Troezen) 

Leonidas, v. 41; 204-208, 217, 
219-225, 228, 229, 233, 238 

Leontiades, vii. 233 l 

Leontini, vii. 154 

Leoprepes, vi. 85; vii. 228 

Leotychides, ví. 65, Κη 69, 71, 72, 85, 
86 


Leros, v. 125 

Lesbos, vi. 8, 26 

Libya, v. 42; vii. 7, 70, 165, 184 

Ligyes, vil. 72 

— ώς vii, 165 

Timer 

Lipaxus, vii. 1798 

Lipsydrium, v. 62 

Lisae, vii, 123 

Lissus, vii. 108, 109 

Locrians (Sicily 7), vi. 23 

— (Greece), vii. 182, 203, 207, 216 

Lycaretus, v. 27 

Lycia, vii. 77, 98 

Lycurgus, vi. 127 

Lydia, v. 49, 52, 102; vi. 125; vii. 30, 
31, 74 

Lydias, vii. 127 

Lygdamis, vii, 99 


vi. 136, 137-140; 


INDEX OF PROPER NAMES 


Lysagoras, vi. 133 


Macae, v. 42 

Macedonia, v. 17, 20, 94; vi. 44; vii. 
9, 25, 73, 127, 128, 131, 173, 185 

Macrones, vii. 98 

Mactorium, vii. 153 

Madytus, vii. 33 

Maeander, v. 118, 119; vii, 26, 31 

Maeandrius, v. 27 

Magians, vii. 118, 191 

MON vii. 132, 176, 183, 185, 188, 


Malea, vii. 168 
Malene, vi. 29 
Males, vi. 127 
Malis, vii. 132, 196, 201, 213, 215 


Mantyes, v. v. 12 

ν᾽ vi. 102, 103, 107, 111-117; 
vii. 1 

Mardonius, vi. 43-45, 94; vii. 5, 9, 
10, 82, 108, 121 

Mardontes, vii. 80 

Mares, vii. 79 

Mariandyni, vii. 92 

Maronea, vii. 109 

Marsyas, v. 118, 119 

Mascames, vii. 105, 106 

Masistes, vii. 82, 121 

Masistius, vii. 79 

Massages, vii. 71 

Massagetae, vii. 18 

Massalia, v. 9 

Matieni, v. 49, 52; 

Matten, vii. 98 

Mausolus, v. 118 

Mecisteus, v. 67 

Mecyberna, vii. 122 

Medes (for Persians) passim; 
tinctively), vii. 62 

Megabates, v. 32, 33, 35; vii. 97 

Megabazus, v 1, 10, 12, 14, 16, 17, 
23, 26; vi. 38: vii. 22, 97, 108 

Megabyzus, vii. 82, 121 

Megacles A), vi. 125, 127, 130 

TR 2), 

νο η vii. 120 

Megadostes, vii. 105 

Megapanus, vii. 62 

Megara, v. 16 

— (Sicily), vii. 156 

Megasidrus, vii. 72 

Megistias, vii, 219, το. 228 

Melones, vii. 74, 7 


vii. 72 


(dis- 


Melampus, vii. 221 
Malanippus, v. 67 

Melanthius, v. 97 

Melanthus, v. 65 

Melas (gulf), vi. 41 

— (rivers), vii. 58, 198 
Meliboea, vii. 188 

Melissa, v. 92 

Memnonian, v. 53, 54; vii. 191 
Menares, vi. 65 

Mende, vii. 123 

Menelaus, v. 94; vii. 169, 171 
Menius, vi. 71 

Merbalus, vii. 98 

Mesambria, vi. 33; vii. 108 
Messapians, vii. 170 

Messenia, v. 49; vi. 52 
Metiochus, vi. 41 

Micythus, vii. 170 

Miletus, v. 11, 24, 28-37, 49, 92, 97, 


99, 106, 124-136; vi. 5-10, 18-21, 
5, 28, 86 ; vii. 10 
Miltiades (1), vi . 35-37 
— (2), vi. 34, $9 41. 105, 104, 109, 


110, 132-137, 140 
Milyae, vil. 7 7 
Minoa, v. 46 
Minos, vii. 169, 171 
Molossians, vi. 127 


Mycale, vi. 16; vii. 80 
Mycene, vii, 202 

Myci, vii. 68 

Myconus, vi. 118 
Mygdonia, vii. 123, 124, 127 
Mylasa, v. 37, 121 

Myndus, v. 33 

Myrcinus, v. 11, 24, 124 
Myrine, vi. 140 

Myrmex, vii. 183 

Myron, vi. 126 

Myrsus, v. 121 

Mysia, vi. 28; vii. 20, 42, 74, 75 
Mytilene, v. 11, 37, 38, 94 
Myus, v. 36; vi. 8 


Nauplia, vi. 76 

Naxos, v. 28, 30, 31, 33, 34, 36; vi. 96 
--- (Sicily), vii. 154 

Neapolis, vii. 123 

Neleus, v. 65 

Neocles, vii. 143 


565 


INDEX OF PROPER NAMES 


Nereids, vii. 191 
Nesaean, vii. 40 
Nestor, v. 65 

Nestus, vii. 126 
Nicodromus, vi. 88, 89 
Nicolas (1), vii. 134 
— (2), vii. 137 

Nisyra, vii. 99 
Nonacris, vi. 74 
Nothon, vi. 100 
Nymphodorus, vii, 137 


Oarizus, vii. 71 
Odomanti, v. 16; vii, 112 
Oea, v. 83 
Oeasides, vi. 85 
Oebares, vi. 33 
Oedipus, v. 60 
Oenoe, v. 74 
Oeobazus, vii. 68 
Oeta, vii. 176, 217 
Oliatus, v. 37 
Olophyxus, vii. 22 
Olorus, vi. 39, 41 
Olympia, v. 22; 
170 


Olympus (Asia), vii. 74 

— (Europe), vii. 128, 129, 173 

Olynthus, vii. 122 

Oneatae, v. 68 

Onetes, ut 214 

Onesilus, v. 104, 108, 111-114 

Onochonus, vii. 129, 176 

Onomacritus, vii. 6 

Onomastus, vi. 127 

Ophryneum, vii. 43 

Opuntians, vii. 203 

Orbelus, v. 16 

Orchomenus, vii. 202 

Orgeus, vii. 118 

Orithyia, vii. 189 

Oromedon, vii. 98 

Oropus, vi. 100 

Ossa, vii. 128, 129, 173 

ub d 25, 116, 123; vi. 43; vii. 
, 

Otaspes, vii. 63 

Othrys, vii. 128 


Pactolus, v. 101 

Pactyes, vii, 67, 85 

Paeonia, v. 1, 12-15, 23, 62, 98; vii. 
113, 124, 185 

Paeoplae, v. 15; vii. 113 

Paesus, v. 117 


566 


vi. 121, 127; vii. 


Paeti, vii. 110 

Paeum, vi. 127 
Pagasae, vii. 193 
Palestine, v. 89 
Pallas, vii. 141 
Pallene, vii. 123 
Pamisus, vii. 129 
Pammon, vii, 183 
Pamphylia, v. 68, 91 
Pan, vi. 105 
Panathenaea, v. 56 
Pandion, vii. 92 
Pangaeum, v. 16; vii. 112, 113, 115 
Panionium, v. 

Panites, vi. 52 
Pantares, vii. 154 
Paphlagonians, vii, 72 
Paphos, vii. 195 
Paraebates, v. 86 
Paricanii, vii, 68, 96 
Parium, v. 117 
Parmys, vii. 78 
Paros, v. 28, 29, 31, 62; vi. 133-135 
Parthians, vii. 66 
Pataicus, vii. 154 


Pedasa, vi. 20 
Pelasgian, v. 64; vi. 137-140; vii. 42. 
94, 95 


Peleus, vii. 191 

Pelion, vii. 129, 188 

Pella, vii. 123 

Peloponnesians, v. 74, 76; vi. 79; 
vii. 93, 94, 137, 139 

Peneus, vii. 20, 128, 129, 130, 173, 182 

Penthylus, vii. 195 

Percalus, vi. 165 

Percote, v. 117 

Perdiccas, v. 22 

Pergamum, vii. 43 

Perialla, vi. 66 

Periander, v. 92, 95 

Pericles, vi. 131 

Perrhaebi, vii. 128, 181, 185 

Perses, vii. 150 

Perseus, vi. 53, 54; vii. 61, 150 

Persians, passim esp. vii. 61 

Phaenippus, vi. 121 

Phalerum, v. 85 

Phanagoras, vii. 214 

Pharandates, vii. 79 

Pharnaces, vii. 66 

Pharnazathres, vii. 65 

Phasis, vi. 84 

Pheneus, vi. 74 


INDEX OF PROPER NAMES 


Pherendates, vii. 67 
Phidippides, vi. 105 
Phidon, vi. 127 
Phigalea, vi. 83 
Philaeus, vi. 35 
Philippus, v. 47 
Philocyprus, v. 113 
Phlegra, vii. 123 
Phlius, vii, 202 
Phocaea, vi. 8, 11, 17 


Phocis, vi. 34; vii. 176, 203, 207, 215- 


219 

Phoebeum, vi. 51 

Phoenice, vi. 17, 90 

Phoenicians, v. 57, 58, 109; vi. 3, 25, 
28, 33, 41, 47; vii. 23, 25, 89, 91, 
165, 167 

Phoenix, vii. 200 

Phormus, vii. 182 

Phrixus, vii. 197 

Phrygia, v. 49, 52, 98; vii. 30, 73 

Phrynichus, vi. 21 


Pisistratidae, v. 52-65, 76, 91, 93; vi. 
39, 94, 123; vii. 6 

Pisistratus, v. 55, 65, 71, 94; vi. 103 

Pithagoras, v 6 

Pixodarus, v. 118 

Plataea, vi. 108, 111, 113; vii. 281 

Polichne, vi. 96; . 170 

Polybus, v. 67 

Polycritus, vi. 50, 73 

Polydorus, i 59; vii. 204 

Polynices, vi. 51 

Pontus, vi. 5, 26; vii. 36, 147 

Posideium, vii, 115 

Posidon, vii. 129, 192 

Potidaea, vii. 123 

Praesii, vii. 170, 171 

Prasiad aka y 15, 17 


Priene, vi. '8 
Prinetades, v. 41 


Propontis, v. 122 
Protesilaus, vii. 33 
Psammitichus, vii, 7 


Pylae, vii. 201 
Pylaea, vii. 213 
¥ylagori, vii. 213, 214 
Pylus, vii. 168 
Pythagoras, v. 126 
Pythes, vii. 181 
Pythia, see Delphi 
Pythius, vii. 27, 28, 38 
Pythogenes, vi. 23 


Rhegium, vi. 23; vii. 170 
Rhenaea, vi. 97 

Rhodes, vii, 153 
Rhoeteum, vii. 43 


Sabyllus, vii. 154 

Sacae, vi. 113; s 9, 64, 96, 184 

Sagartii, vii. 8 

Salamis (Greece), vil. 90, 141-143, 166, 
168 


Sale εὐ γ. 104, 108, 110, 113, 115 


Sale, vii 
Samos, v. 27, 112: vi. 8, 18, 14, 22-25, 


Samothrace, vi. 47; xh 59, 108 
Sandoces, vii. 194, 1 
Sane, vii. 22, 123 
ο Sapael, vii. 110 
Sarangae, vii. 67 
Sardis, v. 11, 18, 23, 24, 52, 54, 73, 95, 
99-102, 105, 108, 116, 122, 123; 
vi. 1, 4, 80, 42, 125; vii. 8, 26, 31, 
37, 41, 57, 88, 145 
Sardo, v. 106, 124; vi 1; vii. 165 
Sarpedonia, vii. 58 
Barte, vii. 122 
Saspires, vii. 79 
Satrae, vii. 100 
Scamander, v. 65 
Scapte Hyle, vi. 46 


Scythes, vl. 23; vii. 1 
Seythig, v. 24, 21; i d: 41, 84; vii. 


βε|ἀοίκικς vii. 98 

Selinus, v. 46 

Selymbria, vi, 33 

Sepea, vi. 77 

Sepias, vii. 183, 186, 190, 191, 195 


567 


INDEX OF PROPER NAMES 


Sermyle, vii. 122 

Serreum, vii. 59 

Sestus, vii. 33, 78 

Sicania, vii. 170 

Sicas, vii. 98 

Sicily, v. 43, 46; vi. 17, 22-24; vii. 
145, 153-156, 163-167, "205 

Sicyon, v. 67, 68, 69; vi. 92, 126, 131 

Sidon, vii. 98, 99, 100 

Sigeum, v. 65, 91, 94, 95 

Sigynnae, v. 9 

Silenus, vii. 26 - 

Simonides, v. 102; vii. 228 


Siromitres, vii. 68, 79 
Siropaeones, v. 15 
Sisamnes, v. 25; vii. 66 
Sisimaces, v. 121 
Sitalces, vii. 137 
Sithonia, vii. 122 
Smerdis, vii. 78 
Smerdomenes, vii. 82, 121 
Smila, vii. 123 

Sogdi, vii. 66 

Soli, v. 110, 113, 115 
Solon, v. 113 

Sophanes, vi. 92 


Sosicles, v. 92, 93 9 


Sparta, v. Lacedaemon 

Spercheius, vii. 228 

Sperthias, vii. 134, 137 

Stagirus, vii. 115 

Stentorid lake, vii. b 

diro dea (1), vi. 34, 538, 39, 103 

— (2), vi. 103 

Stesenor, v. 113 

Stesilaus, vi. 114 

Stryme, vii. 108, 109 

Strymon, v. 1, 13, 23, 98; 
113, 114 

Strymonii, vii. 75 

Stymphalian lake, vi. 76 

Styra, vi. 107 

Sunium, vi. 87, 90, 115 

Susa, v. 25, 30, 32, 35, 49, 52; vi. 20, 
30, 119; vii. 3, 6, 20, 151, 239 

Syagrus, vii. 153, 159 

Sybaris, v. 44, 45; vi. 21, 127 

Syennesis, v. 118; vii. 98 

Sylean plain, vii. 115 

Syloson, vi. 13 

ον vii. 154-157, 161, 167 

Syri, v. 49; vii. 72 

Syria, "vil. 63, 89 


568 


vii. 107, 


Talaus, v. 67 

Talthybius, vii. 134, 137 

Tamynae, vi. 101 

Tanagra, v. 79 

Taras, vii. 170 

Teaspis, vii. 79 

Tegea, vi. 72, 105; vii. 170, 202 

Teispes, vii. 11 

Teleboae, v. 59 

Telines, vii. 153, 154 

Telos, vii. 153 

Telys, v. 44, 47 

Tenedos, vi. 31, 41 

Teos, vi. 8 

Tereus, vii. 137 

Terillus, vii. 165 

Termerus, v. 37 

Termilae, vii. 92 

Tetramnestus, vii. 98 

Teucri, v. 13, 122; vii. 20, 43, 75 

Thamasius, vii. 194 

Thasos, vi. 46, 47; vii. 108 

Thebe (daughter of Asopus), v. 80 

— (in Asia), vii. 42 

Thebes, v. 59, 67, 79, 81, 89; vi. 108, 
118: vii. 132, 222, 933 

Themistocles, vii. 148, 144, 173 

Therambus, vii. 123 

Therma, vii. 121, 123, 127 

Thermopylae, vii. 175, 177, 201, 206- 
234 passim 

Thersandrus, vi. 51 

Thespiae, vii. 132, 222 

Thesprotia, v. 92; vii. 176 

Thessalus, v. 46 

Thessaly, v. 68, 64; vii. 108, 128-130, 
173, 174, 176, 196, 215 

Thoas, vi. 188 

Thrace, v. 3, 6, 10, 14, 23, 24, 126; 
vi. 45; vil. 10, 20, 76, 105, 185 

Thrasybulus, v. 92 

Thyia, vii. 178 

Thyssus, vii. 22 

Tibareni, vii. 78 

Tigris, v. 52 

Timagoras, vii. 98 

Timesitheus, v. 72 

Timo, vi. 134, 135 

Timon, vii. 141 

Timonax, vii. 98 

Tiryns, vi. 76, 83; vii. 137 

Tisandrus, v. 66; vi. 127 

Tisias, vi. 133 

Titormus, vi. 127 

Tmolus, v. 100, 101 


INDEX OF PROPER NAMES 


Torone, vii. 22, 129 

Trachis, vii. 175, 176, 198, 199, 201, 
213, 217 

Trapezus, vi. 127 

Trausi, v. 3, 4 

Triopium, vii, 153 

Tritantaechmes, vii. 82, 121 

Tritogenes (Athene), vii. 141 
Troad, v. 26, 122 

Troezen, vii. 179 

Troy, v. 13; vii. 20, 91, 171 

Ty eus, v.67 - 

Tymnes, vii. 98 

Tyndaridae, v. 75 

Tyre, vii. 98 

Tyrodiza, vii. 25 

Tyrrhenia, vi. 17, 22 


Utii, vii. 68 


i 


Xanthippus, vi, 131 
Xanthus, vi. 131, 136; vii. 33 
Xerxes, vi. i passim ap. vii. 
Xuthus, vii. 9 


Zacynthus, vi. 70 
Zancle, vi. 22, 23, 24; vii. 154, 
164 


Zeus, vi. 67; vii. 56, 61, 141, 22] 
— ἀγοραῖος; v. 46 

— ἔρκειος, vi. 68 

-- Κάριος, Υ. 06 

— Λακεδαίμων, vi. 56 

— Λαφύστιος, vii. 197 

— στράτιος, v. 119 

Zeuxidemus, vi. 171 

Zone, vii. 59 


Zopyrus, vii. 82 


. in c cC" c c JC NR 
PRINTED IN GREAT BRITAIN BY RICHARD CLAY & SONS, LIMITED, 


BUNGAY, SUFFOLK, κ 


HERODOTUS 


BOOKS VIII-IX 


£ "Aa «- edi ν΄ E 


v 


n GODLEY 


Translated by 


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ΤΗΕ LOEB CLASSICAL LIBRARY 


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E. H. WARMINGTON, M.A., F.R.HIST.SOC. 


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TW. H. D. ROUSE, LITT.D. L. A. POST, L.E.D. 
HERODOTUS 
IV 


120 


HERODOTUS 
WITH AN ENGLISH TRANSLATION BY 
A. D. GODLEY 


HON. FELLOW OF MAGDALEN COLLEGE, OXFOKD 


IN FOUR VOLUMES 
IV 


BOOKS VIII-IX 


CAMBRIDGE, MASSACHUSETTS 
HARVARD UNIVERSHY -PRESS 
LONDON 


WILLIAM HEINEMANN LTD 
MOMLXIX 


First printed 1925 
Reprinted 1930, 1946, 1961, 1969 


Printed in Great Britain 


CONTENTS 


INTRODUCTION z ees ο Ὁ. ᾱ 
BOOK VIII . . . D- d^ ον. ο. «ο Lis 
BOOK IX . . . «ο te^ yel. e Cus s. τῷ 
INDEX. . , . Vo 0e ο eo ms ds 
MAPS— SALAMIS . . . . «ὦ: . 


BATTLEFIELD OF PLATAEA 


PAGE 
. νι 
" l 
. 157 
. 303 
At end 


5»; 


INTRODUCTION 


Tue following is a brief analysis of the contents 
of Books VIII and IX, based on the summary in 
Stein's edition :— 


BOOK VIII 


Ch. 1-5. The Greek fleet at Artemisium ; question 
of supreme command; bribery of Themistocles by 
the Euboeans. 

Ch. 6-14. Despatch of a Persian squadron to 
sail round Euboea, and its destruction by a storm. 
Effect of the storm on the rest of the Persian fleet ; 
first encounter between the two fleets. 

Ch. 15-17. Second battle off Artemisium. 

Ch. 18-23. Retreat of the Greeks; Themistocles' 
attempt to tamper with the lIonians; Persian 
occupation of Euboea. 

Ch. 24-33. Visit of Persian sailors to the field of 
Thermopylae. Olympic festival (26) ^ Feuds of 
Thessalians and Phocians; Persian advance through 
Phocis (27-33). 

Ch. 34-39. Persian march through Boeotia, and 
unsuccessful attempt upon Delphi. 

Ch. 40-48. Abandonment of Attica by the 
Athenians; the Greek fleet at Salamis. 

Ch. 49-55. Greek council of war; Persian invasion 
of Attica and occupation of Athens. 


vii 


INTRODUCTION 


Ch. 56-64. Greek design to withdraw the fleet to 
the Isthmus of Corinth. Decision to remain at 
Salamis, by Themistocles advice. 

Ch. 65. Dicaeus' vision near Eleusis. 

Ch. 66—69. Persian fleet at Phalerum; advice 
given by Artemisia in a council of war. 

Ch. 70-73. Greek fortification of the Isthmus. 
Digression on the various Peloponnesian nationalities. 

Ch. 74-82. Unwillingness of the Peloponnesians 
to remain at Salamis. Themistocles design to com- 
pel them; his message to Xerxes, and Persian 
movement to encircle the Greeks. Announcement 
of this by Aristides. 

Ch. 83-96. Battle of Salamis. 

Ch. 97-99. Xerxes’ intention to retreat; news at 
Susa of the capture of Athens and the battle of 
Salamis. 

Ch. 100-102. Advice given to Xerxes by Mardonius 
and Artemisia. 

Ch. 103-106. Story of the revenge of Hermotimus. 

Ch. 107-110. Flight of Persian fleet, and Greek 
pursuit as far as Andros; Themistocles message 
to Xerxes. 

Ch. 111, 112. Siege of Andros, and demands made 
by Themistocles on various islands. 

Ch. 113. Mardonius' selection of his army. 

Ch. 114-120. Incidents in Xerxes' retreat. 

Ch. 121-125. Greek division of spoil and assign- 
ment of honours; Themistocles' reception at Sparta. 

Ch. 126-129. Artabazus' capture of Olynthus and 
siege of Potidaea, during the winter. 

Ch. 130-132. Greek and Persian fleets at Aegina 
and Samos respectively (spring of 479). Leutychides' 
command. Message to the Greeks from the lIonians. 


viii 


INTRODUCTION 
Ch. 133-135. Mardonius' consultation of Greek 


oracles. 

Ch. 136-139. Mission to Athens of Alexander of 
Macedonia; origin of his dynasty. 

Ch. 140-144. Speeches at Athens of Alexander 
and the Spartan envoys; Athenian answer to both. 


DOOK IX 


Ch. 1-5. Mardonius in Attica; his fresh proposals 
to the Athenians. 

Ch. 6-11. Hesitation of the Spartans to send 
troops; appeals made by the Athenians; eventual 
despatch of a force. 

Ch. 12-15. Argive warning to Mardonius; his 
march to Megara and withdrawal thence to Boeotia. 

Ch. 16-18. Story of a banquet at Thebes, and 
Mardonius' test of a Phocian contingent. 

Ch. 19-25. The Greeks at Erythrae; repulse of 
Persian cavalry attack, and death of its leader; 
Greek change of position. 

Ch. 26-27. Rival claim of Tegeans and Athenians 
for the post of honour. 

Ch. 28-32. Battle array of Greek and Persian 
armies. 

Ch. 33-37. Stories of the diviners in the two 
armies. 

Ch. 38-43. Persian attack on a Greek convoy; 
Mardonius’ council of war and determination to 
fight. 

Ch. 44—51. Alexander's warning to the Athenians ; 
attempted change of Greek and Persian formation ; 
Mardonius’ challenge to the Spartans, and retreat 
of Greeks to a new position. 


ix 


INTRODUCTION 
Ch. 52-57. Flight of the Greek centre; Amom- 


pharetus' refusal to change his ground. 

Ch. 58-65. Battle of Plataea; initial success of 
Spartans and Tegeans. 

Ch. 66-69. Flight of Artabazus; Athenian success 
against the Boeotians; disaster to part of the Greek 
army. 

Ch. 70-75. Assault and capture of the Persian 
fortified camp. Distinctions of various Greek 
fighters. 

Ch. 76-79. Pausanias’ reception of the Coan 
female suppliant; the Mantineans and Eleans after 
the battle; Lampon's proposal to Pausanias and 
his reply. 

Ch. 80-85. Greek division of the spoil and burial 
of the dead. 

Ch. 86-89. Siege of Thebes and punishment of 
Theban leaders; retreat of Artabazus. 

Ch. 90-95. Envoys from Samos with the Greek 
fleet. Story of the diviner Euenius. 

Ch. 96-105. Movements preliminary to the battle 
of Mycale, and Greek victory there. 

Ch. 106, 107. Greek deliberation at Samos; 
quarrel between Persian leaders. 

Ch. 108-113. Story of Xerxes' adultery and cruelty, 
and the fate of his brother Masistes. 

Ch. 114-121. Capture of Sestus by the Greeks; 
sacrilege of Artayctes, and his execution. 

Ch. 122. Cyrus' advice to the Persians to prefer 
hardship to comfort. 


In the eighth and ninth books the central subjects 
are the battles of Salamis and Plataea respectively. 
Herodotus describes the preliminaries of Salamis, 


X 


INTRODUCTION 


and both the operations prior to Plataea and the 
actual battle, with much detail; and his narrative 
has given rise to a good deal of controversy. Some- 
times it is difficult to reconcile his story with the 
facts of geography. Sometimes, it is alleged, he is 
contradicted by the only other real authority for the 
sea fight at Salamis, Aeschylus. More often, he is 
said to sin against the laws of probability. He 
makes generals and armies do things which are 
surprising; and this is alleged to detract from his 
eredit; for a historian, who allows generals and 
armies to disregard known rules of war, is plainly 
suspect, and at best the dupe of camp gossip, if not 
animated by partiality or even malice. 

As to the battle of Salamis, a mere translator has 
no desire to add greatly to the literature of contro- 
versy. But it is worth while to review Herodotus’ 
account. On the day before the battle, the Persian 
fleet, apparently, lay along the coast of Attica, its 
eastern wing being near Munychia; the Greeks 
being at Salamis, opposite to and rather less than 
a mile distant from Xerxes’ ships. During the 
night, Persian ships were detached to close the two 
entrances of the straits between the mainland and 
Salamis. At dawn of the following day, the Greeks 
rowed out and made a frontal attack on the Persians 
facing them. 

This account is questioned by the learned, mainly 
on two grounds; firstly, because (it is alleged) the 
Persians, if they originally lay along the Attic coast, 
could not have closed the two entrances of the 
straits without the knowledge of the Greeks; 
secondly, because Herodotus’ narrative differs from 
that given by Aeschylus, in the Persae, a play 


ΧΙ 


INTRODUCTION 


produced only eight years after the battle. As 
to the first objection, the Persian manoeuvre was 
executed in darkness, and by small vessels, not 
modern battleships: it is surely not incredible that 
the Greeks should have been unaware of its full 
execution. As to the second ground of eriticism,— 
that Herodotus and Aeschylus do not agree, and 
that Aeschylus must be held the better authority,— 

it still remains to be shown in what the alleged 
discrepancy consists. It is a fact which appears to 
escape the observation of the learned that Aeschylus 
is writing a poetie drama, and not a despatch. His 
manner of telling the story certainly differs from 
that of Herodotus ; but the facts which he relates 
appear to be the same: and in all humility I cannot 
but suggest that if commentators would re-read their 
Herodotus and their Aeschylus in parallel columns, 
without (if this be not too much to ask) an a priori 
desire to catch Herodotus tripping, some of them, 
at least, would eventually be able to reconcile the 
Niemen DO Sn tragedian. For Aeschylus no- 
where contradicts what is apparently the view of 
Herodotus,—that the Persians, or their main body, 
lay along the Attic eoast opposite Salamis when the 
Greeks sailed out to attack them. Messrs. How 
and Wells (quos honoris causa nomino) say that this 
was probably not so, because, aecording to Aeschylus, 
“some time” elapsed before the Persians could see 
the Greek advance, and the strait is only one 
thousand five hundred yards wide. But as a matter 
of fact, Aeschylus does not say that some time 
elapsed. His expression is θοῶς δὲ πάντες ἦσαν 
ἐκφανεῖς idctv—- quickly they were all plain to 
view. 


xli 


INTRODUCTION 


Herodotus’ narrative of the manceuvres of Mar- 
donius' and Pausanias' armies near Plataea is, like 
most descriptions of battles, not always very clear. 
It is full of detail; but as some of the localities 
mentioned cannot be quite certainly identified, the 
details are not always easy to understand; and it 
must be confessed that there are gaps in the story. 
For instance, we must presume (though meritorious 
efforts are made to explain the statement away) 
that Herodotus means what he says when he asserts 
in Ch. 15 that Mardonius’ army occupied the 
ground * from Erythrae past Hysiae " ; the Persians, 
therefore, were then on the right bank of the 
Asopus; yet soon afterwards they are, according 
to the historian's equally plain statement, on the 
left bank. Hence there are real obscurities; and 
the narrative is not without picturesque and per- 
haps rather surprising incidents; which some 
commentators (being rather like M.  About's 
gendarme, persons whose business it is to see that 
nothing unusual happens in the locality) promptly 
dismiss as *camp gossip."  Altogether, what with 
obscurity and camp gossip, scholars have given 
themselves a fairly free hand to reconstruct the 
operations before Plataea as they must have hap- 
pened—unless indeed “someone had blundered," 
an hypothesis which, apparently, ought only to be 
accepted in the very last resort, and hardly then 
if its acceptance implies Herodotus’ veracity. Re- 
construction of history is an amusing game, and has 
its uses, especially in places of education, where it 
is played with distinguished success; yet one may 
still doubt whether rejection of what after all is our 
only real authority brings the public any nearer to 


xili 


INTRODUCTION 


knowing what did actually happen. Strategists and 
tacticians do make mistakes; thus, generally, are 
battles lost and won; and unreasonable incidents 
do occur. However, it is fair to say that most of 
the reconstruction of Salamis and Plataea was done 
before August, 1914. 

But here, as elsewhere in his history, Herodotus' 
authority is much impaired by the presumption, 
popular since Plutarch, of a pro-Athenian bias which 
leads him to falsify history by exaggerating the merit 
of Athens at the expense of other states, especially 
Sparta. Now we may readily believe that if 
Herodotus lived for some time at Athens, he was 
wiling enough to do ample justice to her achieve- 
ments; but if he is to be charged with undue and 
unjust partiality, and consequent falsification, then 
it must be shown that the conduct which he 
attributes to Athens and to Sparta is somehow not 
consistent with what one would naturally expect, 
from the circumstances of the case, and from what 
we know, aliunde, about those two states. Scholars 
who criticise Herodotus on grounds of probability 
ought to be guided by their own canon. If a 
historian is to be discredited where his narrative 
does not accord with what is antecedently probable, 
then he must be allowed to gain credit where ante- 
cedent probability is on his side; and there is no- 
thing in Herodotus' account of Athenian and Spartan 
actions during the campaigns of 480 and 479 which 
disagrees with the known character of either people. 
Pace the socialistic conception of an unrelieved 
similarity among all states and individuals, the 
Athenians of the fifth century, B.c., were an excep- 
tional people; their record is not precisely the 


xiv 


INTRODUCTION 


record of Boeotia or Arcadia; it seems fair to say, 
without appealing to Herodotus’ testimony, that 
they were more gifted, and more enterprising, than 
most. The spirit of the Hellenic world is general, —— 
intense local patriotism, intense fear and hatred of 
Oriental absolutism and strange worships,—was more 
alive among the Athenians, probably, than in any 
other Greek state. Sparta also had her share of 
these qualities; she too would make no terms with 
the Persian; only her methods of resistance were 
different. Primarily, each state was interested in 
its ownsafety. To Spartans-—disinclined to methods 
other than traditional, and as yet unaccustomed to 
naval warfare—it seemed that Sparta could be 
best defended by blocking the land access to the 
Peloponnese; they would defend the Isthmus suc- 
cessfully, as they had tried and failed to defend 
Thermopylae. This meant, of course, the sacrifice 
of Attica; and naturally that was a sacrifice not 
to be made willingly by Athenians. Their only 
chance of saving or recovering Attica lay in fighting 
a naval action close to its coasts; nay, the abandon- 
ment of Salamis meant the exposure of their de- 
pendents to fresh dangers; therefore, they pressed 
for the policy of meeting and defeating the Persian 
where he lay by the Attic coast. This policy was 
to prove successful; and thereby, the Athenians 
incidentally accomplished what was undoubtedly 
also their object, the salvation of Hellas; but the 
primary purpose of both Sparta and Athens, both 
before Salamis and before Plataea (when the 
Athenians were naturally displeased by a plan 
which left Attica a prey to the enemy) was un- 
doubtedly to do the best they could for themselves. 


XV 


INTRODUCTION 


This, in fact, was always the desire of all Greek 
states, as of most others in the history of the 
world; and as the actions of both Athens and 
Sparta were the natural outcome of that desire, 
there is no need to suspect Herodotus of unduly 
favouring the Athenians when he credits them with 
the plans which led to victory, or of unduly dis- 
paraging the Spartans when he describes their 
delays and hesitations before their march to Boeotia. 

If the charge of an excessively pro-Athenian bias 
is to be sustained, it must be shown that Herodotus 
is prone to deny credit to the great rival of Athens. 
But there is no evidence of that. Sparta receives 
fuli measure from Herodotus. No Spartan could 
conceivably have been dissatisfied with the chapters 
on Thermopylae. Plataea is represented as a Spartan 
victory; it was the Spartans and Tegeans who in 
Herodotus' story were the real heroes of the day; 
the glory of winning *the greatest victory ever 
won ” is definitely given to the Spartan commander- 
in-chief. On the other hand Themistocles, the 
typical Athenian, is treated with a severity which 
even appears to be rather gratuitous. It is true 
that Herodotus does not take pains to praise two 
other Greek states which at various times were at 
feud with Athens. He tells us that the Thebans 
* medized," a fact which has not, I believe, been 
denied, even by Plutarch; it is difficult to see 
what else he could have said. True, he reports a 
damaging story about the Corinthians and their 
failure to take part in the action of Salamis; but 
he adds, in his candid way, that nobody believes 
the story outside Attica. 

The hypothesis of Herodotus’ “obvious pro- 


XVI 


INTRODUCTION 


Athenian bias” is one which is bound to appeal to 
readers who are laudably afraid of being led away 
by hero-worship; but it has one fault—it lacks 
evidence. 

With the crowning victory of Mycale, where for 
the first time a Persian army was defeated by a 
Greek within the boundaries of the Persian empire, 
the history of the war comes to an end. But the 
chapters which conclude Book 1X are no anti- 
climax; they are congruous with the whole, part 
and parcel of the narrative, and as striking an 
example of Herodotus' supreme art as any passage 
in his history. What was it after all (a reader might 
be supposed to ask) that nerved most of the Greeks 
to resist Darius’ and Xerxes’ powerful armaments? 
The answer is plain; it was fear of the caprice and 
cruelty of Oriental despots, and desire to protect 
Greek temples from sacrilege. These concluding 
chapters illustrate and justify the Greek temper. 
The methods of Persian absolutism are vividly por- 
trayed in the gruesome story of Xerxes’ love and 
Masistes' death ; and the crucified body of Artafctes, 
the defiler of temples, hangs by the Hellespontian 
shore, overlooking the scene of Xerxes’ proudest 
achievement and display, as a warning to all sacri- 
legious invaders ; so perish all who lay impious hands 
on the religion of Hellas! . . . The story is now 
complete. The play is played; and in the last 
chapter of the book, Cyrus the great protagonist 
of the drama is called before the curtain to speak 
its epilogue. 


[Besides the authorities enumerated at the begin- 
ning of Vol. I of this translation, the following 


xvii 


INTRODUCTION 


sources are recommended to the students of the 
campaigns of Salamis and Plataea:— 


G. B. Grundy, The Great Persian War. 

J. A. R. Munro, Journal of Hellenic Studies, xxii. 
323—32 and xxiv. 144—605. 

Prof. Goodwin, Harvard Studies of Classical 
Philology, 1906, pp. 75 ff] 


xviii 


HERODOTUS 
BOOK VIII 


VOL. IV. 


HPOAOTOY ΤΣΤΟΡΙΑΙ 


Θ 


1. Οἱ δὲ Ἑλλήνων ἐς τὸν ναυτικὸν στρατὸν 
ταχθέντες ἡ ἦσαν. οἶδε, ᾿Αθηναῖοι μὲν. νέας παρεχό- 
μενοι. ἑκατὸν καὶ εἴκοσι καὶ ἑπτώ: ὑπὸ δὲ ἀρετῆς 
τε καὶ προθυμίης Πλαταιέες ἄπειροι τῆς ναυτικῆς 
ἐόντες συνεπλήρουν τοῖσι ᾿Αθηναίοισι τὰς νέας. 
Κορίνθιοι δὲ τεσσεράκοντα νέας παρείχοντο, 
Μεγαρέες δὲ εἴκοσι. καὶ Χαλκιδέες ἐπλήρουν 
εἴκοσι, ᾿Αθηναίων σφι παρεγόντων τὰς νέας, 
Αἰγινῆται δὲ ὀκτωκαίδεκα, Σικυώνιοι δὲ δυοκαί- 
δεκα, Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ δέκα, άπιδαύριοι δὲ ὀκτώ, 
ρετριέες. δὲ ἑπτά, Τροιξήνιοι δὲ πέντε, Xrupées 
δὲ δύο, καὶ Kyot δύο τε νέας καὶ πεντηκοντέρους 
δύο' Λοκροὶ δέ σφι οἱ Ὀπούντιοι ἐπεβοήθεον 

πεντηκοντέρους ἔχοντες ἑπτά. 

2. "Hoar μὲν οὗτοι οἱ στρατευόμενοι ἐπ᾽ ᾿Άρτε- 
µίσιον, εἴρηται δέ µοι καὶ ὡς τὸ πλῆθος ἕκαστοι 
τῶν νεῶν παρείχοντο. ἀριθμὸς δὲ τῶν συλλεχθει- 
σέων νεῶν ἐπ᾿ ᾿Αρτεμίσιον ἦν, πάρεξ τῶν πεντη- 
κοντέρων, διηκόσιαι καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ μία. 
τὸν δὲ στρατηγὸν τὸν τὸ μέγιστον κράτος ἔχοντα 
παρείχοντο Σπαρτιῆται Εὐρυβιάδην ΓΠὐρυκλείδεω: 


2 


HERODOTUS 


BOOK VIII 


1. Tue Greeks appointed to serve in the flect 
were these: the Athenians furnished a hundred 
and twenty-seven ships; the Plataeans manned 
these ships with the Athenians, not that they had 
any knowledge of seamanship, but of mere valour 
and zeal. The Corinthians furnished forty ships, 
and the Megarians twenty; and the Chalcidians 
manned twenty, the Athenians furnishing the ships; 
the Aeginetans eighteen, the Sicyonians twelve, the 
Lacedaemonians ten, the Epidaurians eight, the 
Eretrians seven, the Troezenians five, the Styrians 
two, and the Ceans two, and two fifty-oared barks; 
and the Opuntian Locrians brought seven fifty-oared 
barks to their aid. 

2. These were they who came to Artemisium for 
battle; and I have now shown how they severally 
furnished the whole sum. The number of ships 
that mustered at Artemisium was two hundred and 
seventy one, besides the fifty-oared barks. But the 
admiral who had the chief command was of the 
Spartans’ providing, Eurybiades, son of Euryclides ; 


3 


HERODOTUS 


οὗ yap σύμμαχοι οὐκ ἔφασαν, ἣν μὴ ὁ Λάκων 
ἡγεμονεύῃ, ᾿Αθηναίοισι ἕψεσθαι ἡ ἡγεομένοισι, ἀλλὰ 
λύσειν τὸ μέλλον ἔσεσθαι στράτευμα. 

35 "Eyevero yap KAT ἀρχὰς λόγος, πρὶν ἢ καὶ 
ἐς Σικελίην πέμπειν. ἐπὶ συμμαχίην, ὡς τὸ ναυτι- 
κὸν ᾿Αθηναίοισι χρεὸν età) ἐπιτράπειν. ἀντιβάντων 
δὲ τῶν συμμάχων εἶκον οἱ ᾿Λθηναῖοι μέγα πεποιη- 
μένοι περιεῖναι τὴν Ἑλλάδα καὶ γνόντες, εἰ στα- 
σιάσουσι περὶ τῆς ἡγεμονίης, ὡς ἀπολέεται ) 
Ἑλλάς, ὀρθὰ νοεῦντες" στάσις γὰρ ἔμφυλος 
πολέμου ὁμοφρονέοντος τοσούτῳ κάκιον ἐστὶ ὅσῳ 
πόλεμος εἰρήνης. ἐπιστάμενοι ὧν αὐτὸ τοῦτο 
οὐκ ἀντέτεινον ἀλλ, εἶκον, μέχρι ὅσου κάρτα ἐδέ- 
οντο αὐτῶν, ὡς διέδεξαν: ὡς γὰρ δὴ ὠσάμενοι τὸν 
Πέρσην περὶ τῆς ἐκείνου ἤδη τὸν ἀγῶνα ἐποιεῦντο, 
πρόφασιν τὴν Παυσανίεω ὕβριν προϊσχόμενοι 
ἀπείλοντο τὴν ἡγεμονίην τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους. 
ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν ὕστερον ἐγένετο. 

4. Τότε δὲ οὗτοι οἱ καὶ ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αρτεμίσιον 'EX- 
λήνων ἀπικόμενοι ὡς εἶδον νέας τε πολλὰς κατα- 
χθείσας ἐς τὰς ᾽Αϕέτας καὶ στρατιῆς ἅπαντα 
πλέα, ἐπεὶ αὐτοῖσι παρὰ δόξαν τὰ πρήγματα τῶν 
βαρβάρων ἀπέβαινε ἢ ὡς αὐτοὶ κατεδόκεον, κα- 
ταρρωδήσαντες δρησμὸν ἐβουλεύοντο ἀπὸ τοῦ 
᾿Αρτεμισίου ἔσω ἐς τὴν Ἑλλάδα. γνόντες δὲ 
σφέας οἱ Εὐβοέες ταῦτα βουλευομένους ἐδέοντο 
Εὐρυβιάδεω προσεῖναι χρόνον ὀλίγον, ἔστ᾽ ἂν 
αὐτοὶ τέκνα τε καὶ τοὺς οἰκέτας ὑπεκθέωνται. ὡς 
δ᾽ οὐκ ἔπειθον, μεταβάντες τὸν ᾿Αθηναίων στρατη- 
γὸν πείθουσι Θεμιστοκλέα ἐπὶ μισθῷ τριήκοντα 


1 After the capture of Byzantium in 476 B.C. 


BOOK VIII. 2-4 


for the allies said, that if the Laconian were not 
their leader they would rather make an end of the 
fleet that was preparing than be led by the 
Athenians. 

3. For in the first days, before the sending to 
Sicily for alliance there, there had been talk of 
entrusting the command at sea to the Athenians. 
But when the allies withstood this, the Athenians 
waived their claim, deeming the safety of Hellas 
of prime moment, and seeing that if they quarrelled 
over the leadership Hellas must perish; wherein 
they judged rightly; for civil strife is as much 
worse than united war as war is worse than peace. 
Knowing that, they gave ground and waived their 
claim, but only so long as they had great need of 
the others, as was shown ; for when they had driven 
the Persian back and the battle was no longer for 
their territory but for his, they made a pretext of 
Pausanias highhandedness and took the command 
away from the Lacedaemonians. But all that befel 
later.1 

4. But now, the Greeks who had at last come to 
Artemisium saw a multitude of ships launched at 
Aphetae, and armaments everywhere, and contrary 
to all expectation the foreigner was shown to be 
in far other case than they had supposed ; wherefore 
they lost heart and began to take counsel for flight 
from Artemisium homewards into Hellas. Then 
the Euboeans, seeing them to be thus planning, 
entreated Eurybiades to wait a little while, till they 
themselves should have brought away their children 
and households. But when they could not prevail 
with him, they essayed another way, and gave 
Themistocles, the Athenian admiral, a bribe of 


5 


HERODOTUS 


ταλάντοισι, ἐπ᾽ ( τε καταμείναντες πρὸ τῆς 
Εὐβοίης ποιήσονται τὴν ναυμαχίην. 

5. Ὁ δὲ Θεμιστοκλέης τοὺς “Ελληνας ἐπισχεῖν 
ὧδε ποιέει" ᾿Βὐρυβιάδῃ τούτων τῶν χρημάτων 
μεταδιδοῖ. πέντε τάλαντα ὡς παρ ἑωυτοῦ δῆθεν 
διδούς. ὡς δέ οἱ οὗτος ἀνεπέπειστο, ᾿Αδείμαντος 

N e» " ε / ` ^ ^ 
yàp o Qxvrov ὁ Κορίνθιος στρατηγὸς τῶν Ἀοιπῶν 
ἤσπαιρε μοῦνος, φάμενος ἀποπλεύσεσθαί τε ἀπὸ 
τοῦ ᾿Ἀρτεμισίου καὶ οὐ παραμενέειν, πρὸς δὴ τοῦτον 
εἶπε ὁ Θεμιστοκλέης ἐπομόσας “Οὐ σύ γε ἡμέας 
ἀπολείψεις, ἐπεί τοι ἐγὼ μέζω δῶρα δώσω ἢ βα- 
σιλεὺς ἄν τοι Ó Μήδων πέμψειε ἀπολιπόντι τοὺς 
συμμάχους. ταῦτά τε ἅμα ἠγόρευε καὶ πέμπει 
ἐπὶ τὴν νέα, τὴν ᾿Αδειμάντου τάλαντα ἀργυρίου 
τρία. οὗτοί τε δὴ πάντες δώροισι ἀναπεπεισμέ- 
νοι ἦσαν καὶ τοῖσι Εὐβοεῦσι ἐκεχάριστο, αὐτός 
τε ὁ Θεμιστοκλέης ἐκέρδηνε, ἐλάνθανε δὲ τὰ λοιπὰ 
ἔχων, GAN ἠπιστέατο οἱ μεταλαβόντες τούτων 
o χρημάτων ἐκ τῶν ᾿Αθηνέων ἐλθεῖν ἐπὶ τῷ 

OYW τούτῳ τὰ χρήματα. 

6. Οὕτω δὴ κατέἐμεινάν τε ἐν τῇ Εὐβοίῃ καὶ 
ἐναυμάχησαν, ἐγένετο δὲ ὧδε. ἐπείτε δὴ ἐς τὰς 
᾿Αφέτας περὶ δείλην πρωίην γινομένην ἀπίκατο 
οἱ βάρβαροι, πυθόμενοι μὲν ἔτι καὶ πρότερον περὶ 
τὸ ᾿Αρτεμίσιον ναυλοχέειν νέας "Ελληνίδας ὀλίγας, 
τότε δὲ αὐτοὶ ἰδόντες, πρόθυμοι ἡ ἦσαν ἐπιχειρέειν, 
εἴ κως ἕλοιεν αὐτάς. ἐκ μὲν δὴ τῆς ἀντίης προσ- 
πλέειν οὔ xc σφι ἐδόκεε τῶνδε εἵνεκα, μή κως 
ἰδόντες οἱ "Ελληνες προσπλέοντας ἐς φυγὴν 
ὁρμήσειαν φεύγοντάς τε εὐφρόνη καταλαμβάνῃ" 
καὶ ἔμελλον δῆθεν ἐκφεύξεσθαι, ἔδει δὲ μηδὲ 


6 


BOOK VIII. 4-6 


thirty talents on the condition that the Greek fleet 
should remain there and fight, when they fought, 
to defend Euboea. 

5. This was the way whereby Themistocles made 
the Greeks to stay where they were: he gave 
Eurybiades for his share five talents of that money, 
as though it were of his own that he gave it. 
Eurybiades being thus won over, none of the rest 
was of a resisting temper save only Adimantus, son 
of Ocytus, the Corinthian admiral, who said that 
he would not remain but sail away from Artemisium ; 
to him said Themistocles, adding an oath thereto: 
“Nay, you of all men will not desert us; for I will 
give you a greater gift than the king of the Medes 
would send you for deserting your allies" ; and 
with that saying he sent withal three talents of 
silver to Adimantus' ship. So these two were won 
over by gifts, the Euboeans got their desire, and 
Themistocles himself was the gainer; he kept the 
rest of the money, none knowing, but they that 
had received a part of it supposing that it had 
been sent for that intent by the Athenians. 

6. So the Greeks abode off Euboea and there 
fought; and it came about as I shall show. Having 
arrived at Aphetae in the early part of the after- 
noon, the foreigners saw for themselves the few 
Greek ships that they had already heard were 
stationed off Artemisium, and they were eager to 
attack, that so they might take them. Now they 
were not yet minded to make an onfall front 
to front, for fear lest the Greeks should see them 
coming and take to flight, and night close upon 
them as they fled; it was their belief that the 
Greeks would save themselves by flight, and by the 


7 


HERODOTUS 


πυρφόρον τῷ ἐκείνων λόγῳ ἐκφυγόντα Trepi- 
γενέσθαι. 

7. Πρὸς ταῦτα ὧν τάδε ἐμηχανῶντο' τῶν νεῶν 
ἁπασέων ἀποκρίναντες διηκοσίας περιέπεμπον 
ἔξωθεν Σκιάθου, ὡς ἂν μὴ ὀφθείησαν ὑπὸ τῶν 
πολεμίων περιπλέουσαι Κὔβοιαν κατά τε Καφηρέα 
καὶ περὶ Γεραιστὸν. ἐς τὸν Εὔριπον, i ίνα δὴ περι- 
λάβοιεν οἳ μὲν ταύτῃ ἀπικόμενοι καὶ φράξαντες 
αὐτῶν τὴν ὀπίσω φέρουσαν ὁδόν, σφεῖς δὲ ἐπι- 
σπόμενοι ἐξ ἐναντίης. ταῦτα βουλευσάμενοι 
ἀπέπεμπον τῶν νεῶν τὰς ταχθείσας, αὐτοὶ οὐκ 
ἐν νόῳ ἔχοντες ταύτης τῆς ἡμέρης τοῖσι "Ελλησι 
ἐπιθήσεσθαι, οὐδὲ πρότερον | ἢ τὸ σύνθημά σφι 
ἔμελλε φανήσεσθαι παρὰ τῶν περιπλεόντω ν ὡς 
ἡκόντων. ταύτας μὲν δὴ περιέπεµπον, τῶν δὲ 
λοιπέων νεῶν ἐν τῇσι. ᾿Αφέτῃσι € ἐποιεῦντο ἀριθμόν. 

8. Ev δὲ τούτῳ TO χρόνῳ ἐν à οὗτοι ἀριθμὸν 
ἐποιεῦντο τῶν νεῶν, ἦν yap ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ 
τούτῳ Σκυλλίης Σκιωναῖος δύτης τῶν τότε 
ἀνθρώπων à ἄριστος, ὃς καὶ ἐν TH ναυηγίῃ τῇ κατὰ 
Πήλιον γενομένῃ πολλὰ μὲν ἔσωσε τῶν χρηματων 
τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι, πολλὰ δὲ καὶ αὐτὸς περιεβάλετο' 
οὗτος ὁ Σκυλλίης ἐν νόῳ pev εἶχε ἄρα καὶ πρό- 
τερον αὐτομολήσειν ἐς τοὺς “Ελληνας, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ 
γάρ οἱ παρέσχε ὡς τότε. ὅτεῳ μὲν δὴ τρόπῳ 
τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν ἔτι ἀπίκετο ἐς τοὺς "Έλληνας, οὐκ 
ἔχω εἰπεῖν ἀτρεκέως, θωμάξω δὲ εἰ τὰ λεγόμενα 
ἐστὶ ἀληθέα: λέγεται γὰρ ὡς ἐξ ᾿Αφετέων δὺς 
ἐς τὴν θάλασσαν οὐ πρότερον ἀνέσχε πρὶν 7) 
ἀπίκετο ἐπὶ τὸ ᾿Αρτεμίσιον, σταδίους μάλιστά 
κη τούτους ἐς ὀγδώκοντα διὰ τῆς θαλάσσης 


8 


BOOK VIII. 6-8 


Persian purpose not so much as a firebearer! of them 
must be saved alive. 

7. Wherefore this was the plan that they devised. 
Separating two hundred ships from the whole 
number, they sent them to cruise outside Sciathus 
(that so the enemies might not see them sailing 
round Euboea) and by way of Caphereus round 
Geraestus to the Euripus, so that they might catch 
the Greeks between them, the one part holding 
that course and barring the retreat, and they them- 
selves attacking in front. Thus planning, they sent 
the appointed ships on their way, purposing for 
themselves to make no attack upon the Greeks that 
day, nor before the signal should be seen whereby 
the ships that sailed round were to declare their 
coming. So they sent those ships to sail round, and 
set about numbering the rest at Aphetae. 

8. Now at the time of their numbering the ships, 
there was in the fleet one Scyllias, a man of Scione; 
he was the best diver of the time, and in the ship- 
wreck at Pelion he had saved for the Persians 
much of their possessions and won much withal for 
himself; this Scyllias had ere now, it would seem, 
purposed to desert to the Greeks, but he never 
had had so fair an occasion as now. By what 
means he did thereafter at last make his way to 
the Greeks, I cannot with exactness say; but if 
the story be true it is marvellous indeed; for it 
is said that he dived into the sea at Aphetae and 
never rose above it till he came to Artemisium, thus 
passing underneath the sea for about eighty furlongs. 


1 The πυρφόρος carricd the sacred fire which was always 
kept alight for the sacrifices of the army; his person was 
supposed to be inviolable. 


3 


HERODOTUS 


διεξελθών. λέγεται μέν νυν καὶ ἄλλα ψευδέσι 
εἴκελα περὶ τοῦ ἀνδρὸς τούτου, τὰ δὲ μετεξέτερα 
ἀληθέα: περὶ μέντοι τούτου γνώμη μοι ἀποδεδέχθω 
πλοίῳ μιν ἀπικέσθαι ἐπὶ τὸ ᾿Αρτεμίσιον. ὡς δὲ 
ἀπίκετο, αὐτίκα ἐσήμηνε τοῖσι στρατηγοῖσι τήν 
τε ναυηγίην ὡς γένοιτο, καὶ τὰς περιπεμφθείσας 
τῶν νεῶν περὶ Εὔβοιαν. 

9. Τοῦτο δὲ ἀκούσαντες οἱ "Ἕλληνες λόγον 
σφίσι αὐτοῖσι ἐδίδοσαν. πολλῶν δὲ λεχθέντων 
ἐνίκα τὴν ἡμέρην ἐκείνην αὐτοῦ μείναντάς τε καὶ 
αὐλισθέντας, μετέπειτα νύκτα μέσην παρέντας 
πορεύεσθαι καὶ ἀπαντᾶν τῆσι περιπλεούσησι 
τῶν νεῶν. μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο, ὡς οὐδείς σφι ἐπέπλεε, 
δείλην ὀψίην γινομένην τῇς ἡμέρης φυλάξαντες 
αὐτοὶ ἐπανέπλεον ἐπὶ τοὺς βαρβάρους, ἆ ἀπόπειραν 
αὐτῶν ποιήσασθαι βουλόμενοι τῆς τε μάχης καὶ 
τοῦ διεκπλόου. 

10. Ὁρῶντες δὲ σφέας οἵ τε ἄλλοι στρατιῶται 
οἱ Ξέρξεω καὶ οἱ στρατηγοὶ ἐπιπλέοντας νηυσὶ 
ὀλίγησι, πάγχυ σφι μανίην ἐπενείκαντες ἀνῆγον 
καὶ αὐτοὶ τὰς νέας, ἐλπίσαντες σφέας εὐπετέως 
αἱρήσειν, οἰκότα κάρτα ἐλπίσαντες, τὰς μέν γε 
τῶν Ελλήνων ὁρῶντες ὀλίγας νέας, τὰς δὲ ἑωυτῶν 
TAGE τε πολλαπλησίας καὶ ἄμεινον πλεούσας. 
καταφρονήσαντες ταῦτα ἐκυκλοῦντο αὐτοὺς ἐς 
μέσον. ὅσοι μέν νυν τῶν ᾿Ιώνων ἦσαν εὔνοοι 
τοῖσι "Ελλησι, à ἀέκοντές τε ἐστρατεύοντο συμφορήν 
τε ἐποιεῦντο μεγάλην ὁρῶντες περιεχομένους 
αὐτοὺς καὶ ἐπιστάμενοι ὡς οὐδεὶς αὐτῶν ἀπο- 
νοστήσει: οὕτω ἀσθενέα σφι ἐφαίνετο εἶναι τὰ 

τῶν Ἑλλήνων πρήγματα, ὅσοισι δὲ καὶ ἡ δομέ- 
νοισι ἦν τὸ γινόμενον, ἅμιλλαν ἐποιεῦντο ὅκως 
10 


BOOK VIII. 8-10 


There are many tales of this man, some like lies 
and some true; but as concerning the present 
business it is my opinion, which I hereby declare, 
that he came to Artemisium in a boat. Having 
then come, he straightway told the admirals the 
story of the shipwreck, and of the ships that had 
been sent round Euboea. 

9. Hearing that, the Greeks took counsel together ; 
there was much speaking, but the opinion prevailed 
that they should abide and encamp where they were 
for that day, and thereafter when it should be past 
midnight put to sea and meet the ships that were 
sailing round. But presently, none attacking them, 
they waited for the late afternoon of the day and 
themselves advanced their ships against the foreigner, 
desiring to put to the proof his fashion of fighting 
and the art of breaking the line. 

10. When Xerxes men and their generals saw 
the Greeks bearing down on them with but a few 
ships, they deemed them assuredly mad, and them- 
selves put out to sea, thinking to win an easy 
victory ; which expectation was very reasonable, as 
they saw the Greek ships so few, and their own 
many times more numerous and more seaworthy. 
With this assurance, they hemmed in the Greeks in 
their midst. Now as many Ionians as were friendly 
to the Greeks came unwillingly to the war, and 
were sore distressed to see the Greeks surrounded, 
supposing that not one of them would return home; 
so powerless did the Greeks seem to them to be. 
But those who were glad of the business vied each 
with each that he might be the first to take an 


! Tor the διεκπλους see Bk. VI. ch. 12. 
II 


HERODOTUS 


αὐτὸς ἕκαστος πρῶτος νέα ᾿Αττικὴν ἑλὼν παρὰ 
βασιλέος δῶρα λάμψεται' ᾿Αθηναίων γὰρ αὐτοῖσι 
λόγος ἦν πλεῖστος ἀνὰ τὰ στρατόπεδα. 

11. Τοῖσι δὲ “Ελλησι ὡς ἐσήμηνε, πρῶτα μὲν 
ἀντίπρωροι τοῖσι βαρβάροισι γενόμενοι ἐς τὸ 
μέσον τὰς πρύμνας συνήγαγον», δεύτερα δὲ 
σημήναντος ἔργου εἴχοντο ἐν ὀλίγω TEP ἀπο- 
λαμφθέντες καὶ κατὰ στόμα. ἐνθαῦτα τριήκοντα 
νέας αἱρέουσι τῶν βαρβάρων καὶ τὸν lópyov τοῦ 
Σαλαμινίων βασιλέος ἀδελφεὸν Φιλάονα τὸν 
Χέρσιος, λόγιμον ἐόντα ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ ἄνδρα. 
πρῶτος δὲ Ἑλλήνων νέα τῶν πολεμίων εἷλε 
ἀνὴρ ᾿Αθηναῖος Λυκομήδης Λἰσχραίου, καὶ τὸ 
ἀριστήιον ἔλαβε οὗτος. τοὺς ὃ ἐν τῇ ναυμαχίη 
ταύτῃ ἑτεραλκέως ἀγωνιξομένους νὺξ ἐπελθοῦσα 
διέλυσε. οἱ uev δὴ Ἕλληνες ἐπὶ τὸ ᾿Αρτεμίσιον 
ἀπέπλεον, οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι € ἐς τὰς ᾿Αφέτας, πολλὸν 
παρὰ δόξαν ἀγωνισάμενοι. ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ ναυ- 
payin ᾿Αντίδωρος Λήμνιος μοῦνος τῶν σὺν βασιλέι 
Ἑλλήνων ἐόντων αὐτομολέει ἐς τοὺς "Ελληνας, 
καὶ οἱ ον διὰ τοῦτο τὸ ἔργον ἔδοσαν αὐτῷ 

ὧρον ἐν Σαλαμῖνι. 

[290 ος εὐφρόνη ἐγεγόνεε, ἣν μὲν τῆς ὥρης 
μέσον θέρος, ἐγίνετο δὲ ὕδωρ τε ἄπλετον διὰ 
πάσης τῆς νυκτὸς καὶ σκληραὶ βρονταὶ ἀπὸ 
τοῦ Πηλίου" οἱ δὲ νεκροὶ καὶ τὰ ναυήγια ἐξε- 
φέροντο ἐς τὰς ᾿Αφέτας, καὶ περί τε τὰς πρώρας 
τῶν νεῶν εἱλέοντο καὶ ἐτάρασσον τοὺς ταρσοὺς 
τῶν κωπέων. οἱ δὲ στρατιῶται οἱ ταύτη ἀκούοντες 
ταῦτα ἐς φόβον, κατιστέατο, ἐλπίξοντες πάγχυ 
ἀπολέεσθαι ἐς οἷα κακὰ ἧκον. πρὶν, γὰρ ῆ καὶ 
ἀναπνεῦσαι σφέας ἔκ τε τῆς ναυηγίης καὶ τοῦ 
12 


BOOK VIII. 10-12 


Attic ship and receive gifts from the king; for it 
was the Athenians of whom there was most talk in 
the fleet. 

11. But the Greeks, when the signal was given 
them, first drew the sterns of their ships together, 
their prows turned towards the foreigners; then at 
the second signal they put their hands to the work, 
albeit they were hemmed in within a narrow space 
and fought front to front. There they took thirty 
of the foreigners’ ships and the brother of Gorgus 
king of Salamis withal, even Philaon son of Chersis, 
a man of note in the fleet. The first Greek to take 
an enemy ship was an Athenian, Lycomedes, son 
of Aeschraeus, and he it was who received the 
prize for valour. They fought that seafight with 
doubtful issue, and nightfall ended the battle; the 
Greeks sailed back to Artemisium, and the foreigners 
to Aphetae, after faring far below their hopes in 
the fight. In that battle Antidorus of Lemnos 
deserted to the Greeks, alone of all the Greeks 
that were with the king; and for that the Athenians 
gave him lands in Salamis, 

12. When darkness came on, the season being 
then midsummer, there was abundance of rain all 
through the night and violent thunderings from 
Pelion; and the dead and the wrecks were driven 
towards Aphetae, where they were entangled with 
the ships’ prows and fouled the blades of the oars. 
The ships’ companies that were there were dismayed 
by the noise of this, and looked in their present evil 
ease for utter destruction; for before they were 


r3 


HERODOTUS 


χειμῶνος τοῦ γενομένου κατὰ Πήλιον, ὑπέλαβε 
ναυμαχίη καρτερή, ἐκ δὲ τῆς ναυμαχίης ὄμβρος 
τε λάβρος καὶ ῥεύματα ἰσχυρὰ ἐς θάλασσαν 
ὁρμημένα Bpovrat T€ σκληραί. 

19. Καὶ τούτοισι μὲν τοιαύτη 7) νὺξ ἐγίνετο, 
τοῖσι δὲ ταχθεῖσι αὐτῶν περιπλέειν Εὔβοιαν 7) 
αὐτή. περ ἐοῦσα νὺξ πολλὸν ἦν ἔτι ἀγριωτέρη, 
τοσούτῳ ὅσῳ ἐν πελάγεϊ φερομένοισι ἐπέπιπτε, 
καὶ τὸ τέλος σφι ἐγίνετο ἄχαρι. ὡς γὰρ δὴ 
πλέουσι αὐτοῖσι χειμών ' τε καὶ τὸ ὕδωρ ἐπεγίνετο 
ἐοῦσι κατὰ τὰ Κοῖλα τῆς Εὐβοίης, φερόμενοι τῷ 
πνεύματι καὶ οὐκ εἰδότες τῇ ἐφέροντο ἐξέπιπτον 
πρὸς τὰς πέτρας" ἐποιέετό TE πᾶν ὑπὸ τοῦ θεοῦ 
ὅκως ἂν ἐξισωθείη τῷ Ἑλληνικῷ τὸ Περσικὸν 
μηδὲ πολλῷ πλέον εἴη. 

14. Οὗτοι μέν νυν περὶ τὰ Κοῖλα τῆς Εὐβοίης 
διεφθείροντο: οἱ Ò ἐν ᾿Αφέτῃσι βάρβαροι, ὥς 
σφι ἀσμένοισι ἡμέρη ἐπέλαμψε, ἀτρέμας τε 
εἶχον τὰς νέας Kat σφι ἀπεχρᾶτο κακῶς πρήσ- 
σουσι ἡσυχίην ἄγειν ἐν τῷ παρεόντι. τοῖσι δε 
Ἕλλησι ἐπεβοήθεον νέες τρεῖς καὶ πεντήκοντα 
᾽Αττικαί. αὗταί τε δή σφεας ἐπέρρωσαν àr- 
«ὀμεναι καὶ ἅμα, ἀγγελίη ἐλθοῦσα, ὡς τῶν Βαρ- 
βάρων οἱ περιπλέοντες τὴν Εὔβοιαν πάντες εἴησαν 
διεφθαρμένοι ù ὑπὸ τοῦ γενομένου χειμῶνος. pva- 
ἕαντες δὴ τὴν αὐτὴν -ὥρην, πλέοντες ἐπέπεσον 
νηυσὶ Κιλίσσῃσι: ταύτας δὲ διαφθείραντες, ὡς 
εὐφρόνη ἐγίνετο, ἀπέπλεον ὀπίσω ἐπὶ τὸ 
᾿Αρτεμίσιον. 

15. Τρίτῃ δὲ ἡμέρῃ δεινόν τι ποιησάμενοι οἱ 
στρατηγοὶ τῶν βαρβάρων νέας οὕτω σφι ὀλίγας 
λυμαίνεσθαι, καὶ τὸ ἀπὸ Ξέρξεω δειμαίνοντες, 


14 


BOOK VIII. 12-15 


recovered after the shipwreck and the storm off 
Pelion, they next must abide a stubborn sea-fight, and 
after the sea-fight rushing rain and mighty torrents 
pouring seaward and violent thunderings. 

13. Thus did the night deal with them; but to 
those that were appointed to sail round Euboea that 
same night was much crueller yet, inasmuch as it 
caught them on the open sea; and an evil end they 
had. For the storm and the rain coming on them 
in their course off the Hollows of Euboea, they 
were driven by the wind they knew not whither, 
and were cast upon the rocks. All this was the 
work of heaven's providence, that so the Persian 
power might be more equally matehed with the 
Greek, and not much greater than it. 

14. So these perished at the Hollows of Euboea. 
But the foreigners at Aphetae, when to their great 
comfort the day dawned, kept their ships unmoved, 
being in their evil plight well content to do nothing 
for the nonce; and fifty-three Attic ships came to 
aid the Greeks, who were heartened by the ships’ 
coming and the news brought withal that the 
foreigners sailing round Euboea had all perished 
in the late storm. ‘They waited then for the same 
hour as before, and putting to sea fell upon certain 
Cilician ships; which having destroyed, when dark- 
ness came on, they returned back to Artemisium. 

15. But on the third day, the foreign admirals, ill 
brooking that so few ships should do them hurt, 
and fearing Xerxes’ anger, waited no longer for the 


I5 


HERODOTUS 


οὐκ ἀνέμειναν ἔτι τοὺς “Ελληνας μάχης ἄρξαι, 
ἀλλὰ παρακελευσάμενοι κατὰ μέσον ἡμέρης 
ἀνῆγον τὰς νέας. συνέπιπτε δὲ ὥστε Tas αὐτὰς 
ἡμέρας τάς τε ναυμαχίας γίνεσθαι ταύτας καὶ 
τὰς πεζομαχίας τὰς ἐν Θερμοπύλῃσι. ἣν δὲ 
πᾶς ὁ ἀγὼν τοῖσι κατὰ θάλασσαν. περὶ τοῦ 
Εὐρίπου, ὥσπερ τοῖσι ἀμφὶ Λεωνίδην τὴν ἐσβολὴν 
φυλάσσειν. of μὲν δὴ παρεκελεύοντο ὅκως μὴ 
παρήσουσι ἐς τὴν ᾿Ιθλλάδα τοὺς βαρβάρους, oi 
δ᾽ ὅκως τὸ Ἱλληνικὸν στράτευμα διαφθείραντες 
τοῦ πόρου κρατήσουσι. ὡς δὲ ταξάμενοι οἱ 
Ξέρξεω. ἐπέπλεον, οἱ “Ελληνες ἀτρέμας εἶχον 
πρὸς τῶ ᾿Αρτεμισίῳ. οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι μηνοειδὲς 
ποιήσαντες τῶν νεῶν ἐκυκλοῦντο, ὡς περιλάβοιεν 
αὐτούς. 

16. ᾿Ενθεῦτεν οἱ Ἕλληνες ἐπανέπλεόν τε καὶ 
συνέμισγον. ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ ναυμαχίῃ παραπλήσιοι 
ἀλλήλοισι ἐγίνοντο. ὁ γὰρ Ξέρξεω στρατὸς ὑπὸ 
μεγάθεός τε καὶ πλήθεος αὐτὸς ὑπ᾽ ἑωυτοῦ 
ἔπιπτε, ταρασσομενέων TE τῶν νεῶν καὶ περι- 
πιπτουσέων περὶ ἀλλήλας" ὅμως μέντοι ἀντεῖχε 
καὶ οὐκ εἶκε: δεινὸν γὰρ χρῆμα ἐποιεῦντο ὑπὸ 
νεῶν ὀλιγέων ἐς φυγὴν τράπεσθαι. πολλαὶ μὲν 
δὴ τῶν Ελλήνων νέες διεφθείροντο πολλοὶ δὲ 
ἄνδρες, πολλῷ δ ἔτι πλεῦνες νέες τε τῶν Bap- 
βάρων καὶ ἄνδρες. οὕτω δὲ ἆἀγωνιζόμενοι διέστησαν 
χωρὶς ἑκάτεροι. 

17. Ἔν ταύτῃ τῇ ναυμαχίῃ Αἰγύπτιοι μὲν τῶν 
Ξέρξεω στρατιωτέων ἠρίστευσαν, οἳ ἄλλα τε 
μεγάλα ἔργα ἀπεδέξαντο καὶ νέας αὐτοῖσι ἀνδράσι 
εἶλον Ελληνίδας πέντε. τῶν δὲ Ἑλλήνων κατὰ 


ταύτην τὴν ἡμέρην ἠρίστευσαν ᾿Αθηναῖοι καὶ 
16 


BOOK VIII. 15-17 


Greeks to begin the fight, but gave the word and 
put out to sea about midday. And it so fell out 
that these sea-battles were fought through the same 
days as the land-battles at Thermopylae; the sea- 
men's whole endeavour was to hold the Euripus, as 
Leonidas men strove to guard the passage; the 
Greek battle word was to give the foreigner no 
entry into Hellas, and the Persian to destroy the 
Greek host and win the strait. So when Xerxes’ 
men ordered their battle and came on, the Greeks 
abode in their place off Artemisium; and theforeigners 
made a half circle of their ships, and strove to encircle 
and enclose them round. 

16. At that the Greeks charged and joined 
battle. In that sea-figit both had equal success. 
For Xerxes' fleet wrought itself harm by its numbers 
and multitude; the ships were thrown into con- 
fusion and ran foul of each other; nevertheless they 
held fast, nor yielded, for they could not bear to 
be put to flight by a few ships. Many were the 
Greek ships and men that there perished, and far 
more yet of the foreigners’ ships and men; thus 
they battled, till they drew off and parted each 
from other. 

17. In that sea-fight of all Xerxes' fighters the 
Egyptians bore themselves best; besides other great 
feats of arms that they achieved, they took five 
Greek ships and their crews withal. Of the Greeks 
on that day the Athenians bore themselves best; 


17 


HERODOTUS 


᾿Αθηναίων Κλεινίης ὁ ᾽Αλκιβιάδεω, ὃς δαπάνην 
οἰκηίην παρεχόμενος ἐστρατεύετο ἀνδράσι τε 
διηκοσίοισι καὶ οἰκηίη vnl. 

18. Ὡς δὲ διέστησαν, ἄσμενοι ἑκάτεροι ἐς 
ὅρμον ἠπείγοντο. οἱ δὲ “Ελληνες ὡς διακριθέντες 
ἐκ τῆς ναυμαχίης ἀπηλλάχθησαν, τῶν μὲν νεκρῶν 
καὶ τῶν ναυηγίων ἐπεκράτεον, τρηχέως δὲ περιε- 
φθέντες, καὶ οὐκ ἥκιστα ᾿Αθηναῖοι τῶν αἱ ἡμίσεαι 
τῶν νεῶν τετρωμέναι ἦσαν, δρησμὸν δὴ ἐβούλευον 
ἔσω ἐς τὴν Ελλάδα. 

19. Νόῳ δὲ λαβὼν ὁ Θεμιστοκλέης ὡς εἰ 
ἀπορραγείη ἀπὸ τοῦ βαρβάρου τό τε ᾿Ιωνικὸν 
φῦλον καὶ τὸ Καρικόν, οἷοί τε εἴησαν ἂν τῶν 
λοιπῶν κατύπερθε γενέσθαι, ἐλαυνόντων τῶν 
Εὐβοέων πρόβατα ἐπὶ τὴν θάλασσαν ταύτην, 
συλλέξας τοὺς στρατηγοὺς ἔλεγέ σφι ὡς δοκέοι 
ἔχειν τινὰ παλάμην, τῇ ἐλπίζοι τῶν βασιλέος 

Z 9 / > ^ 
συμμάχων ἀποστήσειν τοὺς ἀρίστους. ταῦτα 
μέν νυν ἐς τοσοῦτο παρεγύμνου, ἐπὶ δὲ τοῖσι 
κατήκουσι πρήγμασι τάδε ποιητέα σφι εἶναι 
ἔλεγε, τῶν τε προβάτων τῶν Βὐβοϊκῶν καταθύειν 
ὅσα τις ἐθέλοι" κρέσσον γὰρ εἶναι τὴν στρατιὴν 
ἔχειν 7) TOUS πολεμίους’ παραίνεέ πε προειπεῖν 
τοῖσι ἑωυτῶν ἑκάστους πῦρ ἀνακαίειν' κομιδῆς 
δὲ πέρι τὴν ὥρην αὐτῷ μελήσειν, ὥστε ἀσινέας 
ἀπικέσθαι ἐς τὴν Ἑλλάδα. ταῦτα ἤρεσέ σφι 
ποιέειν, καὶ αὐτίκα πῦρ ἀνακαυσάμενοι ἐτράποντο 
πρὸς τὰ πρόβατα. 

Οἱ γὰρ Πὐβοξες, παραχρησάμενοι τὸν 
Βάκιδος χρησμὸν ὡς οὐδὲν λέγοντα, οὔτε τι 
ἐξεκομίσαντο οὐδὲν οὔτε προσεσάξαντο ὡς παρε- 


18 


BOOK VIII. 17-20 


and of the Athenians Clinias son of Alcibiades; he 
brought to the war two hundred men and a ship 
of his own, all at his private charges. 

18. So they parted and each right gladly made 
haste to his own anchorage. When the Greeks 
had drawn off and come out of the battle, they 
were left masters of the dead and the wrecks; but 
they had had rough handling, and chiefly the 
Athenians, half of whose ships had suffered hurt; 
and now their counsel was to flee to the inner 
waters of Hellas.} 

19. Themistocles bethought him that if the Ionian 
and Carian nations were rent away from the 
foreigners, the Greeks might be strong enough to 
get the upper hand of the rest. Now it was the 
wont of the Euboeans to drive their flocks down 
to the sea there. Wherefore gathering the admirals 
together he told them that he thought he had a 
device whereby he hoped to draw away the best 
of the king's allies. So much he revealed for the 
nonce; but in the present turn of affairs this (he 
said) they must do: let everyone slay as many as 
he would from the Euboean flocks; it was better 
that the fleet should have them, than the enemy. 
Moreover he counselled them each to bid his men 
to light a fire; as for the time of their going thence, 
he would take such thought for that as should 
bring them scathless to Hellas. All this they 
agreed to do; and forthwith they lit fires and then 
laid hands on the flocks. 

20. For the Euboeans had neglected the oracle 
of Bacis, deeming it void of meaning, and neither 
by carrying away nor by bringing in anything had 

1 This means, I suppose, to the seas nearer their homes. 


L9 


HERODOTUS 


σομένου σφι πολέμου, περυπετέα τε ἐποιήσαντο 
σφίσι αὐτοῖσι τὰ πρήγματα. Βάκιδι γὰρ ὧδε 
ἔχει περὶ τούτων ὁ χρησμός. 


φράζεο, βαρβαρόφωνος ὅταν ξυγὸν εἰς ἅλα 
άλλη 

βύβλινον, Εὐβοίης ἀπέχειν πολυμηκάδας 
αἶγας. 


τούτοισι οὐδὲν τοῖσι ἔπεσι χρησαμένοισι ἐν τοῖσι 
τότε παρεοῦσί τε καὶ προσδοκίµοισι κακοῖσι 
παρῆν σφι συμφορῇ χρᾶσθαι πρὸς τὰ μέγιστα. 

21, Οἳ μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ἔπρησσον, παρῆν δὲ ὁ 
ἐκ Τρηχῖνος κατάσκοπος. ἦν μὲν γὰρ ἐπ᾽ 'Apre- 
μισίῳ κατάσκοπος Πολύας, γένος ᾿Αντικυρεύς, 
τῷ προσετέτακτο, καὶ εἶχε πλοῖον κατῆρες ἕτοι- 
μον, εἰ παλήσειε ὁ ναυτικὸς στρατός, σημαίνειν 
τοῖσι ἐν Θερμοπύλησι odor ws Ò αὕτως ἣν 
᾿Αβρώνιχος ὁ Λυσικλέος ᾿Αθηναῖος καὶ παρὰ 
Λεωνίδῃ ἕτοιμος τοῖσι ἐπ ᾿Αρτεμισίῳ ἐοῦσι 
ἀγγέλλειν τριηκοντέρῳ, ἦν τι καταλαμβάνῃ vew- 
τερον τὸν πεξόν. οὗτος ὧν ὁ ᾿Αβρώνιχος ATL- 
κόμει' os σφι ἐσήμαινε τὰ ποτα περὶ Λεωνίδην 
καὶ τὸν στρατὸν αὐτοῦ. δὲ ὡς ἐπύθοντο 
ταῦτα, οὐκέτι ἐς ἀναβολὰς ἐποιεῦντο τὴν ἀπο- 
χώρησιν, ἐκομίξοντο δὲ ὡς ἕκαστοι ἐτάχθησαν, 
Κορίνθιοι πρῶτοι, ὕστατοι δὲ ᾿Αθηναῖοι. 

22. ᾿Αθηναίων δὲ νέας τὰς ἄριστα πλεούσας 
ἐπιλεξάμενος Θεμιστοκλέης ἐπορεύετο περὶ τὰ 
πότιμα ὕδατα, ἐντάμνων ἐν τοῖσι λίδοισι γράμ- 
ματα, τὰ Ἴωνες ἐπελθόντες τῇ ὑστεραίῃ. ἡμέρῃ 
ἐπὶ τὸ ᾿Αρτεμίσιον ἐπελέξαντο. τὰ δὲ γράμματα 
τάδε ἔλεγε. ' Άνδρες Ἴωνες, οὐ ποιέετε δίκαια 


20 


BOOK VIII. 20-22 


they shown that they feared an enemy's coming ; 
whereby they were the cause of their own destruc- 
tion; for Bacis’ oracle concerning this matter runs 
thus: 


* Whenso a strange-tongued man on the waves 
casts yoke of papyrus, 
Then let bleating goats from coasts Éuboean be 
banished." 


To these verses the Euboeans gave no heed; but 
in the evils then present and soon to come they 
eould not but heed their dire calamity. 

21. While the Greeks were doing as I have said, 
there came to them the watcher from Trachis. For 
there was a watcher at Artemisium, one Polyas, a 
native of Anticyra, who was charged (and had a 
rowing boat standing ready therefor), if the flect 
should be at grips, to declare it to the men at 
Thermopylae; and in like manner, if any ill should 
befall the land army, Abronichus son of Lysicles, 
an Athenian, was with Leonidas, ready for his part 
to bring the news in a thirty-oared bark to the 
Greeks at Artemisium. So this Abronichus came 
and declared to them the fate of Leonidas and his 
army; which when the Greeks learnt, they no 
longer delayed their departure, but went their ways 
in their appointed order, the Corinthians first, and 
last of all the Athenians. 

22. But Themistocles picked out the seaworthiest 
Athenian ships and went about to the places of 
drinking water, where he engraved on the rocks 
writing which the lonians read on the next day 
when they came to Artemisium. This was what 
the writing said: * Men of Ionia, you do wrongly 


21 


HERODOTUS 


ἐπὶ τοὺς πατέρας στρατευόμενοι καὶ τὴν Ελλάδα 
καταδουλούμενοι. ἀλλὰ μάλιστα μὲν πρὸς ἡμέων 
γίνεσθε" εἰ δὲ ὑμῖν ἐστι τοῦτο μὴ δυνατὸν ποιῆσαι, 
ὑμεῖς δὲ ἔτι καὶ νῦν ἐκ τοῦ μέσου ἡμῖν ἔξεσθε καὶ 
αὐτοὶ καὶ τῶν Καρῶν δέεσθε τὰ αὐτὰ ὑμῖν ποιέειν. 
ei δὲ μηδέτερον τούτων οἷόν τε γίνεσθαι, ἀλλ ὑπ᾽ 
ἀναγκαίης μέξονος κατέζευχθε ἢ ὥστε ἀπίστασθαι, 
ὑμεῖς δὲ ἐν τῷ ἔργῳ, ἐπεὰν συμμίσγωμεν, ἐθελο- 
κακέετε μεμνημένοι ὅτι ἀπ᾽ ἡμέων γεγόνατε καὶ 
ὅτι ἀρχῆθεν 7 ἔχθρη πρὸς τὸν βάρβαρον aT 
ὑμέων ἡμῖν γέγονε,” Θεμιστοκλέης δὲ ταῦτα 
ἔγραφε, δοκέειν ἐμοί, ἐπ᾽ ἀμφότερα νοέων, ἵνα 7) 
λαθόντα τὰ γράμματα βασιλέα Ἴωνας ποιήσῃ 
μεταβαλεῖν καὶ γενέσθαι πρὸς ἑωντῶν, ?) ἐπείτε 
ἀνενειχθῇ καὶ διαβληθῇ πρὸς Ξέρξην, ἀπίστους 
ποιήσῃ τοὺς Ἴωνας καὶ τῶν ναυμαχιέων αὐτοὺς 
ἀπόσχῃ. 

25. Θεμιστοκλέης μὲν ταῦτα ἐνέγραψε" τοῖσι δὲ 
βαρβάροισι αὐτίκα μετὰ ταῦτα πλοίῳ ἦλθε ἀνὴρ 
Ἱστιαιεὺς ἀγγέλλων τὸν δρησμὸν τὸν ἀπ᾽ Apre- 
μισίου τῶν ᾿Ελλήνων. of & vm ἀπιστίης τὸν 
μὲν ἀγγέλλοντα εἶχον ἐν φυλακῇ, νέας δὲ ταχέας 
ἀπέστειλαν προκατοψομένας" ἀπαγγειλάντων δὲ 
τούτων τὰ ἣν, οὕτω δὴ ἅμα ἡλίῳ σκιδναμένῳ 
πᾶσα ἡ στρατιὴ ἐπέπλεε ἁλὴς ἐπὶ τὸ ᾿Αρτεμίσιον. 
ἐπισχόντες δὲ ἐν τούτῳ TO χώρῳ μέχρι μέσου 
ἡμέρης, τὸ ἀπὸ τούτου ἔπλεον ἐς Ἱστιαίην' ἀπι- 
κόμενοι δὲ τὴν πόλιν ἔσχον τῶν Ἱστιαιέων, καὶ 
τῆς ᾿λλοπίης μοίρης γῆς δὲ τῆς “Ἱστιαιώτιδος 
τὰς παραθαλασσίας χώρας πάσας ἐπέδραμον. 

24. ᾿Ενθαῦτα δὲ τούτων ἐόντων, Ξέρξης ἕτοι- 


22 


BOOK VIII. 22-24 


to fight against the land of your fathers and bring 
slavery upon Hellas. It were best of all that you 
should join yourselves to us; but if that be im- 
possible for you, then do you even now withdraw 
yourselves from the war, and entreat the Carians 
to do the same as you. If neither of these things 
may be, and you are fast bound by such constraint 
that you cannot rebel, yet we pray you not to use 
your full strength in the day of battle; be mindful 
that you are our sons and that our quarrel with the 
foreigner was of your making in the beginning." 
To my thinking Themistocles thus wrote with a 
double intent, that if the king knew nought of the 
writing it might make the Ionians to change sides 
and join with the Greeks, and that if the writing 
were maliciously reported to Xerxes he might thereby 
be led to mistrust the Ionians, and keep them out 
of the sea-fights. 

23. Such was Themistocles' writing. Immediately 
after this there came to the foreigners a man of 
Histiaea in a boat, telling them of the flight of the 
Greeks from Artemisium. Not believing this, they 
kept the bringer of the news in ward, and sent 
swift ships to spy out the matter; and when the 
crews of these brought word of the truth, on learning 
that, the whole armada at the first spreading of sun- 
light sailed all together to Artemisium, where having 
waited till midday, they next sailed to Histiaea, and 
on their coming took possession of the Histiaeans’ 
city, and overran all the villages on the seaboard of 
the Ellopian 1 region, which is the land of Histiaea. 

24. While they were there, Xerxes sent a herald 


1 The northern half of Euboea, including the district of 
Histiaea. 


23 


HERODOTUS 


μασάμενος τὰ περὶ τοὺς νεκροὺς ἔπεμπε ἐς τὸν 
ναυτικὸν στρατὸν κήρυκα, προετοιμάσατο δὲ 
τάδε' ὅσοι τοῦ στρατοῦ τοῦ ἑωυτοῦ ἦσαν νεκροὶ 
ἐν Θερμοπύλῃσι (ἦσαν δὲ καὶ δύο μυριάδες), 
ὑπολιπόμενος τούτων ὡς χιλίους, τοὺς λοιποὺς 
τάφρους ὀρυξάμενος ἔθαψε, φυλλάδα τε ἐπιβαλὼν 
καὶ γῆν ἐπαμησάμενος, ἵνα μὴ ὀφθείησαν ὑπὸ τοῦ 
ναυτικοῦ στρατοῦ. ὡς δὲ διέβη ἐς τὴν Ἱστιαίην 

ὁ κῆρυξ, σύλλογον ποιησάμενος παντὸς τοῦ στρα- 
Ἔν, ἔλεγε τάδε. “Άνδρες σύμμαχοι, βασι- 
λεὺς Ξέρξης τῷ βουλομένῳ ὑμέων παραδίδωσι 
ἐκλιπόντα τὴν τάξιν καὶ ἐλθόντα θεήσασθαι ὅ ὅκως 
μάχεται πρὸς τοὺς ἀνοήτους τῶν ἀνθρώπων, οἳ 
ἤλπισαν τὴν βασιλέος δύναμιν ὑπερβαλέεσθαι,᾽ 

25. Ῥαῦτα ἐπαγγειλαμένου, μετὰ ταῦτα οὐδὲν 
ἐγίνετο πλοίων σπανιώτερον: οὕτω πολλοὶ ἤθελον 
θεήσασθαι. διαπεραιωθέντες δὲ ἐθηεῦντο διεξιόντες 
τοὺς νεκρούς: πάντες δὲ ἠπιστέατο τοὺς κειμένους 
εἶναι πάντας Λακεδαιμονίους καὶ Θεσπιέας, ὁρῶν- 
τες καὶ τοὺς εἵλωτας. οὐ μὲν οὐδ᾽ ἐλάνθανε τοὺς 
διαβεβηκότας Ξέρξης ταῦτα πρήξας περὶ τοὺς 
νεκροὺς τοὺς ἑωυτοῦ: καὶ γὰρ δὴ, καὶ γελοῖον ἦν" 
τῶν μὲν χίλιοι ἐφαίνοντο νεκροὶ κείμενοι, οἳ δὲ 
πάντες ἐκέατο ἁλέες συγκεκομισμένοι ἐς TOUTO 
χωρίον, τέσσερες χιλιάδες. ταύτην μὲν τὴν 
ἡμέρην πρὸς θέην ἐτράποντο, τῇ δ᾽ ὑστεραίῃ οἳ 
μὲν ἀπέπλεον ἐς Ἱστιαίην ἐπὶ τὰς νέας, οἱ δὲ 
ἀμφὶ Ξέρξην és ὁδὸν ὁρμέατο. 

26. ΄Ἠκον δέ σφι αὐτόμολοι ἄνδρες ἀπ᾽ ᾿Άρκα- 
δίης ὀλίγοι τινές, βίου τε δεόμενοι καὶ ἐνεργοὶ 
Βουλόμενοι εἶναι. ἄγοντες δὲ τούτους ἐς ὄψιν 
τὴν βασιλέος ἐπυνθάνοντο οἱ Πέρσαι περὶ τῶν 


24 


BOOK VIII. 24-26 


to the fleet, having first bestowed the fallen men as 
[ shall show. | Of all his own soldiers who had fallen 
at Thermopylae (that is, as many astwenty thousand) 
he left about a thousand, and the rest he buried in 
digged trenches, which he covered with leaves and 
heaped earth, that the men of the fleet might not 
see them. So when the herald had crossed over 
to Histiaea, he assembled all the men of the fleet 
and thus spoke: “ Men of our allies, King Xerxes 
suffers any one of you that will to leave his place 
and come to see how he fights against those foolish 
men who thought to overcome the king’s power." 
25. After this proclamation, there was nought so 
hard to get as a boat, so many were they who would 
see the sight. They crossed over and went about 
viewing the dead; and all of them supposed that 
the fallen Greeks were all Lacedaemonians and 
Thespians, though there were the helcts also for 
them to see. Yet for all that they that crossed 
over were not deceived by what Xerxes had done 
with his own dead; for indeed the thing was 
laughable; of the Persians a thousand lay dead 
before their eyes, but the Greeks lay all together 
assembled in one place, to the number of four thou- 
sand. All that day they spent in seeing the sight; 
on the next the shipmen returned to their fleet at 
Histiaea, and Xerxes' army set forth on its march. 
26. There had come to them some few deserters, 
men of Arcadia, lacking a livelihood and desirous 
to find some service. Bringing these men into the 
king's presence, the Persians inquired of them what 


2 


HERODOTUS 


Ἑλλήνων τί ποιέοιεν' εἷς δέ τις πρὸ πάντων ἦν 
ὁ εἰρωτῶν αὐτοὺς ταῦτα. οἳ δέ σφι ἔλεγον ὡς 
Ολύμπια ἄγουσι καὶ θεωρέοιεν ἀγῶνα γυμνικὸν 
καὶ ἱππικόν. ὃ δὲ ἐπείρετο ὃ τι τὸ ἄεθλον εἴη 
σφι κείμενον περὶ ὅτευ ἀγωνίξονται" οἳ ὃ εἶπον 
τῆς ἐλαίης τὸν διδόμενον στέφανον. ἐνθαῦτα 
εἴπας γνώμην γενναιοτάτην Τιγράνης ὁ Apra- 
βάνου δειλίην ὦφλε πρὸς βασιλέος. πυνθανό- 

\ A }/ ἈΝ / H , H 
μενος yap τὸ ἄεθλον EOV στέφανον ἀλλ, ου 
χρήματα, οὔτε ἠνέσχετο σιγῶν εἶπέ τε ἐς πάντας 
τάδε. ««Παπαῖ Μαρδόνιε, κοΐους em ἄνδρας 
ἤγαγες μαχησομένους ἡμέας, οἳ οὐ ' περὶ χρημάτων 
τὸν ἀγῶνα ποιεῦνται ἀλλὰ περὶ ἀρετῆς. τούτῳ 
μὲν δὴ ταῦτα εἴρητο. 

27. 'Ev δὲ τῷ διὰ μέσου χρόνῳ, ἐπείτε τὸ ἐν 
Θερμοπύλῃσι τρῶμα ἐγεγόνεε, αὐτίκα Θεσσαλοὶ 
πέμπουσι κήρυκα ἐς Φωκέας, ἅτε σφι ἔχοντες 
αἰεὶ χόλον, ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ ὑστάτου τρώματος καὶ 
τὸ κάρτα. ἐσβαλόντες γὰρ πανστρατιῇ αὐτοί 
τε οἱ Θεσσαλοὶ καὶ οἱ σύμμαχοι αὐτῶν ἐς τοὺς 
Φωκέας, οὐ πολλοῖσι ἔτεσι πρότερον ταύτης τῆς 
βασιλέος στρατηλασίης, ἑσσώθησαν ὑπὸ τῶν 
Φωκέων καὶ περιέφθησαν τρηχέως. ἐπείτε γὰρ 
κατειλήθησαν ἐς τὸν Παρνησὸν οἱ Φωκέες ἔχοντες 
μάντιν Τελλίην τὸν ᾿Ηλεῖον, ἐνθαῦτα ὁ Τελλίης 
οὗτος σοφί ζεται αὐτοῖσι τοιόνδε. γυψώσας ἄνδρας 
ἑξακοσίους τῶν Φωκέων τοὺς ἀρίστους, αὐτούς τε 
τούτους καὶ τὰ ὅπλα αὐτῶν, νυκτὸς ἐπεθήκατο 
τοῖσι (Θεσσαλοῖσι, προείπας αὐτοῖσι, τὸν ἂν μὴ 


1 On the hypothesis, usually received till lately, that the 
games took place at the first full moon after the summer 


26 


BOOK VIII. 26-27 


the Greeks were doing, there being one who put 
this question in the name of all. The Arcadians 
telling them that the Greeks were keeping the 
Olympic! festival and viewing sports and horse- 
races, the Persian asked what was the prize offered, 
wherefor they contended ; and they told him of the 
crown of olive that was given to the victor. Then 
Tigranes son of Artabanus uttered a most noble 
saying (but the king deemed him a coward for it); 
when he heard that the prize was not money but a 
crown, he could not hold his peace, but cried, 
* Zounds, Mardonius, what manner of men are these 
that you have brought us to fight withal ? 'tisnot for 
money they contend but for glory of achievement!” 
Such was Tigranes’ saying. 

21. in the meantime, immediately after the mis- 
fortune at Thermopylae, the Thessalians sent a 

erald to the Phocians, inasmuch as they bore an 
old grudge against them, and more than ever by 
reason of their latest disaster. For a few years 
before the king’s expedition the Thessalians and 
their allies had invaded Phocis with their whole 
army, but had been worsted and roughly handled 
by the Phocians. For the Phocians being beleaguered 
on Parnassus and having with them the diviner 
Tellias of Elis, Tellias devised a stratagem for them: 
he covered six hundred of the bravest Phocians with 
gypsum, themselves and their armour, and led them 
to attack the Thessalians by night, bidding them 


solstice, we should have to adopt some theory such as 
Stein’s, that the conversation here recorded took place in 
late June, while Xerxes was at Therma; for Thermopylae 
was fought in late August. But Macan says that the above 
hypothesis about the date of the games is exploded. 


27 


HERODOTUS 


λευκανθίζοντα ἴδωνται, τοῦτον κτείνειν. τούτους 
ὧν at τε φυλακαὶ τῶν Θεσσαλῶν πρῶται ἰδοῦσαι 
ἐφοβήθησαν, δόξασαι ἄλλο τι εἶναι τέρας, καὶ 
μετὰ τὰς φυλακὰς αὐτὴ ἡ στρατιὴ οὕτω ὥστε 
τετρακισχιλίων κρατῆσαι ι2ερῶν καὶ ἀσπίδων 
Φωκέας, τῶν τὰς μὲν ἡμισέας ἐς " Agas ἀνέθεσαν 
τὰς δὲ ἐς Δελφούς ἡ δὲ δεκάτη ἐγένετο τῶν 
χρημάτων ἐκ ταύτης τῆς μάχης οἱ μεγάλοι 
ἀνδριάντες οἱ περὶ τὸν τρίποδα συνεστεῶτες 
ἔμπροσθε τοῦ νηοῦ τοῦ ἐν Δελφοῖσι, καὶ ἕτεροι 
τοιοῦτοι ἐν "Ano. ἀνακέαται. 

28. Ταῦτα μέν νυν τὸν πεξὸν ἐργάσαντο τῶν 
Ωεσσαλῶν οἱ Φωκέες πολιορκέοντας ἑωυτούς' 
ἐσβαλοῦσαν δὲ ἐς τὴν χώρην τὴν ἵππον αὐτῶν 
ἐλυμήναντο ἀνηκέστως. ἐν yap τῇ ἐσβολῇ À 
ἐστὶ κατὰ Ὑάμπολιν, ἐν ταύτῃ τάφρον μεγάλην 
ὀρύξαντες ἀμφορέας κενεοὺς ἐς αὐτὴν κατέθηκαν, 
χοῦν δὲ ἐπιφορήσαντες καὶ ὁμοιώσαντες τῷ ἄλλῳ 
χώρῳ ἐδέκοντο τοὺς Θεσσαλοὺς ἐσβάλλοντας. 
οἳ δὲ ὡς ἀναρπασόμενοι τοὺς Φωκέας φερόμενοι 
ἐσέπεσον ἐς τοὺς ἀμφορέας. ἐνθαῦτα οἱ ἵπποι 
τὰ σκέλεα διεφθάρησαν. 

, 29. Τούτων δή σφι ἀμφοτέρων ἐ ἔχοντες ἔγκοτον 

| Θεσσαλοὶ πέμψ-αντες κήρυκα ἠγόρευον τάδε. 
0 Φωκέες, ἤδη τι μᾶλλον γνωσιμαχέετε μὴ 
εἶναι ὅμοιοι ἡμῖν. πρόσθε τε γὰρ ἐν τοῖσι “Ελλησι, 
ὅσον χρόνον ἐκεῖνα ἡμῖν ἥν Save, πλέον αἰεί κοτε 
ὑμέων ἐφερόμεθα: νῦν τε παρὰ τῷ βαρβάρῳ Το- 
σοῦτο δυνάμεθα ὥστε ἐπ᾽ ἡμῖν ἐστι τῆς γῆς ἐστε- 
ρῆσθαι καὶ πρὸς ἠνδραποξίσθαι ὑμέας. ἡμεῖς 
μέντοι τὸ πῶν ἔχοντες οὐ μνησικακέοµεν, ἀλλ᾽ 


ἡμῖν γενέσθω ἀντ᾽ αὐτῶν πεντήκοντα τάλαντα 
25 


BOOK VIII. 27-29 


slay whomsoever they should see not whitened. 
The Thessalian sentinels were the first to see these 
men and to flee for fear, supposing falsely that it 
was something beyond nature, and next after the 
sentinels the whole army fled likewise ; insomuch 
that the Phocians made themselves masters of four 
thousand dead, and their shields, whereof they 
dedicated half at Abae and the rest at Delphi; a 
tithe of what they won in that fight went to the 
making of the great statues that stand round the 
tripod before the shrine at Delphi, and there are 
others like them dedicated at Abae. 

28. Thus had the beleaguered Phocians dealt with 
the Thessalian foot; and when the Thessalian horse- 
men rode into their country the Phocians did them 
mortal harm; they dug a great pit in the pass near 
Hyampolis and put empty jars therein, covering 
which with earth, till all was like the rest of the 
ground, they awaited the onset of the Thessalians. 
These rode on thinking to sweep the Phocians before 
them, and fell in among the jars; whereby their 
horses' legs were broken. 

29. These two deeds had never been forgiven by 
the Thessalians ; and now they sent a herald with 
this message: ** Men of Phocis, it is time now that 
you confess yourselves to be no match for us. 
We were ever formerly preferred before you by the 
Greeks, as long as we were on their side; and now 
we are of such weight with the foreigner that it lies 
in our power to have you deprived of your lands, 
ay, and yourselves enslaved withal. Nevertheless, 
though all rests with us, we bear you no ill-will for 
the past; pay us fifty talents of silver for what you 


29 


HERODOTUS 


ἀργυρίου, καὶ ὑμῖν ὑποδεκόμεθα τὰ ἐπιόντα ἐπὶ 
τὴν χώρην ἀποτρέψειν.” 

30. Ταῦτά σφι ἐπαγγέλλοντο οἱ Θεσσαλοί. οἱ 
γὰρ Φωκέες μοῦνοι τῶν ταύτῃ. ἀνθρώπων οὐκ 
ἐμήδιξον, κατ᾽ ἄλλο μὲν οὐδέν, ὡς ἐγὼ συμβαλ.- 
λόμενος εὑρίσκω, κατὰ δὲ τὸ ἔχθος τὸ Θεσσαλῶν: 
εἰ δὲ Θεσσαλοὶ τὰ ᾿Ελλήνων ηὖξον, ὡς ἐμοὶ ĝo- 
κέειν, ἐμήδιζον ἂν οἱ Φωκέες. ταῦτα ἐπαγγελ- 
λομένων Θεσσαλῶν, οὔτε δώσειν ἔφασαν χρήματα, 
παρέχειν Τε σφίσι Θεσσαλοῖσι ὁμοίως μηδίξειν, 
ei ἄλλως βουλοίατο" ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ἔσεσθαι ἑκόντες 
εἶναι προδόται τῆς [υλλάδος. 

31. ᾿Επειδὴ δὲ ἀνηνείχθησαν οὗτοι οἱ λόγοι, 
οὕτω δὴ οἱ Θεσσαλοὶ κεχολωμένοι τοῖσι Φωκεῦσι 
ἐγένοντο ἡγεμόνες τῷ βαρβάρῳ τῆς ὁδοῦ. ἐκ μὲν 
δὴ τῆς Έρηχινίης ἐς τὴν Δωρίδα -ἐσέβαλον" τῆς 
yàp Δωρίδος χώρης ποδεὼν στεινὸς ταύτῃ κατα- 
τείνει, ὡς τριήκοντα σταδίων μάλιστά KN εὖρος, 
κείμενος. μεταξὺ τῆς τε Μηλίδος καὶ Φωκίδος 
χώρης, ἥ περ ἦν τὸ παλαιὸν Δρυοπίς' ἡ δὲ χώρη 
αὕτη ἐστὶ μητρόπολις Δωριέων τῶν ἐν Iero- 
ποννήσῳ. ταύτην ὦ ὧν τὴν Δωρίδα γῆν οὐκ ἐσίναντο 
ἐσβαλόντες οἱ βάρβαροι ἐμήδιζόν τε γὰρ καὶ οὐκ 
ἐδόκεε Θεσσαλοῖσι. 

Spe Ὡς δὲ ἐκ τῆς Δωρίδος ἐς τὴν Φωκίδα ἐσέ- 
βαλον, αὐτοὺς μὲν τοὺς Φωκέας οὐκ αἱρέουσι. 
οἳ μὲν γὰρ τῶν Φωκέων ἐς τὰ ἄκρα τοῦ Παρνησοῦ 
ἀνέβησαν. ἔστι δὲ καὶ ἐπιτηδέη δέξασθαι ὅμιλον 
τοῦ Παρνησοῦ ἡ κορυφή, κατὰ Νέωνα πόλιν 
κειμένη ἐπ᾽ ἑωυτῆς: Τιθορέα οὔνομα αὐτῆ: ἐς τὴν 
δὴ ἀνηνείκαντο καὶ αὐτοὶ ἀνέβησαν. οἳ δὲ πλεῦνες 
αὐτῶν ἐς τοὺς Ὀξόύλας Λοκροὺς ἐξεκομίσαντο, ἐς 
30 


BOOK VIII. 29-32 


did, and we promise to turn aside what threatens 
your land." 

30. This was the Thessalians' offer. The Phocians, 
and they alone of all that region, would not take the 
Persians’ part, and that for no other reason (if I 
argue aright) than their hatred of the Thessalians ; 
had the Thessalians aided the Greek side, then 
methinks the Phocians would have stood for the 
Persians. They replied to the offer of the Thes- 
salians that they would give no money; that they 
could do like the Thessalians and take the Persian 
part, if for any cause they so wished, but they would 
not willingly betray the cause of Hellas. 

31. This answer being returned to them, thereat 
the Thessalians in their wrath against the Phocians 
began to guide the foreigner on his way. From the 
lands of Trachis they broke into Doris; for there is 
a narrow tongue of Dorian land stretching that way, 
about thirty furlongs wide, between the Malian 
territory and the Phocian, which in old time was 
Dryopian; this region is the motherland of the 
Dorians of the Peloponnese. To this Dorian territory 
the foreigners did no harm at their invasion; for 
the people took the Persian part, and the Thessalians 
would not have them harmed. 

32. When they entered Phocis from Doris, the 
Phocians themselves they could not catch ; for some 
of the Phocians ascended to the heights of Parnassus; 
and the peak of Parnassus called Tithorea, which 
rises by itself near the town Neon, has room enough 
for a multitude of people; thither they carried up 
their goods and themselves ascended to it, but the 
most of them made their way out of the country to 


31 


HERODOTUS 


5 / \ e M ^ 72 z » 
ΆΑμφισσαν πόλιν τὴν ὑπὲρ τοῦ Κρισαίου πεδίου 
οἰκημένην. οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι τὴν χώρην πᾶσαν 
ἐπέδραμον τὴν. Φωκίδα: Θεσσαλοὶ γὰρ οὕτω ἦγον 
τὸν στρατόν" ὁκόσα δὲ ἐπέσχον, πάντα ἐπέφλεγον 
καὶ ἔκειρον, καὶ ἐς τὰς πόλις ἐνιέντες πῦρ καὶ ἐς 
τὰ ἱρά. 

33. 1]ορευόμενοι γὰρ ταύτῃ παρὰ τὸν Κηφισὸν 
ποταμὸν ἐδηίουν πάντα, καὶ κατὰ μὲν ἔκαυσαν 
Δρυμὸν πόλιν κατὰ δὲ Xapadpav καὶ "ἱὕρωχον 

κ LG ΄ M , 7 \ me^ N 
καὶ Ρεθρώνιον καὶ Aupicairav καὶ Νέωνα καὶ 
Πεδιέας καὶ Πριτέας καὶ Ελάτειαν καὶ Ὑάμπολιν 

ν ο.” ” > εν 
καὶ Ἱαραποταμίους καὶ "ABas, ἔνθα ἦν ἱρὸν 
, / if ^ 7 N 3 
Απόλλωνος πλούσιον, θησαυροῖσί τε καὶ ava- 
θήµμασι πολλοῖσι κατεσκευασμένον: ἣν δὲ καὶ 
τότε καὶ νῦν ἔτι χρηστήριον αὐτόθι. καὶ τοῦτο 
τὸ ἱρὸν συλήσαντες ἐνέπρησαν. καί τινας διώ- 
κοντες εἶλον τῶν Φωκέων πρὸς τοῖσι ὄρεσι, καὶ 
γυναῖκας τινὰς διέφθειραν μισγόμενοι ὑπὸ 
πλήθεος. 

34. Παραποταμίους δὲ παραμειβύµενοι οἱ Bap- 
βαροι ἀπίκοντο ἐς Πανοπέας. ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ ἤδη 
διακρινομένη ἡ στρατιὴ αὐτῶν ἐσχίξετο. τὸ μὲν 
πλεῖστον καὶ δυνατώτατον τοῦ στρατοῦ. ἅμα 
αὐτῷ Ξέρξη πορευόµενον én ᾿Αθήνας ἐσέβαλε 
ἐς Βοιωτούς, ἐς γῆν τὴν Ὀρχομενίων. Βοιωτῶν 
δὲ πᾶν τὸ πλῆθος ἐμήδιζε, τὰς δὲ πόλις αὐτῶν 
» , 7 y e x 
ἄνδρες Μακεδόνες διατεταγμένοι ἔσωζον, ὑπὸ 

y A A 
᾿Αλεξάνδρου. ἀποπεμφθέντες" ἔσωξον δὲ τῆδε, 
δῆλον βουλόμενοι ποιέειν Ξέρξη ὅτι τὰ Μήδων 
Βοιωτοὶ Φρονέοιεν. 

35. Οὗτοι μὲν δὴ τῶν βαρβάρων ταύτῃ ἐτρά- 
ποντο, ἄλλοι δὲ αὐτῶν ἡγεμόνας ἔχοντες ὁρμέατο 


32 


BOOK VIII. 32-35 


the Ozolian Locrians, where is the town of Amphissa 
above the Crisaean plain. The foreigners overran 
the whole of Phocis, the Thessalians so guiding their 
army; and all that came within their power they 
burnt and wasted, setting fire to towns and temples. 

33. Marching this way down the river Cephisus 
they ravaged all before them, burning the towns of 
Drymus, Charadra, Erochus, Tethronium, Amphi- 
caea, Neon, Pediea, Tritea, Elatea, Hyampolis, 
Parapotamii, and Abae, where was a richly endowed 
temple of Apollo, provided with wealth of treasure 
and offerings; and there was then as now a place of 
divination there. This temple, too, they plundered 
and burnt; and they pursued and caught some of 
the Phocians near the mountains, and did certain 
women to death by the multitude of their violators. 

34. Passing Parapotamii the foreigners came to 
Panopea; and there their army pirted asunder into 
two companies. The greater and stronger part of 
the host marched with Xerxes himself towards 
Athens and broke into the territory of Orchomenus 
in Boeotia. Now the whole people of Boeotia took 
the Persian part, and men of Macedonia sent by 
Alexander safeguarded their towns, each in his 
appointed place; the reason of the safeguarding 
being, that Xerxes might understand the Boeotians 
to be on the Persian side. 

35. So this part of the foreign army marched as 
aforesaid, and others set forth with guides for the 


33 


VOL. IV. C 


HERODOTUS 


ἐπὶ τὸ ἱρὸν τὸ ἐν Δελφοῖσι, ἐν δεξιῇ τὸν Ἠαρνησὸν 
ἀπέργοντε.. ὅσα δὲ καὶ οὗτοι ἐπέσχον τῆς 
Φωκίδος, πάντα ἐσιναμώρεον' καὶ γὰρ τῶν Havo- 
πέων τὴν πόλιν ἐνέπρησαν καὶ Δαυλίων καὶ 
Δἰολιδέων. ἐπορεύοντο δὲ ταύτῃ ἀποσχισθέντες 
τῆς ἄλλης στρατιῆς τῶνδε εἵνεκα, ὅκως συλήσαντες 
τὸ ἱρὸν. τὸ ἐν Δελφοῖσι βασιλέι Ξέρξῃ ἀποδέξαιεν 
τὰ χρήματα. πάντα Ó ἠπίστατο τὰ ἐν τῷ ἱρῷ 
ὅσα λόγου ἦν ἄξια Ξέρξης, ὡς ἐγὼ πυνθάνομαι, 
ἄμεινον 7) τὰ ἐν τοῖσι οἰκίοισι ἔλιπε, πολλῶν 
αἰεὶ λεγόντων, καὶ μάλιστα τὰ Κροίσου τοῦ 
᾽Αλυάττεω ἀναθήματα. 

36. Οἱ Δελφοὶ δὲ πυνθανοµενοι ταῦτα ἐς πᾶσαν 
ἀρρωδίην ἀπίκατο, ἐν δείματι δὲ μεγάλῳ κατε- 
στεῶτες ἐμαντεύοντο περὶ τῶν ἱρῶν χρημάτων, 
εἴτε σφέα κατὰ γῆς κατορύξωσι εἴτε ἐκκομίσωσι 
ἐς ἄλλην χώρην. ὁ δὲ θεός σφεας οὐκ ἔα κινέειν, 
φὰς αὐτὸς ἱκανὸς εἶναι τῶν ἑωυτοῦ προκατῆσθαι. 
Δελφοὶ δὲ ταῦτα ἀκούσαντες σφέων αὐτῶν πέρι 
ἐφρόντιζον. τέκνα μέν νυν καὶ γυναῖκας πέρην 
ἐς τὴν ᾿Αχαιίην διέπεµψαν, αὐτῶν δὲ οἱ μὲν 
πλεῖστοι. ἀνέβησαν ἐ ἐς τοῦ Παρνησοῦ τὰς κορυφὰς 
καὶ ἐς τὸ Κωρύκιον ἄντρον ἀνηνείκαντο, οἳ δὲ ἐς 
Ἄμφισσαν τὴν Λοκρίδα ὑπεξῆλόον. πάντες δὲ 
ὧν οἱ Δελφοὶ ἐξέλιπον τὴν πὀλιν, πλὴν ἑξήκοντα 
ἀνδρῶν καὶ τοῦ προφήτεω. 

37. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ ἀγχοῦ ἦσαν οἱ βάρβαροι ἐπιόντες 
καὶ ἀπώρων τὸ ἱρόν, ἐν τούτῳ ὁ προφήτης, τῷ 
οὔνομα ἣν ᾿Ακήρατος, ὁρᾷ πρὸ τοῦ νηοῦ ὅπλα 
προκείµενα ἔσωθεν ἐκ τοῦ μεγάρου ἐξενηνειγμένα 
ἱρά, τῶν οὐκ ὅσιον ἦν ἅπτεσθαι ἀνθρώπων οὐδενί. 


34 


BOOK VIII. 55-37 


teinple at Delphi, keeping Parnassus on their right. 
These, too, laid waste whatsoever part of Phocis 
they occupied, burning the towns of the Panopeans 
and Daulii and Aeolidae. The purpose of their 
parting from the rest of the army and marching this 
way was, that they might plunder the temple at 
Delphi and lay its wealth before Xerxes; who (as 
I have been told) knew of all the most notable 
possessions in the temple better than of what he 
had left in his own palace, and chiefly the offerings 
of Croesus son of Alyattes ; so many had ever spoken 
of them. 

36. When the Delphians learnt all this they were 
sore afraid ; and in their great fear they inquired of 
the oracle whether they should bury the sacred 
treasure in the ground or convey it away to another 
country. But the god bade them move nothing, 
saying that he was able to protect his own. On 
that hearing, the Delphians took thought for 
themselves. They sent their children and women 
oversea to Achaia; of the men, the most went up 
to the peaks of Parnassus and carried their goods 
into the Corycian cave,! and some escaped to Am- 
phissa in Locris; in brief, all the Delphians left the 
town save sixty men and the prophet. 

37. Now when the foreigners drew nigh in their 
coming and could see the temple, the prophet, whose 
name was Aceratus, saw certain sacred arms, that no 
man might touch without sacrilege, brought out of 
the chamber within and laid before the shrine. So 


1 In the heights above Delphi and some three hours 
distant from it, adjacent to Parnassus. The cave is ‘‘some 
200 feet long, 90 feet broad at the widest point, and 20 to 
40 feet high ” (How and Wells). 


35 


HERODOTUS 


Ὁ) μὲν δὴ ἤιε Δελφῶν τοῖσι παρεοῦσι σημανέων τὸ 
τέρας᾽ οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι ἐπειδὴ ἐ ἐγίνοντο ἐπειγόμενοι 
κατὰ τὸ ἱρὸν τῆς Προναίης ᾿Αθηναίης, € ἐπιγίνεταί 
σφι τέρεα ἔτι µέζονα τοῦ πρὶν γενομένου τέρεος. 
θῶμα μὲν γὰρ καὶ τοῦτο κάρτα ἐστί, ὅπλα ἀρήια 
αὐτόματα φανῆναι ἔξω προκείμενα. τοῦ νηοῦ τὰ 
δὲ δὴ ἐπὶ τούτῳ δεύτερα ἐπιγενόμενα καὶ διὰ 
πάντων φασμάτων ἄξια θωμάσαι μάλιστα. ἐπεὶ 
γὰρ δὴ ἦσαν ἐπιόντες οἱ βάρβαροι κατὰ τὸ ἱρὸν 
τῆς Προναίης ᾿Αθηναίης, ev τούτῳ ἐκ μὲν τοῦ 
οὐρανοῦ κεραυνοὶ αὐτοῖσι ἐνέπιπτον, ἀπὸ δὲ τοῦ 
Παρνησοῦ ἀπορραγεῖσαι δύο κορυφαὶ ἐφέροντο 
πολλῶ πατάγῳ ἐς αὐτοὺς καὶ κατέβαλον συχνούς 
σφεων, ἐκ δὲ τοῦ ἱροῦ τῆς Προναίης Bon τε καὶ 
ἀλαλαγμὸς ἐγίνετο. 

38, Συμμιγέντων. δὲ τούτων πάντων, φόβος 
τοῖσι Βαρβάροισι ἐνεπεπτώκεε. μαθόντες δὲ οἱ 
Δελφοὶ φεύγοντας σφέας, τ a ἀπέ- 
κτειναν πλῆθος τι αὐτῶν. i δὲ περιεόντες ἰθὺ 
Βοιωτῶν ἔφευγον. ἔλεγον δὲ οἱ ἀπονοστήσαντες 
οὗτοι τῶν βαρβάρων, ὡς ἐγὼ πυνθάνομαι, ὡς 

πρὸς τούτοισι καὶ ἄλλα ὥρων θεῖα: δύο γὰρ 
ὁπλίτας μέζονας ἢ η KAT ἀνθρώπων φύσιν ἔχοντας 
ἔπεσθαί σφι κτείνοντας καὶ διώκοντας. 

39. Tourous δὲ τοὺς δύο Δελφοὶ λέγουσι εἶναι 
ἐπιχωρίους ἥρωας, | Φύλακόν τε καὶ Αὐτόνοον, 
τῶν τὰ .τεμένεα ἐστὶ περὶ τὸ ἱρὸν, Φυλάκου μὲν 
παρ αὐτὴν τὴν ὁδὸν κατύπερθε τοῦ ἱροῦ τῆς 
Προναίης, Αὐτονόου δὲ πέλας τῆς Κασταλίης 
ὑπὸ τῇ Υαμπείῃ κορυφῇ. οἱ δὲ πεσόντες ἀπὸ 
τοῦ Παρνησοῦ λίθοι ἔτι καὶ ἐς ἡμέας ἦσαν σόοι, 


36 


BOOK VIII. 17-19 


he went to tell the Delphians of this miracle; but 
when the foreigners came with all speed near to the 
temple of Athene Pronaea, they were visited by 
miracles yet greater than the aforesaid. Marvellous 
indeed it is, that weapons of war should of their own 
motion appear lying outside before the shrine; but 
the visitation which followed upon that was more 
wondrous than aught else ever seen. For when the 
foreigners were near in their coming to the temple 
of Athene Pronaea, there were they smitten by 
thunderbolts from heaven, and two peaks brake off 
from Parnassus and came rushing among them with 
a mighty noise and overwhelmed many of them; 
and from the temple of Athene there was heard a 
shout and a cry of triumph. 

38. All this joining together struck panic into 
the foreigners; and the Delphians, perceiving that 
they fled, descended upon them and slew a great 
number. The survivors fled straight to Boeotia. 
Those of the foreigners who returned said (as I 
have been told) that they had seen other signs of 
heaven's working besides the aforesaid: two men- 
at-arms of stature greater than human (they said) 
had followed hard after them, slaying and pursuing. 

39. These two, say the Delphians, were the native 
heroes Phylacus and Autonous, whose precincts are 
near the temple, Phylacus’ by the road itself above 
the shrine of Athene Pronaea, and Autonous’ near 
the Castalian spring, under the Hyampean peak. 
The rocks that fell! from Parnassus were yet to be 


1**Among the olives in the glen below” the remains 
of the temple of Athene Pronaea ‘‘ are some large masses 
of reddish-grey rock, which might be those said to have 
come hurtling from the cliffs above" (How and Wells). 


37 


HERODOTUS 


ἐν τῷ τεμένεϊ τῆς Προναίης ᾿Αθηναίης κείμενοι, 
ἐς τὸ ἐνέσκηψαν διὰ τῶν βαρβάρων «φερόµενοι. 
τούτων μέν νυν τῶν ἀνδρῶν αὕτη ἀπὸ τοῦ ἱροῦ 
ἀπαλλαγὴ γίνεται. 

40. Ὁ δὲ Ἑλλήνων ναυτικὸς P ἀπὸ τοῦ 
᾿Αρτεμισίου ᾿Αθηναίων δεηθέντων ἐς Σαλαμῖνα 
κατίσχει τὰς νέας. τῶνδε δὲ εἴνεκα προσεδεήθησαν 
αὐτῶν σχεῖν πρὸς Σαλαμῖνα ᾿Αθηναῖοι, ἵνα αὐτοὶ 
παῖδάς τε καὶ γυναῖκας ὑπεξαγάγωνται ἐκ τῆς 
᾿Αττικῆς, πρὸς δὲ καὶ βουλεύσωνται τὸ ποιητέον 
αὐτοῖσι ἔσται. ἐπὶ γὰρ τοῖσι κατήκουσι πρήγ- 
μασι βουλὴν ἔμελλον ποιήσασθαι ὡς ἐψευσμένοι 
γνώμης. δοκέοντες γὰρ εὑρήσειν Πελοποννησίους 
πανδημεὶ ἐν τῇ Βοιωτίῃ ὑποκατημένους τὸν βάρ- 
Bapov, τῶν μὲν εὗρον οὐδὲν éóv, of δὲ ἐπυνθάνοντο 
τὸν ᾿Ισθμὸν αὐτοὺς τειχέοντας, ὡς τὴν Iero- 
πόννησον περὶ πλείστου τε ποιευμένους περιεῖναι 
καὶ ταύτην ἔχοντας ἐν φυλακῇ, τὰ ἄλλα δὲ ἀπι- 
έναι. ταῦτα πυνθανόμενοι οὕτω δὴ προσεδεήθησαν 
σφέων σχεῖν πρὸς τὴν Σαλαμῖνα. 

41. Οἱ μὲν δὴ ἄλλοι κατέσχον ἐς τὴν Σαλαμῖνα, 
᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ ἐ és τὴν ἑωυτῶν. μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἄπιξιν 
κήρυγμα ἐποιήσαντο, ᾿Αθηναίων τῇ τις δύναται 
σώξειν τέκνα τε καὶ τοὺς οἰκέτας. ἐνθαῦτα οἱ 
μὲν πλεῖστοι ἐς Τροίζήνα ἀπέστειλαν, oi δὲ ἐς 
Αἴγιναν, οἳ δὲ ἐς Σαλαμῖνα. ἔσπευσαν δὲ ταῦτα 
ὑπεκθέσθαι τῷ χρηστηρίῳ τε Βουλόμενοι ὑπηρε- 
τέειν καὶ δὴ καὶ τοῦδε εἵνεκα οὐκ ἥκιστα. λέγουσι 
᾿Αθηναῖοι ὄφιν μέγαν φύλακα τῆς ἀκροπόλιος 
ἐνδιαιτᾶσθαι ἐν τῷ ἑρῷ: λέγουσί τε ταῦτα καὶ 
δὴ ὡς ἐόντι ἐπιμήνια ἐπιτελέουσι προτιθέντες: 
τὰ δ᾽ ἐπιμήνια μελιτόεσσα ἐστί. αὕτη δὴ ἡ 


38 


BOOK VIII. 39-41 


seen in my day, lying in the precinct of Athene 
Pronaea, whither their descent through the for- 
eigners' ranks had hurled them. Such, then, was 
the manner of those men's departure from the 
temple. 

40. The Greek fleet, after it had left Artemisium 
came by the Athenians' entreaty to land at Salamis ; 
the reason why the Athenians entreated them to put 
in there being, that they themselves might convey 
their children and women safe out of Attica, and 
moreover take counsel as to what they should do. 
For inasmuch as the present turn of affairs had 
disappointed their judgment they were now to hold 
a council; they had thought to find the whole 
Peloponnesian force awaiting the foreigners' attack 
in Boeotia, but now of that they found no whit, 
but learnt contrariwise that the Peloponnesians were 
fortifying the Isthmus, and letting all else go, as 
deeming the defence of the Peloponnese to be of 
greatest moment. Learning this, they therefore 
entreated the fleet to put in at Salamis. 

41. Sotherest made sail thither, and the Athenians 
to their own country. Being there arrived they made 
a proclamation that every Athenian should save his 
children and servants as he best could. Thereat 
most of them sent their households to Troezen, and 
some to Aegina and Salamis. They made haste to 
convey all out of harm because they desired to be 
guided by the oracle, and for another reason, too, 
which was this: it is said by the Athenians that 
a great snake lives in their temple, to guard the 
acropolis; in proof whereof they do ever duly set 
out a honey-cake as a monthly offering for it; this 


39 


HERODOTUS 


µελιτόεσσα ἐν τῷ πρόσθε αἰεὶ χρόνῳ ἄναισιμου- 
μένη τότε ἣν ἄψαυστος. σήμηνασης δὲ ταῦτα 
τῆς ἱρείης, μᾶλλον τι οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι καὶ προθυ- 
μότερον ἐξέλιπον τὴν πόλιν, ὡς καὶ τῆς θεοῦ 
ἀπολελοιπυίης τὴν ἀκρόπολιν. ὡς δέ σφι πάντα 
ὑπεξέκειτο, ἔπλεον ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον. 

42. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ οἱ aT ᾿Ἀρτεμισίου ἐς Σαλαμῖνα 
κατέσχον. τὰς νέας, συνέρρεε καὶ ὁ λοιπὺς π πυνθα- 
νόµενος ὁ τῶν Ἑλλήνων ναυτικὸς στρατὸς ἐκ 
Τροίζηνος" ἐς γὰρ Πώγωνα τὸν Τροιζηνίων λιμένα 
προείρητο συλλέγεσθαι. συνελέχθησάν τε δὴ 
πολλῷ πλεῦνες νέες ἢ ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αρτεμισίῳ ἐναυμάχεον 
καὶ ἀπὸ πολίων πλεύνων. ναύαρχος μέν νυν 
ἐπῆν ὡυτὸς ὃς περ ἐπ᾿ ᾿Αρτεμισίῳ, Βὐρυβιάδης 
ὁ Εὐρυκλείδεω ἀνὴρ Σπαρτιήτης, οὐ μέντοι γένεος 
τοῦ βασιληίου ἐών: νέας δὲ πολλῷ πλείστας τε 
καὶ ἄριστα πλεούσας παρείχοντο ᾿Αθηναῖοι. 

48. ᾿Εστρατεύοντο δὲ olde: ἐκ μὲν Πελοπον- 
νήσου Λακεδαιμόνιοι. ἑκκαίδεκα νέας παρεχόμενοι, 
Κορίνθιοι δὲ τὸ αὐτὸ πλήρωμα παρεχόμενοι καὶ 
ἐπ᾿ ᾿Αρτεμισίῳ' Σικυώνιοι δὲ πεντεκαίδεκα παρεί- 
χοντο νέας, ᾿Επιδαύριοι δὲ δέκα, Τροιξήνιοι δὲ 
πέντε, Ἑρμιονέες δὲ τρεῖς, ἐόντες οὗτοι πλὴν 
Ἑρμιονέων Δωρικὸν τε καὶ Μακεδνὸν ἔθνος, ἐξ 
᾿Ερινεοῦ τε καὶ Alivóov καὶ τῆς Δρυοπίδος i ἕστατα 
ὁρμηθέντες. οἱ δὲ Ἑρμιονέες εἰσὶ Δρύοπες, ὑπὸ 
Ἡρακλέος τε καὶ Μηλιέων ἐκ τῆς νῦν Δωρίδος 
καλεομένης χώρης ἐξαναστάντες. 

44. Οὗτοι μέν νυν Πελοποι νησίων ἐστρατεύ- 
οντο, oí δὲ ἐκ τῆς ἔξω ἠπείρου, ᾿Αθηναῖοι μὲν 
πρὸς πάντας τοὺς ἄλλους παρεχόμενοι νέας ὀγδώ- 
κοντα καὶ ἑκατὸν, μοῦνοι: ἐν Σαλαμῖνι γὰρ οὐ 
40 


BOOK VIII. 41-44 


cake had ever before been consumed, but was now 
left untouched. When the priestess made that 
known, the Athenians were the readier to leave 
their city, deeming their goddess, too, to have de- 
serted the acropolis. When they had conveyed all 
away, they returned to the fleet. 

42. When the Greeks from Artemisium had put 
in at Salamis, the rest of their fleet also heard of it 
and gathered in from Troezen, the port of which, 
Pogon, had been named for their place of mustering ; 
and the ships that mustered there were more by far 
than had fought at Artemisium, and came from more 
cities. Their admiral-in-chief was the same as at 
Artemisium, Eurybiades son of Euryclides, a Spar- 
tan, yet not of the royal blood; but it was the 
Athenians who furnished by far the most and the 
sea-worthiest ships. 

43. The Peloponnesians that were with the fleet 
were, firstly, the Lacedaemonians, with sixteen 
ships, and the Corinthians with the same number of 
ships as at Artemisium ; the Sicyonians furnished 
fifteen, the Epidaurians ten, the Troezenians five, 
the people of Hermione three; all these, except 
the people of Hermione, were of Dorian and Mace- 
donian stock, and had last come from Erineus and 
Pindus and the Dryopian region. The people of 
Hermione are Dryopians, driven by Heracles and 
the Malians from the country now called Doris, 

44. These were the Peloponnesians in the fleet. 
Of those that came from the mainland outside the 
Peloponnese, the Athenians furnished more ships 
than any of the rest, namely, a hundred and eighty, 
of their own sending; for the Plataeans did not 


41 


HERODOTUS 


συνεναυμάχησαν Ἱ]λαταιέες ᾿Αθηναίοισι διὰ τοι- 
όνδε τι πρῆγμα' ἀπαλλασσομένων τῶν Ἑλλήνων 
3 b ^ } ’ ε 3 / ` / 
ἀπὸ τοῦ Αρτεμισίου, ὡς ἐγίνοντο κατὰ Χαλκίδα, 
e ^ 
οἱ Πλαταιέες ἀποβάντες ἐς τὴν περαίην τῆς 
Βοιωτίης χώρης πρὸς ἐκκομιδὴν ἐτράποντο τῶν 
> / ΩΙ ΄ 
οἰκετέων. οὗτοι μέν νυν τούτους σώξοντες ἐλεί- 
8 ' A0 ^ δὲ 3 EN N II ^ , , 
φθησαν. vato, ÒE ἐπὶ μεν ΙΙελασγῶὼν ἐχόντων 
\ ^ € / / ^5 / 
τὴν νῦν Ἱλλάδα καλεομένην ἦσαν Πελασγοί, 
ὀνομαξόμενοι Kpavaot, ἐπὶ δὲ Κέκροπος βασιλέος 
ἐκλήθησαν Κεκροπίδαι, ἐκδεξαμένου δὲ Ἠρεχθέος 
τὴν ἀρχὴν ᾿Αθηναῖοι μετωνομάσθησαν, "Ἴωνος δὲ 
τοῦ Ξούθου στρατάρχεω γενομένου ᾿Αθηναίοισι 
ἐκλήθησαν ἀπὸ τούτου "loves. 
’ \ , N ’ ’ 
45. Μεγαρέες δὲ τὠυτὸ πλήρωμα παρείχοντο 
. 3 3 9 4 , "^ . ε . / 
καὶ ἐπ᾿ ᾿Αρτεμισίῳ, ᾿Αμπρακιῶται δὲ ἑπτὰ νέας 
5 3 160 LO δὲ ^ :0 
ἔχοντες ἐπεβοήθησαν, Λευκάδιοι δὲ τρεῖς, ἔθνος 
ἐόντες οὗτοι Δωρικὸν ἀπὸ Κορίνθου. 
46. Νησιωτέων δὲ Αἰγινῆται τριήκοντα παρεί- 
9 / N » / 
χοντο. ήσαν μὲν σφι καὶ ἄλλαι πεπληρωμέναι 
/ , M ^ \ N e ^ 3 / 
νέες, ἀλλὰ τῆσι μὲν τὴν ἐωυτῶν ἐφύλασσον, 
τριήκοντα δὲ τῇσι ἄριστα πλεούσησι ἐν Σαλαμῖνι 
ἐναυμάχησαν. Αἰγινῆται δὲ εἰσὶ Δωριέες ἀπὸ 
᾿Επιδαύρου' τῇ δὲ νήσῳ πρότερον οὔνομα ἣν 
3 
Οἰνώνη. μετὰ δὲ Αἰγινήτας Χαλκιδέες τὰς ἐπ 
, / 7 / \ 3 ΄ \ 
Αρτεμισίῳ εἴκοσι παρεχόμενοι καὶ ᾿Ερετριέες τὰς 
ε ΄ ? « 3? 7 \ \ / \ 
ἑπτά": οὗτοι δὲ Ἴωνες εἰσί. μετὰ δὲ Ιζήιοι τὰς 
αὐτὰς παρεχόμενοι, ἔθνος ἐὸν ᾿Ἰωνικὸν ἀπὸ 
3 0 /, T ΄ δὲ la / 2 
Αθηνέων. Νάξιοι δὲ παρείχοντο τέσσερας, ἄπο- 
/ N 3 \ 7 e N ^ 
πεμφθέντες μὲν ἐς τοὺς Μήδους ὑπὸ τῶν mon- 


42 


BOOK VIII. 44-46 


fight beside the Athenians at Salamis, whereof the 
reason was that when the Greeks sailed from Arte- 
misium, and had arrived off Chalcis, the Plataeans 
landed on the opposite Boeotian shore and set about 
conveying their households away. So they were 
left behind bringing these to safety. The Athenians, 
while the Pelasgians ruled what is now called Hellas, 
were Pelasgians, bearing the name of Cranai!; in 
the time of their king Cecrops they came to be 
called Cecropidae, and when the kingship fell to 
Erechtheus they changed their name and became 
Athenians, but when Ion son of Xuthus was made 
leader of their armies they were called after him 
Ionians. 

45. The Megarians furnished the same complement 
as at Artemisium ; the Ampraciots brought seven 
ships to the fleet, and the Leucadians (who are of 
Dorian stock from Corinth) brought three. 

46. Of the islanders, the Aeginetans furnished 
thirty. They had other ships, too, manned; but 
they used them to guard their own coasts, and 
fought at Salamis with the thirty that were most 
seaworthy. The Aeginetans are Dorians from Epi- 
daurus; their island was formerly called Oenone. 
After the Aeginetans came the Chalcidians with 
the twenty, and the Eretrians with the seven which 
had fought at Artemisium; they are Ionians; and 
next the Ceans, furnishing the same ships as before ; 
they are of Ionian stock, from Athens. The Naxians 
furnished four ships; they had been sent by their 
townsmen to the Persians, like the rest of the 


1 That is, probably, ‘‘dwellers on the heights." All 
pre-Dorian inhabitants of Hellas are ‘‘Pelasgian” to 
Herodotus. 


43 


HERODOTUS 


τέων κατά περ οἱ ἄλλοι νησιῶται, ἀλογήσαντες 
δὲ τῶν ἐντολέων ἀπίκατο ἐς τοὺς "EXXqgvas 
Δημοκρίτου σπεύσαντος, ἀνδρὸς τῶν ἀστῶν δοκί- 
μου καὶ τότε τριηραρχέοντος. Νάξιοι δὲ εἰσὶ 
Ἴωνες ἀπὸ ᾿Αθηνέων γεγονότες. Στυρέες δὲ τὰς 
αὐτὰς παρείχοντο νέας τάς περ ἐπ ᾿Αρτεμισίῳω, 
Κύθνιοι δὲ μίαν καὶ πεντηκόντερον, ἐόντες συναμ- 
φότεροι οὗτοι Δρύοπες. καὶ Σερίφιοί τε καὶ 
Σίφνιοι καὶ Μήλιοι ἐστρατεύοντο’ οὗτοι γὰρ οὐκ 
ἔδοσαν μοῦνοι νησιωτέων τῷ βαρβάρῳ γῆν τε καὶ 
ὕδωρ. 

41. Οὗτοι μὲν ἅπαντες ἐντὸς οἰκημένοι Θεσ- 
πρωτῶν καὶ ᾿Αχέροντος ποταμοῦ ἐστρατεύοντο" 
Θεσπρωτοὶ γὰρ εἰσὶ ὁμουρέοντες ᾿Αμιερακιώτῃσι 
καὶ Λευκαδίοισι, οἳ εξ ἐσχατέων χωρέων ἐστρι- 
τεύοντο. τῶν δὲ ἐκτὸς τούτων οἰκημένων Κρο- 
τωνιῆται μοῦνοι ἦσαν ot ἐβοήθησαν τῇ Ελλάδι 
κινδυνευούσῃ μιῇ νηί, τῆς ἧρχε ἀνὴρ Tois πυ- 
θιονίκης Φάυλλος: Κροτωνιῆται δὲ γένος εἰσὶ 
᾿Αχαιοί. 

48, Οἱ μέν νυν ἄλλοι τριήρεας παρεχόμενοι 
ἐστρατεύοντο, Μήλιοι δὲ καὶ Σίφνιοι καὶ Σερίφιοι 
πεντηκοντέρους: Μήλιοι μὲν γένος ἐόντες ἀπὸ 
Λακεδαίμονος δύο παρείχοντο, Σίφνιοι. δὲ καὶ 
Σερίφιοι᾽ Ίωνες ἐ ἐόντες ἀπ᾽ ᾿Αθηνέων μίαν ἑκάτεροι. 
ἀριθμὸς δὲ ἐγένετο ὁ πᾶς τῶν νεῶν, πάρεξ τῶν 
πεντηκοντέρων, τριηκόσιαι καὶ ἑβδομήκοντα καὶ 
ὀκτώ. 

49. Ὡς δὲ ἐς τὴν Σαλαμῖνα συνῆλθον οἱ στρα- 
τηγοὶ ἀπὸ τῶν εἰρημενέων πολίων, ἐβουλεύοντο, 
προθέντος Εὐρυβιάδεω γνώμην ἀποφαίνεσθαι τὸν 
βουλόμενον, ὅκου δοκέοι ἐπιτηδεότατον εἶναι ναυ- 
44 


BOOK VIII. 46-49 


islanders ; but they paid no heed to the command 
and joined themselves to the Greeks, being invited 
thereto by Democritus, a man of note in their town, 
who was then captain of a trireme. The Naxians 
are lonians, of Athenian lineage. The Styrians 
furnished the same number as at Artemisium, and 
the Cythnians one trireme and a fifty-oared bark; 
both these peoples are Dryopians. "There were also 
in the fleet men of Seriphos and Siphnos and Melos, 
these being the only islanders who had not given the 
foreigner earth and water. 

47. Al these aforesaid came to the war from 
countries nearer than Thesprotia and the river 
Acheron ; for Thesprotia marches with the Am- 
praciots and Leucadians, who came from the lands 
farthest distant. ΟΕ those that dwell farther off 
than these, the men of Croton alone came to aid 
Hellas in its peril, and they with one ship, whereof 
the captain was Phajyilus, a victor in the Pythian 
games. ‘These Crotoniats are of Achaean blood. 

48. All these furnished triremes for the fleet save 
the Melians and Siphnians and Seriphians, who 
brought fifty-oared barks, the Melians (who are of 
Lacedaemonian stock) two, and the Siphnians and 
Seriphians (who are lonians of Athenian lineage) 
one each. The whole number of the ships, besides 
the fifty-oared barks, was three hundred and seventy 
eight. 

49. When the leaders from the cities aforenamed 
met at Salamis, they held a council ; Eurybiades laid 
the matter before them, bidding whosoever would 
to declare what waters in his judgment were fittest 
for a sea-fight, among all places whereof the Greeks 


45 


HERODCTUS 


μαχίην ποιέεσθαι τῶν αὐτοὶ χωρέων ἐγκρατέες 
eiat ἡ γὰρ ᾿Αττικὴ ἀπεῖτο ἤδη, τῶν δὲ λοιπέων 
πέρι προετίθεε. αἱ γνῶμαι δὲ τῶν λεγόντων αἱ 
πλεῖσται συνεξέπιπτον πρὸς τὸν ᾿Ισθμὸν πλώ- 
σαντας ναυμαχέειν πρὸ τῆς Πελοποννήσου, ἐπι- 
λέγοντες τὸν «λόγον τόνδε, ὡς εἰ νικηθέωσι τῇ 
ναυμαχίῃ, ἐν Σαλαμῖνι μὲν ἐόντες πολιορκήσονται 
ἐν νήσῳ, iva σφι τιμωρίη οὐδεμία ἐπιφανήσεται, 
πρὸς δὲ τῷ Ἰσθμῷ é ἐς τοὺς ἑωυτῶν ἐξοίσονται. 

60. Ταῦτα τῶν ἀπὸ Πελοποννήσου στρατηγῶν 
ἐπιλεγομένων, ἐληλύθεε à ἀνὴρ ᾿Αθηναῖος ἀγγέλλων 
ἥκειν τὸν βάρβαρον ἐς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν καὶ πᾶσαν 
αὐτὴν πυρπολέεσθαι. ὁ γὰρ. διὰ Βοιωτῶν τραπό- 
μενος στρατὸς ἅμα Ξέρξη, ἐμπρήσας Θεσπιέων 
τὴν πόλιν, αὐτῶν ἐκλελοιπότων ἐς Πελοπόννησον, 
καὶ τὴν llXaratéov ὡσαύτως, ἧκέ τε ἐς τὰς 
᾿Αθήνας καὶ πάντα ἐκεῖνα ἐδηίου. ἐνέπρησε δὲ 
Θέσπειάν τε καὶ Πλάταιαν πυθόμενος Θηβαίων 
ὅτι οὐκ ἐμήδιξον. 

51. ᾿Απὸ δὲ τῆς διαβάσιος τοῦ | λλ.)σπόντου, 
ἔνθεν πορεύεσθαι ἤρξαντο οἱ βάρβαροι, ἕνα αὐτοῦ 
διατρίψαντες μῆνα ἐν τῷ διέβαινον ἐς τὴν 
Εὐρώπην, ἐν τρισὶ ἑτέροισι μησὶ ἐγένοντο ἐν 
τῇ ᾿Αττικῇ, Καλλιάδεω ἄρχοντος ᾿Αθηναίοισι. 
καὶ αἱρέουσι ἔρημον τὸ ἄστυ, καί τινας ὀλίγους 
εὑρίσκουσι τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων ἐν τῷ ἱρῷ ἐόντας, 
ταμίας τε τοῦ ἱροῦ καὶ πένητας ἀνθρώπους, οἳ 
φραξάμενοι τὴν ἀκρόπολιν, θύρῃσί τε καὶ ξύλοισι 
ἠμύνοντο τοὺς ἐπιόντας, ἅμα μὲν ὑπ᾽ ἀσθενείης 
βίου οὐκ ἐκχωρήσαντες ἐς Σαλαμῖνα, πρὸς δὲ 
αὐτοὶ δοκέοντες ἐξευρηκέναι τὸ μαντήιον τὸ ἡ 
Πυθίη σφι ἔχρησε, τὸ ξύλινον τεῖχος ἀνάλωτον 
46 


BOOK VIII. 49-51: 


were masters; of Attica they had no more hope ; it 
was among other places that he bade them judge. 
Then the opinion of most of the speakers tended to 
the same conclusion, that they should sail to the 
Isthmus and do battle by sea for the safety of the 
Peloponnese, the reason which they alleged being 
this, that if they were defeated in the fight at 
Salamis they would be beleaguered in an island, 
where no help could come to them; but off the 
Isthmus they could win to their own coasts. 

50. While the Peloponnesian captains held this 
argument, there came a man of Athens, bringing 
news that the foreigner was arrived in Attica, and 
was wasting it all with fire. For the army which 
folowed Xerxes through Boeotia had burnt the 
town of the Thespians (who had themselves left 
it and gone tothe Peloponnese) and Plataea likewise, 
and was arrived at Athens, laying waste all the 
country round. They burnt Thespia and Plataea 
because they learnt from the Thebans that those 
towns had not taken the Persian part. 

51. Now after the crossing of the Hellespont 
whence they began their march, the foreigners had 
spent one month in their passage into Europe, 
and in three more months they arrived in Attica, 
Calliades being then archon at Athens. There they 
took the city, then left desolate; but they found in 
the temple some few Athenians, temple-stewards 
and needy men, who defended themselves against 
the assault by fencing the acropolis with doors and 
logs; these had not withdrawn to Salamis, partly 
by reason of poverty, and also because they supposed 
themselves to have found out the meaning of the 
Delphic oracle that the wooden wall should be 


47 


HERODOTUS 


m > A 4 ^ - ν ΄ 
ἔσεσθαι: αὐτὸ δὴ τοῦτο εἶναι τὸ κρησφύγετον 
N N M N , 
E τὸ μαντήιον καὶ οὐ τὰς νέας. 
e M ’ e L4 3 M Ν , 

. Οἱ δὲ Πέρσαι (ζομενοι ἐπὶ τον καταντιον 
τῆς EL ὄχθον, τὸν ᾿Αθηναῖοι καλέουσι 
᾿Αρήιον πάγον, ἐπολιόρκεον τρόπον τοιόνδε" ὅκως 

\ 
στυππεῖον περὶ τοὺς ὀιστοὺς περιθέντες ἄψειαν, 


ἐτόξευον ἐς τὸ φράγμα. ἐνθαῦτα ᾿Αθηναίων οἱ 
’ 


πολιορκεόμενοι. ὅμως ἡμύνοντο, καίπερ ἐς τὸ 
ἔσχατον κακοῦ ἀπιγμένοι καὶ τοῦ φράγματος 
προδεδωκότος" οὐδὲ λόγους τῶν Πεισιστρατιδέων 
προσφερόντων περὶ όμολο γίης ἐνεδέκοντο, ἀμυνό- 
μενοί δὲ ἄλλα τε ἀντεμηχανῶντο καὶ δὴ καὶ 
προσιόντων | τῶν Βαρβάρων πρὸς τὰς πύλας όλοι- 
τρόχους ἀπίεσαν, ὥστε Ξέρξην ἐπὶ χρόνον συχνὸν 
ἀπορίησι ἐνέχεσθαι ou δυνάμενον σφέας ἐλεῖν. 

53. X povo Ò ἐκ τῶν ἀπόρων ἐφάνη δή τις 
ἔξοδος τοῖσι βαρβάροισι: ἔδεε γὰρ κατὰ τὸ θεο- 
πρόπιον πᾶσαν τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν τὴν ἐν Τῇ ἠπείρῳ 
γενέσθαι ὑπὸ Πέρσῃσι. ἔμπροσθε ὧν πρὸ τῆς 
ἀκροπόλιος, ὄπισθε δὲ τῶν πυλέων καὶ τῆς 
ἀνόδου, τῇ δὴ οὔτε τις ἐφύλασσε οὔτ᾽ ἂν ἤλπισε 
μή, κοτέ τις κατὰ ταῦτα ἀναβαίη ἀνθρώπων, 
ταύτη ἀνέβησαν τινὲς κατὰ τὸ (pov τῆς Κέκροπος 
θυγατρὸς ᾿Αγλαύρου, καίτοι περ ἀποκρήμνου 
ἐόντος τοῦ χώρου. ὡς δὲ εἶδον αὐτοὺς ἀναβε- 
βηκότας οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἐπὶ τὴν ἀκρόπολιν, of μὲν 
ἐρρίπτεον ἑωυτοὺς κατὰ τοῦ τείχεος κάτω καὶ 
διεφθείροντο, oi δὲ ἐς τὸ μέγαρον κατέφευγον. 
τῶν δὲ ἹἹερσέων οἱ ἀναβεβηκότες πρῶτον μὲν 


[n vii. 142. 


BOOK VIIL. 51-53 


impregnable, and believed that this, and not the 
ships, was the refuge signified by the prophecy.! 

52. The Persians sat down on the hill over against 
the acropolis, which is called by the Athenians the 
Hill of Ares, and besieged them by shooting arrows 
wrapped in lighted tow at the barricade. There 
the Athenians defended themselves against their 
besiegers, albeit they were in extremity and their 
barricade had failed them; nor would they listen 
to the terms of surrender pr roposed to them by the 
Pisistratids, but defended themselves by counter- 
devices, chiefly by rolling great stones down on tlie 
foreigners when they assaulted the gates; insomuch 
that for a long while Xerxes could not take the 
place, and knew not what to do. 

53. But at the last in their quandary the foreigners 
found an entrance; for the oracle must needs be 
fulfilled, and all the mainland of Attica be made 
subject to the Persians. In front of the acropolis, 
and behind the gates and the ascent thereto, there 
was a place where none was on guard and none 
would have thought that any man would ascend 
that way; here certain men mounted near the shrine 
of Cecrops’ daughter Aglaurus, though the way led 
up a sheer cliff? When the Athenians saw that 
they had ascended to the acropolis, some of them 
cast themselves down from the wall and so perished, 
and others fled into the inner chamber. Those 
Persians who had come up first betook themselves 

2 Hdt.'s description (say How and Wells) is accurate and 
obvious. The ascent was probably made by a steep cleft 
running under or within the N. wall of the Acropolis ; the 
western entrance of this cleft is ‘in front,’ facing the same 
way as the 1nain entrance of the Acropolis. μέγαρον here = 
ἱρόν. 


40 


HERODOTUS 


ἐτράποντο πρὸς τὰς πύλας, ταύτας δὲ ἀνοίξαντες 
τοὺς ἱκέτας. ἐφόνευον" ἐπεὶ δέ σφι πάντες κατέ- 
στρωντο, τὸ ἱρὸν συλήσαντες ἐνέπρησαν πᾶσαν 
τὴν ἀκρόπολιν. 

54. Σχὼν δὲ παντελέως τὰς ᾿Αθήνας Ξέρξης 
ἀπέπεμψε ἐς Σοῦσα ἄγγελον ἱππέα ᾿Αρταβάνῳ 
ἀγγελέοντα. τὴν παρεοῦσάν σφι εὐπρηξίην. ἀπὸ 
δὲ τῆς πέµψιος τοῦ κήρυκος δευτέρῃ ἡμέρῃ 
συγκαλέσας ᾿Αθηναίων TOUS φυγάδας, ἑωυτῷ δὲ 
ἑπομένους, ἐκέλευε τρόπῳ τῷ σφετέρῳ θῦσαι τὰ 
ipa ἀναβάντας ἐς τὴν ἀκρόπολιν, εἴτε δὴ ὦ ὧν ὄψιν 
τινὰ ἰδὼν ἐνυπνίου ἐνετέλλετο ταῦτα, εἴτε καὶ 
ἐνθύμιόν οἱ ἐγένετο ἐμπρήσαντι τὸ ἱρόν. οἱ δὲ 
φυγάδες τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων € ἐποίησαν τὰ ἐντεταλμένα. 

55. Tov δὲ εἵνεκεν τούτων ἐπεμνήσθην, φράσω. 
ἔστι ἐν τῇ ἀκροπόλι ταύτῃ Ἐρεχθέος τοῦ γηγε- 
véos λεγομένου εἶναι νηός, ἐν τῷ ἐλαίη τε καὶ 
θάλασσα ἔνι, τὰ λόγος παρὰ ᾿Αθηναίων Hoger- 
δέωνά τε καὶ ᾿Αθηναίην é ἐρίσαντας περὶ τῆς χώρης 
μαρτύρια. θέσθαι. ταύτην ὧν τὴν ἐλαίην ἅμα τῷ 
ἄλλῳ ἱρῷ κατέλαβε ἐμπρησθῆναι ὑπὸ τῶν βαρ- 
βάρων' δευτέρῃ δὲ ἡμέρῃ ἀπὸ τῆς ἐμπρήσιος 
᾿Αθηναίων οἱ θύειν ὑπὸ βασιλέος κελενόμενοι 
ὡς ἀνέβησαν ἐς τὸ ἱρόν, ὥρων βλαστὸν ἐκ τοῦ 
στελέχεος ὅσον τε πηχυαῖον ἀναδεδραμηκότα. 
οὗτοι μέν νυν ταῦτα ἔφρασαν. 

56. Οἱ δὲ ἐν Sahapive ' Ἕλληνες, ὥς σφι ἐξηγ- 
γέλθη à ὡς ἔσχε τὰ περὶ τὴν ᾿Αθηναίων ἀκρόπολιν, 
ἐς τοσοῦτον θόρυβον ἆ ἀπίκοντο ὡς ἔνιοι τῶν στρα- 
τηγῶν οὐδὲ κυρωθῆναι -ἔμενον τὸ προκείμενον 
πρῆγμα, ἀλλ, ἔς τε τὰς νέας ἐσέπιπτον καὶ ἱστία 
ἀείροντο ὡς ἀποθευσόμενοι τοῖσί τε ὑπολειπο- 


5ο 


BOOK VIII. 53-56 


to the gates, which they opened, and slew the 
suppliants; and when they had laid all the Athe- 
nians low, they plundered the temple and burnt the 
whole of the acropolis. 

54. Being now wholly master of Athens, Xerxes 
sent a horseman to Susa to announce his present 
success to Artabanus. On the next day after the 
messenger was sent he called together the Athenian 
exiles who followed in his train, and bade them go 
up to the acropolis and offer sacrifice after their 
manner, whether it was some vision seen of him 
in sleep that led him to give this charge, or that 
he repented of his burning of the temple. The 
Athenian exiles did as they were bidden. 

55. I will now show wherefore I make mention of 
this: on that acropolis there is a shrine of Erech- 
theus the Earthborn (as he is called), wherein is an 
olive tree, and a salt-pool, which (as the Athenians 
say) were set there by Poseidon and Athene as 
tokens of their contention for the land.! Now it 
was so, that the olive tree was burnt with the 
temple by the foreigners; but on the day after its 
burning, when the Athenians bidden by the king 
to sacrifice went up to the temple, they saw a shoot 
of about a cubit’s length sprung from the trunk ; 
which thing they reported. 

56. When it was told to the Greeks at Salamis 
what had befallen the Athenian acropolis, they were 
so panic-struck that some of their captains would not 
wait till the matter whereon they debated should be 
resolved, but threw themselves aboard their ships 
and hoisted their sails for flight. Those that were 


! Athene created the olive, Poseidon the salt pool; Cecrops 
adjudged the land to Athene. 


5I 


HERODOTUS 


μένοισι αὐτῶν ἐκυρώθη πρὸ τοῦ ᾿Ισθμοῦ ναυμα- 

/ τ ^ 
χέειν. νύξ τε ἐγίνετο καὶ οἳ διαλυθέντες ἐκ τοῦ 
συνεδρίου ἐσέβαινον ἐς τὰς νέας. 

57. ᾿Ενθαῦτα δὴ Θεμιστοκλέα ἀπικόμενον ἐπὶ 

di μ 
. / » / > N , ^ e? 
τὴν νέα εἴρετο Μνησίφιλος ἀνὴρ ᾿Αθηναῖος ὃ τι 
y [4 

σφι εἴη βεβουλευμένον. πυθόμενος δὲ πρὸς 
αὐτοῦ ὡς εἴη δεδογμένον ἀνάγειν τὰς νέας πρὸς 
N 

τὸν ᾿Ισθμὸν καὶ πρὸ τῆς Πελοποννήσου vav- 
payee, εἶπε “OUT ἄρα, ἣν ἀπαείρωσι τὰς νέας 
ἀπὸ Σαλαμῖνος, περὶ οὐδεμιῆς ἔτι πατρίδος ναυ- 

/ 6 

μαχήσεις: κατὰ γὰρ πόλις ἕκαστοι τρέψονται, 

. y / , / / / 

καὶ οὔτε σφέας EvpuStadns κατέχειν δυνήσεται 
e 
οὔτε τις ἀνθρώπων ἄλλος ὥστε μὴ οὐ διασκε- 
^ ~ ^ > / if € CRN N 
δασθῆναι τὴν στρατιήν" ἀπολέεται τε 1) Eras 
ἀβουλίῃσι. ἀλλ᾽ εἴ τις ἐστὶ μηχανή, ἴθι καὶ 
πειρῶ διαχέαι τὰ βεβουλευμένα, ἤν κως δύνῃ 
ἀναγνῶσαι Εὐρυβιάδην μεταβουλεύσασθαι ὥστε 
αὐτοῦ μένειν. 

58. Κάρτα τε τῷ Θεμιστοκλέι ἤρεσε ý ὑπο- 
θήκη, καὶ οὐδὲν πρὸς ταῦτα ἀμειψάμενος ἤιε ἐπὶ 
τὴν νέα τὴν Ἠὐρυβιάδεω. ἀπικόμενος δὲ ἔφη 
ἐθέλειν οἱ κοινόν TL πρῆγμα συμμῖξαι ὃ δ αὐτὸν 
ἐς τὴν νέα ἐκέλευε ἐσβάντα λέγειν, εἴ τι θέλει. 
» ^ e / , / ς / 
ἐνθαῦτα ὁ Θεμιστοκλέης παριζὀμενός οἱ καταλέγει 
ἐκεῖνά τε πάντα τὰ ἤκουσε Μνησιφίλου, ἑωυτοῦ 

/ . » \ / > ^ 
ποιεύμενος, καὶ ἄλλα πολλὰ προστιθείς, ἐς ὃ 
ἀνέγνωσε χρηίζων € ἔκ τε τῆς νεὸς ἐκβῆναι συλλέξαι 

A A 
τε τοὺς στρατηγοὺς ἐς τὸ συνέδριον. 

M À N 
59. Ὥς δὲ ἄρα συνελέχθησαν, πρὶν ἢ τὸν 
Εὐρυβιάδην προθεῖναι τὸν λόγον τῶν εἵνεκα 
\ ik e 

συνήγαγε τοὺς στρατηγούς, πολλὸς ἦν ὁ Θεμι- 
- / / 

στοκλέης ἐν τοῖσι λόγοισι οἷα κάρτα δεόμενος" 


52 


BOOK VIH. 56-59 


left behind resolved that the fleet should fight to 
guard the Isthmus ; and at nightfall they broke up 
from the assembly and embarked. 

57. Themistocles then being returned to his ship, 
Mnesiphilus, an Athenian, asked him what was the 
issue of their counsels. Learning from him that their 
plan was to sail to the Isthmus and fight in defence 
of the Peloponnese, * Then," said Mnesiphilus, “ if 
they put out to sea from Salamis, your ships will 
have no country left wherefor to fight; for every- 
one will betake himself to his own city, and neither 
Eurybiades, nor any other man, will be able to 
hold them, but the armament will be scattered 
abroad; and Hellas will perish by unwisdom. Nay, 
if there be any means thereto, go now and strive to 
undo this plan, if haply you may be able to persuade 
Eurybiades to change his purpose and so abide 
here 

58. This advice pleased Themistocles well; making 
no answer to Mnesiphilus, he went to Eurybiades' 
ship, and said that he would confer with him on a 
matter of their common interest. Eurybiades bid- 
ding him come aboard and say what he would, 
Themistocles sat by him and told him all that he 
had heard from Mnesiphilus, as it were of his own 
devising, and added much thereto, till he prevailed 
with the Spartan by entreaty to come out of his 
ship and assemble the admirals in their place of 
meeting. 

59. They being assembled (so it is said), before 
Eurybiades had laid before them the matter wherefor 
the generals were brought together, Themistocles 
spoke long and vehemently in the earnestness of his 
entreaty ; and while he yet spoke, Adimantus son 


55 


HERODOTUS 


^ e / > / 
λέγοντος δὲ αὐτοῦ, ὁ Κορίνθιος στρατηγὸς ᾿Αδεί- 
€» ΄ 9 cc? / ? ^ 
µαντος ὁ Ὠκύτου εἶπε “Ὁ, Θεμιστόκλεες, ἐν τοῖσι 
^ / > 
ἀγῶσι οἱ προεξανιστάµενοι ῥαπίζονται. ὃ δὲ 
, L4 » ες Οι δέ > , , 
ἀπολυόμενος ἔφη L δέ γε ἐγκαταλειπόμενοι οὐ 
^ » 
στεφανοῦνται. i 
60. Tore μὲν ἠπίως πρὸς τὸν Κορίνθιον ἀμεί- 
yaro, πρὸς δὲ τὸν Εὐρυβιάδην ἔλεγε ἐκείνων μὲν 
ἔτι οὐδὲν τῶν πρότερον λεχθέντων, ὡς ἐπεὰν 
΄ ^ 
ἀπαείρωσι ἀπὸ Σαλαμῖνος διαδρήσονται-. πα- 
ρεόντων γὰρ τῶν συμμάχων οὐκ ἔφερέ οἱ κόσμον 
οὐδένα κατηγορέειν' ὃ δὲ ἄλλου λόγου εἴχετο, 
λέγων: τάδε. “Ev ool νῦν ἐστὶ σῶσαι τὴν Ελλάδα, 
ἣν ἐμοὶ πείθῃ ναυμαχίην αὐτοῦ μένων ποιέεσθαι, 
μηδὲ πειθόμενος τούτων τοῖσι λόγοισι. ἀναξεύξῃς 
πρὸς τὸν Ἴσθμὸν τὰς νέας. ἀντίθες γὰρ ἑκάτερον 
ἀκούσας. πρὸς μὲν τῷ Ἰσθμῷ συμβάλλων ἐν 
πελάγεϊ ἀναπεπταμένῳ ναυμαχήσεις, ἐς τὸ ἥκιστα 
ἡμῖν σύμφορον ἐστὶ νέας ἔχουσι βαρυτέρας καὶ 
2 `N 3 LA A \ 3 / "^ / 
ἀριθμὸν ἐλάσσονας" τοῦτο δὲ ἀπολέεις Σαλαμῖνά 
Vax ` » y ν \ » 
τε kai Μέγαρα καὶ Αἴγιναν, ἣν περ καὶ τα ἄλλα 
εὐτυχήσωμεν. ἅμα δὲ τῷ ναυτικῷ αὐτῶν ἕψεται 
καὶ o πεξὸς στρατός, καὶ οὕτω σφέας αὐτὸς ἄξεις 
ἐπὶ τὴν Πελοπόννησον, κινδυνεύσεις τε ἁπάσῃ τῇ 
e 16 À δὲ NES SEEN [4 ΄ /ὃ 3 
Edda t ἣν δὲ τὰ ἐγώ λέγω ποιήσῃς, τοσάδε ἐν 
αὐτοῖσι χρηστὰ εὑρήσεις" πρῶτα μὲν ἐν στεινῷ 
συμβάλλοντες νηυσὶ ὀλίγησι πρὸς πολλάς, ἣν τὰ 
οἰκότα ἐκ τοῦ πολέμου -ἐκβαίνῃ, πολλὸν κρατή- 
σομεν' τὸ γὰρ ἐν στεινῷ ναυμαχέειν πρὸς. ἡμέων 
ἐστί, ἐν εὐρυχωρίῃ δὲ πρὸς ἐκείνων. abris δὲ 
Σαλαμὶς περιγίνεται, ἐς τὴν ἡμῖν ὑπέκκειται 
τέκνα τε καὶ γυναῖκες. καὶ μὲν καὶ τόδε ἐν 
^ 3/ ^ / ? 
αὐτοῖσι ἔνεστι, τοῦ καὶ περιέχεσθε μάλιστα 


54 


BOOK VIII, 59-60 


of Ocytus, the Corinthian admiral, said, “ At the 
games, Themistocles, they that come forward before 
their time are beaten with rods.” “Ay,” said 
Themistocles, justifying himself, *but they that 
wait too long win no crown." 

60. Thus for the nonce he made the Corinthian 
a soft answer ; then turning to Eurybiades, he said 
now nought of what he had said before, how that 
if they set sail from Salamis they would scatter and 
flee; for it would have ill become him to bring 
railing accusations against the allies in their 
presence; he trusted to another plea instead. “It 
lies in your hand," said he, “to save Hellas, if you 
will be guided by me and fight here at sea, and not 
be won by the words of these others to remove your 
ships over to the Isthmus. Hear me now, and judge 
between two plans. If you engage off the Isthmus 
you will fight in open waters, where it is least for 
our advantage, our ships being the heavier and the 
fewer in number; and moreover you will lose 
Salamis and Megara and Aegina, even if victory 
attend us otherwise ; and their land army will follow 
with their fleet, and so you will lead them to the 
Peloponnese, and imperil all Hellas. But if you do 
as I counsel you, you will thereby profit as I shall 
show: firstly, by engaging their many ships with 
our few in narrow seas, we shall win a great victory, 
if the war have its rightful issue; for it is for our 
advantage to fight in a strait as it is theirs to have 
wide sea-room. Secondly, we save Salamis, whither 
we have conveyed away our children and our women. 
Moreover, there is this, too, in my plan, and it is 
your chiefest desire: you will be defending the 


55 


HERODOTUS 


ὁμοίως αὐτοῦ τε μένων προναυμαχήσεις Πελο- 
ποννήσου καὶ πρὸς τῷ ᾿Ισθμῷ, οὐδὲ σφέας, εἰ 
περ εὖ Φρονέεις, ἄξεις ἐπὶ τὴν Πελοπόννησον. 
ἣν δέ γε καὶ τὰ ἐγὼ ἐλπίζω γένηται καὶ νικήσωμεν 
τῇσι νηυσί, οὔτε ὑμῖν ἐς τὸν Ἰσθμὸν παρέσονται! 
οἱ βάρβαροι οὔτε προβήσονται ἑκαστέρω τῆς 
᾿Αττικῆς, ἀπίασί τε οὐδενὶ κόσμῳ, v a τε 
κερδανέομεν περιεοῦσι καὶ Λὐγίνῃ καὶ Σαλαμῖνι, 
ἐν τῇ ἡμῖν καὶ λόγιον ἐστὶ τῶν ἐχθρῶν κατύπερθε 
γενέσθαι. οἰκότα μέν νυν βουλευομένοισι ἀνθρω- 
ποισι ὡς τὸ ἐπίπαν ἐθέλει γίνεσθαι: μὴ δὲ οἰκότα 
βουλευομένοισι οὐκ ἐθέλει οὐδὲ ὁ θεὸς προσχωρέειν 
πρὸς τὰ: ἀνθρωπηίας γνώμας. 

61. Ταῦτα λέγοντος Θεμιστοκλέος αὖτις ὁ 
Κορίνθιος ᾿Αδείμαντος ἐπεφέρετο, σιγᾶν τε 
κελεύων TÓ μὴ ἐστὶ πατρὶς καὶ Εὐρυβιάδην οὐκ 
ἐῶν ἐπιψηφί ίζειν ἀπόλι ἀνδρί πόλιν γὰρ τὸν 
Θεμιστοκλέα παρεχόμενον οὕτω ἐκέλευε γνώμας 
συμβάλλεσθαι. ταῦτα δέ οἱ προέφερε ὅτι ἡλώ- 
κεσάν τε καὶ κατείχοντο αἱ ᾿Αθῆναι. τότε δ) ὁ 
Θεμιστοκλέης κεῖνόν τε καὶ τοὺς Κορινθίους 
πολλά τε καὶ κακὰ ἔλεγε, ἑωυτοῖσι τε ἐδήλου 
λόγῳ ὡς εἴη καὶ πόλις καὶ γῆ μέζων ἢ περ 
ἐκείνοισι, ἔστ᾽ ἂν διηκόσιαι νέες σφι ἔωσι 
πεπληρωμέναι" οὐδαμοὺς γὰρ ᾿Ελλήνων αὐτοὺς 
οσοι ἀποκρούσεσθαι. 

62. Σημαίνων δὲ ταῦτα τῷ λόγῳ διέβαινε ἐς 
Εὐρυβιάδην, λέγων μᾶλλον ἐπεστραμμένα. KO 
et μενέεις αὐτοῦ καὶ μένων ἔσεαι ἀνὴρ ἀγαθός: 
εἰ δὲ μή, ἀνατρέψεις τὴν ᾿Ελλάδα' τὸ πᾶν γὰρ 
ἡμῖν τοῦ πολέμου φέρουσι αἱ νέες. ἀλλ᾽ ἐμοὶ 
πείθεο. εἰ δὲ ταῦτα μὴ ποιήσῃς, ἡμεῖς μὲν ὡς 
56 


BOOK VIII. 60-62 


Peloponnese as well by abiding here as you would by 
fighting off the Isthmus, and you will not lead our 
enemies (if you be wise) to the Isthmus. And if 
that happen which I expect, you will never have 
the foreigners upon you at the Isthmus; they will 
advance no further than Attica, but depart in dis- 
orderly fashion; and we shall gain by the saving 
of Megara and Aegina and Salamis, where it is told 
us by an oracle that we shall have the upper hand 
of our enemies. Success comes oftenest to men 
when they make reasonable designs ; but if they do 
not so, neither will heaven for its part side with 
human devices."' 

61. Thus said Themistocles; but Adimantus the 
Corinthian attacked him again, saying that a landless 
man should hold his peace, and that Eurybiades 
must not suffer one that had no city to vote; let 
Themistocles (said he) have a city at his back ere 
he took part in council —taunting him thus be- 
cause Athens was taken and held by the enemy. 
Thereupon Themistocles spoke long and bitterly 
against Adimantus and the Corinthians, giving them 
plainly to understand that the Athenians had a city 
and country greater than theirs, as long as they had 
two hundred ships fully manned ; for there were no 
Greeks that could beat them off. 

62. Thus declaring, he passed over to Eurybiades, 
and spoke more vehemently than before. “If you 
abide here, by so abiding you will be a right good 
man ; but if you will not, you will overthrow Hellas; 
for all our strength for war is in our ships. Nay, 
be guided by me. But if you do not so, we then 


57 


HERODOTUS 


Suma ἀναλαβόντες τοὺς οἰκέτας κομιεύμεθα ἐς 
Σζριν τὴν. ἐν Ἰταλίῃ, ἥ περ ἡμετέρη τε ἐστὶ ἐκ 
παλαιοῦ ἔτι, καὶ τὰ λόγια λέγει ὑπ᾽ ἡμέων αὐτὴν 
δέειν κτισθῆναι: ὑμεῖς δὲ συμμάχων τοιῶνδε 
μουνωθέντες μεμνήσεσθε τῶν ἐμῶν λόγων." 

09. Ταῦτα δὲ Θεμιστοκλέος λέγοντος ἀνεδι- 
δάσκετο Ἠὐρυβιάδης: δοκέειν δέ µοι, ἀρρωδήσας 
μάλιστα τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους ἀνεδιδάσκετο, μή σφεας 
ἀπολύπωσι, ἣν πρὸς τὸν ᾿Ισθ μὸν ἀγάγῃ τὰς νέας" 
ἀπολιπόντων γὰρ ᾿Αθηναίων οὐκέτι ἐγίνοντο 
ἀξιόμαχοι οἱ λοιποί. ταύτην δὲ αἱρέεται τὴν 
γνώμην, αὐτοῦ «μένοντας μι ον 

64. Οὕτω μὲν οἱ περὶ Σαλαμῖνα ἔπεσι axpo- 
βολισάμενοι, ἐπείτε Εὐρυβιάδῃ ἔδοξε, αὐτοῦ 
παρεσκευάξοντο ὡς ναυμαχήσοντες. ἡμέρη τε 
ἐγίνετο καὶ ἅμα τῷ ἡλίῳ ἀνιόντι σεισμὸς ἐγένετο 
ἔν τε τῇ γῆ καὶ τῇ θαλάσσῃ. ἔδοξε δέ σφι 
εὔξασθαι τοῖσι θεοῖσι καὶ ἐπικαλέσασθαι τοὺς 
Αἰακίδας συμμάχους. ws δέ σφι ἔδοξε, καὶ 
ἐποίευν ταῦτα' εὐξάμενοι γὰρ πᾶσι τοῖσι θεοῖσι, 

"roO ev ἐκ Σαλαμῖ Αἴαντά ὶ Τελα- 
αὐτόθεν μὲν ἐκ Σαλαμῖνος Alavrá τε καὶ Tera 

Qva ἐπεκαλέοντο, ἐπὶ δὲ Αἰακὸν καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους 
Αἰακίδας νέα ἀπέστελλον ἐς Αἴγιναν. 

66. "Εφη δὲ Δίκαιος ὁ ὁ Θεοκύδεος, ἀνὴρ ᾿Αθηναῖος 
φυγάς τε καὶ παρὰ Μήδοισι Ἀόγιμος γενόμενος 
τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον, ἐπείτε ἐκείρετο 7) ᾿Αττικὴ 
χώρη ὑπὸ τοῦ πεξοῦ στρατοῦ τοῦ Ξέρξεω € ἐοῦσα 
ἔρημος ᾿Αθηναίων, τυχεῖν τότε ἐὼν ἅμα Δημαρήτῳ 
τῷ Λακεδαιμονίῳ ἐν τῷ Θριασίῳ πεδίῳ, ἰδεῖν δὲ 


1 The images of Aeacus and his sons; cp. v. 80. 
3 N.W. of Athens, from which Eleusis is about 15 miles 
distant. Plutarch says that the vision was seen on the day 


58 


BOOK VIII. 62-65 


without more ado will take our households and voyage 
to Siris in Italy, which has been ours from old time, 
and the oracles tell that we must there plant a 
colony ; and you, left without allies such as we are, 
will have cause to remember what I have said." 

63. These words of Themistocles moved Eurybiades 
to change his purpose; which to my thinking he did 
chiefly because he feared lest the Athenians should 
leave him if he took his ships to the Isthmus ; for 
if the Athenians should leave the fleet the rest 
would be no match for the enemy. He chose then 
the plan aforesaid, namely, to abide and fight on the 
seas where they were. 

64. Thus after this wordy skirmish the Greeks at 
Salamis prepared, since Eurybiades so willed, to 
fight their battle where they were. At sunrise on 
the next day there was an earthquake on land and 
sea ; and they resolved to pray to the gods, and to 
call the sons of Aeacus to be their helpers. As they 
resolved, so they did; they prayed to all the gods, 
and called Aias and Telamon to come to them from 
Salamis, where the Greeks were; and they sent a 
ship to Aegina for Aeacus and the rest that were of 
his House.! 

65. There was one Dicaeus, son of Theocydes, an 
exile from Athens who had attained to estimation 
among the Medes. This was the tale that he told: 
At the time when the land of Attica was being laid 
waste by Xerxes’ army, and no Athenians were 
therein, he, being with Demaratus the Lacedae- 
monian on the Thriasian? plain, saw dust coming 
of the battle of Salamis, which would thus have been fought 
on September 22 (20th of Boedromion) ; for it is assumed that 
the vision coincided in date with the standing date of the 
Eleusinian festival. 

59 


HERODOTUS 


κονιορτὸν χωρέοντα am  WXevoivos ὡς ἀνδρῶν 
μάλιστά Ky τρισμυρίων, ἀποθωμάζειν τε σφέας 
τὸν κονιορτὸν ὅτεων κοτὲ εἴη, ἀνθρώπων, καὶ 
πρόκατε φωνῆς. ἀκούειν, καί οἱ φαίνεσθαι τὴν 
φωνὴν εἶναι τὸν μυστικὸν ἴακχον. εἶναι ὃ 
ἀδαήμονα τῶν ἱρῶν τῶν ἐν E λευσῖνι γινομένων 
τὸν Δημάρητον, εἰρέσθαί, τε αὐτὸν ὅ τι τὸ φθεγ- 
γόμενον εἴη τοῦτο. αὐτὸς δὲ εἰπεῖν S Δημάρητε, 
οὐκ ἔστι ὅκως οὐ μέγα τι σίνος ἔσται τῇ βασιλέος 
στρατιῇ' Tace γὰρ ἀρίδηλα, ἐρήμου ἐούσης τῆς 
᾿Αττικῆς, ὅτι θεῖον τὸ φθεγγόμενον, ἀπ᾽ Ἐλευσῖνος 
ἰὸν ἐς τιμωρίην ᾿Αθηναίοισί τε καὶ τοῖσι συμ- 
μάχοισι. καὶ ἣν μέν γε κατασκήψῃ ἐς τὴν 
Πελοπόννησον, κίνδυνος αὐτῷ Te Βασιλέι καὶ 
τῇ στρατιὴ τῇ ἐν τῇ ἠπείρῳ ἔσται, ἣν δὲ ἐπὶ 
τὰς νέας τράπηται τὰς ἐν Σαλαμῖνι, τὸν ναυτικὸν 
στρατὸν κινδυνεύσει βασιλεὺς ἀποβαλεῖν. τὴν 
δὲ ὁρτὴν ταύτην ἄγουσι ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἀνὰ πάντα 
ἔτεα τῇ Μητρὶ καὶ τῇ Κούρῃ, καὶ αὐτῶν τε ὁ 
βουλόμενος καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Ελλήνων μυεῖται' 
καὶ τὴν φωνὴν τῆς ἀκούεις ἐν ταύτῃ τῇ ὁρτῇ 
ἰακχάξουσι.᾽ πρὸς ταῦτα εἰπεῖν Δημάρητον 
“Σίγα τε καὶ μηδενὶ ἄλλῳ τὸν λόγον τοῦτον 
εἴπης' ἣν γάρ τοι ἐς βασιλέα ἀνενειχθῇ τὰ ἔπεα 
ταῦτα, ἀποβαλέεις τὴν κεφαλήν, καί σε οὔτε ἐγὼ 
δυνήσομαι ῥύσασθαι οὔτ᾽ ἄλλος ἀνθρώπων οὐδὲ 
εἷς. ἀλλ᾽ ἔχ᾽ ἥσυχος, περὶ δὲ στρατιῆς toče 
θεοῖσι μελήσει." τὸν μὲν. δὴ ταῦτα παραινέειν, 
ἐκ δὲ τοῦ κονιορτοῦ καὶ τῆς φωνῆς γενέσθαι 
νέφος καὶ μεταρσιωθὲν φέρεσθαι ἐπὶ Σαλαμῖνος 
ἐπὶ τὸ στρατόπεδον τὸ τῶν Ἑλλήνων. οὕτω δὴ 
αὐτοὺς μαθεῖν ὅτι τὸ ναυτικὸν τὸ Ξέρξεω aro- 
6ο 


BOOK VIII. 65 


from Eleusis as it were raised by the feet of about 
thirty thousand men ; and as they marvelled greatly 
what men they should be whence the dust came, 
immediately they heard a cry, which cry seemed 
to him to be the Iacchus-song of the mysteries. 
Demaratus, not being conversant with the rites of 
Eleusis, asked him what this voice might be; and 
Dicaeus said, * Without doubt, Demaratus, some 
great harm will befall the king's host; for Attica 
being unpeopled, it is plain hereby that the voice 
we hear is of heaven's sending, and comes from 
Eleusis to the aid of the Athenians and their allies. 
And if the vision descend upon the Peloponnese, 
the king himself and his army on land will be 
endangered ; but if it turn towards the ships at 
Salamis, the king will be in peril of losing his fleet. 
As for this feast, it is kept by the Athenians 
every year for the honour of the Mother and the 
Maid,! and whatever Greek will, be he Athenian or 
other, is then initiated ; and the cry which you hear 
is the *Iacchus' which is uttered at this feast." 
Demaratus replied thereto, * Keep silence, and 
speak to none other thus; for if these words of 
yours be reported to the king, you will lose your 
head, and neither I nor any other man will avail 
to save you. Hold your peace; and for this host, 
the gods shall look to it." Such was Demaratus' 
counsel; and after the dust and the cry came a 
cloud, which rose aloft and floated away towards 
Salamis, to the Greek fleet. By this they under- 
stood, that Xerxes’ ships must perish.—This was 


1 Demeter and Persephone. 


61 


HERODOTUS 


λέεσθαι μέλλοι. ταῦτα μὲν Δίκαιος ὁ Θεοκύδεος 
ἔλεγε, Δημαρήτου τε καὶ ἄλλων μαρτύρων 
καταπτόμενος. 

66. Οἱ δὲ ἐς τὸν Ξέρξεω ναυτικὸν στρατὸν 
ταχθέντες, ἐπειδὴ ἐκ Τρηχῖνος θεησάμενοι τὸ 
τρῶμα, τὸ Λακωνικὸν διέβησαν ἐς τὴν Ἱστιαίην, 
ἐπισχόντες ἡμέρας. τρεῖς ἔπλεον δι Εὐρίπου, καὶ 
ἐν ἑτέρῃσι τρισὶ ἡμέρῃσι ἐγένοντο ἐν Φαλήρῳ. 
ὡς μὲν ἐμοὶ δοκέειν, οὐκ ἐλάσσονες ἐόντες ἀρι- 
θ μὸν ἐσέβαλον ἐς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας, κατά τε ἤπειρον 
καὶ τῆσι νηυσὶ ἀπικόμενοι, ἢ ἐπί τε Σηπιάδα 
ἀπίκοντο καὶ ἐς Θερμοπύλας: ἀντιθήσω γὰρ 
τοῖσί τε ὑπὸ τοῦ χειμῶνος αὐτῶν ἀπολομένοισι 
καὶ τοῖσι ἐν Θερμοπύλ.ησι καὶ τῇσι ἐπ᾽ ᾿Αρτεμισίῳ 
ναυμαχίῃσι τούσδε τοὺς τότε οὔκω ἑπομένους 
βασιλέι, Μηλιέας καὶ Δωριέας καὶ Λοκροὺς καὶ 
Βοιωτοὺς πανστρατιῇ ἑπομένους πλὴν Θεσπιέων 
καὶ Πλαταιέων, καὶ μάλα Καρυστίους τε καὶ 
᾿Ανδρίους καὶ Τηνίους τε καὶ τοὺς λοιποὺς 
νησιώτας πάντας, πλὴν τῶν πέντε πολίων τῶν 
ἐπεμνήσθημεν πρότερον τὰ οὐνόματα. ὅσῳ γὰρ 
δὴ προέβαινε ἐσωτέρω τῆς Ἑλλάδος ὁ Πέρσης, 
τοσούτῳ πλέω ἔθνεά οἱ εἵπετο. 

61. ᾿Επεὶ ὧν ἀπίκατο ἐς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας πάντες 
οὗτοι πλὴν Παρίων (Πάριοι δὲ ὑπολειφθέντες ἐν 
Kuve ἐκαραδόκεον τὸν πόλεμον KH ἀποβήσεται), 
οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ ὡς ἀπίκοντο ἐς τὸ Φάληρον, ἐνθαῦτα 
κατέβη αὐτὸς Ξέρξης ἐπὶ τὰς νέας, ἐθέλων σφι 
συμμῖξαί τε καὶ πυθέσθαι τῶν ἐπιπλεόντων τὰς 
γνώμας. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀπικόμενος προΐξετο, παρῆσαν 
μετάπεμπτοι οἱ τῶν ἐθνέων τῶν σφετέρων τύ- 
ραννοι καὶ ταξίαρχοι ἀπὸ τῶν νεῶν, καὶ ἵζοντο 


62 


BOOK VIII. 65-67 


the tale told by Dicaeus, son of Theocydes; and 
Demaratus and others (he said) could prove it 
true. 

66. They that were appointed to serve in Xerxes’ 
fleet, when they had viewed the hurt done to the 
Laconians and crossed over from Trachis to Histiaea, 
after three days' waiting sailed through the Euripus, 
and in three more days they arrived at Phalerum. 
To my thinking, the forces both of land and sea 
were no fewer in number when they brake into 
Athens than when they came to Sepias and Ther- 
mopylae; for against those that were lost in the 
storm, and at Thermopylae, and in the sea-fights 
off Artemisium, I set these, who at that time were 
not yet in the king's following—namely, the Melians, 
the Dorians, the Locrians, and the whole force of 
Boeotia (save only the Thespians and Plataeans), yea, 
and the men of Carystus and Andros and Tenos and 
the rest of the islands, save the five states of which 
I have before made mention.! For the farther the 
Persian pressed on into Hellas the more were the 
peoples that followed in his train. 

67. So when all these were come to Athens, 
except the Parians (who had been left behind in 
Cythnus watching to see which way the war should 
incline)—the rest, I say, being come to Phalerum, 
Xerxes then came himself down to the fleet, that 
be might consort with the shipmen and hear their 
opinions. When he was come, and sat enthroned, 
there appeared before him at his summons the 
despots of their cities and the leaders of companies 
from the ships, and they sat according to the 


! In ch. 46, where, however, six states are mentioned. 


63 


HERODOTUS 


e N [4 / A 3 Ü ^ 
ὥς σφι βασιλεὺς ἑκάστῳ τιμὴν ἐδεδώκεε, πρῶτος 

` 6 Q , ΄ ` . M 4 » b] 
μὲν ὁ Σιδώνιος βασιλεύς, μετὰ δὲ ὁ Τύριος, ἐπὶ 

N 
δὲ ὦλλοι. ὡς δὲ κόσμῳ ἐπεξῆς ἵζοντο, πέμψας 
Ξέρξης Μαρδόνιον εἰρώτα ἀποπειρώμενος ἑκάστου 
εἰ ναυμαχίην ποιέοιτο. 

68. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ περιιὼν εἰρώτα ὁ Μαρδόνιος ἀρξά- 
μενος ἀπὸ τοῦ Σιδωνίου, οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι κατὰ 
τὠυτὸ γνώμην ἐξεφέροντο κελεύοντες ναυμαχίην 

/ , 7 \ / εεττ. 6 
ποιέεσθαι, Αρτεμισίη δὲ τάδε ἔφη. Ειπεῖν μοι 

N / / e SN , r » 
πρὸς βασιλέα, Μαρδόνιε, ὡς ἐγὼ τάδε λέγω, οὔτε 
κακίστη γενομένη ἐν τῆσι ναυμαχίησι τῆσι πρὸς 
Εὐβοίῃ οὔτε ἐλάχιστα ἀποδεξαμένη. -δέσποτα, 
τῆν δὲ ἐοῦσαν γνώμην με δίκαιον ἐστὶ ἀποδεί- 
κνυσθαι, τὰ τυγχάνω φρονέουσα ἄριστα ἐς πρήγ- 

’ "^ ^ 
µατα τὰ cá. καί τοι τάδε λέγω, φείδεο τῶν νεῶν 
μηδὲ ναυμαχίην ποιέο. οἱ γὰρ ἄνδρες τῶν σῶν 
ἀνδρῶν κρέσσονες τοσοῦτο εἰσὶ κατὰ θάλασσαν 
ὅσον ἄνδρες γυναικῶν. τί δὲ πάντως δέει σε 

N 
ναυμαχίησι ἀνακινδυνεύειν; οὐκ ἔχεις μὲν τὰς 
- e 
᾿Αθήνας, τῶν περ εἴνεκα ὀρμήθης στρατεύεσθαι, 
9 N . 3 € ΄ 3 N / 
ἔχεις δὲ τὴν ἄλλην Ἑλλάδα; ἐμποδὼν δέ τοι 
ο) b 7 A / b / 3 ’ 
ἵσταται οὐδείς" of δέ τοι ἀντέστησαν, ἀπήλλαξαν 
οὕτω ὡς κείνους ἔπρεπε. τῇ δὲ ἐγὼ δοκέω ἀπο- 
Βήσεσθαι τὰ τῶν ἀντιπολέμων πρήγματα, τοῦτο 
7 

φράσω. ἦν μὲν μὴ ἐπειχθῇς ναυμαχίην ποιεύ- 
μενος, ἀλλὰ τὰς νέας αὐτοῦ ἔχης πρὸς Yn μένων 
ἢ καὶ προβαίνων ἐς τὴν Ἠελοπόννησον, εὐπετέως 
τοί δέσποτα χωρήσει τὰ νοέων ἐλήλυθας. οὗ 
γὰρ οἷοί τε πολλὸν χρόνον εἰσί τοι ἀντέχειν οἱ 
"Ελληνες, ἀλλὰ σφέας διασκεδᾷς, κατὰ πόλις δὲ 
ἕκαστοι φεύξονται. οὔτε γὰρ σῖτος πάρα σφι ἐν 

- N 
τῇ νήσῳ ταύτῃ, ὡς ἐγὼ πυνθάνομαι, οὔτε αὐτοὺς 
64 


BOOK VIII. 67-68 


honourable rank which the king had granted them 
severally, first in place the king of Sidon, and next 
he of ‘Tyre, and then the rest. When they had sat 
down in order one after another, Xerxes sent Mar- 
donius and put each to the test by questioning him 
if the Persian ships should offer battle. 

68. Mardonius went about questioning them, from 
the Sidonian onwards; and all the rest gave their 
united voice for offering battle at sea; but Arte- 
misia said: “Tell the king, I pray you, Mardonius, 
that I who say this have not been the hindmost in 
courage or in feats of arms in the fights near Euboea. 
Nay, master, but it is right that I should declare my 
opinion, even that which I deem best for your cause. 
And this I say to you—Spare your ships, and offer 
no battle at sea ; for their men are as much stronger 
by sea than yours, as men are stronger than women. 
And why must you at all costs imperil yourself by 
fighting battles on the sea? have you not possession 
of Athens, for the sake of which you set out on this 
march, and of the rest of Hellas? no man stands in 
your path ; they that resisted you have come off in 
such plight as beseemed them. I will show you now 
what I think will be the course of your enemies' 
doings. If you make no haste to fight at sea, but 
keep your ships here and abide near the land, or 
even go forward into the Peloponnese, then, my 
master, you will easily gain that end wherefor you 
have come. For the Greeks are not able to hold 
out against you for a long time, but you will scatter 
them, and they will flee each to his city; they have 
no food in this island, as I am informed, nor, if you 


65 


HERODOTUS 


οἰκός, ἣν σὺ ἐπὶ τὴν Πελοπόννησον ἐλαύνῃς τὸν 
πεζὸν στρατόν, ἀτρεμιεῖν τοὺς ἐκεῖθεν αὐτῶν 
ἥκοντας, οὐδέ σφι μελοσει πρὸ τῶν ᾿Αθηνέων 
ναυμαχέειν. ἣν δὲ αὐτίκα ἐπειχθῇς ναυμαχῆσαι, 
δειμαίνω μὴ ὁ ναυτικὸς στρατὸς κακωθεὶς τὸν 
πεζὸν προσδηλήσηται. πρὸς δὲ, ὦ Βασιλεῦ, καὶ 
τόδε ἐς θυμὸν βάλευ, ὡς τοῖσι μὲν χρηστοῖσι 
τῶν ἀνθρώπων κακοὶ δοῦλοι φιλέουσι γίνεσθαι, 
τοῖσι δὲ κακοῖσι χρηστοί. σοὶ δὲ ἐόντι ἀρίστῳ 
ἀνδρῶν πάντων κακοὶ δοῦλοι εἰσί, οἳ ἐν συμμάχων 
λόγῳ λέγονται εἶναι ἐόντες Αἰγύπτιοί τε καὶ 
Κύπριοι καὶ Κίλικες καὶ Πάμφυλοι, τῶν ὄφελος 
ἐστὶ οὐδέν.᾽ 

69. Ταῦτα λεγούσης πρὸς Μαρδόνιον, ὅσοι E 
ἦσαν εὔνοοι τῇ ᾿Αρτεμισίῃ, συμφορὴν ἐποιεῦντο 
τοὺς λόγους ὡς κακόν τι πεισομένης πρὸς βασι- 
λέος, ὅτι οὐκ ča ναυμαχίην ποιέεσθαι' of δὲ 
ἀγεόμενοί τε καὶ φθονέοντες αὐτῆ, ἅτε ἐν πρώτοισι 
τετιμημένης διὰ πάντων τῶν συμμάχων, ἐτέρποντο 
τῇ ἀνακρίσι ὡς ἀπολεομένης αὐτῆς. ἐπεὶ δὲ 
ἀνηνείχθησαν αἱ γνῶμαι ἐς Ξέρξην, κάρτα τε 
ἥσθη τῇ γνώμῃ τῇ ᾿Αρτεμισίης, καὶ νομίξων ἔτι 
πρότερον σπουδαίην εἶναι τότε πολλῷ μᾶλλον 
αἴνεε. ὅμως δὲ τοῖσι πλέοσι πείθεσθαι ἐκέλευε, 
τάδε καταδόξας, πρὸς μὲν EvBotn σφέας ἐθελο- 
κακέειν ὡς ov παρεόντος αὐτοῦ, τότε δὲ αὐτὸς 
παρεσκεύαστο θεήσασθαι ναυμαχέοντας. 

10. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ παρήγγελλον ἀναπλέειν, ἀνῆγον 
τὰς νέας ἐπὶ τὴν Σαλαμῖνα καὶ παρεκρίθησαν 
διαταχθέντες κατ ἡσυχίην. τότε μέν νυν οὐκ 
ἐξέχρησέ σφι 7) ἡμέρη ναυμαχίην ποιήσασθαι" 
νὺξ γὰρ ἐπεγένετο' οἳ δὲ παρεσκευάξοντο ἐς τὴν 
66 


BOOK VIII. 68-70 


lead your army into the Peloponnese, is it likely 
that those of them who have come from thence will 
abide unmoved ; they will have no mind to fight 
sea-battles for Athens. But if you make haste to 
fight at once on sea, I fear lest your fleet take some 
hurt and thereby harm your army likewise. More- 
over, O king, call this to mind—good men's slaves 
are wont to be evil and bad men's slaves good ; and 
you, who are the best of all men, have evil slaves, 
that pass for your allies, men of Egypt and Cyprus 
and Cilicia and Pamphylia, in whom is no usefulness." 

69. When Artemisia spoke thus to Mardonius, all 
that were her friends were sorry for her words, 
thinking that the king would do her some hurt for 
counselling him against a sea-fight; but they that 
had ill-will and jealousy against her for the honour 
in which she was held above all the allies were glad 
at her answer, thinking it would be her undoing. 
But when the opinions were reported to Xerxes he 
was greatly pleased by the opinion of Artemisia; he 
had ever deemed her a woman of worth and now 
held her in much higher esteem. Nevertheless he 
bade the counsel of the more part to be followed ; 
for he thought that off Euboea his men had been 
slack fighters by reason of his absence, and now he 
purposed to watch the battle himself. 

70. When the command to set sail was given, they 
put out to Salamis and arrayed their line in order 
at their ease. That day there was not time enough 
left to offer battle, for the night came; and they 
made preparation for the next day instead. But the 

67 


HERODOTUS 


« / \ Nd 5 / N 
ὑστεραίην. τοὺς δὲ "EXXqvas εἶχε δέος τε καὶ 
3 / , e bi N 3 N ? 
ἀρρωδίη, οὐκ ἥκιστα δὲ τοὺς ἀπὸ Πελοποννήσου" 
ἀρρώδεον δὲ ὅτι αὐτοὶ μὲν ἐν Σαλαμῖνι κατήμενοι 
ὑπὲρ γῆς τῆς ᾿Αθηναίων ναυμαχέειν μέλλοιεν, 
νικηθέντες τε ἐν νήσῳ ἀπολαμφθέντες πολιορ- 
κήσονται, ἀπέντες τὴν ἑωυτῶν ἀφύλακτον: τῶν 
^ 4 
δὲ βαρβάρων ὁ πεξὸς ὑπὸ τὴν παρεοῦσαν νύκτα 
; 
ἐπορεύετο ἐπὶ τὴν Πελοπόννησον. 
[4 
71. Καίτοι τὰ δυνατὰ πάντα ἐμεμηχάνητο 
e 3 24 N , / M ΄ 
ὅκως κατ᾽ ἤπειρον μὴ ἐσβάλοιεν οἱ βάρβαροι. 
ὡς γὰρ ἐπύθοντο τάχιστα Πελοποννήσιοι τοὺς 
3 X ΄ 3 ΄ / 
ἀμφὶ Λεωνίδην ἐν Θερμοπύλησι τετελευτηκέναι, 
’ ^ A 3 N 
συνδραμόντες ἐκ τῶν πολίων ἐς τὸν ᾿Ισθμὸν ἴζοντο, 
/ , ^ . a / τ... 
καί σφι ἐπῆν στρατηγὸς Νλεόμβροτος ὁ ᾿Άνα- 
/ > , 
ξανδρίδεω, Λεωνίδεω δὲ ἀδελφεὸς. ἱξόμενοι δὲ 
- - / 
ἐν τῷ ᾿Ισθμῷ καὶ συγχώσαντες τὴν Σκιρωνίδα 
ens . EUR e » / 
ὁδόν, μετὰ τοῦτο ὥς σφι ἔδοξε βουλευομένοισι, 
οἰκοδόμεον διὰ τοῦ ᾿Ισθμοῦ τεῖχος. ἅτε δὲ 
ἐουσέων μυριάδων πολλέων καὶ παντὸς ἀνδρὸς 
7 N / 
ἐργαξομένου, ἤνετο τὸ ἔργον: καὶ γὰρ λίθοι καὶ 
πλίνθοι καὶ ξύλα καὶ φορμοὶ ψάμμον πλήρεες 
ἐσεφέροντο, καὶ ἐλίνυον οὐδένα χρόνον οἱ Bon- 
θήσαντες ἐργαζόμενοι, οὔτε νυκτὸς οὔτε ἡμέρης. 
72. Οἱ δὲ βοηθήσαντες ἐς τὸν ἰσθμὸν πανδημεὶ 
οἵδε ἦσαν EXXxvov, Λακεδαιμόνιοί τε καὶ ᾿Αρκά- 
r νο ^ N 7 , s ΣΕ 
δες πάντες καὶ ᾿Ηλεῖοι καὶ Κορίνθιοι καὶ Ert- 
4 s ΄ ur z Ne ’ 
δαύριοι καὶ Φλιάσιοι καὶ Τροιζήνιοι καὶ Ἱϊρμιονέες. 
οὗτοι μὲν ἦσαν οἱ βοηθήσαντες καὶ ὑπεραρρω- 
δέοντες τῇ Ελλάδι κινδυνευούσῃ" τοῖσι δὲ ἄλλοισι 


1 A track (later made into a regular road) leading to the 
Isthmus along the face of Geraneia: narrow and even 


68 


BOOK VIII. 70-72 


Greeks were in fear and dread, and especially they 
that were from the Peloponnese; and the cause of 
their fear was, that they themselves were about to 
fight for the Athenians country where they lay at 
Salamis, and if they were overcome they must be 
shut up and beleaguered in an island, leaving their 
own land unguarded. At the next nightfall, the 
land army of the foreigners began its march to the 
Peloponnese. 

ΤΙ. Nathless the Greeks had used every device 
possible to prevent the foreigners from breaking in 
upon them by land. Foras soon as the Peloponnesians 
heard that Leonidas’ men at Thermopylae were dead, 
they hasted together from their cities and eneamped 
on the Isthmus, their general being the brother of 
Leonidas, Cleombrotus son of Anaxandrides. Being 
there encamped they broke up the Seironian road,! 
and thereafter built a wall aeross the Isthmus, 
having resolved in council so to do. As there were 
many tens of thousands there and all men wrought, 
the work was brought to accomplishment; for they 
carried stones to it and bricks and logs and crates 
full of sand, and they that mustered there never 
rested from their work by night or by day. 

72. Those Greeks that mustered all their people 
at the Isthmus were the Lacedaemonians and all 
the Areadians, the Eleans, Corinthians, Sicyonians, 
Epidaurians, Phliasians, Troezenians, and men of 
Hermione. These were they who mustered there, 
and were moved by great fear for Hellas in her 
peril; but the rest of the Peloponnesians eared 


dangerous for some six miles, and very easily made 
impassable. 


69 


HERODOTUS 


Πελοποννησίοισι ἔμελε οὐδέν. Ὀλύμπια δὲ καὶ 
Ιζάρνεια παροιχώκεε Ἴδη. 

18. Οἰκέει δὲ τὴν Πελοπόννησον ἔθνεα ἑπτά. 
τούτων δὲ τὰ μὲν δύο αὐτόχθονα ἐόντα κατὰ 
χώρην. ἵδρυται νῦν τε καὶ τὸ πάλαι οἴκεον, 
᾿Αρκάδες τε καὶ Kuvovptou èv δὲ ἔθνος τὸ ᾿Αχαιῖ- 
κὸν ἐκ μεν Πελοποννήσου οὐκ ἐξεχώρησε, ἐκ 
μέντοι τῆς ἑωυτῶν, οἰκέει δὲ τὴν ἀλλοτρίην. τὰ 
δὲ λοιπὰ ἔθνεα τῶν ἑπτὰ τέσσερα ἐπήλυδα ἐστί, 
Δωριέες τε καὶ Αἰτωλοὶ καὶ Δρύοπες καὶ Λήμνιοι. 
Δωριέων μὲν πολλαί τε καὶ δόκιμοι πόλιες, 
Αἰτωλῶν δὲ Ἠλις μούνη, Δρυόπων. 66 Ἑρμιών 
τε καὶ ᾿Ασίνη ἡ πρὸς Καρδαμύλῃ τ τῇ Λακωνικῇ, 
Λημνίων δὲ Παρωρεῆται πάντες. οἱ δὲ Κυνούριοι 
αὐτόχθονες ἐόντες δοκέουσι μοῦνοι εἶναι Ίωνες, 
ἐκδεδωρίευνται δὲ ὑπό τε ᾿Αργείων ἀρχόμενοι καὶ 
τοῦ χρόνου, ἐόντες ᾿Ὀρνεῆται καὶ οἱ περίοικοι. 
τούτων ὧν τῶν ἑπτὰ ἐθνέων αἱ λοιπαὶ πόλιες, 
πάρεξ τῶν κατέλεξα, ἐκ τοῦ μέσου κατέατο' εἰ δὲ 
ος. ἔξεστι εἰπεῖν, ἐκ τοῦ μέσου κατήμενοι 
ἐμήδιξον. 

14. Οἳ μὲν δὴ ἐν τῷ Ἰσθμῷ τοιούτῳ πόνῳ 
συνέστασαν, ἅτε περὶ τοῦ παντὸς ἤδη δρόμου 
θέοντες καὶ τῇσι νηυσὶ οὐκ ἐλπίξοντες ἐλλάμψε- 
σθαι' ot δὲ ἐ ἐν Σαλαμῖνι ὅ ὅμως ταῦτα πυνθανόμενοι 
ἀρρώδεον, οὐκ οὕτω περὶ σφίσι αὐτοῖσι δει- 
μαίνοντες ὡς περὶ τῇ Πελοποννήσῳ. τέως μὲν 
δὴ αὐτῶν ἀνὴρ ἀνδρὶ παραστὰς oiy λόγον 
ἐποιέετο, θῶμα ποιεύμενοι τὴν Εὐρυβιάδεω ἀβου- 
λίην' τέλος δὲ ἐξερράγη ἐς τὸ μέσον. σύλλογός 
τε δὴ ἐγίνετο καὶ πολλὰ ἐλέγετο περὶ τῶν αὐτῶν, 


70 


BOOK VIII. 72-74 


nothing ; and the Olympian and Carnean festivals 
were now past.! 

73. Seven nations inhabit the Peloponnese; two 
of these, the Arcadians and Cynurians, are native to 
the soil and are now settled where they have ever 
been; and one nation, the Achaean, has never 
departed from the Peloponnese, but has left its 
own country and dwells in another. The four that 
remain of the seven have come from elsewhere, 
namely, the Dorians and Aetolians and Dryopians 
and Lemnians; the Dorians have many notable 
cities, the Aetolians Elis alone ; the Dryopians have 
Hermione and that Asine which is near Cardamyle 
of Laconia; and the Lemnians, all the Paroreatae. 
The Cynurians are held to be Ionians, and the only 
Ionians native to the soil, but their Argive masters 
and time have made Dorians of them; they are the 
people of Orneae and the country round. Now of 
these seven nations all the cities, save those afore- 
said, sat apart from the war; and if I may speak 
freely, by so doing they took the part of the enemy. 

74. So the Greeks on the Isthmus had such labour 
to cope withal, seeing that now all they had was at 
stake, and they had no hope of winning renown 
with their ships; but they that were at Salamis, 
although they heard of the work, were affrighted, 
and their dread was less for themselves than for the 
Peloponnese. Fora while there was but murmuring 
between man and man, and wonder at Eurybiades’ 
unwisdom, but at the last came an open outbreak ; 
and an assembly was held, where there was much 
speaking of the same matters as before, some saying 


1 That is, there was no longer any excuse for their not 
coming. Cp. vii. 205. 


ZI 


HERODOTUS 


of μὲν ὡς ἐς τὴν Πελοπόννησον χρεὸν εἴη arno- 
πλέειν καὶ περὶ ἐκείνης κινδυνεύειν μηδὲ πρὸ 
χώρης δοριαλώτου μένοντας μάχεσθαι, ᾿Αθηναῖοι 
δὲ καὶ Αἰγινῆται καὶ Μεγαρέες αὐτοῦ μένοντας 
ἀμύνεσθαι. 

TB. ᾿Ενθαῦτα Θεμιστοκλέης ὡς ἑσσοῦτο TH 
γνώμῃ ὑπὸ τῶν Πελοποννησίων, λαθὼν ἐξέρχεται 
ἐκ τοῦ συνεδρίου, ἐξελθὼν δὲ πέμπει ἐς τὸ στρα- 
τόπεδον τὸ Μήδων ἄνδρα πλοίῳ ἐντειλάμενος τὰ 
Ἀέγειν χρεόν, τῷ οὔνομα μὲν ἣν Σίκιννος, οἰκέτης 
δὲ καὶ παιδαγωγὸς ἡ ἣν τῶν Θεμιστοκλέος παίδων' 
τὸν δὴ ὕστερον τούτων τῶν πρηγμάτων Oep- 
στοκλέης Θεσπιέα τε ἐποίησε, ὡς ἐπεδέκοντο οἱ 
Θεσπιέες πολιήτας, καὶ χρήμασι ὄλβιον. ὃς τότε 
πλοίῳ ἀπικόμενος ἔλεγε πρὸς τοὺς στρατηγοὺς 
τῶν Βαρβάρων τώδε. τ Ἐπεμψέ µε στρατηγὸς o 
᾿Αθηναίων λάθρῃ τῶν ἄλλων Ελλήνων (τυγχάνει 
γάρ φρονέων τὰ βασιλέος καὶ βουλόμενος μᾶλλον 
τὰ ὑμέτερα κατύπερθε γίνεσθαι ἢ 7 τὰ τῶν Ελλήνων 
πρήγματα) φράσοντα ὅτι οἱ Ελληνες δρησμὸν 
βουλεύονται καταρρωδηκότες, καὶ νῦν παρέχει 
κάλλιστον ὑμέας ἔργων ἁπάντων ἐξεργάσασθαι, 
ἣν μὴ περιίδητε διαδράντας αὐτούς. οὔτε γὰρ 
ἀλλήλοισι ὁμοφρονέουσι οὔτε ἀντιστήσονται ὑμῖν, 
πρὸς ἑωυτούς τε σφέας ὄψεσθε ναυμαχέοντας τοὺς 
τὰ ὑμέτερα φρονέοντας καὶ τοὺς μή. 

16. Ὃ μὲν ταῦτά σφι σημήνας ἐκποδὼν ἀπαλ- 
λάσσετο' τοῖσι δὲ ὡς πιστὰ ἐγίνετο τὰ ἀγγελ- 
θέντα, τοῦτο μὲν ἐς τὴν νησῖδα τὴν Ὑυττάλειαν, 
μεταξὺ Σαλαμῖνός τε κειμένην καὶ τῆς ἠπείρου, 
πολλοὺς τῶν Περσέων ἀπεβιβάσαντο" τοῦτο δέ, 
ἐπειδὴ ἐγίνοντο μέσαι νύκτες, ἀνῆγον μὲν τὸ ἀπ᾽ 


72 


BOOK VIII. 74-76 


that they must sail away to the Peloponnese and face 
danger for that country, rather than abide and fight 
for a land won from them by the spear; but the 
Athenians and Aeginetans and Megarians pleading 
that they should remain and defend themselves 
where they were. 

15. Then Themistocles, when the Peloponnesians 
were outvoting him, went privily out of the assembly, 
and sent to the Median fleet a man in a boat, charged 
with a message that he must deliver. This man's 
name was Sicinnus, and he was of Themistocles' 
household and attendant on his children ; at a later 
day, when the Thespians were receiving men to be 
their citizens, Themistocles made him a Thespian, 
and a wealthy man withal. He now came in a boat 
and spoke thus to the foreigners’ admirals: “I am 
sent by the admiral of the Athenians without the 
knowledge of the other Greeks (he being a friend 
to the king's cause and desiring that you rather than 
the Greeks should have the mastery) to tell you that 
the Greeks have lost heart and are planning flight, 
and that now is the hour for you to achieve an 
incomparable feat of arms, if you suffer them not to 
escape. For there is no union in their counsels, nor 
will they withstand you any more, and you will see 
them battling against each other, your friends against 
your foes.” 

76. With that declaration he departed away. The 
Persians put faith in the message; and first they 
landed many of their men on the islet Psyttalea, 
which lies between Salamis and the mainland ; then, 
at midnight, they advanced their western wing 


13 


HERODOTUS 


ἑσπέρης κέρας κυκλούμενοι πρὸς τὴν Σαλαμῖνα, 
ἀνῆγον δὲ οἱ ἀμφὶ τὴν Kéov τε καὶ τὴν Kvvócovpav 
τεταγμένοι, κατεῖχόν τε μέχρι Μουννχίης πάντα 
τὸν πορθμὸν τῆσι νηυσί. τῶνδε δὲ εἵνεκα ἀνῆγον 
τὰς νέας, ἵνα δὴ τοῖσι Ἕλλησι μηδὲ φυγεῖν ἐξῇ, 
ἀλλ᾽ ἀπολαμφθέντες ἐν τῇ Σαλαμῖνι δοῖεν τίσιν 
τῶν ἐπ᾿ ᾿Αρτεμισίῳ ἀγωνισμάτων. ἐς δὲ τὴν 
νησῖδα τὴν Ὑυττάλειαν καλεομένην ἀπεβίβαζον 
τῶν Περσέων τῶνδε εἵνεκεν, ὡς ἐπεὰν γίνηται 
ναυμαχίη, ἐνθαῦτα μάλιστα ἐξοισομένων τῶν τε 
ἀνδρῶν καὶ τῶν ναυηγίων (ἐν γὰρ δὴ πόρῳ τῆς 
ναυμαχίης τῆς μελλούσης ἔσεσθαι ἔκειτο ἡ 
νῆσος), ἵνα τοὺς μὲν περιποιέωσι τοὺς δὲ δια- 
φθείρωσι. ἐποίευν δὲ σιγῇ ταῦτα, ὡς μὴ πυνθα- 
νοίατο οἱ ἐναντίοι. οἱ μὲν δὴ ταῦτα τῆς νυκτὸς 
οὐδὲν ἀποκοιμηθέντες παραρτέοντο. 

77. Χρησμοῖσι δὲ οὐκ ἔχω ἀντιλέγειν ὡς οὐκ 
εἰσὶ ἀληθέες, οὐ βουλόμενος ἐναργέως λέγοντας 
πειρῆσθαι καταβάλλειν, ἐς τοιάδε πρήγματα ! 


ἐσβλέψας. 


ἀλλ᾽ ὅταν ᾿Αρτέμιδος χρυσαόρου ἱερὸν ἀκτήν 
νηυσὶ γεφυρώσωσι καὶ εἰναλίην Κυνόσουραν 
ἐλπίδι μαινομένῃ, λιπαρὰς πέρσαντες ᾿Αθήνας, 
δία δίκη σβέσσει κρατερὸν κόρον, ὕβριος υἱόν, 
δεινὸν μαιμώοντα, δοκεῦντ᾽ ἀνὰ πάντα πίεσθαι. 


1 ῥήματα is suggested, and would certainly be more natural. 


1 For a brief notice of controversy respecting the operations 
off Salamis. see the Introduction to this volume. The locality 
of Ceos and Cynosura is conjectural. 


74 


BOOK VIII. 76-77 


towards Salamis for encirclement, and they too put 
out to sea that were stationed off Ceos and Cynosura ; 
and they held all the passage with their ships as far 
as Munychia.! The purpose of their putting out to 
sea was, that the Greeks might have no liberty even 
to flee, but should be hemmed in at Salamis and 
punished for their fighting off Artemisium. And 
the purpose of their landing Persians on the islet 
called Psyttalea was this, that as it was here in 
especial that in the sea fight men and wrecks would 
be washed ashore (for the island lay in the very path 
of the battle that was to be), they might thus save 
their friends and slay their foes. ΛΙ] this they did in 
silence, lest their enemies should know of it. So they 
made these preparations in the night, taking no rest. 

77. But, for oracles, I have no way of gainsaying 
their truth; for they speak clearly, and I would 
not essay to overthrow them, when I look into such 
matter as this: 


* When that with lines of ships thy sacred coasts 

they have fencéd, 

Artemis? golden-sworded, and thine, sea-washed 
Cynosura, 

All in the madness of hope, having ravished the 
glory of Athens, 

Then shall desire full fed, by pride o'erweening 
engendered, 

Raging in dreadful wrath and athirst for the 
nations’ destruction, 

Utterly perish and fall; for the justice of heaven 
shall quench it ; 


* There were temples of Artemis both at Salamis and at 
Munychia on the Attic shore. 


75 


HERODOTUS 


N N ^ / er ,»» 
χαλκὸς γὰρ χαλκῷ συμμίξεται, αἵματι δ Άρης 
πόντον φοινίξει. TOT ἐλεύθερον “Ιλλλάδος ἦμαρ 
εὐρύοπα Κρονίδης ἐπάγει καὶ πότνια Νίκη. 


3 ^ N ^ er , / / ’ 
ἐς τοιαῦτα μὲν καὶ οὕτω ἐναργέως λέγοντι Βάκιδι 
, ^ / b / 
ἀντιλογίης χρησμῶν πέρι οὔτε αὐτὸς λέγειν 
[4 5 » »y , / 
τολμέω οὔτε παρ ἄλλων ἐνδέκομαι. 
- ` ^ ^ / 
78. Τῶν δὲ ἐν Σαλαμῖνι στρατηγῶν ἐγίνετο 
9 ^ [4 [4 MA . » er 
ὠθισμὸς λόγων πολλός: ἤδεσαν δὲ οὔκω ὅτι 
[4 - ^ e { 
σφέας περιεκυκλοῦντο τῆσι νηυσὶ οἱ βάρβαροι, 
, , 7 ^ M , 
ἀλλ. ὥσπερ τῆς ἡμέρης ὥρων αὐτοὺς τεταγμένους, 
’ , 5 
ἐδόκεον κατὰ χώρην εἶναι. 
- ^ ? 
79. Συνεστηκότων δὲ τῶν στρατηγῶν, ἐξ Λἰγίνης 
, / M ^ 
διέβη ᾿Αριστείδης ὁ Λυσιμάχου, ἀνὴρ ᾿Αθηναῖος 
/ \ b ^ \ 
μὲν ἐξωστρακισμένος δὲ ὑπὸ τοῦ δήµου: τὸν ἐγὼ 
, ^ [4 
νενόμικα, TUVOAVOMEVOS αὐτοῦ τὸν τρόπον, ἄριστον 
» / 3 3 / ν , 
ἄνδρα γενέσθαι ἐν ᾿Αθήνησι καὶ δικαιότατον. 
© e * X 3 N * ’ 3 f 
οὗτος ὠνὴρ στὰς ἐπὶ τὸ συνέδριον ἐξεκαλέετο 
/ 3’ \ e ^ , [A , λ 
Θεμιστοκλέα, ἐόντα μὲν ἑωυτῷ οὐ φίλον ἐχθρὸν 
` N 7 [4 z ^ Π 
δὲ τὰ μάλιστα’ ὑπὸ δὲ μεγάθεος τῶν παρεόντων 
^ ’ , PF f , / / 
κακῶν λήθην ἐκείνων ποιεύμενος ἐξεκαλέετο, θέλων 
^ ^ [4 e? , 
αὐτῶ συμμῖξαι: Tpoakkoee δὲ ὅτι σπεύδοιεν οἱ 
, Ng / , / x [4 `N X 
ἀπὸ Πελοποννήσου ἀνάγειν τὰς νέας πρὸς τὸν 
e . 9 fo m M 
'Ja0uóv. ὡς δὲ ἐξῆλθέ οἱ Θεμιστοκλέης, ἔλεγε 
3 / {ὃ εί / ΄ [4 5 
Αριστείδης τάδε. “'Ημέας στασιάζειν χρεὸν ἐστι 
, ^ ^ \ \ , ^ ^ 
ἔν τε τῷ ἄλλῳ καιρῷ καὶ δὴ καὶ ἐν τῷδε περὶ τοῦ 
ο e / N 
ὁκότερος ἡμέων πλέω ἀγαθὰ τὴν πατρίδα ἐργά- 
/ ’ e7 » 7 \ / `~ 
σεται. λέγω δέ τοι OTL ἴσον ἐστὶ πολλά τε καὶ 
’ ` , me Ὁ A 
ὀλίγα λέγειν περὶ ἀποπλόου τοῦ ἐνθεῦτεν [[ελο- 


76 


BOOK VIIL 77-79 


Bronze upon bronze shall clash, and the terrible 
bidding of Ares 

Redden the seas with blood. But Zeus far-seeing, 
and hallowed 

Victory then shall grant that Freedom dawn upon 
Hellas." 


Looking at such matter and seeing how clear is 
the utterance of Bacis, I neither venture myself to 
gainsay him as touching oracles nor suffer such 
gainsaying by others. 

78. But among the admirals at Salamis there was 
a hot bout of argument; and they knew not as yet 
that the foreigners had drawn their ships round 
them, but supposed the enemy to be still where they 
had seen him stationed in the daylight. 

το. But as they contended, there crossed over from 
Aegina Aristides son of Lysimachus, an Athenian, 
but one that had been ostracised by the commonalty ; 
from that which I have learnt of his way of life I am 
myself well persuaded that he was the best and the 
justest man at Athens. He then came and stood in 
the place of council and called Themistocles out of 
it, albeit Themistocles was no friend of his but his 
chiefest enemy ; but in the stress of the present 
danger he put that old feud from his mind, and so 
called Themistocles out, that he might converse 
with him. Now he had heard already, that the 
Peloponnesians desired to sail to the Isthmus. So 
when Themistocles came out, Aristides said, “ Let 
the rivalry between us be now as it has been before, 
to see which of us two shall do his country more 
good. I tell you now, that it is all one for the 
Peloponnesians to talk much or little about sailing 


77 


HERODOTUS 


ποννησίο: σι. ἐγὼ γὰρ αὐτόπτης τοι λέγω γενό- 
μενος ὅτι νῦν οὐδ᾽ ἣν. θέλωσι Κορίνθιοί τε καὶ 
αὐτὸς Εὐρυβιάδης οἷοί τε ἔσονται ἐκπλῶσαι' 
περιεχόµεθα γὰρ ὑπὸ τῶν πολεμίων κύκλῳ. GAN 
ἐσελθών σφι ταῦτα σήμηνον.’ ὃ δ᾽ ἀμείβετο 
τοῖσιδε. 

80. “Κάρτα τε χρηστὰ διακελεύεαι καὶ εὖ 
ἤγγειλας" τὰ γὰρ ἐγώ ἐδεόμην γενέσθαι, αὐτὸς 
αὐτόπτης γενόμενος ἥκεις. ἴσθι γὰρ ἐξ ἐμέο τὰ 
ποιεύμενα ὑπὸ Μήδων: ἔδεε γάρ, ὅτε οὐκ ἑκόντες 
ἤθελον ἐς μάχην κατίστασθαι οἱ ."Ελληνες, 
ἀέκοντας παραστήσασθαι. σὺ δὲ ἐπεί περ ἥκεις 
χρηστὰ ἀπαγγέλλων, αὐτός σφι ἄγγειλον. ἣν 
γὰρ ἐγὼ. αὐτὰ λέγω, δόξω πλάσας λέγειν καὶ οὐ 
πείσω, ὡς οὐ ποιεύντων τῶν βαρβάρων. ταῦτα. 
ἀλλά σφι σήμηνον αὐτὸς παρελθὼν ὡς ἔχει. 
ἐπεὰν δὲ σημήνῃς, ἣν μὲν πείθωνται, ταῦτα δὴ 
τὰ κάλλιστα, ἣν δὲ αὐτοῖσι μὴ πιστὰ γένηται, 
ὅμοιον ἡμῖν ἔσται" οὐ γὰρ ἔτι διαδρήσονται, εἴ 
περ περιεχόµεθα πανταχόθεν, ὡς σὺ λέγεις.” 

81. ᾿Ιὐνθαῦτα ἔλεγε παρελθὼν ὁ ᾿Δριστείδης, 
φάμενος ἐξ Αἰγίνης, τε ἥκειν καὶ μόγις ἐκπλῶσαι 
λαθὼν τοὺς ἐπορμέοντας' περιέχεσθαι γὰρ πᾶν 
τὸ στρατόπεδον τὸ ᾿Ιὐλληνικὸν ὑπὸ τῶν νεῶν τῶν 
Ξέρξεω: παραρτέεσθαέ τε συνεβούλευε ὡς ἀλε- 
ξησομένους. καὶ ὃ μὲν ταῦτα εἴπας μετεστήκεε, 
τῶν δὲ αὖτις ἐγίνετο λόγων ἀμφισβασίη' οἱ γὰρ 
πλεῦνες τῶν στρατηγῶν οὐκ ἐπείθοντο τὰ 
ἐσαγγελθέντα. 

82. ᾽Απιστεόντων δὲ τούτων ἧκε τριήρης ἀνδρῶν 
Τηνίων αὐτομολέουσα, τῆς ἦρχε ἀνὴρ Παναίτιος 
ὁ Σωσιμένεος, ἥ περ δὴ ἔφερε τὴν ἀληθείην πᾶσαν. 
78 


BOOK VIII. 79-82 


away from hence; for I say from that which my 
eyes have seen that now even if the Corinthians and 
Eurybiades himself desire to sail out, they cannot; 
we are hemmed in on all sides by our enemies. Do 
you go in now, and tell them this." 

80. * Your exhortation is right useful," Themis- 
tocles answered, “and your news is good; for you 
have come with your own eyes for witnesses of that 
whieh I desired might happen. Know that what 
the Medes do is of my contriving; for when the 
Greeks would not of their own accord prepare for 
battle, it was needful to force them to it willy-nilly. 
But now since you have come with this good news, 
give your message to them yourself. If I tell it, 
they will think it is of my own devising, and they 
will never take my word for it that the foreigners 
are doing as you say ; nay, go before them yourself 
and tell them how it stands. When you have told 
them, if they believe you, that is best; but if they 
will not believe you, it will be the same thing to us; 
for if we are hemmed in on every side, as you say, 
they will no longer be able to take to flight." 

81. Aristides then came forward and told them; 
he was come, he said, from Aegina, and had been 
hard put to it to slip unseen through the blockade ; 
for all the Greek fleet was compassed round by 
Xerxes' ships, and they had best (he said) prepare 
to defend themselves. Thus he spoke, and took his 
departure. They fell a-wrangling again; for the 
more part of the admirals would not believe that the 
news was true. 

82. But while they yet disbelieved, there came a 
trireme with Tenian deserters, whose captain was 
one Panaetius son of Sosimenes, and this brought 


19 


HERODOTUS 


διὰ δὲ τοῦτο τὸ ἔργον ἐνεγράφησαν Τήνιοι ἐν 
Ἀελφοῖσι ἐς τὸν τρίποδα ἐν τοῖσι τὸν βάρβαρον 
κατελοῦσι. σὺν δὲ ὧν ταύτῃ τῇ νηὶ τῇ αὐτο- 
μολησάση ἐς Σαλαμῖνα καὶ τῇ πρότερον ἐπ᾽ 
᾿Αρτεμίσιον τῇ Anpvin ἐξεπληροῦτο τὸ ναυτικὸν 
τοῖσι "[Ἅλησι ἐς τὰς ὀγδώκοντα καὶ τριηκοσίας 
νέας: δύο γὰρ δὴ νεῶν τότε κατέδεε ἐς τὸν 
ἀριθμόν. 

83. Τοῖσι δὲ"Ελλησι ὡς πιστὰ δὴ τὰ λεγόμενα 
ἣν τῶν Ῥηνίων ῥήματα, παρεσκευάζοντο ὡς vav- 
µαχήσοντες. NWS TE διέφαινε καὶ οἳ σύλλογον 
τῶν ἐπιβατέων ποιησάμενοι, προηγόρευε εὖ ) ἔχοντα 
μὲν ἐκ πάντων Θεμιστοκλέης, τὰ δὲ ἔπεα ἣν 
πάντα κρέσσω τοῖσι ἥσσοσι ἀντιτιθέμενα, ὅσα 
δὴ ἐν ἀνθρώπου φύσι καὶ καταστάσι ἐγγίνεται’ 
παραινέσας δὲ τούτων τὰ κρέσσω αἱρέεσθαι καὶ 
καταπλέξας τὴν ῥῆσιν, ἐσβαίνειν ἐκέλευε ἐς τὰς 
νέας. καὶ οὗτοι μὲν δὴ ἐσέβαινον, καὶ ἧκε ἡ 
ἀπ᾽ Αἰγίνης τριήρης, ἣ κατὰ τοὺς Αἰακίδας 
ἀπεδήμησε. 

84. ᾿Ενθαῦτα ἀνῆγον τὰς νέας ἁπάσας" Ελληνες, 
ἀναγομένοισι δέ σφι αὐτίκα ἐπεκέατο οἱ βάρ- 
βαροι. οἱ μὲν δὴ ἄλλοι "Ελληνες ἐπὶ πρύμνην 
ἀνεκρούοντο. καὶ ὤκελλον τὰς νέας, ᾽Αμεινίης δὲ 
Παλληνεὺς à ἀνὴρ ᾿Αθηναῖος ἐξαναχθεὶς νηὶ ἐμβάλ- 
λει’ συμπλακείσης δὲ τῆς νεὸς καὶ οὐ δυναμένων 
ἀπαλλαγῆναι, οὕτω δὴ οἱ ἄλλοι ᾽Αμεινίῃ Bon- 
θέοντες συνέμισγον. ᾿Αθηναῖοι μὲν οὕτω λέγουσι 
τῆς ναυμαχίης γενέσθαι τὴν ἀρχήν, Αἰγινῆται δὲ 
τὴν κατὰ τοὺς Αἰακίδας ἀποδημήσασαν ἐς Αἴγιναν, 
ταύτην εἶναι τὴν ἄρξασαν. λέγεται δὲ καὶ τάδε, 
ὡς φάσμα σφι γυναικὸς ἐφάνη, φανεῖσαν δὲ διακε- 
δο 


BOOK VIII. 82-84 


them the whole truth. For that deed the men of 
Tenos were engraved on the tripod at Delphi 
among those that had vanquished the foreigner. 
With this ship that deserted to Salamis and the 
Lemnian which had already deserted to Artemisium, 
the Greek fleet, which had fallen short by two of 
three hundred and eighty, now attained to that full 
number. 

83. The Greeks, believing at last the tale of the 
Tenians, made ready for battle. It was now earliest 
dawn, and they called the fighting men to an 
assembly, wherein Themistocles made an harangue 
in which he excelled all others; the tenor of his 
words was to array all the good in man's nature 
and estate against the evil; and having exhorted 
them to choose the better, he made an end of 
speaking and bade them embark. Even as they so 
did, came the trireme from Aegina which had been 
sent away for the Sons of Aeacus.! 

84. With that the Greeks stood out to sea in full 
force, and as they stood out the foreigners straight- 
way fell upon them. The rest of the Greeks began 
to back water and beach their ships; but Aminias of 
Pallene, an Athenian, pushed out to the front and 
charged a ship; which being entangled with his, 
and the two not able to be parted, the others did 
now come to Aminias’ aid and joined battle. This 
is the Athenian story of the beginning of the fight ; 
but the Aeginetans say that the ship which began 
it was that one which had been sent away to 
Aegina for the Sons of Aeacus. This story also is 
told,—that they saw the vision of a woman, who 


1 ορ. 64. 
81 


HERODOTUS 


λεύσασθαι ὥστε καὶ ἅπαν ἀκοῦσαι τὸ τῶν 
Ἑλλήνων στρατόπεδον, ὀνειδίσασαν πρότερον 
τάδε, “COQ δαιμόνιοι, μέχρι κόσου ἔτι πρύμνην 
ἀνακρούεσθε ; ' 

85. Κατὰ μὲν δὴ ᾿Αθηναίους ἐτετάχατο Φοίνικες 
(οὗτοι γὰρ εἶχον τὸ πρὸς 'EXevotvos τε καὶ 
ἑσπέρης κέρας), κατὰ δὲ Λακεδαιμονίους Ἴωνες" 
οὗτοι Ò εἶχον τὸ πρὸς τὴν ἠῶ τε καὶ τὸν Πειραιέα. 
ἐθελοκάκεον μέντοι αὐτῶν κατὰ τὰς Θεμιστοκλέος 
ἐντολὰς ὀλίγοι, οἱ δὲ πλεῦνες οὔ. ἔχω μέν νυν 
συχνῶν οὐνόματα τριηράρχων καταλέξαι τῶν 
νέας Ἑλληνίδας ἑλόντων, χρήσομαι δὲ αὐτοῖσι 
οὐδὲν πλὴν Θεομήστορός τε τοῦ ᾿Ανδροδάμαντος 
καὶ Φυλάκου τοῦ Ἱστιαίου, Σαμίων ἀμφοτέρων. 
τοῦδε δὲ εἵνεκα μέμνημαι τούτων μούνων, ὅτι 
Θεομήστωρ μὲν διὰ τοῦτο τὸ ἔργον Σάμου ἐτυ- 
ράννευσε καταστησάντων τῶν Περσέων, Φύλακος 
δὲ εὐεργέτης Βασιλέος ἀνεγράφη καὶ χώρῃ, έδω- 
ρήθη πολλῇ. οἱ δ᾽ εὐεργέται βασιλέος ὀροσάγγαι 
καλέονται περσιστί. 

86. Περὶ μέν νυν τούτους οὕτω εἶχε: τὸ δὲ 
πλῆθος τῶν νεῶν ἐν τῇ Σαλαμῖνι ἐκεραῖζετο, 
at μὲν ὑπ᾽ ᾿Αθηναίων διαφθειρόµεναι al δὲ ὑπ᾽ 
Αἰγινητέων. are yap τῶν μὲν Ἑλλήνων σὺν 
κόσμῳ ναυμαχεόντων καὶ κατὰ τάξιν, τῶν δὲ 
βαρβάρων οὔτε τεταγμένων. ἔτι οὔτε σὺν νόῳ 
ποιεόντων οὐδέν, ἔμελλε τοιοῦτό σφι συνοίσεσθαι 
οἷόν περ ἀπέβη. καύτοι iyo ay ye Kal ἐγένοντο 
ταύτην τὴν ἡμέρην μακρῷ ἀμείνονες αὐτοὶ ἑωυτῶν 
ἢ πρὸς Εὐβοίῃ, πᾶς τις προθυμεόμενος καὶ 
δειμαίνων "Ξέρξην, ἐδόκεέ τε ἕκαστος ἑωυτὸν 
θεήσασθαι βασιλέα. 

82 


BOOK VIII. 84-86 


cried commands loud enough for all the Greek fleet 
to hear, uttering first this reproach, “5115, what 
madness is this ? how long will you still be backing 
water?" 

85. The Phoenicians (for they had the western 
wing, towards Eleusis) were arrayed opposite to the 
Athenians, and to the Lacedaemonians the Ionians, 
on the eastern wing, nearest to Piraeus. Yet but 
few of them fought slackly, as Themistocles had 
bidden them, and the more part did not so. Many 
names I could record of ships’ captains that took 
Greek ships; but I will speak of none save Theomestor 
son of Androdamas and Phylaeus son of Histiaeus, 
Samians both; and I make mention of these alone, 
because Theomestor was for this feat of arms made 
by the Persians despot of Samos, and Phylacus was 
recorded among the king's benefactors and given 
much laud. These benefactors of the king are called 
in the Persian language, orosangae.! 

86. Thus it was with these two; but the great 
multitude of the ships were shattered at Salamis, 
some destroyed by the Athenians and some by the 
Aeginetans. Forsincethe Greeks fought orderly and 
in array, but the foreigners were by now disordered 
and did nought of set purpose, it was but reason 
that they should come to such an end as befel 
them. Yet on that day they were and approved 
themselves by far better men than off Euboea ; all 
were zealous, and feared Xerxes, each man thinking 
that the king's eye was on him. 


1 Perhaps from old Persian var, to guard, and Kshayata, 
king; or, as Rawlinson suggests, from Ahur sangha (Zend) 
= worthy of praise or record. (How and Wells’ note.) 


83 


HERODOTUS 


87. Κατὰ μὲν δὴ τοὺς ἄλλους οὐκ ἔχω µετε- 
ξετέρους εἰπεῖν ἀτρεκέως ὡς ἕκαστοι τῶν βαρ- 
βάρων ἢ τῶν Ἑλλήνων ἠγωνίζοντο: κατὰ δὲ 
᾿Ἀρτεμισίην τάδε ἐγένετο, ἀπ᾽ ὧν εὐδοκίμησε 
μᾶλλον ἔτι παρὰ βασιλέι. ἐπειδὴ γὰρ ἐς θόρυβον 
πολλὸν ἀπίκετο τὰ βασιλέος πρήγματα, ἐν τούτῳ 
τῷ KAUPO ἡ νηῦς ἡ. ᾿Αρτεμισίης ἐδιώκετο ὑπὸ νεὸς 
᾿Αττικῆς: καὶ ἣ οὐκ ἔχουσα διαφυγεῖν, ἔμπροσθε 
γὰρ αὐτῆς ἦσαν ἄλλαι νέες φίλιαι, 7 δὲ αὐτῆς 
πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων μάλιστα ἐτύγχανε ἐοῦσα, 
ἔδοξέ οἱ τόδε ποιῆσαι, τὸ καὶ συνήνεικε ποιησάση. 
διωκομένη γὰρ ὑπὸ τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς φέρουσα ἐνέβαλε 
νηὶ φιλίη ἀνδρῶν τε Καλυνδέων καὶ αὐτοῦ ἐπι- 
πλέοντος τοῦ Καλυνδέων βασιλέος Δαμασιθύμου. 
εἰ μὲν καί τι νεῖκος πρὸς αὐτὸν ἐγεγόνεε ἔτι περὶ 
1ὐλλήσποντον ἐόντων, οὗ μέντοι ἔχω ye- εἰπεῖν 

wv 

οὔτε εὖ ἐκ προνοίης αὐτὰ ἐποίησε, οὔτε εἰ συνε- 
κύρησε ἡ τῶν Καλυνδέων κατὰ τύχην Tapa- 
πεσοῦσα νηῦς. ὡς δὲ ἐνέβαλέ τε καὶ κατέδυσε, 
εὐτυχίη χρησαμένη διπλᾶ ἑωυτὴν ἀγαθὰ ἐργά- 
σατο. ὃ τε γὰρ τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς νεὸς τριήραρχος 
ὡς εἶδέ μιν ἐμβάλλουσαν νηὶ ἀνδρῶν βαρβάρων, 
νομίσας τὴν νέα τὴν ᾿Αρτεμισίης ἢ “Ελληνίδα 
εἶναι 7) αὐτομολέειν ἐκ τῶν βαρβάρων. καὶ αὐτοῖσι 
ἀμύνειν, ἀποστρέψας πρὸς ἄλλας ἐτράπετο. 

88. Τοῦτο μὲν τοιοῦτο αὐτῇ συνήνεικε γενέσθαι 
διαφυγεῖν τε καὶ μὴ ἀπολέσθαι, τοῦτο δὲ συνέβη 
ὥστε κακὸν ἐργασαμένην ἀπὸ τούτων αὐτὴν 
μάλιστα εὐδοκιμῆσαι παρὰ Ξέρξη. λέγεται γὰρ 
βασιλέα θηεύμενον μαθεῖν. τὴν νέα ἐμβαλοῦσαν, 
καὶ δή τινα εἰπεῖν τῶν παρεύντων 2 Δέσποτα, "pas 
᾿Αρτεμισίην ὡς εὖ ἀγωνίξεται καὶ νέα τῶν πολε- 


δ4 


BOOK VIII. 87-88 


87. Now as touching some of the others I eannot 
with exactness say how they fought severally, 
foreigners or Greeks; but what befel Artemisia 
made her to be esteemed by the king even morc 
than before. The king's side being now in dire 
confusion, Artemisia’s ship was at this time being 
pursued by a ship of Attica; and she could not 
escape, for other friendly ships were in her way, and 
it ehanced that she was the nearest to the enemy; 
wherefore she resolved that she would do that which 
afterwards tended to her advantage, and as she fled 
pursued by the Athenian she charged a friendly ship 
that bore men of Calyndus and the king himself of 
that place, Damasithymus. It may be that she had 
had some quarrel with him while they were still at 
the Hellespont, but if her deed was done of set 
purpose, or if the Calyndian met her by crossing 
her path at haphazard, I eannot say. But having 
charged and sunk the ship, she had the good luck 
to work for herself a double advantage. For when 
the Attic captain saw her chargea ship of foreigners, 
he supposed that Artemisia's ship was Greek or a 
deserter from the foreigners fighting for the Greeks, 
and he turned aside to deal with others. 

88. By this happy chance it came about that she 
escaped and avoided destruction ; and moreover the 
upshot was that the very harm which she had done 
won her great favour in Xerxes' eyes. For the 
king (it is said) saw her charge the ship as he 
viewed the battle, and one of the bystanders said, 
“Sire, see you Artemisia, how well she fights, and 

ὃς 


HERODOTUS 


μίων κατέδυσε ; καὶ τὸν ἐπειρέο θαι εἰ ἀληθέως 
ἐστὶ ᾿Αρτεμισίης τὸ ἔργον, καὶ τοὺς φάναι, σαφέως 
τὸ ἐπίσημον τῆς νεὸς ἐπισταμένους" τὴν δὲ δια- 
φθαρεῖσαν ἠπιστέατο εἶναι πολεμίην. τά τε γὰρ 
ἄλλα, ὡς εἴρηται, αὐτῆ συνήνεικε ἐς εὐτυχίην 
γενόμενα, καὶ τὸ τῶν ἐκ τῆς Καλυνδικῆς νεὸς 
μηδένα ἀποσωθέντα κατήγορον γενέσθαι. Ξέ ρξην 
δὲ εἰπεῖν λέγεται πρὸς τὰ φραξόμενα ου μὲν 
ἄνδρες γεγόνασί μοι pua ai δὲ γυναῖκες 
ἄνδρες." ταῦτα μὲν Ἐέρξην pact εἰπεῖν. 

89. Ἐν δὲ τῷ πόνῳ τούτῳ ἀπὸ μὲν ἔθανε ὁ 
στρατηγὸς. Αριαβί ιγνης ὁ Δαρείου, Ξέρξεω ἐὼν 
ἀδελφεός, ἆ ἀπὸ δὲ ἄλλοι πολλοί τε καὶ ὀνομαστοὶ 
Περσέων καὶ Μήδων καὶ τῶν ἄλλων συμμάχων, 
ὀλίγοι δὲ τινὲς καὶ Ἑλλήνων: ἅτε yap νέειν 
ἐπιστάμενοι, τοῖσι αἱ νέες διεφθείροντο, καὶ μὴ 
ἐν χειρῶν νόμῳ ἀπολλύμενοι, ἐς τὴν Σαλαμῖνα 
διένεον. τῶν δὲ βαρβάρων οἱ πολλοὶ ἐν τῇ 
θαλάσσῃ διεφθάρησαν νέειν οὐκ ἐπιστάμενοι. 
ἐπεὶ δὲ αἱ πρῶται ἐς φυγὴν ἐτράποντο, ἐνθαῦτα 
αἱ πλεῖσται διεφθείροντο' οἱ γὰρ ὄπισθε Tetay- 
μένοι, ἐς τὸ πρόσθε τῆσι νηυσὶ παριέναι πειρώ- 
μενοι ὡς ἀποδεξόμενοί τι καὶ αὐτοὶ ἔργον βασιλέι, 
τῆσι σφετέρῃσι νηυσὶ φευγούσῃσι περιέπιπτον. 

90. ᾿Εγένετο δὲ καὶ τόδε ἐν τῷ θορύβῳ τούτω. 
τῶν τινες Φοινίκων, τῶν αἱ νέες διεφθάρατο, 
ἐλθόντες παρὰ βασιλέα διέβαλλον τοὺς Ἴωνας, 
ὡς δι᾽ ἐκείνους ἀπολοίατο αἱ νέες, ὡς προδόντων. 
συνήνεικε ὧν οὕτω ὥστε lovov τε τοὺς στρα- 
τηγοὺς μὴ ἀπολέσθαι Φοινίκων τε τοὺς cia- 
βάλλοντας λαβεῖν τοιόνδε μισθόν. ἔτι τούτων 
ταῦτα λεγόντων ἐνέβαλε νηὶ ᾿Αττικῇ Σαμοθρηικίη 
δ6 


BOOK VIII. 88-90 


how she has sunk an enemy ship?” Xerxes then 
asking if it were truly Artemisia that had done the 
deed, they affirmed it, knowing well the ensign of 
her ship ; and they supposed that the ship she had 
sunk was an enemy ; for the luckiest chance of all 
which had (as I have said) befallen her was, that not 
one from the Calyndian ship was saved alive to be 
her accuser. Hearing what they told him, Xerxes 
is reported to have said, * My men have become 
women, and my women men " ; such, they say, were 
his words. 

89. In that hard fighting Xerxes’ brother the 
admiral Ariabignes, son of Darius, was slain, and 
withal many other Persians and Medes and allies of 
renown, and some Greeks, but few ; for since they 
could swim, they who lost their ships, yet were not 
slain in hand-to-hand fight, swam across to Salamis ; 
but the greater part of the foreigners were drowned 
in the sea, not being able to swim. When the 
foremost ships were turned to flight, it was then 
that the most of them were destroyed ; for the men 
of the rearmost ranks, pressing forward in their ships 
that they too might display their valour to the 
king, ran foul of their friends’ ships that were in 
flight. 

90. It happened also amid this disorder that 
certain Phoenicians whose ships had been destroyed 
came to the king and accused the Ionians of treason, 
saying that it was by their doing that the ships had 
been lost; the end of which matter was, that the 
Ionian captains were not put to death, and those 
Phoenicians who accused them were rewarded as 
I will show. While they yet spoke as aforesaid, 
a Samothracian ship charged an Attic; and while 


87 


HERODOTUS 


νηῦς. ἢ τε δὴ ᾿Αττικὴ κατεδύετο καὶ ἐπιφερομένη 
ΛΑἰγιναίη νηῦς κατέδυσε τῶν Σαμοθρηίκων τὴν 
νέα. ἅτε δὲ ἐόντες ἀκοντισταὶ οἱ Σαμοθρήικες 
τοὺς ἐπιβάτας ἀπὸ τῆς καταδυσάσης νεὸς βάλ- 
λοντες ἀπήραξαν καὶ ἐπέβησάν τε καὶ ἔσχον 
αὐτήν. ταῦτα γενόμενα τοὺς Ἴωνας ἐρρύσατο’ 
ὡς γὰρ εἶδε σφέας Ξέρξης ἔργον μέγα ἐργασα- 
μένους, ἐτράπετο πρὸς τοὺς Φοίνικας οἷα ὑπερλυ- 
πεόμενός Té καὶ πάντας αἰτιώμενος, καί σφεων 
ἐκέλευσε τὰς κεφαλὰς ἀποταμεῖν, ἵνα μὴ αὐτοὶ 
κακοὶ γενόμενοι τοὺς ἀμείνονας διαβάλλωσι. 
ὅκως γάρ τινα ἴδοι Ξέρξης τῶν ἑωυτοῦ ἔργον 
τι ἀποδεικνύμενον ἐν τῇ ναυμαχίη. .κατήμενος 
ὑπὸ τῷ ὄρεϊ τῷ ἀντίον Σαλαμῖνος τὸ καλέεται 
Αἰγάλεως, ἀνεπυνθάνετο τὸν ποιήσαντα, καὶ οἱ 
γραμματισταὶ ἀνέγραφον πατρόθεν᾽ τὸν τριήραρχον 
καὶ τὴν πόλιν. πρὸς δέ TL καὶ προσεβάλετο 
φίλος ἐὼν ᾿Αριαράμνης ἀνὴρ Πέρσης παρεὼν 
τούτου τοῦ Φοινικηΐου πάθεος. οἳ μὲν δὴ πρὸς 
τοὺς Φοίνικας ἐτράποντο. 

9]. Tor δὲ βαρβάρων. ἐς φυγὴν τραπομένων 
καὶ ἐκπλεόντων πρὸς τὸ (Φάληρον, Αἰγινῆται 
ὑποστάντες ἐν τῷ πορθμῷ ἔργα ἀπεδέξαντο λόγου 
ἄξια. οἱ μὲν γὰρ ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἐν τῷ, θορύβῳ ἐκε- 
ράιξον τάς τε ἀντισταμένας. καὶ τὰς φευγούσας 
τῶν νεῶν, οἱ δὲ Αἰγινῆται τὰς ἐκπλεούσας: ὅκως 
δὲ τινὲς τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους διαφύγοιεν, φερόμενοι 
ἐσέπιπτον ἐς τοὺς Αἰγινήτας. 

99, ᾿Ενθαῦτα συνεκύρεον νέες ἥ τε Θεμιστοκλέος 
διώκουσα νέα καὶ ἡ Πολυκρίτου τοῦ Κριοῦ ἀνδρὸς 
Αἰγινήτεω νηὶ ἐμβαλοῦσα Σιδωνίῃ, 7 περ εἷλε 
τὴν προφυλάσσουσαν ἐπὶ Σκιάθῳ τὴν Λἰγιναίην, 


88 


BOOK VIII. 9ο-ο2 


the Attic ship was sinking, a ship of Aegina bore 
down and sank the Samothracian ; but the Samo- 
thraciaus, being javelin throwers, swept the fighting 
men with a shower of javelins off from the ship that 
had sunk theirs, and boarded and seized her them- 
selves. Thereby the Ionians were saved; for when 
Xerxes saw this great feat of their arms, he turned 
on the Phoenicians (being moved to blame all in the 
bitterness of his heart) and commanded that their 
heads be cut off, that so they might not accuse 
better men, being themselves cowards. For when- 
ever Xerxes, from his seat under the hill over against 
Salamis called Aegaleos, saw any feat achieved by 
his own men in the battle, he inquired who was 
the doer of it, and his scribes wrote down the names 
of the ship’s captain and his father and his city. 
Moreover it tended somewhat to the doom of the 
Phoenicians that Ariaramnes, a Persian, was there, 
who was a friend of the Ionians. So Xerxes’ men 
dealt with the Phoenicians. 

9]. The foreigners being routed and striving to 
win out to Phalerum, the Aeginetans lay in wait 
for them in the passage and then achieved notable 
deeds; for the Athenians amid the disorder made 
havoc of all ships that would resist or fly, and so did 
the Aeginetans with those that were sailing out of 
the strait; and all that escaped from the Athenians 
fell in their course among the Aeginetans, 

92. Two ships met there, Themistocles’ ship 
pursuing another, and one that bore Polycritus 
son of Crius of Aegina; this latter had charged a 
Sidonian, the same which had taken the Aeginetan 


89 


HERODOTUS 


ἐπ᾽ ἧς ἔπλεε Πυθέης ὁ ᾿Ισχενόου, τὸν οἱ Πέρσαι 
κατακοπέντα ἀρετῆς εἵνεκα εἶχον ἐν τῇ νηὶ ἐκπα- 
γλεόμενοι' τὸν δὴ περιάγουσα ἅμα τοῖσι Πέρσησι 
ἥλω ἡ νηῦς ἡ Σιδωνίη, ὥστε Πυθέην οὕτω 
^ H » € Nae ^ \ / S 
σωθῆναι ἐς Αἴγιναν. ὡς δὲ ἐσεῖδε τὴν νέα τὴν 
3 \ € ’ 3 \ / 2 . 
Αττικὴν ὁ Πολύκριτος, ἔγνω τὸ σημήιον ἰδὼν 
^ , 
τῆς στρατηγίδος, καὶ βώσας τὸν Θεμιστοκλέα 
ἐπεκερτόμησε ἐς τῶν Λἰγινητέων τὸν μηδισμὸν 
` / ^ / S» N ε , 
ὀνειδίζων. ταῦτα μὲν νυν νηὶ ἐμβαλὼν ὁ Πολύ- 
κριτος. ἀπέρριψε ἐς Θεμιστοκλέα: οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι 
τῶν αἱ νέες περιεγένοντο, φεύγοντες ἀπίκοντο ἐς 
(Φάληρον ὑπὸ τὸν πεξὸν στρατόν. 

93. Ἐν δὲ τῇ ναυμαχίῃ ταύτῃ ἤκουσαν 'EX- 
λήνων ἄριστα Αἰγινῆται, ἐπὶ δὲ ᾿Αθηναῖοι, 
, ^ N r / e > / ` 
ἀνδρῶν δὲ Πολύκριτος τε ὁ Αἰγινήτης καὶ 
, ^ , ’ ευ ΄ N55 , 
Ἀθηναῖοι [ὑὐμένης τε 0 Αναγυράσιος καὶ Αμεινίης 

e , 
Παλληνεύς, ὃς καὶ ᾿Αρτεμισίην ἐπεδίωξε. εἰ μέν 
νυν ἔμαθε ὅτι ἐν ταύτῃ πλέοι ᾿Αρτεμισίη, οὐκ 
ἂν ἐπαύσατο πρότερον Ñ εἷλέ μιν 7 καὶ αὐτὸς 
ἥλω. τοῖσι γὰρ ᾿Αθηναίων τριηράρχοισι παρε- 
κεκέλευστο, πρὸς δὲ καὶ ἄεθλον ἔκειτο μύριαι 
δραχμαί, ὃς ἄν pw Cony ἕλη: δεινὸν γάρ τι 
ἐποιεῦντο γυναῖκα ἐπὶ τὰς ᾿Αθήνας στρατεύεσθαι. 
αὕτη μὲν δή, ὡς πρότερον εἴρηται, διέφυγε: ἧσαν 

» ^ / 
δὲ καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι, τῶν αἱ νέες περιεγεγόνεσαν, ἐν 
τῷ Φαλήρῳ. 

94. ᾿Αδείμαντον δὲ τὸν Κορίνθιον στρατηγὸν 
λέγουσι ᾿Αθηναῖοι αὐτίκα κατ ἀρχάς, ὡς συνέ- 

’ 
μισγον αἱ νέες, ἐκπλαγέντα τε καὶ ὑπερδείσαντα, 


1 Polycritus cries to Themistocles, ‘‘See how friendly we 
are to the Persians!” Polycritus and his father had been 


go 


BOOK VIII. 92-94 


ship that watched off Sciathus, wherein was Pytheas 
son of Ischenous, that Pytheas whom when gashed 
with wounds the Persians kept aboard their ship 
and made much of for his valour; this Sidonian ship 
was carrying Pytheas among the Persians when she 
was now taken, so that thereby he came safe back 
to Aegina. When Polycritus saw the Attic ship, 
he knew it by seeing the admiral's ship's ensign, 
and cried out to Themistocles with bitter taunt 
and reproach as to the friendship of Aegina with 
the Persians.! Such taunts did Polycritus hurl at 
Themistocles, after that he had charged an enemy 
ship. As for the foreigners whose ships were yet 
undestroyed, they fled to Phalerum and took refuge 
with the land army. 

93. In that sea-fight the nations that won most 
renown were the Aeginetans, and next to them the 
Athenians; among men the most renowned were 
Polycritus of Aegina and two Athenians, Eumenes 
of Anagyrus and Aminias of Pallene, he who pur- 
sued after Artemisia. Had he known that she was 
in that ship, he had never been stayed ere he took 
hers or lost his own; such was the bidding given to 
the Athenian captain, and there was a prize withal 
of teu thousand drachmae for whoever should take 
her alive; for there was great wrath that a woman 
should come to attack Athens. She, then, escaped 
as I have already said; and the rest also whose ships 
were undestroyed were at Phalerum. 

94. As for the Corinthian admira] Adimantus, the 
Athenians say that at the very moment when the 
ships joined battle he was struck with terror and 


taken as hostages by the Athenians when Aegina was charged 
with favouring the Persians (vi. 49, 73) 


9I 


HERODOTUS 


NM / , y ’ Os 
τὰ ἱστία ἀειράμενον οἴχεσθαι φεύγοντα, ἰδόντας 
’ ` 
δὲ τοὺς Ιζορινθίους τὴν στρατηγίδα φεύγουσαν 
ὡσαύτως οἴχεσθαι. ὡς δὲ ἄρα φεύγοντας γινεσθαι 
^ τν yd N ο 3 ’ - r 
τῆς Σαλαμινίης κατὰ ἱρὸν ᾿Αθηναίης Σκιράδος, 
f (ὁ / ^ ΔΝ 
περιπίπτειν σφι κέλητα θείη πομπῇῆ, τὸν οὔτε 
/ ^ / ^ ` ^ 
πέμψαντα φανῆναι οὐδένα, οὔτε τι τῶν ἀπὸ τῆς 
^ 3 , , ^ 7 / 
στρατιῆς εἰδόσι προσφέρεσθαι τοῖσι Ἰκορινθίοισι. 
^ ` / b) ^ N ^ 
τῇδε δὲ συμβάλλονται εἶναι θεῖον τὸ πρῆγμα. 
ὡς γὰρ ἀγχοῦ γενέσθαι τῶν νεῶν, τοὺς ἀπὸ τοῦ 
/ / LO «c? Ò / N N 3 
κέλητος λέγειν τάδε. Αδείµαντε, σὺ μὲν aro- 
. / ` ei 
στρέψας τὰς νέας ἐς φυγὴν ὅρμησαι καταπροδοὺς 
M tf ^ N ν M ^ ef , ` 
τοὺς "EXXqgvas: ot δὲ καὶ δὴ νικῶσι ὅσον αὐτοὶ 
^ f ^ ^ 3» ^ 
ἠρῶντο ἐπικρατήσαντες τῶν ἐχθρῶν. ταῦτα 
’ / . 3 / " 
λεγόντων ἀπιστέειν γὰρ τὸν ᾿Αδείμαντον, αὖτις 
΄ 5 [4 
τάδε λέγειν, ὡς αὐτοὶ οἷοί τε εἶεν ἀγόμενοι ὅμηροι 
, , E ` ^ / e € 
ἀποθνήσκειν, ἣν μὴ νικῶντες φαίνωνται οἱ " EX- 
e N 
Aves. οὕτω δὴ ἀποστρέψαντα τὴν νέα αὐτόν 
N M » σι 3 ^t / , 8 ^ 3 
τε καὶ TOUS ἄλλους ἐπ ἐξεργασμενοισι EAU ELV ἐς 
L r . / 
τὸ στρατὀπεδον. τούτους μὲν τοιαύτη φάτις ἔχει 
e . , ’ , 7 3 ’ ha / 
ὑπὸ ᾿Αθηναίων, οὐ μέντοι αὐτοί γε Κορίνθιοι 
e / , » 5 r / , ` ^ 
ὁμολογέουσι, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν πρώτοισι σφέας αὐτοὺς τῆς 
/ 
ναυμαχίη: νομίζουσι γενέσθαι’ μαρτυρέει δέ σφι 
"ηλ ουν ως, 
/ τος y 3 ^ 
95. ᾿Αριστείδης δὲ ὁ Λυσιμάχου ἀνὴρ᾽ Αθηναῖος, 
^ f , 
τοῦ καὶ ὀλίγω TL πρὀτερον τούτων ἐπεμνήσθην ὡς 
ἀνδρὸς ἀρίστου, οὗτος ἐν τῷ θορύβῳ τούτω τῷ 
ν NS ^ / LO 3 / τ . 
περὶ Σαλαμῖνα γενομένῳ τάδε ἐποίεε: παραλαβὼν 
πολλοὺς τῶν οπλιτέων OF παρατετέχατο παρὰ 
N ^ 3s ’ ΄ , 
τὴν ἀκτὴν τῆς Σαλαμινίης χώρης, γένος ἐόντες 
92 


BOOK VIII. 94-95 


panic, and hoisting his sails fled away ; and when 
the Corinthians saw their admiral's ship fleeing they 
were off and away likewise. But when (so the story 
goes) they came in their flight near that part of 
Salamis where is the temple of Athene Sciras,! 
there by heaven's providence a boat met them 
which none was known to have sent, nor had the 
Corinthians, ere it drew nigh to them, kuown aught 
of the doings of the fleet ; and this is how they infer 
heaven's hand in the matter: when the boat came 
nigh the ships, those that were in it cried, “ Adi- 
mantus, you have turned back with your ships in 
flight, and betrayed the Greeks; but even now 
they are winning the day as fully as they ever 
prayed that they might vanquish their enemies." 
Thus they spoke, and when Adimantus would not 
believe they said further that they were ready to 
be taken for hostages and slain if the Greeks were 
not victorious for all to see. Thereupon Adimantus 
and the rest did turn their ships about and came 
to the fleet when all was now over and done. 
Thus the Athenians report of the Corinthians; but 
the Corinthians deny it, and hold that they were 
among the foremost in the battle; and all Hellas 
bears them witness likewise. 

95. But Aristides son of Lysimachus, that Athenian 
of whose great merit I have lately made mention, did 
in this rout at Salamis as I will show: taking many 
of the Athenian men-at-arms who stood arrayed on 
the shores of Salamis, he carried them across to 


1 The temple stood on the southern extremity of Salamis. 
If the Persians at the outset of the battle were occupying the 
ends of the whole strait between Salamis and the mainland, 
it is not clear how the Corinthians could get to this point. 


93 


HERODOTUS 


᾿Αθηναῖοι, ἐς τὴν Ψυττάλειαν νῆσον ἀπέβησε 
ἄγων, oi τοὺς Πέρσας τοὺς ἐν τῇ νησῖδι ταύτῃ 
κατεφόνευσαν πάντας. 

96. Ὡς δὲ ἡ ναυμαχίη διελέλντο, κατειρύσαντες 
ἐς τὴν Σαλαμῖνα οἱ “Έλληνες τῶν .νανηγίων ὅσα 
ταύτῃ ἐτύγχανε ἔτι ἐόντα, ἕτοιμοι ἦσαν ἐς ἄλλην 
ναυμαχίην, ἐλπίζοντες τῇσι περιεούσῃσι νηυσὶ 
ἔτι χρήσεσθαι βασιλέα. τῶν δὲ ναυηγίων πολλὰ 
ὑπολαβὼν ἄνεμος ζέφυρος ἔφερε τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς ἐπὶ 
τὴν ἠιόνα τὴν καλεομένην, Κωλιάδα' ὥστε ano- 
πλησθῆναι τὸν χρησμὸν τόν τε ἄλλον πάντα τὸν 
περὶ τῆς ναυμαχίης ταύτης εἰρημένον Βάκιδι καὶ 
Μουσαίῳ, καὶ δὴ καὶ κατὰ τὰ ναυήγια τὰ ταύτῃ 
ἐξενειχθέντα τὸ εἰρημένον πολλοῖσι ἔτεσι πρότερον 
τούτων ἐν χρησμῷ Λυσιστράτῳ ᾿Αθηναίω ἀνδρὶ 

’ NS [ή ΄ X es 
χρησμολόγῳ, τὸ ἐλελήθεε πάντας Tous” Ελληνας, 


Κωλιάδες δὲ γυναῖκες ἐρετμοῖσι φρύξουσι 


τοῦτο δὲ ἔμελλε ἀπελάσαντος βασιλέος ἔσεσθαι. 

97. Ξέρξης δὲ ὡς ἔμαθε τὸ ye,.vos πάθος, 
δείσας μή τις τῶν Lovey ὑποθῆται τοῖσι EAN 
7) αὐτοὶ νοήσωσι πλέειν ἐς τὸν ᾿Ελλήσποντον 
λύσοντες τὰς γεφύρας, καὶ ἀπολαμφθεὶς ἐν τῇ 
Εὐρώπῃ κινδυνεύσῃ ἀπολέσθαι, δρησμὸν ἐβούλευε. 
θέλων δὲ μὴ ἐπίδηλος εἶναι μήτε τοῖσι “Ελλησι 
μήτε τοῖσι ἑωυτοῦ, ἐς τὴν Σαλαμῖνα χῶμα ἐπει- 
ρᾶτο διαχοῦν, γαύλους τε Φοινικηίους συνέδεε, 
ἵνα ἀντί τε σχεδίης ἔωσι καὶ τείχεος, ἀρτέετό τε 
ἐς πόλεμον ὡς ναυμαχίην ἄλλην ποιησόμενος. 


1 A narrow headland 23 miles south of Phalerum ; just 
where ships would be driven from the battle by a west wind. 


94 


BOOK VIII. 95-97 


the island Psyttalea, and they slaughtered all the 
Persians who were on that islet. 

96. The sea-fight being broken off, the Greeks 
towed to Salamis all the wrecks that were still 
afloat in those waters, and held themselves ready 
for another battle, thinking that the king would 
yet again use his ships that were left. But many 
of the wrecks were caught by a west wind and 
carried to the strand in Attica called Colias;! so 
that not only was the rest of the prophecy fulfilled 
which had been uttered by Bacis and Musaeus 
concerning that sea-fight, but also that which had 
been prophesied many years ago by an Athenian 
oracle-monger named Lysistratus, about the wrecks 
that were here cast ashore (the import of which 
prophecy no Greek had noted): 


* Also the Colian dames shall roast their barley 
with oar-blades.”’ 


But this was to happen after the king's departure. 
97. When Xerxes was aware of the calamity that 
had befallen him, he feared lest the Greeks (by 
Ionian counsel or their own devising) might sail 
to the Hellespont to break his bridges, and he might 
be cut off in Europe and in peril of his life; and so 
he planned flight. But that neither the Greeks nor 
his own men might discover his intent, he essayed 
to build a mole across to Salamis,? and made fast a 
line of Phoenician barges to be a floating bridge and 
a wall; and he made preparation for war, as though 
he would fight at sea again. The rest who saw him 


2 Ctesias and Strabo place this project before and not after 
the battle; plainly it would have been useless (and indeed 
impossible) to the Persians after their defeat. 


95 


HERODOTUS 


ὁρῶντες δέ μιν πάντες οἱ ἄλλοι ταῦτα πρήσσοντα 
εὖ ἠπιστέατο ὡς ἐκ παντὸς νόου παρεσκεύασται 
μένων πολεμήσειν: Μαρδόνιον δ οὐδὲν τούτων 
ἐλάνθανε ὡς μάλιστα ἔμπειρον ἐόντα τῆς ἐκείνου 
TOU 

98. Ταῦτά τε ἅμα Ξέρξης € ἐποίεε καὶ ἔπεμπε ἐς 
Πέρσας ἀγγελέοντα τὴν παρεοῦσάν σφι συμφορήν. 
τούτων δὲ τῶν ἀγγέλων ἐστὶ οὐδὲν ὅ τι θᾶσσον 
παραγίνεται θνητὸν ἐόν" οὕτω τοῖσι .Ἠέρσῃσι 
ἐξεύρηται τοῦτο. λέγουσι γὰρ ὡς ὁσέων ἂν 
ἡμερέων 7 ἡ πᾶσα ὀδός, τοσοῦτοι ἵπποι τε καὶ 
ἄνδρες διεστᾶσι κατὰ ἡμερησίην ὁδὸν ἑκάστην 
ἵππος τε καὶ ἀνὴρ. τεταγμένος᾽ τοὺς οὔτε νιφετός, 

οὐκ ὄμβρος, οὐ καῦμα, οὗ νὺξ ἔργει μὴ οὐ kata- 

νύσαι τὸν προκείμενον αὐτῷ δρόμον τὴν ταχίστην. 
ὁ μὲν δὴ πρῶτος δραμὼν παραδιδοῖ τὰ ἐντεταλμένα 
TO δευτέρῳ, ὁ δὲ δεύτερος τῷ τρίτῳ' τὸ δὲ ἐνθεῦτεν 
ἤδη kar ἄλλον καὶ ἄλλον διεξέρχεται παραδιδό- 
μενα, κατά περ ἐν "Ελλησι ἡ λαμπαδηφορίη τὴν 
τῷ Ἡφαίστω ἐπιτελέουσι. τοῦτο τὸ δράμημα 
τῶν ἵππων καλέουσι Πέρσαι ἀγγαρήιον. 

99. Ἡ μὲν δὴ πρώτη ἐς Σοῦσα ἀγγελίη ἀπι- 
κομένη, ὡς ἔχοι ᾿Αθήνας Ξέρξης, ἔτερψε οὕτω 
δή τι Περσέων τοὺς ὑπολειφθέντας ὡς τάς τε 
ὁδοὺς μυρσίνῃ πάσας ἐστόρεσαν καὶ ἐθυμίων 
θυμιήματα καὶ αὐτοὶ ἦσαν ἐν θυσίησί τε καὶ 
εὐπαθείησι. ἡ δὲ δευτέρη σφι ἀγγελίη ἐπεσελ- 
θοῦσα συνέχεε οὕτω ὥστε τοὺς κιθῶνας κατερρη- 


1 Torch-races were run at certain Athenian festivals. 
They were of various kinds. One was ‘‘a relay or team race. 
There were several lines of runners; the first man in each 


96 


BOOK VIII. 97-99 


so doing were fully persuaded that he was in all 
earnestness prepared to remain there and carry on 
the war; but none of this deceived Mardonius, who 
had best experience of Xerxes’ purposes. 

98. While Xerxes did thus, he sent a messenger 
to Persia with news of his present misfortune. Now . 
there is nothing mortal that accomplishes a course 
more swiftly than do these messengers, by the 
Persians’ skilful contrivance. It is said that as many 
days as there are in the whole journey, so many are 
the men and horses that stand along the road, each 
horse and man at the interval of a day’s journey; 
and these are stayed neither by snow nor rain nor 
heat nor darkness from accomplishing their appointed 
course with all speed. The first rider delivers his 
charge to the second, the second to the third, and 
thence it passes on from hand to hand, even as in the 
Greek torch-bearers' race! in honour of Hephaestus. 
This riding-post is called in Persia, angareion.? 

99. When the first message came to Susa, telling 
that Xerxes had taken Athens, it gave such delight 
to the Persians who were left at home that they 
strewed all the roads with myrtle boughs and burnt 
incense and gave themselves up to sacrificial feasts 
and jollity; but the second, coming on the heels 
of the first, so confounded them that they all rent 


line had his torch lighted at the altar and ran with it at full 
speed to the second, to whom he passed it on, the second to 
the third, and so on till the last man carried it to the goal. 
The line of runners which first passed its torch alight to the 
goal was the winning team " (How and Wells). 

2 ἄγγαρος is apparently a Babylonian word, the Persian 
word for a post-rider being in Greek ἀστάνδης (How and 
Wells) ἄγγαρος passed into Greek usage; cp. Aesch. Ag. 
285. 


9m 
VOL. 1V. E 


HERODOTUS 


ξαντο πάντες, Bon τε καὶ οἰμωγῇ ἐχρέωντο 
ἀπλέτῳ, Μαρδόνιον ἐν αἰτίη τιθέντες. οὐκ οὕτω 
δὲ περὶ τῶν νεῶν ἀχθόμενοι ταῦτα οἱ Πέρσαι 
ἐποίευν ὡς περὶ αὐτῷ Ξέρξῃ -δειμαίνοντες. 

100. Kai περὶ Πέρσας μὲν ἦν ταῦτα τὸν πάντα 
μεταξὺ χρόνον γενόμενον, μέχρι οὗ Ξέρξης αὐτός 
σφεας ἀπικόμενος ἔπαυσε. Μαρδόνιος δὲ ὁρῶν 
μὲν Ξέρξην συμφορὴν μεγάλην ἐκ τῆς ναυμαχίης 
ποιεύμενον, ὑποπτεύων δὲ αὐτὸν δρησμὸν βου- 
λεύειν ἐκ τῶν ᾿Αθηνέων, φροντίσας πρὸς ἑωυτὸν 
ὡς δώσει δίκην ἀναγνώσας βασιλέα στρατεύεσθαι 
ἐπὶ τὴν Ελλάδα, καί οἱ κρέσσον εἴη ἀνακινδυνεῦ- 
σαι ἢ κατεργάσασθαι τὴν Ἑλλάδα ἡ αὐτὸν καλῶς 
τελευτῆσαι τὸν βίον ὑπὲρ μεγάλων αἰωρηθέντα" 
πλέον μέντοι ἔφερέ οἱ ἡ γνώμη κατεργάσασθαι 
τὴν Ἑλλάδα: λογισάμενος ὧν ταῦτα προσέφερε 
τὸν λόγον τόνδε. “Δέσποτα, μήτε λυπέο μήτε 
συμφορὴν μηδεμίαν. μεγάλην ποιεῦ τοῦδε τοῦ 
γεγονότος eiveka πρήγματος. οὐ γὰρ ξύλων ἆ ἀγὼν 
ὁ τὸ πᾶν φέρων ἐστὶ ἡμῖν, ἀλλ᾽ ἀνδρῶν τε καὶ 
ἵππων. σοὶ δὲ οὔτε τις τούτων τῶν τὸ πᾶν 
σφίσι ἤδη δοκεόντων κατεργάσθαι ἀποβὰς ἀπὸ 
τῶν νεῶν πειρήσεται ἀντιωθῆναι οὔτ᾽ ἐκ τῆς 
ἠπείρου τῆσδε: οὗ τε ἡμῖν ἠντιώθησαν, ἔδοσαν 
δίκας. εἰ μέν νυν δοκέει, αὐτίκα πειρώμεθα τῆς 
Πελοποννήσου εἰ δὲ καὶ δοκέει ἐ ἐπισχεῖν, παρέχει 
ποιέειν ταῦτα. μηδὲ δυσθύμεε' οὐ γὰρ ἔστι 
"Ελλησι οὐδεμία ἔκδυσις μὴ οὐ δόντας λόγον τῶν 
ἐποίησαν νῦν τε καὶ πρότερον εἶναι σοὺς δούλους. 
μάλιστα μέν νυν ταῦτα ποίεε: εἰ Ò ἄρα τοι 
Βεβούλευται αὐτὸν ἀπελαύνοντα ἀπάγειν τὴν 
στρατιήν, ἄλλην ἔχω καὶ ἐκ τῶνδε βουλήν. σὺ 
98 


BOOK VIII. 99-100 


their tunics, and cried and lamented without ceasing, 
holding Mardonius to blame ; and it was not so much 
in grief for their ships that they did this as because 
they feared for Xerxes himself. 

100. Such was the plight of the Persians for all 
the time until the coming of Xerxes himself ended 
it. But Mardonius, seeing that Xerxes was greatly 
distressed by reason of the sea-fight, and suspecting 
that he planned flight from Athens, considered 
with himself that he would be punished for over- 
persuading the king to march against Hellas, and 
that it was better for him to risk the chance of 
either subduing Hellas or dying honourably by flying 
at a noble quarry; yet his hope rather inclined 
to the subduing of Hellas; wherefore taking all 
this into account he made this proposal: “Sire, be 
not grieved nor greatly distressed by reason of this 
that has befallen us. It is not on things of wood 
that all the issue hangs for us, but on men and 
horses; and there is not one of these men, who 
think that they have now won a crowning victory, 
that will disembark from his ship and essay to 
withstand you, no, nor anyone from this mainland ; 
they that have withstood us have paid the penalty. 
If then it so please you, let us straightway attack 
the Peloponnese; or if it please you to wait, that 
also we can do. Be not cast down ; for the Greeks 
have no way of escape from being accountable for 
their former and their latter deeds, and becoming 
your slaves. It is best then that you should do as 
I have said; but if you are resolved that you will 
lead your army away, even then I have another 


99 


HERODOTUS 


Πέρσας, βασιλεῦ, μὴ ποιήσης καταγελάστους 
γενέσθαι “λλησι οὐδὲ γὰρ ἐν Ἱ]έρσησί τοί τι 
δεδήληται τῶν πρηγμάτων, οὐδ᾽ ἐρέεις ὅκου ἐγε- 
νόμεθα ἄνδρες κακοί. εἰ δὲ Φοίνικές τε καὶ 
Αἰγύπτιοι καὶ Κύπριοί τε καὶ Κίλικες κακοὶ 
ἐγένοντο, οὐδὲν πρὸς [Ἱέρσας τοῦτο προσήκει τὸ 
πάθος. ἤδη ὧν, ἐπειδὴ οὐ Πέρσαι τοι αἴτιοι ἐισί, 
ἐμοὶ πείθεο: εἴ τοι δέδοκται μὴ παραμένειν, σὺ 
uev ἐς ἤθεα τὰ σεωυτοῦ ἀπέλαυνε τῆς στρατιῆς 
ἀπάγων τὸ πολλόν, ἐμὲ δὲ σοὶ χρὴ τὴν Ελλάδα 
παρασχεῖν δεδουλωμένην, τριήκοντα μυριάδας τοῦ 
στρατοῦ ἀπολεξάμενον.᾽ 

101. Ῥαῦτα ἀκούσας Ξέρξης ὡς ἐκ κακῶν 
ἐχάρη τε καὶ ἥσθη, πρὸς Μαρδόνιόν τε BovXev- 
σάμενος ἔφη ὑποκρινέεσθαι ὁκότερον ποιήσει 
τούτων. ὡς δὲ ἐβουλεύετο ἅμα Ἱ]ερσέων τοῖσι 
ἐπικλήτοισι, ἔδοξέ οἱ καὶ Ἀρτεμισίην ἐς συμβου- 
λίην μεταπέμψασθαι, ὅτι πρότερον ἐφαίνετο 
μούνη νοέουσα τὰ ποιητέα ἦν. ὡς δὲ ἀπίκετο 
ἡ ᾿Αρτεμισίη, μεταστησάμενος τοὺς ἄλλους τούς 
τε συμβούλους Περσέων καὶ τοὺς δορυφόρους, 
ἔλεξε Ξέρξης τάδε. “Κελεύει µε Μαρδόνιος 
μένοντα αὐτοῦ πειρᾶσθαι τῆς Πελοποννήσου, 
λέγων ὥς μοι Πέρσαι τε καὶ ὁ πεζὸς στρατὸς 
οὐδενὸς μεταίτιοι πάθεος εἰσί, ἀλλὰ βουλομένοισί 
σφι γένοιτ᾽ ἂν ἀπόδεξις. ἐμὲ ὧν ἢ ταῦτα κελεύει 
ποιέειν, ἢ αὐτὸς ἐθέλει τριήκοντα μυριάδας ἀπολε- 
ξάμενος τοῦ στρατοῦ παρασχεῖν μοι τὴν IEXXd6a 
δεδουλωμένην, αὐτὸν δέ µε κελεύει ἀπελαύνειν 
σὺν τῷ λοιπῷ στρατῶ ἐς ἤθεα τὰ ἐμά. σὺ ὧν 
ἐμοί, καὶ γὰρ περὶ τῆς ναυμαχίης εὖ συνεβού- 


100 


BOOK VIII. τοο--οι 


plan. Do ποῖ, O king, make the Persians a laugh. 
ing-stock to the Greeks; for if you have suffered 
harm, it is by no fault of the Persians, nor can you 
say that we have anywhere done less than brave 
men should; and if Phocnicians and Egyptians 
and Cyprians and Cilicians have so done, it is not 
the Persians who have any part in this disaster. 
Wherefore since the Persians are nowise to blame, 
be guided by me; if you are resolved that you will 
not remain, do you march away homewards with 
the greater part of your army; but it is for me 
to enslave and deliver Hellas to you, with three 
hundred thousand of your host whom I will 
choose." 

101. When Xerxes heard that, he was as glad 
and joyful as a man in his evil case might be, 
and said to Mardonius that he would answer him 
when he had first taken counsel which of the two 
plans he would follow; and as he consulted with 
those Persians whom he summoned, he was fain 
to bid Artemisia too to the council, because 
he saw that she alone at the former sitting had 
discerned what was best to do. When Artemisia 
came, Xerxes bade all others withdraw, both Persian 
councillors and guards, and said to her: * It is Mar- 
donius' counsel that I should abide here and attack 
the Peloponnese; for the Persians, he says, and the 
land army are nowise to blame for our disaster, and 
of that they would willingly give proof. Wherefore 
it is his counsel that I should do this; else he offers 
to choose out three hundred thousand men of the 
army and deliver Hellas to me enslaved, while I 
myself by his counsel march away homeward with 
the rest of the host. Now therefore I ask of you: 


IOI 


HERODOTUS 


λευσας τῆς γενομένης ͵ οὐκ ἐῶσα ποιέεσθαι, νῦν 
τε συμβούλευσον ὁκότερα ποιέων ἐπιτύχω εὖ 
βουλευσάμενος." 

102. Ὃ μὲν ταῦτα συνεβουλεύετο, i δὲ λέγει 
τάδε. “Βασιλεῦ, χαλεπὸν μὲν ἐστὶ συμβου- 
λευομένῳ τυχεῖν τὰ -ἄριστα εἴπασαν, ἐπὶ μέντοι 
τοῖσι κατήκουσι πρήγμασι δοκέει μοι αὐτὸν μέν 
σε ἀπελαύνειν ὀπίσω, Μαρδόνιον δέ, εἰ ἐθέλει 
τε καὶ ὑποδέκεται ταῦτα ποιήσειν, αὐτοῦ kata- 
λιπεῖν σὺν τοῖσι ἐθέλει. τοῦτο μὲν γὰρ ἣν 
καταστρέψηται τὰ φησὶ θέλειν καί οἱ προχωρήσῃ 
τὰ νοέων λέγει, σὸν τὸ ἔργον ὦ δέσποτα γίνεται; 
οἱ γὰρ σοὶ δοῦλοι κατεργάσαντο. τοῦτο δὲ ἦν 
τὰ ἐναντία τῆς Μαρδονίου γνώμης γένηται, οὐδεμία 
συμφορὴ μεγάλη ἔσται σέο. τε περιεόντος καὶ 
ἐκείνων τῶν πρηγμάτων περὶ οἶκον τὸν σόν" ἦν 
γὰρ σύ τε epus καὶ οἶκος ὁ σὀς, πολλοὺς 
πολλάκις ἀγῶνας δραμέονται περὶ σφέων αὐτῶν 

| "Ελληνες. Μαρδονίου δέ, ἤν τι πάθῃ, λόγος 

οὐδεὶς γίνεται, οὐδέ τι νικῶντες οἱ "Ελληνες 
νικῶσι, δοῦλον σὸν ἀπολέσαντες: σὺ δέ, τῶν 
εἵνεκα τὸν στόλον ἐποιήσαο, πυρώσας τὰς 
᾿Αθήνας ἀπελᾷς.» 

108. “Ἠσθη τε δὴ τῇ συμβουλίῃ Ξέρξης" 
λέγουσα γὰρ ἐπετύγχανε τά περ αὐτὸς ἐνόεε. 
οὐδὲ γὰρ εὖ πάντες καὶ πᾶσαι συνεβούλευον 
αὐτῷ μένειν, ἔμενε ἂν δοκέειν ἐ ἐμοί: οὕτω καταρρω- 
δήκεε. ἐπαινέσας δὲ τὴν ᾿Αρτεμισίην, ταύτην μὲν 
ἀποστέλλει ἄγουσαν αὐτοῦ παῖδας ἐς Ἔφεσον' 
νόθοι γὰρ τινὲς παῖδές οἱ συνέσποντο. 

104. ο, δὲ τοῖσι παισὶ φύλακον Ἑρμό- 
τιμον, γένος μὲν ἐόντα Ἰηδασέα, φερόμενον δὲ 
102 


BOOK VIII. ror-104 


as you did rightly in counselling me against the 
late sea-fight, so now counsel me as to which of 
these two things I shall be best advised to do." 

102. Being thus asked for advice she replied: 
“It is difficult, O king, to answer your asking for 
advice by saying that which is best; but in the 
present turn of affairs I think it best that you 
march away back, and that Mardonius, if he wills 
and promises to do as he says, be left here with 
those whom he desires. For if he subdue all that 
he offers to subdue, and prosper in the purpose 
wherewith he speaks, the achievement, Sire, is yours; 
for it will be your servants that have wrought it. 
But if again the issue be contrary to Mardonius’ 
opinion, it is no great misfortune so long as you 
and all that household of yours be safe; for while 
you and they of your house are safe, many a time 
and oft will the Greeks have to fight for their lives. 
As for Mardonius, if aught ill befall him, it is no 
matter for that ; nor will any victory of the Greeks 
be a victory in truth, when they have but slain your 
servant; but as for you, you will be marching home 
after the burning of Athens, which thing was the 
whole purpose of your expedition." 

103. Artemisia's counsel pleased Xerxes; for it 
happened that she spoke his own purpose ; in truth 
I think that he would not have remained, though all 
men and women had counselled him so to do; so 
panic-stricken was he. Having then thanked Arte- 
misia, he sent her away to carry his sons to Ephesus ; 
for he had some bastard sons with him. 

104. With these sons he sent Hermotimus as 
guardian; this man was by birth of Pedasa, and the 


103 


HERODOTUS 


οὐ τὰ δεύτερα τῶν εὐνούχων παρὰ βασιλέι! [οἱ 
δὲ Πηδασέες οἰκέουσι ὑπὲρ ᾿Αλικαρνησσοῦ' ἐν 
δὲ τοῖσι []ηδάσοισι τουτέοισι τοιόνδε συμφέρεται 
πρῆγμα γίνεσθαι" ἐπεὰν τοῖσι ἀμφικτυόσι πᾶσι 
τοῖσι ἀμφὶ ταύτης οἰκέουσι τῆς πόλιος μέλλῃ 
τι ἐντὸς χρόνου ἔσεσθαι χαλεπόν, τότε 7) ἱερείη 
αὐτόθι τῆς ᾿Λθηναίης φύει πώγωνα μέγαν. τοῦτο 
δέ σφι δὶς ἤδη ἐγένετο. 

105. ᾿Ιὺκ τούτων δὴ τῶν Πηδασέων ὁ Ἑρμότιμος 
ἣν] τῷ μεγίστη τίσις ἤδη ἀδικηθέντι ἐγένετο 
πάντων τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν. ἁλόντα γὰρ αὐτὸν ὑπὸ 
πολεμίων καὶ πωλεόμενον ὠνέεται Πανιώνιος à ἀνὴρ 
Χῖος, ὃ ὃς τὴν Conv κατεστήσατο dT ἔργων ἀνοσιω- 
τάτων' ὅκως γὰρ κτήσαιτο παῖδας εἴδεος ἐπαμ- 
μένους, ἐκτάμνων ἀγινέων ἐπώλεε ἐς Σάρδις τε 
καὶ “Edeoov χρημάτων. μεγάλων. παρὰ γὰρ 
τοῖσι βαρβάροισι τιμιώτεροι εἰσὶ οἱ εὐνοῦχοι 
πίστιος εἵνεκα τῆς πάσης τῶν ἐνορχίων. ἄλλους 
τε δὴ ὁ Πανιώνιος ἐξέταμε πολλούς, ἅτε ποιεύ- 
μενος ἐκ τούτου τὴν Conv, καὶ δὴ καὶ τοῦτον. καὶ 
οὐ yàp τὰ πάντα ἐδυστύχεε ὁ ᾿Βρμότιμος, ἀπι- 
κνέεται ἐκ τῶν Σαρδίων παρὰ βασιλέα μετ᾽ 
ἄλλων δώρων, χρόνου δὲ προϊόντος πάντων τῶν 
εὐνούχων ἐτιμήθη μάλιστα παρὰ Ξέρξη. 

106. Ὡς δὲ τὸ στράτευμα τὸ πο αν ὅρμα 
Βασιλεὺς ἐπὶ τὰς ᾿Αθήνας € ἐὼν. ἐν Σάρδισι, ἐνθαῦτα 
καταβὰς κατὰ δή τι πρῆγμα ὁ Ἑρμότιμος ἐς γῆν 
τὴν | Μυσίην, τὴν l Aot μὲν νέμονται ᾿Αταρνεὺς δὲ 
καλέεται, εὑρίσκει τὸν Πανιώνιον ἐνθαῦτα. ἐπι- 
γνοὺς δὲ ἔλεγε πρὸς αὐτὸν πολλοὺς καὶ φιλίους 
λόγους, πρῶτα μέν οἱ καταλέγων ὅσα αὐτὸς bv 
ἐκεῖνον ἔχοι ἀγαθά, δεύτερα δέ οἱ ὑπισχνεύμενος 
104 


BOOK VIII. 104-106 


most honoured by Xerxes of all his eunuchs. The 
people of Pedasa dwell above Halicarnassus. This 
happens among these people: when aught untoward 
is about to befall within a certain time all those 
that dwell about their citv, the priestess of Athene 
then grows a great beard. This had already happened 
to them twice. 

105. Hermotimus, who came from this place 
Pedasa, had achieved a fuller vengeance for wrong 
done to him than had any man within my knowledge. 
Being taken captive by enemies and exposed for 
sale, he was bought by one Panionius of Chios, a 
man that had set himself to earn a livelihood out of 
most wicked practices; he would procure beautiful 
boys and castrate and take them to Sardis and 
Ephesus, where he sold them for a great price ; for 
the foreigners value eunuchs more than perfect men, 
by reason of the full trust that they have in them. 
Now among the many whom Panionius had castrated 
in the way of trade was Hermotimus, who was not in 
all things unfortunate; for he was brought from 
Sardis among other gifts to the king, and as time 
went on he stood higher in Xerxes' favour than any 
other eunuch. 

106. Now while the king was at Sardis and there 
preparing to lead his Persian armament against 
Athens, Hermotimus came for some business that he 
had in hand down to the part of Mysia which is 
inhabited by Chians and called Atarneus, and there 
he found Panionius. Perceiving who he was, he 
held long and friendly converse with him; “it is 
to you," he said, *that I owe all this prosperity of 


! The words in brackets are probably an interpolation, 
from i. 175, where they oceur more appropriately. 


105 


HERODOTUS 


ἀντὶ τούτων ὅσα μιν ἀγαθὰ ποιήσει ἦν κομίσας 
τοὺς οἰκέτας οἰκέη ἐκείνῃ, ὥστε ὑποδεξάμενον 
ἄσμενον τοὺς λόγους τὸν Πανιώνιον κομίσαι τὰ 
τέκνα καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα. ὡς δὲ ἄρα πανοικίῃ μιν 
περιέλαβε, ἔλεγε ὁ “Ἑρμότιμος τάδε. τ Ὢ πάντων 
ἀνδρῶν ἤδη μάλιστα ἀπ᾽ ἔργων ἀνοσιωτάτων τὸν 
βίον κτησάμενε, τί σε ἐγὼ κακὸν ἢ αὐτὸς ἢ τῶν 
ἐμῶν τίς σε προγόνων ἐργάσατο, 7) σὲ ὴ τῶν. σῶν 
τινα, ὅτι µε ἀντ᾽ ἀνδρὸς € ἐποίησας τὸ μηδὲν εἶναι ; ; 
ἐδόκεές τε θεοὺς λήσειν οἷα ἐμηχανῶ͵ τότε' οἵ σε 
πουήσαντα ἀνόσια, νόμῳ δικαίῳ χρεώμενοι, μας 
γαγον ἐς χεῖρας τὰς ἐμάς, ὥστε σε μὴ μέμψασθ αι 
τὴν ἀπ᾽ ἐμέο τοι ἐσομένην δίκην." ὡς δέ οἱ 
ταῦτα ὠνείδισε, ἀχθέντων τῶν παίδων ἐς ὄψιν 
ἠναγκάξετο ὁ Πανιώνιος τῶν ἑωυτοῦ παίδων 
τεσσέρων ἐόντων τὰ αἰδοῖα ἀποτάμνειν, ἀναγκα- 
ζόμενος δὲ ἐποίεε ταῦτα" αὐτοῦ τε, ὡς ταῦτα 
ἐργάσατο, οἱ παῖδες ἀναγκαζόμενοι ἀπέταμνον. 
Πανιώνιον μέν νυν οὕτω περιῆλθε Ñ τε τίσις καὶ 
Ἑρμότιμος. 

107. Ξέρξης δὲ ὡς τοὺς παῖδας ἐπέτρεψε 
᾿Αρτεμισίῃ ἀπάγειν ἐς Ἔφεσον, καλέσας Μαρδό- 
νιον ἐκέλευσέ μιν τῆς στρατιῆς διαλέγειν τοὺς 
Βούλεται, καὶ ποιέειν τοῖσι λόγοισι τὰ ἔργα 
πειρώμενον ὅμοια. ταύτην μὲν τὴν ἡμέρην ἐς 
τοσοῦτο ἐγίνετο, τῆς δὲ νυκτὸς κελεύσαντος 
βασιλέος, τὰς νέας οἱ στρατηγοὶ ἐκ τοῦ Φαλήρου 
ἀπῆγον ὀπίσω ἐς τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον ὡς τάχεος 
εἶχε ἕκαστος, διαφυλαξούσας τὰς σχεδίας πορευ- 
θῆναι βασιλέι. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀγχοῦ ἦσαν Ζωστῆρος 
πλέοντες οἱ βάρβαροι, ἀνατείνουσι γὰρ ἄκραι 


τού 


BOOK VIII. 106-107 


mine; now if you will bring your household and 
dwell here, I will make you prosperous in return,"— 
promising this and that; Panionius accepted his 
offer gladly, and brought his children and his wife. 
But Hermotimus, having got the man and all his 
household in his power, said to him: ‘Tell me, 
you that have made a livelihood out of the wickedest 
trade on earth! what harm had I or any of my fore- 
fathers done to you, to you or yours, that you made 
me to be no man, but a thing of nought? ay, you 
thought that the gods would have no knowledge of 
your devices of old; but their just law has brought 
you for your wicked deeds into my hands, and now 
you shall be well content with the fulness of that 
justice which I will execute upon you." With these 
words of reproach, he brought Panionius' sons before 
him and compelled him to castrate all four of them, 
his own children; this Panionius was compelled to 
do; which done, the sons were compelled to castrate 
their father in turn. Thus was Panionius overtaken 
by vengeance and by Hermotimus. 

107. Having given his sons to Artemisia’s charge 
to be carried to Ephesus, Xerxes called Mardonius 
to him and bade him choose out whom he would 
from the army, and make his words good so far as 
endeavour availed. For that day matters went thus 
far; in the night, the admirals by the king's com- 
mand put out to sea from Phalerum and made for 
the Hellespont again with all speed, to guard the 
bridges for the king's passage. When the foreigners 
came near to the “Girdle”! in their course, they 
thought that certain little headlands, which here jut 


! A promontory on the west coast of Attica, between 
Piraeus and Sunium, 


107 


HERODOTUS 


λεπταὶ τῆς ἠπείρου ταύτης, ἔδοξάν τε νέας εἶναι 
καὶ ἔφευγον ἐπὶ πολλόν" χρόνῳ δὲ μαθόντες ὅτι 
οὐ νέες εἶεν ἀλλ. ἄκραι, συλλεχθέντες ἐκομίξοντο. 

105. Ὡς δὲ ἡμέρη ἐγίνετο, ὁρῶντες οἱ "[ὕλληνες 
κατὰ χώρην μένοντα τὸν στρατὸν τὸν πεζὸν 
ἤλπιζον καὶ τὰς νέας εἶναι περὶ, ΦῬάληρον, ἐδόκεόν 
τε ναυμαχήσειν σφέας παραρτέοντό τε ὡς ἀλεξη- 
σόμενοι. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐπύθοντο τὰς νέας οἰχωκυίας, 
αὐτίκα μετὰ ταῦτα ἐδόκεε ἐπιδιώκειν. τὸν μέν 
νυν ναυτικὸν τὸν Ἐέρξεω στρατὸν οὐκ ἐπεῖδον 
διώξαντες μέχρι "Άνδρου, ἐς δὲ τὴν "Ἄνδρον art- 
κόμενοι ἐβουλεύοντο. (Θεμιστοκλέης μέν νυν 
γνώμην ἀπεδείκνυτο διὰ νήσων τραποµένους καὶ 
ἐπιδιώξαντας τὰς νέας πλέειν ἰθέως ἐπὶ τὸν 
Ἑλλήσποντον λύσοντας τὰς γεφύρας" Eùpv- 
βιάδης δὲ τὴν ἐναντίην ταύτη γνώμην ἐτίθετο, 
λέγων ὡς εἰ λύσουσι τὰς σχεδίας, τοῦτ' ἂν μέγι- 
στον πάντων σφι κακῶν τὴν Ἑλλάδα ἐργάσαιτο. 
εἰ γὰρ ἀναγκασθείη ὁ Πέρσης. μένειν ἐν τῇ 
Εὐρώπῃ, πειρῷτο. ἂν ἡσυχίην μὴ ἄγειν, ὡς ἄγοντι 
μέν οἱ ἡσυχίην οὔτε τι προχωρέειν οἷόν τε ἔσται 
τῶν πρηγμάτων οὔτε τι κομιδὴ, τὰ ὀπίσω da- 
νήσεται, λιμῷ τέ οἱ ἡ .στρατιὴ διαφθερέεται, 
ἐπιχειρέοντι δὲ αὐτῷ καὶ ἔργου ἐχομένῳ πάντα 
τὰ κατὰ τὴν Εὐρώπην οἷά τε ἔσται προσχωρῆσαι 
κατὰ πόλις τε καὶ κατὰ ἔθνεα, } ἤτοι ἁλισκομένων 
γε ἢ πρὸ τούτου ὁμολογεόντων: τροφήν τε ἕξειν 
σφέας τὸν ἐπέτειον αἰεὶ τὸν τῶν Ἑλλήνων kap- 
TOV. ἀλλὰ δοκέειν yàp νικηθέντα τῇ ναυμαχίῃ 
οὗ μενέειν ἐν τῇ Εὐρώπῃ τὸν Πέρσην. ἑατέον ὧν 
εἶναι φεύγειν, ἐς ὃ ἔλθοι φεύγων ἐς τὴν ἑωυτοῦ" 
τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ περὶ τῆς ἐκείνου ποιέεσθαι ἤδη τὸν 
108 


BOOK VIII. 107-108 


out from the mainland, were ships, and they fled for 
a long way ; but learning at last that they were no 
ships but headlands they drew together and went 
on their way. 

108. When it was day, the Greeks saw the land 
army abiding where it had been and supposed the 
ships also to be at Phalerum; and thinking that 
there would be a sea-fight they prepared to defend 
themselves. But when they learnt that the ships 
were gone, they straightway resolved on pursuit; so 
they pursued Xerxes' fleet as far as Andros, but had 
no sight of it; and when they came to Andros they 
held a council there. Themistocles declared his 
opinion that they should hold their course through 
the islands, and having pursued after the ships 
should sail forthwith to the Hellespont to break the 
bridges; but Eurybiades offered a contrary opinion, 
saying that to break the bridges would be the 
greatest harm that they could do to Hellas. “ For," 
said he, “if the Persian be cut off and compelled to 
remain in Europe, he will essay not to be inactive, 
seeing that if he be inactive neither can his cause 
prosper nor can he find any way of return home, but 
his army will perish of hunger; but if he be ad- 
venturous and busy, it may well be that every town 
and nation in Europe may join itself to him severally, 
by conquest or ere that by compact; and he will live 
on whatsoever yearly fruits of the earth Hellas 
produces. But,as I think that the Persian will not 
remain in Europe after his defeat in the sea-fight, 
let us suffer bim to flee, till he come in his flight to 
his own country; and thereafter let it be that 
country and not ours that is at stake in the war." 


109 


HERODOTUS 


ἀγῶνα ἐκέλευε. ταύτης δὲ εἴχοντο τῆς γνώμης 
καὶ Πελοποννησίων τῶν ἄλλων οὗ στρατηγοί. 

109. Ὡς δὲ ἔμαθε ὅτι οὐ πείσει τούς γε πολλοὺς 
πλέειν ἐς τὸν ᾿Ελλήσποντον ὁ Θεμιστοκλέης, 
μεταβαλὼν πρὸς τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους (οὗτοι γὰρ 
μάλιστα ἐκπεφευγότων περιημέκτεον, ὁρμέατό τε 
ἐς τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον πλέειν καὶ ἐπὶ σφέων αὐτῶν 
βαλόμενοι, εἰ οἱ ἄλλοι μὴ βουλοίατο) ἔλεγέ σφι 
τάδε, “ Καὶ αὐτὸς ἤδη πολλοῖσι παρεγενόμην 
καὶ πολλῷ πλέω ἀκήκοα τοιάδε γενέσθαι, ἄνδρας 
ἐς ἀναγκαίην. ἀπειληθέντας νενικημένους ἀναμά- 
χεσθαί τε καὶ ἀναλαμβάνειν τὴν προτέρην κακό- 
τητα. ἡμεῖς δέ, εὕρημα γὰρ εὑρήκαμεν ἡμέας τε 
αὐτοὺς καὶ τὴν “Ελλάδα, νέφος τοσοῦτο ἀνθρώπων 
ἀνωσάμενοι, μὴ διώκωμεν ἄνδρας φεύγοντας. τάδε 
γὰρ οὐκ ἡμεῖς κατεργασάμεθα, ἀλλὰ θεοί τε καὶ 
ἥρωες, οἳ ἐφθόνησαν ἄνδρα ἕνα τῆς τε ᾿Ασίης καὶ 
τῆς Εὐρώπης. βασιλεῦσαι ἐόντα ἀνόσιόν τε καὶ 
ἀτάσθαλον" ὃς τά τε ipa καὶ τὰ ἴδια ἐν ὁμοίῳ 
ἐποιέετο, ἐμπιπράς τε καὶ καταβάλλων τῶν θεῶν 
τὰ ἀγάλματα: ὃς καὶ τὴν θάλασσαν ἀπεμα- 
στίγωσε πέδας τε κατῆκε. ἀλλ᾽ εὖ γὰρ ἔχει ἐς 
τὸ παρεὸν ἡμῖν, νῦν μὲν ἐν τῇ Ελλάδι καταμεί- 
ναντας ἡμέων τε αὐτῶν ἐπιμεληθῆναι καὶ τῶν 
οὐκετέων, καί τις οἰκίην τε ἀναπλασάσθω καὶ 
σπόρου ἀνακῶς ἐχέτω, παντελέως ἀπελάσας τὸν 
βάρβαρον' apa δὲ τῷ ἔαρι καταπλέωμεν ἐπὶ 
Ἑλλησπόντου καὶ ᾿Ιωνίης.᾽ ταῦτα ἔλεγε ἀπο- 
θήκην μέλλων ποιήσασθαι ἐς τὸν Πέρσην, ἵνα 
7v apa τί μιν καταλαμβάνῃ πρὸς ᾿Αθηναίων 
πάθος ἔχῃ ἀποστροφήν' τά περ ὧν καὶ ἐγένετο. 

110. Θεμιστοκλέης μὲν ταῦτα λέγων διέβαλλε, 
IIO 


BOOK VIII. 108-110 


With that opinion the rest of the Peloponnesian 
admirals also agreed. 

109. When Themistocles perceived that he could 
not persuade the greater part of them to sail to the 
Hellespont, he turned to the Athenians (for they 
were the angriest at the Persians' escape, and they 
were minded to sail to the Hellespont even by 
themselves, if the rest would not) and thus addressed 
them: “This 1 have often seen with my eyes, and 
much oftener heard, that beaten men when they be 
driven to bay will rally and retrieve their former 
mishap. Wherefore I say to you,—as it is to a 
fortunate chance that we owe ourselves and Hellas, 
and have driven away so mighty a cloud of encmies, 
let us not pursue after men that flee. For it is not 
we that have won this victory, but the gods and the 
heroes, who deemed Asia and Europe too great a 
realm for one man to rule, and that a wicked man 
and an impious; one that dealt alike with temples 
and homes, and burnt and overthrew the images ot 
the gods,—yea, that scourged the sea and threw 
fetters thereinto. But as it is well with us for the 
nonce, let us abide now in Hellas and take thought 
for ourselves and our households; let us build our 
houses again and be diligent in sowing, when we have 
driven the foreigner wholly away; and when the 
next spring comes let us set sail for the Hellespont 
and lonia." This he said with intent to put some- 
what to his credit with the Persian, so that he 
might have a place of refuge if ever (as might 
chance) he should suffer aught at the hands of the 
Athenians; and indeed it did so happen. 

110. Thus spoke Themistocles with intent to 


III 


HERODOTUS 


᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ ἐπείθοντο"' ἐπειδὴ γὰρ καὶ πρότερον 
δεδογμένος εἶναι σοφὸς ἐφάνη ἐὼν ἀληθέως σοφός 
τε καὶ εὔβουλος, πάντως ἕτοιμοι ἦσαν λέγοντι 
πείθεσθαι. ὡς δὲ οὗτοί οἱ ἀνεγνωσμένοι ἦσαν, 
αὐτίκα μετὰ ταῦτα ὁ Θεμιστοκλέης ἄνδρας. ἀπέ- 
πέμπε ἔχοντας πλοῖον, τοῖσι ἐπίστευε σιγᾶν ἐς 
πᾶσαν βάσανον ἀπικνεομένοισι τὰ αὐτὸς ἐνετεί- 
λατο βασιλέι φράσαι' τῶν καὶ Σίκιννος 0 οἰκέτης 
αὗτις ἐγένετο" οἳ ἐπείτε ἀπίκοντο πρὸς τὴν ᾿Αττι- 
κήν, οἳ μὲν κατέμενον ἐπὶ τῷ πλοίῳ, Σίκιννος δὲ 
ἀναβὰς παρὰ Ξέρξην ἔλεγε τάδε. “ Ἔπεμψέ με 
Θεμιστοκλέης ὁ Νεοκλέος, στρατηγὸς μὲν ᾿Αθη- 
ναίων ἀνὴρ δὲ τῶν συμμάχων. πάντων ἄριστος 
καὶ σοφώτατος, φράσοντά τοι ὅτι Θεμιστοκλέης 
ὁ ᾿Αθηναῖος, σοὶ βουλόμενος ὑπουργέειν, ἔσχε 
τοὺς “[ζλληνας τὰς νέας βουλομένους διώκειν καὶ 
τὰς ἐν Ἑλλησπόντω γεφύρας λύειν. καὶ νῦν 
κατ᾽ ἡσυχίην πολλὴν κομίξεο.᾽ οἳ μὲν ταῦτα 
σημήναντες ἀπέπλεον ὀπίσω. 

ΠΠ. δὲ "Έλληνες, € ἐπείτε σφι ἀπέδοξε μήτ᾽ 
ἐπιδιώκειν ἔτι προσωτέρω τῶν βαρβάρων τὰς 
νέας μήτε πλέειν ἐς τὸν Ἠλλήσποντον λύσοντας 
τὸν πόρον, τὴν Ἄνδρον περικατέατο ἐξελεῖν ebé- 
λοντες. πρῶτοι γὰρ "Άνδριοι, νησιωτέων αἰτη- 
θέντες πρὸς Θεμιστοκλέος χρήματα οὐκ ἔδοσαν, 
ἀλλὰ προϊσχομένου Θεμιστοκλέος λόγον τόνδε, 
ὡς ἥκοιεν ᾿Αθηναῖοι περὶ ἑωυτοὺς ἔχοντες δύο 
θεοὺς μεγάλους, πειθώ τε καὶ ἀναγκαίην, οὕτω 
τέ σφι κάρτα δοτέα εἶναι χρήματα, ὑπεκρίναντο 
πρὸς ταῦτα λέγοντες ὡς κατὰ λόγον ἦσαν ἄρα 
αἱ ᾿Αθῆναι μεγάλαι τε καὶ εὐδαίμονες, αἳ καὶ 
θεῶν χρηστῶν ἥκοιεν εὖ, ἐπεὶ ᾿Ανδρίους γε εἶναι 


112 


BOOK VIII. r1o-r11 


deceive, and the Athenians obeyed him ; for since he 
had ever been esteemed wise and now had shown 
himself to be both wise and prudent, they were 
ready to obey whatsoever he said. Having won 
them over, Themistocles straightway sent men 
in a boat whom he could trust not to reveal under 
any question whatsoever the message which he 
charged them to deliver to the king; of whom one 
was again his servant Sicinnus. When these men 
came to Attica, the rest abode with the boat, and 
Sicinnus went up to Xerxes; * Themistocles son of 
Neocles," he said, * who is the Athenian general, 
and of all the allies the worthiest and wisest, has 
sent me to tell you this: Themistocles the Athenian 
has out of his desire to do you a service stayed the 
Greeks when they would pursue your ships and 
break the bridges of the Hellespont; and now he 
bids you go your way, none hindering you." With 
that message, the men returned in their boat. 

111. But the Greeks, now that they were no longer 
minded to pursue the foreigners' ships farther or sail 
to the Hellespont and break the way of passage, 
beleaguered Andros that they might take it. For 
the men of that place, the first islanders of whom 
Themistocles demanded money, would not give it; 
but when Themistocles gave them to understand 
that the Athenians had come with two great gods to 
aid them, even Persuasion and Necessity, and that 
therefore the Andrians must assuredly give money, 
they answered and said, “It is then but reasonable 
that Athens is great and prosperous, being blest with 
serviceable gods; as for us Andrians, we are but 


ΤΙ; 


HERODOTUS 


γεωπείνας ἐς τὰ μέγιστα ἀνήκοντας, καὶ θεοὺς 
δύο ἀχρήστους οὐκ ἐκλείπειν σφέων τὴν νῆσον 
ἀλλ) αἰεὶ φιλοχωρέειν, πενίην τε καὶ ἀμηχανίην, 
καὶ τούτων τῶν θεῶν ἐπηβόλους ἐ ἐόντας ᾿Ανδρίους 
οὐ δώσειν χρήματα" οὐδέκοτε γὰρ τῆς ἑωυτῶν 
ἀδυναμίης τὴν ᾿Αθηναίων δύναμιν εἶναι κρέσσω. 

112. Οὗτοι μὲν δὴ ταῦτα ὑποκρινάμενοι καὶ 
οὐ δόντες τὰ χρήματα ἐπολιορκέοντο. Θεμιστο- 
κλέης δέ, οὐ yap ἐπαύετο πλεονεκτέων, ἐσπέμπων 
ἐς τὰς ἄλλας νήσους ἀπειλητηρίους λόγους αἴτεε 
χρήματα διὰ τῶν αὐτῶν ἀγγέλων, χρεώμενος 
τοῖσι καὶ πρὸς βασιλέα ἐχρήσατο, λέγων ὡς εὖ 
μὴ δώσουσι τὸ αἱτεόμενον, ἐπάξει τὴν στρατιὴν 
τῶν Ἑλλήνων καὶ πολιορκέων ἐξαιρήσει. λέγων 
ταῦτα ᾿συνέλεγε χρήματα μεγάλα παρὰ Καρυστίων 
τε καὶ Παρίων, ot πυνθανόµενοι τήν τε Ἄνδρον 
ὡς πολιορκέοιτο διότι ἐμήδισε, καὶ Θεμιστοκλέα 
ὡς εἴη ἐν αἴνῃ μεγίστῃ τῶν στρατηγῶν, δείσαντες 
ταῦτα ἔπεμπον χρήματα. εἰ δὲ δὴ τινὲς καὶ 
ἄλλοι ἔδοσαν νησιωτέων, οὐκ ἔχω εὐπεῖν, δοκέω 
δὲ τινὰς καὶ ἄλλους δοῦναι καὶ ov τούτους μούνους. 
καίτοι Ιζαρυστίοισί γε οὐδὲν τούτου εἵνεκα τοῦ 
κακοῦ ὑπερβολὴ ἐγένετο' Πάριοι δὲ Θεμιστοκλέα 
χρήµασι ἱλασάμενοι διέφυγον τὸ στράτευμα. 
Θεμιστοκλέης μέν νυν ἐξ "Άνδρου ὁρμώμενος 
χρήματα παρὰ νησιωτέων ἐκτᾶτο λάθρῃ τῶν 
ἄλλων στρατηγῶν. 

115. Οἱ ὃ ἀμφὶ Ξέρξην ἐπισχόντες ὀλίγας 
ἡμέρας μετὰ τὴν ναυμαχίην ἐξήλαυνον ἐς Βοιωτοὺς 
τὴν αὐτὴν ὁδόν. ἔδοξε. γὰρ Μαρδονίῳ ἅμα μὲν 
προπέμψαι βασιλέα, ἅμα δὲ ἀνωρίη εἶναι τοῦ 
ἔτεος πολεμέειν, χειμερίσαι τε ἄμεινον εἶναι ἐν 


114 


BOOK VIII. 111-113 


blest with a plentiful lack of land, and we have two 
unserviceable gods who never quit our island but are 
ever fain to dwell there, even Poverty and Im- 
potence; being possessed of these gods, we of 
Andros will give no money ; for the power of Athens 
can never be stronger than our inability." 

112. So for thus answering and refusing to give 
they were besieged. There was no end to Themis- 
tocles' avarice ; using the same agents whom he had 
used with the king, he sent threatening messages 
to the other islands, demanding money, and saying 
that if they would not give what he asked he would 
bring the Greek armada upon them and besiege and 
take their islands. Thereby he collected great sums 
from the Carystians and Parians; for these were 
informed that Andros was besieged for taking the 
Persian part, and that Themistocles was of all the 
generals the most esteemed; which so affrighted 
them that they sent money; and I suppose that 
there were other islanders too that gave, and not 
these alone, but I cannot with certainty say. Never- 
theless the Carystians got thereby no respite from 
misfortune ; but the Parians propitiated Themistocles 
with money and so escaped the armament. So 
Themistocles issued out from Andros and took 
monies from the islanders, unknown to the other 
generals. 

113. They that were with Xerxes waited for a 
few days after the sea-fight and then marched 
away to Boeotia by the road whereby they had 
come ; for Mardonius was minded to give the king 
safe conduct, and deemed the time of year un- 
seasonable for war; it was better, he thought, to 


IIS 


HERODOTUS 


Θεσσαλίῃ, καὶ ἔπειτα ἅμα τῷ ἔαρι πειρᾶσθαι 
τῆς Πελοποννήσου. ὡς δὲ ἀπίκατο és τὴν Ώεσσα- 
λίην, ἐνθαῦτα Μαρδόνιος ἐξελέγετο πρώτους μὲν 
τοὺς Πέρσας πάντας τοὺς ἀθανάτους καλεομένους, 
πλ.ὴν Ὑδάρνεος τοῦ στρατηγοῦ (οὗτος γὰρ οὐκ 
ἔφη λείψεσθαι βασιλέος), μετὰ δὲ τῶν ἄλλων 
Περσέων τοὺς θωρηκοφόρους καὶ τὴν ἵππον τὴν 
χιλίην, καὶ Μήδους τε καὶ Σάκας καὶ Βακτρίους 
τε καὶ Ινδούς, καὶ τὸν πεζὸν καὶ τὴν ἄλλην 
ἵππον. ταῦτα μὲν ἔθνεα ὅλα εἶλετο, ἐκ δὲ τῶν 
ἄλλων συμμάχων ἐξελέγετο. κατ᾽ ὀλίγους, τοῖσι 
εἴδεά τε ὑπῆρχε διαλέγων καὶ εἰ τεοῖσι τι χρηστὸν 
συνῇδεε πεποιημένον: ἓν δὲ πλεῖστον ἔθνος Πέρσας 
αἱρέετο, ἄνδρας στρεπτοφόρους τε καὶ ψελιοφό- 
ρους, ἐπὶ δὲ Movs οὗτοι δὲ TO πλῆθος n οὐκ 
ἐλάσσονες ἦσαν τῶν Περσέων, ῥώμῃ δὲ ἥσσονες. 
ὥστε σύμπαντας τριήκοντα μυριάδας γενέσθαι 
σὺν ἱππεῦσι. 

114. Ἔν δὲ τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ, ἐν τῷ Μαρδόνιός 
τε τὴν στρατιὴν διέκρινε καὶ E ép£ns ἦν περὶ 
Θεσσαλίην, χρηστήριον ἐληλύθεε ἐκ Δελφῶν 
Λακεδαιμονίοισι, Ἐέρξην αἰτέειν δίκας τοῦ Λεων- 
ίδεω φόνου καὶ τὸ διδόµενον ἐξ ἐκείνου δέκεσθαι. 
πέμπουσι δὴ κήρυκα τὴν ταχίστην Σπαρτιῆται, 
ὃς ἐπειδὴ κατέλαβε ἐοῦσαν ἔτι πᾶσαν THY oT pa- 
τιὴν ἐν Θεσσαλίῃ, ἐλθὼν ἐς ὄψιν τὴν Ξέρξεω 
ἔλεγε τάδε. pu βασιλεῦ Me», Λακεδαιμόνιοί 
τέ σε καὶ Ἡρακλεῖδαι οἱ ἀπὸ Σπάρτης αἰτέουσι 
φόνου δίκας, ὅτι σφέων τὸν βασιλέα ἀπέκτεινας 
ῥυόμενον τὴν “Ελλάδα. ὃ δὲ γελάσας τε καὶ 
κατασχὼν πολλὸν χρόνον, ὥς οἱ ἐτύγχανε παρε- 
116 


BOOK VIII. 113-114 


winter in Thessaly, and then attack the Peloponnese 
in the spring. When they were arrived in Thessaly, 
Mardonius there chose out first all the Persians 
called Immortals, save only Hydarnes their general, 
who said that he would not quit the king’s person ; 
and next, the Persian cuirassiers, and the thousand 
horse,! and the Medes and Sacae and Bactrians and 
Indians, alike their footmen and the rest of the 
horsemen. He chose these nations entire; of the 
rest of his allies he picked out a few from each 
people, the goodliest men and those that he knew 
to have done some good service; but the Persians 
that he chose (men that wore torques and bracelets)? 
were more in number than those of any other nation, 
and next to them the Medes; these indeed were as 
many as the Persians, but not so stout fighters. 
Thereby the whole number, with the horsemen, 
grew to three hundred thousand men. 

114. Now while Mardonius was making choice of 
his army and Xerxes was in Thessaly, there came an 
oracle from Delphi to the Lacedaemonians, that they 
should demand justice of Xerxes for the slaying of 
Leonidas, and take what answer he should give 
them. The Spartans then sent a herald with all 
speed; who finding the army yet undivided in 
Thessaly, came into Xerxes’ presence and thus 
spoke: * The Lacedaemonians and the Heraclidae 
of Sparta demand of you, king of the Medes! that 
you pay the penalty for the death of their king, 
whom you slew while he defended Hellas." At 
that Xerxes laughed ; and after a long while he 


! Two regiments of a thousand horse are mentioned in 
vii. 40 and 55 3 cp. vi. 83. 
117 


HERODOTUS 


a reos Μαρδόνιος, δεικνὺς ἐς τοῦτον εἶπε “ Τοιγὰρ 
σφι Μαρδόνιος ὅδε δίκας δώσει τοιαύτας olas 
ἐκείνοισι πρέπει. 

115. Ὃ μὲν δὴ δεξάμενος τὸ ῥηθὲν ἀπαλλάσ- 
σετο, Ξέρξης δὲ Μαρδόνιον ἐν Θεσσαλίῃ κατα- 
λιπὼν αὐτὸς ἐπορεύετο κατὰ τάχος ἐς τὸν 
ane ahaha: καὶ ἀπικνέεται ἐς τὸν πόρον τῆς 
δια βάσιος ἐν πέντε καὶ τεσσεράκοντα. ἡμέρῃσι, 
ἀπάγων τῆς στρατιῆς οὐδὲν μέρος ὡς εἰπεῖν. 
ὅκου δὲ πορευόμενοι γινοίατο καὶ κατ᾿ οὕστινας 
ἀνθρώπους, τὸν τούτων καρπὸν. .ἁρπάξοντες ἐσι- 
τέοντο" εὖ δὲ καρπὸν μηδένα εὕροιεν, οἳ δὲ τὴν 
ποίην τὴν ἐκ τῆς γῆς ἀναφυομένην καὶ τῶν 
δενδρέων τὸν φλοιὸν περιλέποντες καὶ τὰ φύλλα 
καταδρέποντες κατήσθιον, ὁμοίως τῶν τε ἡμέρων 
καὶ τῶν ἀγρίων, καὶ ἔλειπον οὐδέν: ταῦτα 
ἐποίεον ὑπὸ λιμοῦ. ἐπιλαβὼν δὲ λοιμός τε τὸν 
στρατὸν καὶ δυσεντερίη κατ᾽ ὁδὸν ἔφθειρε. τοὺς 
δὲ καὶ νοσέοντας αὐτῶν κατέλειπε, ἐπιτάσσων 
τῇσι πόλισι, ἵνα ἑκάστοτε γίνοιτο ἐλαύνων, μελε- 
δαίνειν τε καὶ τρέφειν, ἐν Θεσσαλίῃ τε τινὰς καὶ 
ἐν Σίρι τῆς Παιονίης καὶ ἐν Μακεδονίῃ. ἔνθα 
καὶ τὸ (ρὸν ἅρμα καταλιπὼν τοῦ Διός, ὅτε ἐπὶ 
τὴν “Ελλάδα ἤλαυνε, ἀπιὼν οὐκ ἀπέλαβε, ἀλλὰ 
δόντες οἱ [Παίονες τοῖσι Θρήιξι ἀπαιτέοντος 
Ξέρξεω ἔφασαν νεμομένας ἁρπασθῆναι ὑπὸ τῶν 
ἄνω Θρηίκων τῶν περὶ τὰς πηγὰς τοῦ Στρυμόνος 
οἰκημένων. 

116. “Ev@a καὶ ὁ τῶν Βισαλτέων βασιλεὺς γῆς 
τε τῆς Ἐρηστωνικῆς Θρῆιξ ἔργον προς ἐργά- 
σατο' ὃς οὔτε αὐτὸς ἔφη τῷ Ξέρξῃ ἑκὼν εἶναι 
δουλεύσειν, ἀλλ᾽ οἴχετο ἄνω ἐς τὸ ὄρος τὴν 
118 


BOOK VIII. 114-116 


pointed to Mardonius, who chanced to be standing 
by him, and said, “Then here is Mardonius, who 
shall pay those you speak of such penalty as befits 
them." 

115. So the herald took that utterance and de- 
parted ; but Xerxes left Mardonius in Thessaly, and 
himself journeying with all speed to the Hellespont 
came in forty-five days to the passage for crossing, 
bringing back with him as good as none (if one may 
so say) of his host. Whithersoever and to whatso- 
ever people they came, they seized and devoured its 
produce ; and if they found none, they would take for 
their eating the grass of the field, and strip the bark 
and pluck the leaves of the trees, garden and wild 
alike, leaving nothing; so starved they were for 
hunger. Moreover a pestilence and a dysentery 
broke out among them on their way, whereby 
they died. Some that were sick Xerxes left be- 
hind, charging the cities whither he came in his 
march to care for them and nourish them, some in 
Thessaly and some in Siris of Paeonia and in Mace- 
donia; in Siris he had left the sacred chariot of 
Zeus when he was marching to Hellas, but in his 
return he received it not again ; for the Paeonians 
had given it to the Thracians, and when Xerxes 
demanded it back they said that the horses had 
been carried off from pasture by the Thracians of 
the hills who dwelt about the headwaters of the 
Strymon. 

116. It was then that a monstrous deed was done 
by the Thracian king of the Bisaltae and the Cres- 
tonian country. He had refused to be of his own 
free will Xerxes slave, and fled away to the 


119 


HERODOTUS 


Ῥοδόπην, τοῖσί τε παισὶ ἀπηγόρευε μὴ στρα- 
τεύεσθαι ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα. οἳ δὲ ἀλογήσαντες, 
ἢ ἄλλως σφι θυμὸς ἐγένετο θεήσασθαι τὸν πόλε- 
μον, ἐστρατεύοντο ἅμα τῷ ΠἩέρσῃ. ἐπεὶ δὲ 
ἀνεχώρησαν ἀσινέες πάντες ἓξ ἐόντες, ἐξώρυξε 
αὐτῶν ὁ πατὴρ τοὺς ὀφθαλμοὺς διὰ τὴν αἰτίην 
ταύτην. 

uu Ka! οὗτοι μὲν τοῦτον τὸν μισθὸν ἔλαβον, 

E Πέρσαι ὡς ἐκ τῆς Θρηίκης πορευόμενοι 
ἀπίκοντο ἐπὶ τὸν πόρον, ἐπειγόμενοι τὸν Ἑλλη- 
σποντον That νηυσὶ διέβησαν ἐς ᾿Αβνυδον' τὰς 
γὰρ σχεδίας οὐκ εὗρον ἔτι ἐντεταμένας ἀλλ᾽ ὑπὸ 
χειμῶνος διαλελυμένας. ἐνθαῦτα δὲ κατεχόμενοι 
σιτία τε πλέω ἢ KAT ὁδὸν ἐλάγχανον, καὶ οὐδένα 
τε κόσμον ἐμπιπλάμενοι καὶ ὕδατα μεταβάλλοντες 
ἀπέθνησκον τοῦ στρατοῦ τοῦ περιεόντος πολλού. 
οἱ δὲ λοιποὶ ἅμα Ξέρξη ἀπικνέονται ἐς Σάρδις. 

118. "Eor: δὲ καὶ ἄλλος ὅδε λόγος Ἀεγόμενος, 
ὡς ἐπειδὴ Ξέρξης ἀπελαύνων e£ Δθηνέων à ἀπίκετο 
em ᾿Ηιόνα τὴν ἐπὶ Στρυμόνι, ἐνθεῦτεν οὐκέτι 
ὁδοιπορίῃσι διεχρᾶτο, ἀλλὰ τὴν μὲν στρατιὴν 
ὝὙδάρνεϊ € ἐπιτράπει ἀπάγειν ἐς τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον, 
αὐτὸς δ᾽ ἐπὶ νεὸς Φοινίσσης ἐπιβὰς ἐκομίζετο ἐς 
τὴν ᾿Ασίην. πλέοντα δέ μιν ἄνεμον Στρυμονίην 
ὑπολαβεῖν μέγαν καὶ κυματίην.. καὶ δὴ μᾶλλον 
γάρ τι χειμαίνεσθαι γεμούσης τῆς νεός, ὥστε ἐπὶ 
τοῦ καταστρώματος ἐπεόντων συχνῶν Περσέων 
τῶν σὺν Ξέρξῃ κομιζομένων, ἐνθαῦτα ἐς δεῖμα 
πεσόντα τὸν βασιλέα εἰρέσθαι βώσαντα τὸν 
κυβερνήτην εἴ τις ἐστί σφι σωτηρίη, καὶ τὸν 
εἶπαι ''Δέσποτα, οὐκ ἔστι οὐδεμία, εἰ μὴ τούτων 
ἀπαλλαγὴ τις γένηται τῶν πολλῶν ἐπιβατέων. 
120 


BOOK VIII. 116-118 


mountains called Rhodope; and he forbade his 
sons to go with the army to Hellas; but they took 
no account of that, for they had ever a desire to see 
the war, and they followed the Persians’ march ; for 
which cause, when all the six of them returned back 
scatheless, their father tore out their eyes. 

117. This was their reward. But the Persians, 
journeying through Thrace to the passage, made 
haste to cross to Abydos in their ships; for they 
found the bridges no longer made fast but broken 
by astorm. There their march was stayed, and more 
food was given them than on their way ; and by reason 
of their immoderate gorging and the change of the 
water which they drank, many of the army that yet 
remained died. The rest came with Xerxes to 
Sardis. 

118. But there is another tale, which is this :— 
When Xerxes came in his march from Athens to 
Eion on the Strymon, he travelled no farther than 
that by land, but committed his army to Hydarnes 
to be led to the Hellespont, and himself embarked 
and set sail for Ασία in a Phoenician ship. In which 
voyage he was caught by a strong wind called 
Strymonian, that lifted up the waves. This storm 
bearing the harder upon him by reason of the heavy 
lading of the ship (for the Persians of his company 
that were on the deck were so many), the king was 
affrighted and cried to the ship's pilot asking him if 
there were any way of deliverance ; whereat the man 
said, “ Sire, there is none, except there be a riddance 
of these many that are on board," Hearing that, it 

111 


HERODOTUS 


καὶ Ἑέρξην λέγεται ἀκούσαντα ταῦτα εἰπεῖν 
««"Ανδρες Πέρσαι, νῦν τις διαδεξάτω ὑμέων βασι- 
λέος κηδόµενος: ἐν ὑμῖν γὰρ oike εἶναι ἐμοὶ ἡ 
σωτηρίη. τὸν μὲν ταῦτα λέγειν, τοὺς δὲ προσκυ- 
νέοντας ἐκπηδᾶν ἐς τὴν θάλασσαν, καὶ τὴν νέα 
ἐπικουφισθεῖσαν οὕτω δὴ ἀποσωθῆναι ἐς τὴν 
"Acinv. ὡς δὲ ἐκβῆναι. τάχιστα ἐς γῆν τὸν 
Ξέρξην, ποιῆσαι τοιόνδε' ὅτι uev ἔσωσε βασιλέος 
τὴν ψυχήν, δωρήσασθαι χρυσέῃ στεφάνῃ τὸν 
κυβερνήτην, ὅτι δὲ Περσέων πολλοὺς ἀπώλεσε, 
ἀποταμεῖν τὴν κεφαλὴν αὐτοῦ. 

119. Οὗτος δὲ ἄλλος λέγεται λόγος περὶ τοῦ 
Ξέρξεω νόστου, οὐδαμῶς ἔμοιγε πιστὸς οὔτε 
ἄλλως οὔτε τὸ Γ]ερσέων τοῦτο πάθος: εἰ γὰρ 
δὴ ταῦτα οὕτω εἰρέθη ἐκ τοῦ κυβερνήτεω πρὸς 
Ἐερξην, ev μυρίῃσι γνώμῃσι μίαν οὐκ ἔχω 
ἀντίξοον μὴ οὐκ ἂν ποιῆσαι βασιλέα τοιόνδε, 
τοὺς μὲν ἐπὶ τοῦ καταστρώματος καταβιβάσαι 
ἐς κοίλην νέα ἐόντας Πέρσας καὶ Περσέων τοὺς 
πρώτους, τῶν Ò ἐρετέων ἐόντων Φοινίκων ὅκως 
οὐκ ἂν ἴσον πλῆθος τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι ἐξέβαλε ἐς 
τὴν θάλασσαν. ἀλλ. ὃ μέν, ὡς καὶ πρότερόν μοι 
εἴρηται, ὁδῷ Χρεώμενος ἅμα τῷ ἄλλῳ στρατῷ 
ἀπενόστησε ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίην. 

120. Μέγα δὲ καὶ τόδε μαρτύριον: Φαίνεται 
γὰρ Ξέρξης ἐν τῇ ὀπίσω κομιδῇ ἀπικόμενος ἐς 
"Άβδηρα καὶ ξεινίην τέ σφι συνθέµενος καὶ 
ωρησάμενος αὐτοὺς ἀκινάκῃ τε χρυσέῳ καὶ τιήρη 
χρυσοπάστῳ. καὶ ὡς αὐτοὶ λέγουσι ᾿Αβδηρῖται, 
λέγοντες ἔμοιγε οὐδαμῶς πιστά, πρῶτον ἐλύσατο 
τὴν ζώνην φεύγων ἐξ ᾿Αθηνέων ὀπίσω, ὡς ἐν 
ἀδείη ἐών. τὰ δὲ "Άβδηρα ἵδρυται πρὸς τοῦ 
122 


BOOK VIII. 118-120 


is said, Xerxes said to the Persians, * Now it is for 
you to prove yourselves careful for your king ; for 
it seems that my deliverance rests with you"; 
whereat they did obeisance and leapt into the sea; 
and the ship, being thus lightened, came by these 
means safe to Asia. No sooner had Xerxes dis- 
embarked on land, than he made the pilot a gift 
of a golden crown for saving the king's life, but 
cut off his head for being the death of many 
Persians. 

119. This is the other tale of Xerxes' return ; but 
I for my part believe neither the story of the Persians’ 
fate, nor any other part of it. For if indeed the 
pilot had spoken to Xerxes as aforesaid, I think that 
there is not one in ten thousand but would say that 
the king would have bidden the men on deck (who 
were Persians and of the best blood of Persia) 
descend into the ship's hold, and would have taken 
of the Phoenician rowers a number equal to the 
number of the Persians and cast them into the 
sea. Nay, the truth is that Xerxes did as I have 
already said, and returned to Asia with his army 
by road. 

120. And herein too lies a clear proof of it: it is 
known that when Xerxes came to Abdera in his 
return he entered into bonds of friendship with its 
people, and gave them a golden sword and a gilt 
tiara; and as the people of Abdera say (but for my 
part I wholly disbelieve them), it was here that 
Xerxes in his flight back from Athens first loosed 
his girdle,! as being here in safety. Now Abdera 

1 (p. perhaps v. 106, where Histiaeus swears to Darius 
that he will not take off his tunic till he reaches Ionia; or 
the reference may be to a man's being εὔζωνος (with “his 
‘loins girded up’) for swift travel. 

123 


HERODOTUS 


Ελλησπόντου μᾶλλον Ù τοῦ Στρυμόνος καὶ τῆς 
' Hióvos, ὅθεν δή μιν φασὶ ἐπιβῆναι ἐπὶ τὴν νέα. 

191, Οἱ δὲ Ελληνες ἐπείτε οὐκ οἷοί τε ἐγίνοντο 
ἐξελεῖν τὴν ᾿Άνδρον, τραπόμενοι ἐς Κάρυστον καὶ 
δηιώσαντες αὐτῶν τὴν χώρην ἀπαλλάσσοντο ἐς 
Σαλαμῖνα. πρῶτα μέν νυν τοῖσι θεοῖσι ἐξεῖλον 
ἀκροθίνια ἄλλα τε καὶ τριήρεας τρεῖς Φοινίσσας, 
τὴν μὲν ἐς ᾿Ισθμὸν ἀναθεῖναι, ἥ περ ἔτι καὶ ἐς 
ἐμὲ ἣν, τὴν δὲ ἐπὶ Σούνιον, τὴν δὲ τῷ Αἴαντι 
αὐτοῦ ἐς Σαλαμῖνα. μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο διεδάσαντο 
τὴν ληίην καὶ τὰ ἀκροθίνια ἀπέπεμψαν ἐς 
Δελφούς, ἐκ τῶν ἐγένετο ἀνδριὰς ἔχων ἐν τῇ 
χειρὶ ἀκρωτήριον νεός, ἐὼν μέγαθος δυώδεκα 
πηχέων": ἕστηκε δὲ οὗτος τῇ περ ὁ Μακεδὼν 
᾿Αλέξανδρος ὁ χρύσεος. 

1232 Πέμψαντες δὲ ἀκροθίνια οἱ Ελληνες ες 
Δελφοὺς ἐπειρώτων. τὸν θεὸν κοινῇ εἰ λελάβηκε 
πλήρεα καὶ ἀρεστὰ τὰ ἀκροθίνια. ὃ δὲ παρ᾽ 
Ἑλλήνων μὲν τῶν ἄλλων ἔφησε ἔχειν, παρὰ 
Αἰγινητέων δὲ οὔ, ἀλλὰ ἀπαίτεε αὐτοὺς τὰ 
ἀριστήια τῆς ἐν Σαλαμῖνι ναυμαχίης. , Αἰγινῆται 
δὲ πυθόμενοι ἀνέθεσαν ἀστέρας χρυσέους, οἳ ἐπὶ 
ἱστοῦ χαλκέου ἑστᾶσι τρεῖς ἐπὶ τῆς γωνίης, 
ἀγχοτάτω τοῦ Κροίσου κρητῆρος. 

195. Μετὰ δὲ τὴν διαίρεσιν τῆς ληίης ἔπλεον 

ἱ "Ελληνες ἐ τὸν. Ἰσθμὸν a Lor jia δώσον 

wes ἐς m ριστή οντες 
τῷ ἀξιωτάτῳ γενομένῳ Ἑλλήνων ἆ ἀνὰ τὸν πόλεμον 
τοῦτον. ὡς δὲ ἀπικόμενοι οἱ στρατηγοὶ διέν Έμον 
τὰς ψήφους ἐπὶ τοῦ Ἡοσειδέωνος τῷ βωμῷ, τὸν 
πρῶτον καὶ τὸν δεύτερον κρίνοντες ἐκ πάντων, 
ἐνθαῦτα πᾶς τις αὐτῶν ἑωυτῷ ἐτίθετο τὴν ψῆφον, 
αὐτὸς ἕκαστος δοκέων ἄριστος γενέσθαι, δεύτερα 
124 


BOOK VIII. 120-123 


lies nearer to the Hellespont than the Strymon and 
Eion, where they say that he took ship. 

121. As for the Greeks, not being able to take 
Andros they betook themselves to Carystus, and 
aaving laid it waste they returned to Salamis. First 
of all they set apart for thc gods, among other first- 
fruits, three Phoenician triremes, one to be dedicated 
at the Isthmus, where it was till my lifetime, the 
second at Sunium, and the third for Aias at Salamis 
where they were. After that, they divided the spoil 
and sent the firstfruits of it to Delphi; whereof was 
made a man's image twelve cubits high, holding in 
his hand the figure-head of a ship; this stood in the 
same place as the golden statue of Alexander the 
Macedonian. 

122. Having sent the firstfruits to Delphi the 
Greeks inquired in common of the god, if the first- 
fruits that he had received were of full measure and 
if he was content therewith ; whereat he said that 
this was so as touching what he received from all 
other Greeks, but not from the Aeginetans ; of these 
he demanded the victor's prize for the sea-fight of 
Salamis. When the Aeginetans learnt that, they 
dedicated three golden stars that are set on a bronze 
mast, in the angle, nearest to Croesus' bowl. 

123. After the division of the spoil, the Greeks 
sailed to the Isthmus, there to award the prize of 
excellence to him who had shown himself most 
worthy of it in that war. But when the admirals 
came and gave their divers votes at the altar of 
Poseidon, to judge who was first and who second 
among them, each of them there voted for himself, 
supposing himself to have done the best service, but 
the greater part of them united in giving the second 


125 


HERODOTUS 


δὲ οἱ πολλοὶ συνεξέπιπτον Θεμιστοκλέα κρίνοντες. 
οἳ μὲν δὴ ἐμουνοῦντο, Θεμιστοκλέης δὲ δευτερείοισι 
e ’ f 
ὑπερεβάλλετο πολλόν. 
124. Οὐ βουλομένων δὲ ταῦτα κρίνειν τῶν 
΄ » 
Ἑλλήνων φθόνῳ, ἀλλ ἀποπλεόντων ἑκάστων 
^ 7 
ἐς τὴν ἑωυτῶν ἀκρίτων, ὅμως Θεμιστοκλέης 
ἐβώσθη τε καὶ ἐδοξώθη εἶναι ἀνὴρ πολλὸν 
Ἑλλήνων σοφώτατος ἀνὰ πᾶσαν τὴν Ἑλλάδα. 
ὅτι δὲ νικῶν οὐκ ἐτιμήθη πρὸς τῶν ἐν Σαλαμῖνι 
ναυμαχησάντων, αὐτίκα μετὰ ταῦτα ἐς Λακε- 
δαίμονα ἀπίκετο θέλων τιμηθῆναι" καί μιν Λακε- 
/ ^ 
δαιμόνιοι καλῶς μὲν ὑπεδέξαντο, μεγάλως δὲ 
ἐτίμησαν. ἀριστήια μέν νυν ἔδοσαν: . . Eù- 
ρυβιάδῃ ἐλαίης στέφανον, σοφίης δὲ καὶ δεξιό- 
7 7 
τητος Θεμιστοκλέι καὶ τούτῳ στέφανον ἐλαύης' 
f / ^ 
ἐδωρήσαντό τέ μιν ὄχω τῷ ἐν Σπάρτῃ καλλι- 
στεύσαντι. αἰνέσαντες δὲ πολλά, προέπεμψαν 
ἀπιόντα τριηκόσιοι Ἀπαρτιητέων λογάδες, οὗτοι 
ot περ ἱππέες καλέονται, μεχρι οὔρων τῶν Τεγεη- 
τικῶν. μοῦνον δὴ τοῦτον πάντων ἀνθρώπων τῶν 
^ ^ / 
ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν Σπαρτιῆται προέπεμψαν. 
125. ‘Os δὲ ἐκ τῆς Λακεδαί ιπί ἐς τὰ 
5. Ὡς δὲ ἐκ τῆς Λακεδαίμονος ἀπίκετο ἐς τὰς 
? A 5 ^ ^ 
Αθήνας, ἐνθαῦτα Τιμόδημος ᾿Αφιδναῖος τῶν 
, ^ S ^ 7 5. y \ » 
ἐχθρῶν μὲν τῶν Θεμιστοκλέος ἐών, ἄλλως δὲ οὐ 
τῶν ἐπιφανέων ἀνδρῶν, φθόνῳ καταμαργέων ἐνεί- 
IN £ \ » / 5 
κεε τὸν (Θεμιστοκλέα, τὴν ἐς Λακεδαίμονα ἄπιξιν 
προφέρων, ὡς διὰ τὰς ᾿Αθήνας ἔχοι τὰ γέρεα τὰ 
λ / , b , 355€ ’ ἃ 
παρὰ Λακεδαιμονίων, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ δι᾽ ἑωυτόν. ὃ δέ, 
^ e L 
ἐπείτε οὐκ ἐπαύετο λέγων ταῦτα ὁ Τιμόδημος, 
5 ear y νι; / 
εἶπε '“Οὕτω ἔχει rov. οὔτ᾽ ἂν ἐγὼ ἐὼν Βελβινίτης 
! Stein supposes that something is omitted before Ἐὐρυ- 
βιάδῃ, perhaps ἀνδραγαθίης. 


126 


BOOK VIII. 123-125 


place to Themistocles. So they each gained but one 
vote, but Themistocles far outstripped them in votes 
for the second place. 

124. The Greeks were too jealous to adjudge the 
prize, and sailed away each to his own place, leaving 
the matter doubtful; nevertheless, Themistocles was 
cried up, and all Hellas glorified him for the wisest 
man by far of the Greeks. But because he had not 
received from them that fought at Salamis the honour 
due to his pre-eminence, immediately afterwards he 
betook himself to Lacedaemon, that he might receive 
honour there; and the Lacedaemonians made him 
welcome and paid him high honour. They bestowed 
on Eurybiades a crown of olive as the reward of 
excellence, and another such crown on Themistocles 
for his wisdom and cleverness; and they gave him 
the finest chariot in Sparta; and with many words 
of praise, they sent him on his homeward way with 
the three hundred picked men of Sparta who are 
called Knights to escort him as far as the borders 
of Tegea. "Themistocles was the only man of whom 
I have heard to whom the Spartans gave this escort. 

125. But when Themistocles returned to Athens 
from Lacedaemon, Timodemus of Aphidnae, who 
was one of Themistocles enemies but a man in no- 
wise notable, was crazed with envy and spoke bitterly 
to Themistocles of his visit to Lacedaemon, saying 
that the honours he had from the Lacedaemonians 
were paid him for Athens’ sake and not for his own. 
This he would continually be saying; till Themis- 
tocles replied, * This is the truth of the matter— 
had I been of Belbina! I had not been thus honoured 


1 An islet S. of Sunium ; a typical instance of an unim. 
portant place. 


I27 


HERODOTUS 


ἐτιμήθην οὕτω πρὸς Σπαρτιητέων, οὔτ᾽ ἂν σὺ, 
ὤνθρωπε, ἐὼν ᾿Αθηναῖος.” ταῦτα μέν νυν ἐς τοσοῦτο 
ἐγένετο. 

126. ᾿Αρτάβαξος δὲ ὁ Φαρνάκεος ἀνὴρ ἐν Πέρ- 
σησι λόγιμος καὶ πρόσθε ἐών, ἐκ δὲ τῶν IIXarau- 
κῶν καὶ μᾶλλον ἔτι γενόμενος, ἔχων ἓξ μυριάδας 
στρατοῦ τοῦ Μαρδόνιος ἐξελέξατο, προέπεμπε 
βασιλέα μέχρι τοῦ πόρου. ὡς δὲ ὃ ὃ μὲν ἣν ἐν τῇ 
Acin, ὃ Ô δὲ ὀπίσω πορευόμενος κατὰ τὴν Παλλή- 
νην ἐγίνετο, ἅτε Μαρδονίου τε χειμερίξοντος περὶ 
Θεσσαλίην. τε καὶ Μακεδονίην καὶ οὐδέν κω κατε- 
πείγοντος ἥκειν ἐς τὸ ἄλλο στρατόπεδον, οὐκ ἐδι- 
KALOU ἐντυχὼν ἀπεστεῶσι Ποτιδαιήτῃσι μὴ οὐκ 
ἐξανδραποδίσασθαι σφέας. οἱ γὰρ Ποτιδαιῆται, 
ὡς βασιλεὺς 7 παρεξεληλάκεε καὶ ὁ ναυτικὸς τοῖσι 
l1épo gat οἰχώκεε φεύγων ἐκ Σαλαμῖνος, ἐκ τοῦ 
φανεροῦ ἀπέστασαν ἀπὸ τῶν Βαρβάρων" ὣς δὲ 
καὶ οἱ ἄλλοι οἱ τὴν Ἠαλλήνην € ἔχοντες. 

127. ᾿Ενθαῦτα δὴ ᾿Αρτάβαξος ἐπολιόρκεε τὴν 
Ποτίδαια». ὑποπτεύσας δὲ καὶ τοὺς ᾿Ολυνθίους 
ἀπίστασθαι ἆ ἀπὸ βασιλέος, καὶ ταύτην ἐπολιόρκεε 
εἶχον δὲ αὐτὴν Βοττιαῖοι ἐκ τοῦ Θερμαίου κόλπου 
ἐξαναστάντες ὑπὸ Μακεδόνων. ἐπεὶ δὲ σφέας 
εἷλε πολιορκέων, κατέσφαξε ἐξαγαγὼν ἐς λίμνην, 
τὴν δὲ πόλιν παραδιδοῖ Κριτοβούλῳ Τορωναίῳ 
ἐπιτροπεύειν καὶ τῷ Χαλκιδικῷ γένεϊ, καὶ οὕτω 
Ολυνθον Χαλκιδέες ἔσχον. 

128. ᾿Εξελὼν δὲ ταύτην ὁ Αρτάβαζος τῇ Iori- 
Sain ἐντεταμένως προσεῖχε" προσέχοντι δέ οἱ 
προθύμως συντίθεται προδοσίην Ἑιμόξεινος ὁ 0 τῶν 
Σκιωναίων στρατηγός, ὄντινα μὲν τρόπον ἀρχήν, 
ἔγωγε οὐκ ἔχω εἰπεῖν (οὐ γὰρ ὧν λέγεται), τέλος 
128 


BOOK VIII. 125-128 


by the Spartans; nor had you, sirrah, for all 
you are of Athens." Such was the end of that 
business. 

126. Artabazus son of Pharnaces, who was already 
a notable man among the Persians and grew to be 
yet more so by the Plataean business, escorted the 
king as far as the passage with sixty thousand men 
of the army that Mardonius had chosen. Xerxes 
being now in Asia, when Artabazus came near 
Pallene in his return (for Mardonius was wintering 
in Thessaly and Macedonia and making no haste to 
come to the rest of his army), he thought it right 
that he should enslave the people of Potidaea, whom 
he found in revolt. For the king having marched 
away past the town and the Persian fleet taken 
flight from Salamis, Potidaea had openly revolted 
from the foreigners; and so too had the rest of the 
people of Pallene. 

127. Thereupon Artabazus laid siege to Potidaea ; 
and suspecting that Olynthus too was plotting revolt 
from the king, he laid siege to it also, the town 
being held by Bottiaeans who had been driven from 
the Thermaic gulf by the Macedonians. Having 
besieged and taken Olynthus, he brought these 
men to a lake and there cut their throats, and 
delivered their city over to the charge of Critobulus 
of Έοτοη5 and the Chalcidian people; and thus the 
Chaleidians gained possession of Olynthus. 

128. Having taken Olynthus, Artabazus was 
instant in dealing with Potidaea; and his zeal 
was aided by Timoxenus the general of the Scio- 
naeans, who agreed to betray the place to him; 
I know not how the agreement was first made, 
nothing being told thereof; but the end was as I 


I29 
VOL. IV. F 


HERODOTUS 


μέντοι τοιάδε ἐγίνετο' ὅκως βυβλίον γράψειε ἢ 
Τιμόξεινος ἐθέλων παρὰ ᾿Αρτάβαξον πέμψαι 7 
᾿Αρτάβαξος παρὰ Ειμόξεινον, τοξεύματος παρὰ 
τὰς γλυφίδας περιειλίξαντες καὶ πτερώσαντες τὸ 
βυβλίον ἐτόξευον ἐς συγκείμενον χωρίον. ἐπάι- 
στος δὲ ἐγένετο ὁ ιμόξεινος προδιδοὺς τὴν Iori- 
δαιαν' τοξεύων γὰρ. Ò ᾿Αρτάβαξος ἐς τὸ συγκεί- 
µενον, ἁμαρτὼν τοῦ χωρίου τούτου Barre ἀν- 
δρὸς Ποτιδαιήτεω τὸν ὤμον, τὸν δὲ .Βληθέντα 
περιέδραµε ὅμιλος, οἷα φιλέει γίνεσθαι ἐ ἐν πολέμῳ, 
οἳ αὐτίκα τὸ τόξευμα λαβόντες ὡς ἔμαθον τὸ 
βυβλίον, ἔφερον ἐπὶ τοὺς στρατηγούς" παρῆν δὲ 
καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Παλληναίων συμμαχίη. τοῖσι δὲ 
στρατηγοῖσι ἐπιλεξαμένοισι τὸ βυβλίον καὶ μα- 
θοῦσι τὸν αἴτιον τῆς προδοσίης ἔδοξε μὴ κατα- 
πλῆξαι Τιμόξεινον προδοσίῃ τῆς Σκιωναίων 
πόλιος εἵνεκα, μὴ νομιξοίατο εἶναι Σκιωναῖοι ἐς 
τὸν μετέπειτα χρόνον αἰεὶ προδόται. 

129, Ὃ μὲν δὴ τοιούτῳ τρόπῳ ἐπάιστος ἐγε- 
γόνεε' ᾿Αρταβάξῳ δὲ ἐπειδὴ πολιορκέοντι ἐγεγό- 
νεσαν τρεῖς. μῆνες, γίνεται ἄμπωτις τῆς θαλάσσης 
μεγάλη καὶ χρόνον ἐπὶ πολλόν. ἰδόντες δὲ οἱ 
βάρβαροι τέναγος γενόμενον. παρήισαν ἐς τὴν 
Παλλήνην. ὡς δὲ TAS δύο μὲν μοίρας διοδοιπο- 
ρήκεσαν, ἔτι δὲ τρεῖς ὑπόλοιποι ἦσαν, τὰς διελ.- 
θόντας χρῆν εἶναι ἔσω ἐν τῇ Παλλήνῃ, ἐπῆλθε 
πλημμυρὶς τῆς θαλάσσης μεγάλη, ὅση οὐδαμά 
κω, ὡς οἱ ἐπιχώριοι λέγουσι, πολλάκις γινομένη. 
οἱ μὲν δὴ νέειν αὐτῶν οὐκ ἐπιστάμενοι διεφθεί- 


» 


1 Probably points on each side of the notch (where the 
arrow lies on the string) to give the fingers better grip. 


130 


BOOK VIII. 128-129 


will now show. Whenever Timoxenus wrote a 
letter for sending to Artabazus, or Artabazus to 
Timoxenus, they would wrap it round the shaft of 
an arrow at the notches! and put feathers to the 
letter, and shoot it to a place whereon they had 
agreed. But Timoxenus' plot to betray Potidaea 
was discovered ; for Artabazus in shooting an arrow 
to the place agreed upon, missed it and hit the 
shoulder of a man of Potidaea; and a throng 
gathering quickly round the man when he was 
struck (which is a thing that ever happens in war), 
they straightway took the arrow and found the letter 
and carried it to their generals, the rest of their 
alies of Pallene being also there present. The 
generals read the letter and perceived who was 
the traitor, but they resolved for Scione's sake that 
they would not smite Timoxenus to the earth with 
a charge of treason, lest so the people of Scione 
should ever after be called traitors. 

129. Thus was Timoxenus' treachery brought to 
light. But when Artabazus had besieged Potidaea 
for three months, there was a great ebb-tide in the 
sea, lasting for along while, and when the foreigners 
saw that the sea was turned to a marsh they made 
to pass over it into Pallene. But when they had 
made their way over two fifths of it and three yet 
remained to cross ere they could be in Pallene, 
there came a great flood-tide, higher, as the people 
of the place say, than any one of the many that had 
been before ; and some of them that knew not how 


“The parchment was rolled round the butt end of the 
arrow and then feathers put over it to hide it" (How and 
Wella). 


I31 


HERODOTUS 


\ δὲ , / e ὃ ^ 
ροντο, τοὺς δὲ ἐπισταμένους οἱ Ποτιδαιῆται 
, ΄ , 
ἐπιπλώσαντες πλοίοισι ἀπώλεσαν. αἴτιον δὲ 
^ ^ ’ - 
λέγουσι Ποτιδαιῆται τῆς τε ῥηχύης καὶ τῆς 
πλημμυρίδος καὶ τοῦ Περσικοῦ πάθεος γενέσθαι 
e ^ / \ 
τόδε, ὅτι τοῦ Ποσειδέωνος ἐς τὸν νηὸν καὶ τὸ 
X ^ ^ 
ἄγαλμα τὸ ἐν τῷ προαστείῳ ἠσέβησαν οὗτοι τῶν 
’ [r4 A 4 e N ^ / 
Περσέων ot περ καὶ διεφθάρησαν ὑπὸ τῆς θαλάσ- 
^ / / 3 
σης: αἴτιον δὲ τοῦτο λέγοντες εὖ λέγειν ἔμοιγε 
δοκέουσι. τοὺς δὲ περιγενομένους ἀπῆγε `A prta- 
/ 
βαξος ἐς Θεσσαλίην παρὰ Μαρδόνιον. οὗτοι 
/ / e / 
μὲν οἱ προπέµψαντες βασιλέα οὕτω ἔπρηξαν. 
[e 
130. Ὁ δὲ ναυτικὸς ὁ Ξέρξεω περιγενόμενος 
ε ’ ^) / / 3 A N 
ὡς προσέμιξε TH Acin φεύγων ἐκ Σαλαμῖνος καὶ 
N 
βασιλέα τε καὶ τὴν στρατιὴν ἐκ Χερσονήσου 
, 3 y 1 / > f 
διεπόρθµευσε ἐς “ABvoov, ἐχειμέριξε ἐν Κύμῃ. 
ἔαρος δὲ ἐπιλάμψαντος πρώιος συνελέγετο ἐς 
3 ^ A / ^ 
Σάμον: a) δὲ τῶν νεῶν καὶ ἐχειμέρισαν αὐτοῦ" 
Περσέων δὲ καὶ Μήδων οἱ πλεῦνες ἐπεβάτευον. 
N , , ^ / € 
στρατηγοὶ δέ σφι ἐπῆλθον Μαρδόντης τε ὁ Ba- 
γαίου καὶ Αρταύντης ὁ ᾿Αρταχαίεω' συνῆρχε δὲ 
/ ^ HA 
τούτοισι καὶ ἀδελφιδέος αὐτοῦ ᾿Αρταὔντεω προσ- 
’ , / τ N / 
ελομένου ᾿Ιθαμίτρης. ate δὲ μεγάλως TAN- 
γέντες, οὐ πρλήισαν ἀνωτέρω τὸ πρὸς ἑσπέρης, 
σον 3 4 , / , > 39 ^ / / 
οὐδ᾽ ἐπηνάγκαξε οὐδείς, ἀλλ᾽ ἐν τῇ Σάμῳ κατή- 
μενοι ἐφύλασσον τὴν ᾿Ιωνίην μὴ ἀποστῆ, νέας 
3 ^ / 
ἔχοντες σὺν τῇσι ᾿Ιάσι τριηκοσίας. οὐ μὲν οὐδὲ 
/ 
προσεδέκοντο τοὺς "Ελληνας ἐλεύσεσθαι ἐς τὴν 
, ’ 3 3 9 " M ε ^ , 
lovigv ἀλλ. ἀποχρήσειν σφι την ἑωυτῶν Φυλάσ- 
A / 
σειν, σταθμεύμενοι ὅτι σφέας οὐκ ἐπεδίωξαν 
/ » N ^ » > y , 7 
Φεύγοντας ἐκ Σαλαμῖνος ἀλλ. ἄσμενοι ἁπαλλάσ- 
σοντο. κατὰ μέν νυν τὴν θάλασσαν ἑσσωμένοι 
9 ^ ^ A N / ^ 
ἦσαν τῷ θυμῶ, πεζῇ δὲ ἐδόκεον πολλῷ κρατήσειν 
132 


BOOK VIII. 129-130 


to swim were drowned, and thosc that knew were 
slain by the Potidaeans, who came among them in 
boats. The Potidaeans say that the cause of the 
high sea and flood and the Persian disaster lay here- 
in, that those same Persians who now perished in 
the sea had profaned the temple and the image of 
Poseidon that was in the suburb of the city; and 
I think that in saying that this was the cause they 
say rightly. They that escaped alive were led away 
by Artabazus to Mardonius in Thessaly. Thus fared 
these men, who had been the king's escort. 

130. All that was left of Xerxes' fleet, having in 
its flight from Salamis touched the coast of Asia 
and ferried the king and his army over from the 
Chersonese to Abydos, wintered at Cyme. Then 
early in the first dawn of spring they mustered 
at Samos, where some of the ships had wintered ; 
the most of their fighting men were Persians and 
Medes. Mardontes son of Bagaeus and Artayntes 
son of Artachaees came to be their admirals, and 
Artayntes chose also his own nephew Ithamitres to 
have a share in the command. But by reason of 
the heavy blow dealt them they went no further out 
to sea westwards, nor was any man instant that they 
should so do, but they lay off Samos keeping watch 
against a revolt in Ionia, the whole number of their 
ships, Ionian and other, being three hundred; nor 
in truth did they expect that the Greeks would 
come to Ionia, but rather that they would be content 
to guard their own country; thus they inferred, 
because the Greeks had not pursued them when 
they fled from Salamis, but had been glad to be 
quit of them. In regard to the sea, the Persians 
were at heart beaten men, but they supposed that 


133 


HERODOTUS 


τὸν Μαρδόνιον. ἐόντες δὲ ἐν Σάμῳ ἅμα μὲν ἐβου- 
λεύοντο εἴ τι δυναίατο κακὸν τοὺς πολεμίους 
ποιέειν, ἅμα δὲ καὶ ὠτακούστεον ὅκῃ πεσέεται τὰ 
Μαρδονίου πρήγματα. 

191. Τοὺς δὲ | Ἓλληνας τό τε ἔαρ γινόμενον 
ἤγειρε καὶ Μαρδόνιος ἐ ἐν Θεσσαλίῃ ἑών. ὁ μὲν δὴ 
πεζὸς οὔκω συνελέγετο, ὁ δὲ ναυτικὸς ἀπίκετο ἐς 
Αἴγιναν, νέες ἀριθ μὸν δέκα καὶ ἑκατόν. στρατη- 
γὸς δὲ καὶ ναύαρχος ἦν Δευτυχίδης ὁ Μενάρεος 
τοῦ Ἡγησίλεω τοῦ Ἱπποκρατίδεω τοῦ Λευτυχί- 
δεω τοῦ ᾿Αναξίλεω τοῦ ᾿Αρχιδήμου τοῦ ᾿Αναξαν- 
δρίδεω τοῦ Θεοπόμπου τοῦ Νικάνδρου τοῦ Χαρί- 
λεω τοῦ [Ὀὐνόμου τοῦ Πολυδέκτεω τοῦ Πρυτάνιος 
τοῦ Εὐρυφῶντος τοῦ Προκλέος τοῦ ᾿Αριστοδήµου 
τοῦ ᾿Αριστομάχου τοῦ Κλεοδαίου τοῦ Ὕλλου τοῦ 
Ἡρακλέος, ἐὼν τῆς ἑτέρης οἰκίης τῶν βασιλέων. 
οὗτοι πάντες, πλὴν τῶν ἑπτὰ τῶν μετὰ Λευτυ- 
χίδεα πρώτων καταλεχθέντων, οἱ ἄλλοι βασιλέες 
ἐγένοντο Σπάρτης. ᾿Αθηναίων δὲ ἐστρατήγεε 
Ξάνθιππος ὁ ᾿Αρίφρονος. 

132. Ὡς δὲ παρεγένοντο ἐς τὴν Αἴγιναν πᾶσαι 
αἱ νέες, ἀπίκοντο Ιώνων ἄγγελοι ἐς τὸ στρατό- 
πεδον τῶν Ἑλλήνων, οἳ καὶ ἐς Σπάρτην ὀλίγῳ 
πρότερον τούτων ἀπικόμενοι ἐδέοντο Aaxedarpo- 
νίων ἐλευθεροῦν τὴν Ἰωνίην' τῶν καὶ "Ηρόδοτος ὁ 0 
Βασιληίδεω Tw of στασιῶται σφίσι γενόμενοι 
ἐπεβούλευον θάνατον Στράττι τῷ Χίου τυράννῳ, 
ἐόντες ἀρχὴν ἑπτά' ἐπιβουλεύοντες δὲ ὡς φανεροὶ 
ἐγένοντο, ἐξενείκαντος τὴν ἐπιχείρησιν ἑνὸς τῶν 

! The first royal house was the line of Agis, from whom 


Leonidas was descended (vii. 204). The second was the line 
of Euryphon. In the present list *'the first king among the 


134 


BOOK VIII. 130-132 


on land Mardonius would easily prevail. So they 
were at Samos, and there planned to do what harm 
they could to their enemies, and to listen the while 
for tidings of how it went with Mardonius. 

131. But as for the Greeks, the coming of spring 
and Mardonius' being in Thessaly moved them to 
action. They had not yet begun the mustering of 
their army, but their fleet, an hundred and ten 
ships, came to Aegina; and their general and 
admiral was Leutychides sou of Menares, tracing 
his lineage from son to father through Hegesilaus, 
Hippocratides, Leutychides, Anaxilaus, Archidemus, 
Anaxandrides, Theopompus, Nicandrus, Charilaus, 
Eunomus, Polydectes, Prytanis, Euryphon, Procies, 
Aristodemus, Aristomachus, Cleodaeus, to Hyllus 
who was the son of Heracles; he was of the second 
royal house.! All the aforesaid had been kings of 
Sparta, save the seven named first after Leutychides. 
The general of the Athenians was Xanthippus son 
of Ariphron. 

132. When all the ships were arrived at Aegina, 
there came to the Greek quarters messengers from 
the Ionians, the same who a little while before 
that had gone to Sparta and entreated the Lace- 
daemonians to free lonia; of whom one was 
Herodotus the son of Basileides.? These, who at 
first were seven, made a faction and conspired to 
slay Strattis, the despot of Chios; but when their 
conspiracy became known, one of the accomplices 


ancestors of Leutychides is Theopompus, the seven more 
immediate ancestors of L. belonging to a younger branch, 
which gained the throne by the deposition of Demaratus " 
(How and Wells). 

5 Otherwise unknown. 


135 


HERODOTUS 


μετεχόντων, οὕτω δὴ οἱ λοιποὶ ἓξ ἐόντες ὑπεξε- 
σχον ἐκ τῆς Χίου καὶ ἐς Σπάρτην τε ἀπίκοντο καὶ 
δὴ καὶ τότε ἐς τὴν Αἴγιναν, τῶν Ἑλλήνων δεόμενοι 
καταπλῶσαι ἐς τὴν ᾿Ιωνίην' οἳ προήγαγον αὐτοὺς 
μόγις μέχρι Δήλου. τὸ ,Yàp προσωτέρω πᾶν δει- 
νὸν ἣν τοῖσι ΄Ελλησι οὔτε τῶν χώρων ἐοῦσι ἐμ- 
πείροισι, στρατιῆς τε πάντα πλέα ἐδόκεε εἶναι, 
τὴν δὲ Σάμον ἐπιστέατο δόξῃ καὶ "Ἡρακλέας 
στήλας i ἴσον ἀπέχειν. συνέπιπτε δὲ τοιοῦτο ὥστε 
τοὺς μὲν βαρβάρους τὸ πρὸς ἑσπέρης ἀνωτέρω 
Σάμου μὴ τολμᾶν καταπλῶσαι καταρρωδηκότας, 
τοὺς δὲ Ἓλληνας, χρηιζόντων Χίων, TO πρὸς τὴν 
ἠῶ κατωτέρω Δήλου: οὕτω δέος τὸ μέσον ἐφύ- 
λασσε σφέων. 

133. Οἱ μὲν δὴ "Ελληνες ἔπλεον ἐς τὴν Δῆλον, 
Μαρδόνιος δὲ περὶ τὴν Θεσσαλίην ἐχείμαξε. ἐν- 
bebe τεν δὲ ὁ ὁρμώμενος ἔπεμπε. κατὰ τὰ χρηστήρια 
ἄνδρα Εὐρωπέα γένος, τῷ οὔνομα ἣν Μῦς, ἐντει- 
λάμενος πανταχῇ μιν χρησόμενον ἐλθεῖν, τῶν οἷά 
τε ἣν σφι ἀποπειρήσασθαι. ὅ τι μὲν βουλόμενος 
ἐκμαθεῖν πρὸς τῶν χρηστηρίων ταῦτα ἐνετέλλετο, 
οὐκ ἔχω φράσαι οὐ γὰρ ὧν λέγεται" δοκέω δ᾽ 
» 
ἔγωγε περὶ τῶν παρεόντων πρηγμάτων καὶ οὐκ 

ἄλλων πέρι πέμψαι. 

194. Οὗτος ὁ Μῦς ἔς τε Λεβάδειαν φαίνεται 
ἀπικόμενος καὶ μισθῷ πείσας τῶν ἐπιχωρίων 
ἄνδρα καταβῆναι παρὰ Τροφώνιον, καὶ ἐς Ἄβας 
τὰς Φωκέων ἀπικόμενος ἐπὶ τὸ χρηστήριον" καὶ 
δὴ καὶ ἐς Θήβας πρῶτα ὡς ἀπίκετο, τοῦτο μὲν τῷ 
᾿Ισμηνίῳ ᾿Απόλλωνι ἐχρήσατο" ἔστι δὲ κατά περ 


1 ** As far off as the Straits of Gibraltar”—a figure of 
distance. 


136 


BOOK VIII. 132-134 


having revealed their enterprise, the six that 
remained got them privily out of Chios, whence 
they went to Sparta and now to Aegina, entreating 
the Greeks to sail to Ionia. The Greeks brought 
them as far as Delos, and that not readily ; for they 
feared all that lay beyond, having no knowledge 
of those parts, and thinking that armed men were 
everywhere; and they supposed that Samos was no 
nearer to them than the Pillars of Heracles.! So it 
fell out that the foreigners were too disheartened to 
dare to sail farther west than Samos, while at the 
same time the Greeks dared go at the Chians' request 
no farther east than Delos; thus fear kept the 
middle space between them. 

133. The Greeks, then, sailed to Delos, and 
Mardonius wintered in Thessaly. Having here his 
headquarters he sent thence a man of Europus 
called Mys to visit the places of divination, 
charging him to inquire of all the oracles whereof 
he could make trial. What it was that he desired 
to learn from the oracles when he gave this charge, 
l cannot say, for none tells of it; but I suppose that 
he sent to inquire concerning his present business, 
and that alone. 

154. This man Mys is known to have gone to 
Lebadea and to have bribed a man of the country 
to go down into the cave of Trophonius,? and to 
have gone to the place of divination at Abae in 
Phocis; to Thebes too he first went, where he 
inquired of Ismenian Apollo (sacrifice is there the 


2 See How and Wells ad Joc. for a full description of the 
method of consulting this subterranean deity: also on 
Amphiaraus and ‘‘Ptoan” Apollo. AJ these shrines are in 
Boeotia, the home of early Greek superstitions. 


137 


HERODOTUS 


ἐν Ολυμπίῃ i ἱροῖσι αὐτόθι χρηστηριάζεσθαι; τοῦ- 
το δὲ ξεῖνον τινὰ καὶ οὐ Θηβαῖον χρήμασι πείσας 
κατεκοίµησε ἐς ᾽Αμϕιάρεω. Θηβαίων δὲ οὐδενὶ 
ἔξεστι μαντεύεσθαι αὐτόθι διὰ τόδε" ἐκέλευσε 
σφέας ὁ ᾽Αμϕιάρεως διὰ χρηστηρίων ποιεύμενος 
ὁκότερα βούλονται ἑλέσθαι τούτων, ἑωντῷ ἢ ἅτε 
μάντι χρᾶσθαι ἢ ) ἅτε συμμάχῳ, τοῦ ἑτέρου ἀπεχο- 
μένους οἳ δὲ σύμμαχόν μιν εἵλοντο εἶναι. διὰ 
τοῦτο μὲν οὐκ ἔξεστι Θηβαίων οὐδενὶ αὐτόθι 
ἐγκατακοιμηθῆναι. 

135. Τότε δὲ θῶμά μοι μέγιστον γενέσθαι 
λέγεται ὑπὸ Θηβαίων: ἐλθεῖν ἄρα τὸν Βὐρωπέα 
Μῦν, περιστρωφώμενον πάντα τὰ χρηστήρια, καὶ 
ἐς τοῦ Πτώου ᾿Απόλλωνος τὸ τέμενος. τοῦτο δὲ 
τὸ ἱρὸν καλέεται -μὲν llrgow, ἔστι δὲ Θηβαίων, 
κεῖται δὲ ὑπὲρ τῆς Κωπαΐδος λίμνης πρὸς ὄρεϊ 
ἀγχοτάτω ᾿Ακραιφίης πόλιος. ἐς τοῦτο το ἱρὸν 
ἐπείτε παρελθεῖν τὸν καλεόμενον τοῦτον Μῦν, 
ἕπεσθαι δέ οἱ τῶν ἀστῶν αἱρετοὺς ἄνδρας τρεῖς 
ἀπὸ τοῦ κοινοῦ ὡς ἀπογραψομένους τὰ θεσπιέειν 
ἔμελλε, καὶ πρόκατε τὸν πρόμαντιν βαρβάρῳ 
γλώσσῃ χρᾶν. καὶ τοὺς μὲν ἑπομένους τῶν On- 
βαίων ἐν θώματι ἔχεσθαι ἀκούοντας βαρβάρου 
γλώσσης ἀντὶ Ἑλλάδος, οὐδὲ ἔχειν 6 τι χρήσων- 
ται τῷ παρεῦντι πρήγματι τὸν δὲ Εὐρωπέα Μῦν 
ἐξαρπάσαντα, παρ αὐτῶν τὴν ἐφέροντο δέλτον, 
τὰ λεγόμενα ὑπὸ τοῦ προφήτεω γράφειν ἐς αὐτήν, 
φάναι δὲ Kapin μιν Ὑλώσσῃ χρᾶν, συγγραψά- 
μενον δὲ οἴχεσθαι ἀπιόντα ἐς Θεσσαλίην. 

156. Μαρδόνιος δὲ ἐπιλεξάμενος ὅ ὅ τι δὴ λέγοντα 
ἦν τὰ χρηστήρια μετὰ ταῦτα ἔπεμψε ἄγγελον ἐς 


138 


BOOK VIII. 134-136 


way of divination, even as at Olympia), and more- 
over bribed one that was no Theban but a stranger 
to lie down to sleep in the shrine of Amphiaraus. 
No Theban may seek 4 prophecy there; for 
Amphiaraus bade them by an oracle to choose 
which of the two they would and forgo the other, 
and take him either fortheir prophet or fortheir ally ; 
and they chose that he should be theirally ; wherefore 
no Theban may lay him down to sleep in that place. 

135. But at this time there happened, as the 
Thebans say, a thing at which I marvel greatly. It 
would seem that this man Mys of Europus came in 
his wanderings among the places of divination to 
the precinct of Ptoan Apollo. This temple is called 
Ptoum,! and belongs to the Thebans; it lies by a 
hill, above the lake Copais, very near to the town 
Acraephia. When the man called Mys entered into 
this temple, three men of the town following him 
that were chosen on the state's behalf to write 
down the oracles that should be given, straightway 
the diviner prophesied in a foreign tongue. The 
Thebans that followed him stood astonied to hear a 
strange language instead of Greek, and knew not 
what this present matter might be; but Mys of 
Europus snatched from them the tablet that they 
carried and wrote on it that which was spoken by 
the prophet, saying that the words of the oracle 
were Carian; and having written all down he went 
away back to Thessaly. 

136. Mardonius read whatever was said in the 
oracles ; and presently he sent a messenger to Athens, 

1 Called after Ptous, son of Athamas, according to 
Apollodorus. The story of Athamas, and his plot with Ino 


their stepmother against his children’s lives, was localised in 
Boeotia as well as Achaea, cp. vii. 197. 


139 


HERODOTUS 


᾿Αθήνας ᾿Αλέξανδρον τὸν ᾽Αμύντεω ἄνδρα Μακε- 
δόνα, ἅμα μὲν ὅτι οἱ προσκηδέες οἱ Πέρσαι ἦσαν' 
᾿Αλεξάνδρου γὰρ ἀδελφεὴν Γυγαίην, Αμύντεω δὲ 
θυγατέρα, Πουβάρης ἀνὴρ Πέρσης ἔσχε, ἐκ τῆς 
οἱ ἐγεγόνεε ᾿Αμύντης ὁ ἐν τῇ ᾿Ασίῃ, ἔχων τὸ 
οὔνομα τοῦ μητροπάτορος, τῷ δὴ ἐκ βασιλέος τῆς 
Φρυγίης ἐδόθη ᾿Αλάβανδα πόλις μεγάλη νέμεσθαι" 
ἅμα δὲ ὁ Μαρδόνιος πυθόμενος ὅτι πρὀξεινός τε 
εἴη καὶ εὐεργέτης. ὁ ᾿Αλέξανδρος ἔπεμπε. τοὺς 
γὰρ ᾿ Αθηναίους οὕτω ἐδόκεε μάλιστα προσκτή- 
σεσθαι, λεών τε πολλὸν ἄρα ἀκούων εἶναι καὶ 
ἄλκιμον, τά τε κατὰ τὴν θάλασσαν συντυχόντα 
σφι παθήματα κατεργασαμένους μάλιστα ᾿Αθη- 
ναίους ἐπίστατο. τούτων δὲ προσγενομένων κατ; 
ήλπιζε εὐπετέως τῆς θαλάσσης κρατήσειν, τά 
περ ἂν καὶ ἣν, πεζῇ τε ἐδόκεε πολλῷ εἶναι κρέσ- 
σων, οὕτω τε ἐλογίζετο κατύπερθέ οἱ τὰ πρήγματα 
ἔσεσθαι τῶν ᾿Ελληνικῶν. τάχα Ò ἂν καὶ τὰ 
χρηστήρια ταῦτά οἱ προλέγοι, συμβουλεύοντα 
σύμμαχον τὸν ᾿Αθηναῖον ποιέεσθαι: τοῖσι δὴ 
πειθόμενος ἔπεμπε. 

197. Τοῦ δὲ ᾿Αλεξάνδρου τούτου ἕβδομος γενέ- 
τωρ Περδίκκης ἐ ἐστὶ ὁ κτησάμενος τῶν Μακεδόνων 
τὴν τυραννίδα τρόπῳ τοιῷδε. da ΄Άργεος ἔφυγον 
ἐς ᾿Ἰλλυριοὺς τῶν Τημένου ἀπογόνων τρεῖς ἆδελ.- 
heoi, l'avávgs τε καὶ ᾿Αέροπος καὶ Περδίκκης, ἐκ 
δὲ ᾿Ιλλυριῶν ὑπερβαλόντες ἐς τὴν ἄνω Μακεδο- 
νίην ἀπίκοντο ἐς Λεβαίην πόλιν. ἐνθαῦτα δὲ 


1 Alabanda was not in Phrygia but in Caria (cp. vii. 105); 
Stein prefers to read Alabastra, a town which Herodotus, 
according to Stephanus of Dy zantium, places in Phrygia. 


140 


BOOK VIII. 136-137 


Alexander, a Macedonian, son of Amyntas; him he 
sent, partly because the Persians were akin to him ; 
for Bubares, a Persian, had taken to wife Gygaea 
Alexander's sister and Amyntas’ daughter, who had 
borne to him that Amyntas of Asia who was called 
by the name of his mother’s father, and to whom 
the king gave Alabanda! a great city in Phrygia 
for his dw elling ; and partly he sent him because he 
learnt that Alexander was a protector and benefactor 
to the Athenians. It was thus that he supposed he 
could best gain the Athenians for his allies, of whom 
he heard that they were a numerous and valiant 
people, and knew that they had been the chief 
authors of the calamities which had befallen the 
Persians at sea. If he gained their friendship he 
looked to be easily master of the seas, as truly he 
would have been ; and on land he supposed himself 
to be by much the stronger; so he reckoned that 
thus he would have the upper hand of the Greeks. 
Peradventure this was the prediction of the oracles, 
counselling him to make the Athenian his ally, and 
it was in obedience to this that he sent his messenger. 

137. This Alexander was seventh in descent from 
Perdiccas, who got for himself the despotism of 
Macedonia in the way that I will show. Three 
brothers of the lineage of Temenus came as banished 
men from Argos? to Illyria, Gauanes and Aeropus 
and Perdiccas; and from Illyria they crossed over 
into the highlands of Macedonia till they came to 
the town Lebaea. There they served for wages as 


2 The story of an Argive origin of the Macedonian dynasty 
appears to be mythical. It rests probably on the similarity 
of the name Argeadae, the tribe to which the dynasty 
belonged. 


141 


HERODOTUS 


ἐθήτευον ἐπὶ μισθῷ παρὰ τῷ βασιλέι, ὃ μὲν 
ἵππους νέμων, ὃ δὲ βοῦς, ὁ δὲ νεώτατος αὐτῶν 
Περδίκκης τὰ λεπτὰ τῶν προβάτων. κἡ δὲ γυνὴ 
τοῦ βασιλέος αὐτὴ τὰ σιτία σφι ἔπεσσε' ἧσαν 
γὰρ τὸ πάλαι καὶ αἱ τυραννίδες τῶν ἀνθρώπων 
ἀσθενέες χρήμασι, οὐ μοῦνον. ὁ δῆμος" ὅκως δὲ 
OTT TQ], ὁ ἄρτος τοῦ παιδὸς τοῦ θητὸς Περδίκκεω 
διπλήσιος. ἐγίνετο αὐτὸς ἑωυτοῦ. ἐπεὶ δὲ αἰεὶ 
τὠυτὸ τοῦτο ἐγίνετο, εἶπε πρὸς τὸν ἄνδρα τὸν 
ἑωυτῆς" τὸν δὲ ἀκούσαντα ἐσῆλθε αὐτίκα ὡς εἴη 
τέρας καὶ φέροι μέγα τι. καλέσας δὲ τοὺς θῆτας 
προηγόρευέ σφι ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι ἐκ γῆς τῆς ἑωυ- 
τοῦ. οἳ δὲ τὸν μισθὸν ἔφασαν δίκαιοι εἶναι ἆπο- 
λαβόντες οὕτω ἐξιέναι. ἐνθαῦτα ὁ βασιλεὺς τοῦ 
μισθοῦ πέρι ἀκούσας, ἦν γὰρ κατὰ τὴν καπνο- 
δόκην ἐς τὸν οἶκον ἐσέχων. ὁ ἥλιος, εἶπε θεοβλαβὴς 
γενόμενος ** Μισθὸν δὲ t ὑμῖν ἐγὼ ον ἄξιον τόνδε 
ἀποδίδωμι," δέξας τὸν ἥλιον. ὁ μὲν. δὴ 1 αυάνης 
τε καὶ ὁ ᾿Αέροπος oi πρεσβύτεροι ἕστασαν ἐκ- 
πεπληγμένοι, ὡς ἤκουσαν ταῦτα" ὁ δὲ παῖς, ἐτύγ- 
χανε γὰρ ἔχων μάχαιραν, εἴπας τάδε “ Δεκόμεθα 
ὦ .Βασιλεῦ τὰ διδοῖς, περιγράφει τῇ μαχαίρῃ ἐς 
τὸ ἔδαφος τοῦ οἴκου τὸν ἥλιον, περιγράψας ὃ έ, ἐς 
τὸν κόλπον τρὶς ἀρυσάμενος τοῦ ἡλίου, ἁπαλλάσ- 
σετο αὐτός τε καὶ οἱ μετ᾽ ἐκείνου. 

198. Οἳ μὲν δὴ ἆ ἀπήισαν, τῷ δὲ βασιλέι σημαί. 
νει τις τῶν παρέδρων οἷόν τι χρῆμα ποιήσειε ὁ 
παῖς καὶ ὡς σὺν νόῳ κείνων ὁ ὁ νεώτατος λάβοι τὰ 
διδόμενα. ὃ δὲ ταῦτα ἀκούσας καὶ ὀξυνθεὶς πέμ- 
πει ἐπ᾽ αὐτοὺς ἱππέας ἀπολέοντας. ποταμὸς δὲ 
ἐστὶ ἐν τῇ χώρῃ ταύτῃ, τῷ θύουσι οἱ τούτων τῶν 


142 


BOOK VIII. 137-1358 


thralls in the king's household, one tending horses 
and another oxen, and Perdiccas, who was the 
youngest, the lesser flocks. Now the king’s wife 
cooked their food for them; for in old times the 
ruling houses among men, and not the commonalty 
alone, were lacking in wealth; and whenever she 
baked bread, the loaf of the thrall Perdiccas grew 
double in bigness. Seeing that this ever happened, 
she told her husband; and it seemed to him when 
he heard it that this was a portent, signifying some 
great matter. So he sent for his thralls and bade 
them depart out of his territory. They said it was 
but just that they should have their wages ere they 
departed ; whereupon the king, when they spoke 
of wages, was moved to foolishness, and said, ** That 
is the wage you merit, and it is that I give you,” 
pointing to the sunlight that shone down the smoke- 
vent into the house. Gauanes and Aeropus, who 
were the elder, stood astonied when they heard 
that; but the boy said, “ We accept what you give, 
O king,” and with that he took a knife that he had 
upon him and drew a line with it on the floor of the 
house round the sunlight!; which done, he thrice 
gathered up the sunlight into the fold of his garment, 
and went his way with his companions. 

138. So they departed ; but one of them that sat 
by declared to the king what this was that the boy 
had done, and how it was of set purpose that the 
youngest of them had accepted the gift offered; 
which when the king heard, he was angered, and 
sent riders after them to slay them. But there is 
in that land a river, whereto the descendants from 

1 The action is said to symbolise claiming possession of 


house and land, and also to call the sun to witness the claim. 
Ancient Germany, apparently, had a similar custom. 


143 


HERODOTUS 


ἀνδρῶν am “Apyeos ἀπόγονοι σωτῆρι' οὗτος, 
, / f e ’ 4 ο 3 να 
ἐπείτε διέβησαν οἱ Τημενίδαι, μέγας οὕτω ἐρρύη 
ὥστε τοὺς ἱππέας μὴ οἵους τε γενέσθαι διαβῆναι. 
δὲ ἀπικόμενοι ἐς ἄλλην γῆν τῆς Μακεδονίης 

οἴκησαν πέλας τῶν κήπων τῶν λεγομένων εἶναι 
Μίδεω τοῦ Γορδίεω, ἐν τοῖσι φύεται αὐτόματα 
εν «a e » e / /, 9 ^ 
ῥόδα, ἓν ἕκαστον ἔχον ἑξήκοντα φύλλα, οὐρῇ τε 
ὑπερφέροντα τῶν ἄλλων. ἐν τούτοισι καὶ ὁ Σιλη- 
νὸς τοῖσι κήποισι ἥλω, ὡς λέγεται ὑπὸ Μακεδό- 
νων. ὑπὲρ δὲ τῶν κήπων ὄρος κέεται Βέρμιον 
οὔνομα, ἄβατον ὑπὸ χειμῶνος. ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ ὁρ- 
μώμενοι, ὡς ταύτην ἔσχον, κατεστρέφοντο καὶ τὴν 
ἄλλην Μακεδονίην. 

139. ᾽Απὸ τούτου δὴ τοῦ Περδίκκεω᾽ Ἀλέξανδρος 
Ag 3 ’ 3 ΄ ^ > 4 / 
ὧδε ἐγένετο. ᾿Αμύντεω παῖς ἦν Αλέξανδρος, 
᾽Αμύντης δὲ ᾿Αλκέτεω, Ἀλκέτεω δὲ πατὴρ 7v 
᾿Αέροπος, τοῦ δὲ Φίλιππος, Φιλίππου δὲ ᾿Αργαῖος, 
τοῦ δὲ Περδίκκης ὁ κτησάμενος τὴν ἀρχήν. 

140. 'IEvyeyovee μὲν δὴ ὧδε ὁ ᾿Αλέξανδρος ὁ 
, £ e N 5 , , N 3 ’ , 
Αμύντεω' ὡς δὲ ἀπίκετο ἐς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας aro- 
πεμφθεὶς ὑπὸ Μαρδονίου, ἔλεγε τάδε. "Ἄνδρες 
, ^ / / / 
Ἀθηναῖοι, Μαρδόνιος τάδε λέγει. ἐμοὶ ἀγγελίη 
ἥκει παρὰ βασιλέος λέγουσα οὕτω. : ᾿Αθηναίοισι 
τὰς ἁμαρτάδας τὰς ἐς ἐμὲ ἐξ ἐκείνων γενομένας 
πάσας μετίημι. νῦν τε ὧδε Μαρδόνιε ποίεε" 
τοῦτο μὲν τὴν γῆν σφι ἀπόδος, τοῦτο δὲ ἄλλην 

ν 7 ες / 3 / e p! 204 
πρὸς ταύτῃ ἑλέσθων αὐτοί, ἤντινα ἂν ἐθέλωσι, 
ἐόντες αὐτόνομοι ἱρά τε πάντα σφι, ἣν δὴ Bov- 


1 This was the fertile and beautiful valley in which stood 
Aegae or Edessa (modern Vodena), the ancient home of the 
Macedonian kings. 


144 


BOOK VIII. 138-140 


Argos of these men offer sacrifice, as their deliverer ; 
this river, when the sons of Temenus had crossed it, 
rose in such flood that the riders could not cross. 
So the brothers came to another part of Macedonia 
and settled near the place called the garden of 
Midas son of Gordias,! wherein roses grow of them- 
selves, each bearing sixty blossoms and of surpassing 
fragrance; in which garden, by the Macedonian 
story, Silenus? was taken captive ; above it rises the 
mountain called Bermius, which none can ascend 
for the wintry cold. Thence they issued forth 
when they had won that country, and presently 
subdued also the rest of Macedonia. 

139. From that Perdiccas Alexander was descended, 
being the son of Amyntas, who was the son of 
Alcetes; Alcetes' father was Aeropus, and his was 
Philippus; Philippus’ father was Argaeus, and his 
again was Perdiccas, who won that lordship. 

140. Such was the lineage of Alexander son of 
Amyntas; who, when he came to Athens from 
Mardonius who had sent him, spoke on this wise. 
* This, Athenians, is what Mardonius says to you :— 
There is a message come to me from the king, 
saying, ‘I forgive the Athenians all the offences 
which they have committed against me ; and now, 
Mardonius, I bid you do this:—Give them back 
their territory, and let them choose more for them- 
selves besides, wheresoever they will, and dwell 
under their own laws; and rebuild all their temples 

2 This is a Phrygian tale, transferred to Macedonia. 
Silenus was a ‘‘nature-deity,” inhabiting places of rich 
vegetation: if captured, he was fabled in the Greek version 
of the myth to give wise counsel to his captor. One may 


compare the story of Proteus captured by Menelaus, in the 
Odyssey. 


145 


HERODOTUS 


λωνταί γε ἐμοὶ ὁμολογέειν, ἀνόρθωσον, ὅ ὅσα ἐγὼ 
ἐνέπρησα.. τούτων δὲ ἀπιγμένων ἀναγκαίως ἔχει 
μοι ποιέειν ταῦτα, ἣν. μὴ τὸ ὑμέτερον αἴτιον 
γένηται. λέγω δὲ ὑμῖν τάδε. νῦν τί μαίνεσθε 
πόλεμον βασιλέι .ἀειρόμενοι ; ; οὔτε γὰρ ἂν ὑπερ- 
βάλοισθε οὔτε οἷοί τε ἐστὲ ἀντέχειν τὸν πάντα 
χρόνον. εἴδετε μὲν γὰρ τῆς EéptEeo στρατηλα- 
σίης τὸ πλῆθος καὶ τὰ ἔργα, πυνθάνεσθε δὲ καὶ 
τὴν νῦν παρ᾽ ἐμοὶ ἐοῦσαν δύναμιν: ὥστε καὶ ἣν 
ἡμέας ὑπερβάλησθε καὶ νικήσητε, τοῦ περ ὑμῖν 
οὐδεμία ἐλπὶς εἴ περ εὖ Φρονέετε, ἄλλη παρέσται 
πολλαπλησίη. μὴ ὧν Βούλεσθε παρισούμενοι 
βασιλέι στέρεσθαι μὲν τῆς χώρης, θέειν δὲ αἰεὶ 
περὶ ὑμέων αὐτῶν, ἀλλὰ καταλύσασθε' παρέχει 
δὲ ὑμῖν κάλλιστα. καταλύσασθαι, ᾿βασιλέος 
ταύτῃ ὁρμημένου. ἔστε ἐλεύθεροι, ἡμῖν ὁμαιχ- 
mo συνθέμενοι à ἄνευ τε δόλου καὶ ἀπάτης. Μαρ- 
δόνιος μὲν ταῦτα ὦ ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἐνετείλατό μοι 
εἰπεῖν πρὸς ὑμέας" ἐγὼ δὲ περὶ μὲν εὐνοίης τῆς 
πρὸς ὑμέας ἐούσης ἐξ ἐμεῦ οὐδὲν λέξω, οὐ yàp. ἂν 
νῦν πρῶτον ἐκμάθοιτε, προσχρηίξω δὲ ὑμέων 
πείθεσθαι Μαρδονίῳ, ἐνορῶ γὰρ ὑμῖν οὐκ οἵοισί 
τε ἐσομένοισι τὸν πάντα χρόνον πολεμέειν Ξέρξῃ: 
εἰ γὰρ ἐνώρων τοῦτο ἐν ὑμῖν, οὐκ ἄν κοτε ἐς ὑμέας 
ἦλθον ἐ ἔχων λόγους τούσδε" καὶ γὰρ δύναμις i ὑπὲρ 
ἄνθρωπον 7 Βασιλέος ἐστὶ καὶ χεὶρ ὑπερμήκη». 
ἣν ὧν μὴ αὐτίκα ὁμολογήσητε, μεγάλα προτεινόν- 
των ἐπ᾽ οἷσι ὁμολογέειν ἐθέλουσι, δειμαίνω ὑπὲρ 
ὑμέων ἐν τρίβῳ τε μάλιστα οἰκημένων. τῶν συμ- 
μάχων πάντων αἰεί τε φθειρομένων μούνων, ἐξαί- 
ρετον μεταύχμιόν τε τὴν γῆν ἐκτημένων. ἀλλὰ 


146 


BOOK VIII. 140 


that I burnt, if they will make a covenant with me.” 
This being the message, needs must that I obey it 
(says Mardonius), unless you take it upon you to 
hinder me. And this [ say to you:—Why are you 
so mad as to wage war against the king? you 
cannot overcome him, nor can you resist him for 
ever. For the multitude of Xerxes’ host, and what 
they did, you have seen, and you have heard of the 
power that I now have with me; so that even if you 
overcome and conquer us (whereof, if you be in your 
right minds, you can have no hope), yet there will 
come another host many times as great as this. Be 
not then minded to match yourselves against the 
king, and thereby lose your land and ever be your- 
selves in jeopardy, but make peace; which you can 
most honourably do, the king being that way 
inclined ; keep your freedom, and agree to be our 
brothers in arms in all faith and honesty.—This, 
Athenians, is the message which Mardonius charges 
me to give you. For my own part I will say nothing 
of the goodwill that I have towards you, for it would 
not be the first that you have learnt of that ; but I 
entreat you to follow Mardonius' counsel. Well I 
see that you will not have power to wage war against 
Xerxes for ever; did I see such power in you, I had 
never come to you with such language as this ; for 
the king's might is greater than human, and his arm 
islong. Iftherefore you will not straightway agree 
with them, when the conditions which they offer 
you, whereon they are ready to agree, are so great, 
I fear what may befall you ; for of all the allies yor 
dwell most in the very path of the war, and you alone 
will never escape destruction, your country being 
marked out for a battlefield. Nay, follow his counsel , 


147 


HERODOTUS 


πείθεσθε' πολλοῦ γὰρ ὑμῖν ἄξια ταῦτα, εἰ βασι- 
λεύς γε ὁ μέγας μούνοισι ὑμῖν Ελλήνων τὰς 
ἁμαρτάδας ἀπιεὶς ἐθέλει φίλος γενέσθαι. 

141. ᾿Αλέξανδρος μὲν ταῦτα ἔλεξε. Λακεδαι- 
μόνιοι δὲ πυθόμενοι ἥκειν ᾿Αλέξανδρον ἐς ᾿Αθήνας 
ἐς ὁμολογίην ἄξοντα τῷ βαρβάρῳ ᾿Αθηναίους, 
ἀναμνησθέντες τῶν λογίων ὥς σφεας χρεόν ἐστι 
ἅμα τοῖσι ἄλλοισι Δωριεῦσι ἐκπίπτειν ἐκ ITexo- 
ποννήσου ὑπὸ Μήδων τε καὶ ᾿Αθηναίων, κάρτα 
τε ἔδεισαν μὴ ὁμολογήσωσι τῷ Πέρσῃ ᾿Αθηναῖοι, 
αὐτίκα τέ σφι ἔδοξε πέμπειν ἀγγέλους. καὶ δὴ 
συνέπιπτε ὥστε ὁμοῦ σφεων γίνεσθαι τὴν κατά- 
στασιν' ἐπανέμειναν γὰρ οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι διατρί- 
βοντες, εὖ ἐπιστάμενοι ὅτι ἔμελλον Λακεδαιμόνιοι 
πεύσεσθαι ἥκοντα παρὰ τοῦ βαρβάρου ἄγγελον 
ἐπ᾿ ὁμολογίῃ, πυθὀμενοί τε πέμψειν κατὰ τάχος 
ἀγγέλους. ἐπίτηδες ὧν ἐποίευν, ἐνδεικνύμενοι 
τοῖσι Λακεδαιμονίοισι τὴν ἑωυτῶν γνώμην. 

149. Ὡς δὲ ἐπαύσατο λέγων ᾿Αλέξανδρος, δια- 
δεξάμενοι ἕλεγον οἱ ἀπὸ Σπάρτης ἄγγελοι “ Ημέας 
δὲ ἔπεμψαν Λακεδαιμόνιοι δεησομένους ὑμέων 
μήτε νεώτερον ποιέειν μηδὲν κατὰ τὴν Ἑλλάδα 
μήτε λόγους ἐνδέκεσθαι παρὰ τοῦ βαρβάρου. 
οὔτε γὰρ δίκαιον οὐδαμῶς οὔτε κόσμον φέρον οὔτε 
ye ἄλλοισι ᾿Ελλήνων οὐδαμοῖσι, ὑμῖν δὲ δὴ καὶ 
διὰ πάντων ἥκιστα πολλῶν εἵνεκα. ἠγείρατε γὰρ 
τόνδε τὸν πόλεμον ὑμεῖς οὐδὲν ἡμέων βουλομένων, 
καὶ περὶ τῆς ὑμετέρης. ἀρχῆθεν ὁ ἀγὼν ἐγένετο, 
νῦν δὲ φέρει καὶ ἐς πᾶσαν τὴν ᾿Ελλάδα' ἄλλως 
τε τούτων ἁπάντων αἰτίους γενέσθαι δουλοσύνης 


148 


BOOK VIII. 140-142 


for it is not to be lightly regarded by you that you 
are the only men in Hellas whose offences the 
great king is ready to forgive and whose friend he 
would be." 

141. Thus spoke Alexander. But the Lacedae- 
monians had heard that Alexander was come to 
Athens to bring the Athenians to an agreement with 
the foreigner; and remembering the oracles, how 
that they themselves with the rest of the Dorians 
must be driven out of the Peloponnese by the Medes 
and the Athenians, they were greatly afraid lest the 
Athenians should agree with the Persian, and they 
straightway resolved that they would send envoys. 
Moreover it so fell out for both, that they made their 
entry at one and the same time; for the Athenians 
delayed, and tarried for them, being well assured 
that the Lacedaemonians were like to hear that the 
messenger was come from the Persians for an agree- 
ment; and they had heard that the Lacedaemonians 
would send their envoys with all speed; therefore it 
was of set purpose that they did it, that they might 
make their will known to the Lacedaemonians. 

142. So when Alexander had made an end ot 
speaking, the envoys from Sparta took up the tale, 
and said, “ We on our part are sent by the Lace- 
daemonians to entreat you to do nought hurtful to 
Hellas and accept no offer from the foreigner. That 
were a thing unjust and dishonourable for any 
Greek, but for you most of all, on many counts; it 
was you who stirred up this war, by no desire of ours, 
and your territory was first the stake of that 
battle, wherein all Hellas is now engaged; and 
setting that apart, it is a thing not to be borne that 
not all this alone but slavery too should be brought 


149 


HERODOTUS 


τοῖσι "Ελλησι ᾿Αθηναίους οὐδαμῶς ἀνασχετόν, 
οἵτινες αἰεὶ καὶ τὸ πάλαι φαίνεσθε πολλοὺς έλευ- 
θερώσαντες ἀνθρώπων. πιεζευµένοισι μέντοι ὑμῖν 
συναχθόμεθα, καὶ ὅτι καρπῶν ἐστερήθητε διξῶν 
ἤδη καὶ ὅτι οἰκοφθόρησθε χρόνον ἤδη πολλόν. 
ἀντὶ τούτων δὲ ὑμῖν Λακεδαιμόνιοί τε καὶ οἱ σύμ- 
μαχοι ἐπαγγέλλονται γυναῖκας τε καὶ τὰ ἐς 
πόλεμον ἄχρηστα οἰκετέων ἐχόμενα πάντα ἐπι- 
θρέψειν, ἔ ἔστ᾽ ἂν ὁ πόλεμος ὅδε συνεστήκῃ. μη δὲ 
ὑμέας ᾿Αλέξανδρος ὁ Μακεδὼν ἀναγνώσῃ, λεήνας 
τὸν Μαρδονίου λόγον. τούτῳ μὲν γὰρ ταῦτα 
ποιητέα ἐστί' τύραννος γὰρ ἐὼν τυράννῳ συγ- 
κατεργάζεται’ ὑμῖν δὲ οὐ ποιητέα, εἴ περ εὖ 
τυγχάνετε φρονέοντες, ἐπισταμένοισι ὡς Bappa- 
potat ἐστὶ οὔτε πιστὸν οὔτε ἀληθὲς οὐδέν.᾽ ταῦτα 
ἔλεξαν οἱ ἄγγελοι. 

145. ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ πρὸς μὲν ᾿Αλέξανδρον ὑπε- 
κρίναντο τάδε. '' Καὶ αὐτοὶ τοῦτό γε ἐπιστάμεθα 
ὅτι πολλαπλησίη ἐστὶ τῷ Μήδῳ δύναμις ἤ περ 
€ ^ e , ^ [4 ^ / > / 3 ? 
ἡμίν, ὥστε οὐδὲν δέει τοῦτό γε ὀνειδίζειν. ann 
ὅμως «ἐλευθερίης γλιχόμενοι ἀμυνεύμεθα οὕτω 
ὅκως ἂν καὶ δυνώμεθα. ὁμολογῆσαι δὲ τῷ βαρ- 
Βάρῳ μήτε σὺ ἡμέας πειρῶ ἀναπείθειν οὔτε ἡμεῖς 
πεισόμεθα. νῦν τε ἀπάγγελλε Μαρδονίῳ ὡς 
᾿Αθηναῖοι λέγουσι, ἔστ᾽ ἂν ὁ ἥλιος τὴν αὐτὴν ὁδὸν 
ἴῃ τῇ περ καὶ νῦν ἔρχεται, μήκοτε ὁμολογήσειν 
ἡμέας Ξέρξη" ἀλλὰ θεοῖσί τε συμμάχοισι πίσυνοί 
μιν. ἐπέξιμεν ἀμυνόμενοι. καὶ τοῖσι ἥρωσι, τῶν 
ἐκεῖνος οὐδεμίαν ὄπιν ἔχων ἐνέπρησε τούς τε 
οἴκους καὶ τὰ ἀγάλματα. σύ τε τοῦ λοιποῦ 
λόγους ἔχων τοιούσδε. μὴ ἐπιφαίνεο ᾿Αθηναίοισι, 
μηδὲ δοκέων χρηστὰ ὑπουργέειν ἀθέμιστα ἔρδειν 
15ο 


BOOK VIII. 142-143 


upon the Greeks by you Athenians, who have ever 
of old been known for givers of freedom to many. 
Nevertheless we grieve with you in your afHictions, 
for that now you have lost two harvests and your 
substance has been for a long time wasted; in 
requital wherefor the Lacedaemonians and their 
allies declare that they will nourish your women and 
all of your households that are unserviceable for war, 
so long as this war shalllast. But let not Alexander 
the Macedonian win you with his smooth-tongued 
praise of Mardonius' counsel. It is his business to 
follow that counsel, for as he is a despot so must he 
be the despot's fellow-worker; but it is not your 
business, if you be men rightly minded; for you 
know, that in foreigners there is no faith nor truth." 
Thus spoke the envoys. 

145. Butto Alexander the Athenians thus replied : 
*« We know of ourselves that the power of the Mede 
is many times greater than ours; there is no need to 
taunt us with that. Nevertheless in our zeal for 
freedom we will defend ourselves to the best of our 
ability. But as touching agreements with the 
foreigner, do not you essay to persuade us thereto, 
nor will we consent; and now carry this answer 
back to Mardonius from the Athenians, that as 
long as the sun holds the course whereby he now 
goes, we will make no agreement with Xerxes; but 
we will fight against him without ceasing, trusting 
in the aid of the gods and the heroes whom he has 
set at nought and burnt their houses and their 
adornments. To you we say, come no more to 
Athenians with such a plea, nor under the semblance 
of rendering us a service counsel us to do wickedly ; 


15 1 


HERODOTUS 


παραίνεε' ov yap σε βουλόμεθα οὐδὲν ἄχαρι 
πρὸς ᾿Αθηναίων παθεῖν ἐόντα πρόξεινόν τε καὶ 
φίλον.” 

144. Πρὸς μὲν ᾿Αλέξανδρον ταῦτα ὑπεκρίναντο, 
πρὸς δὲ τοὺς ἀπὸ Σπάρτης ἀγγέλους τάδε. “To 
μὲν δεῖσαι Λακεδαιμονί ίους μὴ ὁμολογήσωμεν τῷ 
βαρβάρῳ, κάρτα ἀνθρωπήιον ἦν: ἀτὰρ αἰσχρῶς 
γε οἴκατε ἐξεπιστάμενοι τὸ ᾿Αθηναίων φρόνημα 
ἀρρωδῆσαι, ὅτι οὔτε χρυσός ἐστι γῆς οὐδαμόθι 
τοσοῦτος οὔτε χώρη κάλλεϊ καὶ ἀρετῇ μέγα 
ὑπερφέρουσα, τὰ ἡμεῖς δεξάμενοι ἐθέλοιμεν ἂν 
μηδίσαντες καταδουλῶσαι τὴν Ελλάδα. πολλά 
τε γὰρ καὶ μεγάλα ἐστὶ τὰ διακωλύοντα ταῦτα 
μὴ ποιέειν μηδ᾽ ἣν ἐθέλωμεν, πρῶτα μὲν καὶ 
μέγιστα τῶν θεῶν τὰ ἀγάλματα καὶ τὰ οἰκήματα 
ἐμπεπρησμένα τε καὶ συγκεχωσμένα, τοῖσι ἡμέας 
ἀναγκαίως ἔχει τιμωρέειν ἐς τὰ μέγιστα μᾶλλον 
7j περ ὁμολογέειν τῷ ταῦτα ἐργασαμένῳ, αὖτις δὲ 
τὸ Ελληνικὸν ἐὸν ὅμαιμόν τε καὶ ὁμόγλωσσον καὶ 
θεῶν T τε κοινὰ καὶ θυσίαι ἠθεά τε ὁμό- 
τροπα, τῶν προδότας γενέσθαι ᾿Αθηναίους οὐκ 
ἂν εὖ ἔχοι. ἐπίστασθέ τε οὕτω, εἰ μὴ πρότερον 
ἐτυγχάνετε ἐπιστάμενοι, ἔστ᾽ ἂν καὶ εἷς περιῇ 
᾿Αθηναίων, μηδαμὰ ὁμολογήσοντας ἡμέας Ξέρξῃ. 
ὑμέων μέντοι ἀγάμεθα τὴν προνοίην τὴν πρὸς 
ἡμέας ἐοῦσαν, ὅτι προείδετε ἡμέων οἰκοφθορη- 
μένων οὕτω ὥστε ἐπιθρέψαι ἐθέλειν ἡμέων τοὺς 
οἰκέτας. καὶ ὑμῖν μὲν ἡ χάρις ἐκπεπλήρωται, 
ἡμεῖς μέντοι λιπαρήσομεν οὕτω ὅκως ἂν ἔχωμεν, 
οὐδὲν λυπέοντες ὑμέας. νῦν δέ, ὡς οὕτω ἐχόντων, 
στρατιὴν ὡς τάχιστα ἐκπέμπετε. ὡς γὰρ ἡμεῖς 
εἰκάζομεν, οὐκ ἑκὰς χρόνου παρέσται ὁ βάρβαρος 


152 


BOOK VIII. 143-144 


for we would not that you who are our friend and 
protector should suffer any harm at Athenian hands." 

144. Such was their answer to Alexander; but to 
the Spartan envoys they said, * It was most human 
that the Lacedaemonians should fear our making an 
agreement with the foreigner; but we think you do 
basely to be afraid, knowing the Athenian temper to 
be such that there is nowhere on earth such store of 
gold or such territory of surpassing fairness and 
excellence that the gift of it should win us to take 
the Persian part and enslave Hellas. Του there are 
many great reasons why we should not do this, even 
if we so desired ; first and chiefest, the burning and 
destruction of the adornments and temples of our 
gods, whom we are constrained to avenge to the 
uttermost rather than make covenants with the doer 
of these things, and next the kinship of all Greeks 
in blood and speech, and the shrines of gods and the 
sacrifices that we have in common, and the likeness 
of our way of life, to all which it would ill beseem 
Athenians to be false. Know this now, if you knew 
it not before, that as long as one Athenian is left 
alive we will make no agreement with Xerxes. 
Nevertheless we thank you for your forethought 
concerning us, in that you have so provided for our 
wasted state that you offer to nourish our households. 
For your part, you have given us full measure of 
kindness; yet for ourselves, we will make shift to 
endure as best we may, and not be burdensome to 
you. But now, seeing that this is so, send your 
army with all speed; for as we guess, the foreigner 


153 


HERODOTUS 


> ; 
ἐσβαλὼν ἐς τὴν ἡμετέρην, ἀλλ᾽ ἐπειδὰν τάχιστα 
πύθηται τὴν ἀγγελίην ὅτι οὐδὲν ποιήσομεν τῶν 
ἐκεῖνος ἡμέων προσεδέετο. πρὶν ὧν παρεῖναι 
ἐκεῖνον ἐς τὴν ᾿Αττικήν, ἡμέας καιρός ἐστι προ- 

- \ / ? A A 

βοηθῆσαι ἐς τὴν Botwtinv.” ot μὲν ταῦτα vro- 

/ , 0 / 3 / 3 - / 
κριναµένων Λθηναίων ἀπαλλάσσοντο ἐς Σπάρτην. 


154 


BOOK VIII. 144 


will be upon us and invading our country in no long 
time, but as soon as ever the message comes to him 
that we will do nothing that he requires of us; 
wherefore, ere he comes into Attica, now is the time 
for us to march first into Boeotia." At this reply of 
the Athenians the envoys returned back to Sparta. 


(55 


I 


l. Μαρδόνιος δέ, ὥς οἱ ἀπονοστήσας ᾿Αλέξαν- 
δρος τὰ παρὰ ᾿Αθηναίων ἐσήμηνε, ὁρμηθεὶς ἐκ 
Θεσσαλίης ἦγε τὴν στρατιὴν σπουδῇ ἐπὶ τὰς 
᾿Αθήνας. ὅκου δὲ ἑκάστοτε γίνοιτο, τούτους 
παρελάμβανε. τοῖσι δὲ Θεσσαλίης ἡγεομένοισι 
οὔτε τὰ πρὸ τοῦ πεπρηγμένα μετέμελε οὐδὲν 
πολλῷ τε μᾶλλον ἐπῆγον τὸν Πέρσην, καὶ ovp- 
T poc πεμψέ τε Θώρηξ ὸ Ληρισαῖος Ξέρξην dev- 
Ύοντα καὶ τότε ἐκ τοῦ φανεροῦ παρῆκε Μαρδόνιον 
ἐπὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα. 

2. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ πορευόμενος γίνεται ὃ στρατὸς 
ἐν Βοιωτοῖσι, οἱ Θηβαῖοι κατελάμβανον τὸν 
Μαρδόνιον καὶ συνεβούλευον αὐτῷ λέγοντες ὡς 
οὐκ εἴη χῶρος ἐπιτηδεότερος ἐνστρατοπεδεύεσθαι 
ἐκείνου, οὐδὲ ἔων ἱέναι ἑκαστέρω, ἀλλ᾽ αὐτοῦ 
ἱζόμενον ποιέειν ὅκως ἀμαχητὶ τὴν πᾶσαν Ἑλλάδα 
καταστρέψεται. κατὰ μὲν γὰρ τὸ ἰσχυρὸν "EX- 
Anvas ὁμοφρονέοντας, οὗ περ καὶ πάρος ταὐτὰ 
ἐγίνωσκον, χαλεπὰ εἶναι περιγίνεσθαι καὶ ἅπασι 
ἀνθρώποισι: “εἰ δὲ ποιήσεις τὰ ἡμεῖς παραινέ- 
open,” ἔφασαν λέγοντες, ** ἕξεις ἀπόνως πάντα 
τὰ ἐκείνων ἰσχυρὰ βουλεύματα" πέμπε χρήματα 
és TOUS δυναστεύοντας ἄνδρας ἐν τῆσι πόλισι, 
πέμπων δὲ τὴν Ελλάδα διαστήσεις' ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ 


158 


BOOK IX 


1. Mardonius, when Alexander returned and told 
him what he had heard from the Athenians, set forth 
from Thessaly and led his army with all zeal against 
Athens!; and to whatsoever country he came he 
took its people along with him. The rulers of 
Thessaly repented no whit of what they had already 
done, and were but readier than before to further 
his march ; and Thorax of Larissa, who had aided to 
give Xerxes safe-conduct in his flight, did now without 
disguise open a passage for Mardonius into Hellas. 

2. But when the army in its march was come into 
Boeotia, the Thebans sought to stay Mardonius, 
advising him that he could find no country better 
fitted than theirs for encampment; he should not 
(they pleaded) go further, but rather halt there and so 
act as to subdue all Hellas without fighting. For as 
long as the Greeks who before had been of the same 
way of thinking remained in accord, it would be a 
hard matter even for the whole werld to overcome 
them by force of arms; “ but if you do as we advise," 
said the Thebans as they spoke, “ you will without 
trouble be master of all their counsels of battle. 
Send money to the men that have power in their 
cities, and thereby you will divide Hellas against 


! In the summer of 479. Mardonius occupied Athens in 
July. 


159 


HERODOTUS 


τοὺς μὴ τὰ σὰ φρονέοντας ῥηιδίως μετὰ τῶν 
στασιωτέων καταστρέψεαι." 
^ . , , 2 

3. Of μὲν ταῦτα συνεβούλευον, ὃ δὲ οὐκ ἐπεί- 
θετο, AM οἱ δεινὸς ἐνέστακτο ἵμερος τὰς ᾿Αθήνας 
δεύτερα ἑλεῖν, ἅμα μὲν ὑπ᾽ ἀγνωμοσύνης, ἅμα δὲ 
πυρσοῖσι διὰ νήσων ἐδόκεε βασιλέι δηλώσειν 
37 > N / ὂ ef » » 8 / A δὲ / 
ἐόντι ἐν Σάρδισι ὅτι ἔχοι ᾿Αθήνας: ὃς οὐδὲ τότε 
3 M e 
ἀπικόμενος ἐς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν εὗρε τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους, 
, 2:099 v ^ ` / 2 0 4 
ἀλλ, ἐν τε Φαλαμινι τους πλειστους ἐπυνθάνετο 
εἶναι ἔν τε τῆσι νηυσί, αἱρέει τε ἔρημον τὸ ἄστυ. 
ε N / Cf , . e / N 
ἡ δὲ βασιλέος αἱρεσις ἐς τὴν ὑστέρην THY Map- 
δονίου ἐπιστρατηίην δεκάμηνος ἐγένετο. 

4. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ ἐν ᾿Αθήνησι ἐγένετο ὁ Μαρδόνιος, 
πέμπει ἐς Σαλαμῖνα Μουρυχίδην ἄνδρα Ἕλλησ- 
πόντιον φέροντα τοὺς αὐτοὺς λόγους τοὺς καὶ 
᾿Αλέξανδρος ὁ Μακεδὼν τοῖσι ᾿Αθηναίοισι διε- 
πόρθµευσε. ταῦτα δὲ τὸ δεύτερον ἀπέστελλε 
προέχων μὲν τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων οὐ φιλίας γνώμας, 
ἐλπίζων δὲ σφέας ὑπήσειν τῆς ἀγνωμοσύνης, ὡς 
δοριαλώτου ἐούσης τῆς ᾿Αττικῆς χώρης καὶ ἐούσης 
ὑπ᾽ ἑωυτῶ. 

5. Τούτων μὲν εἵνεκα ἀπέπεμψε Μουρυχίδην 
ἐς Σαλαμῖνα, ὃ δὲ ἀπικόμενος. ἐπὶ τὴν βουλὴν 

/ 
ἔλεγε τὰ παρὰ Μαρδονίου. τῶν δὲ βουλευτέων 
Λυκίδης εἶπε γνώμην, ὡς ἐδόκεε ἄμεινον εἶναι δε- 
ξαμένους τὸν λόγον, τόν σφι Μουρυχίδης προφέ épet, 
ἐξενεῖκαι ἐς τὸν δῆμον. ὃ μὲν δὴ ταύτην τὴν 
γνώμην ἀπεφαίνετο, εἴτε δὴ δεδεγμένος χρήματα 
mene Μαρδονίου, εἴτε καὶ ταῦτά οἱ ἑάνδανε' 

Αθηναῖοι δὲ αὐτίκα δεινὸν ποιησάμενοι ot τε ἐκ 
τῆς βουλῆς καὶ οἱ ἔξωθεν ὡς ἐπύθοντο, περι- 


160 


BOOK ΙΧ. 2-5 


itself; and after that, with your partisans to aid, you 
will easily subdue those who are your adversaries." 

3. Such was their counsel, but he would not 
follow it; rather he was imbued with a wondrous 
desire to take Athens once more; this was partly of 
mere perversity, and partly because he thought to 
signify to the king at Sardis by a line of beacons 
across the islands that he held Athens. Yet on his 
coming to Attica he found the Athenians no more 
there than before, but, as he learnt, the most of 
them were on shipboard at Salamis; and he took the 
city, but no men therein. There were ten months 
between the king’s taking of the place and the later 
invasion of Mardonius. 

4. When Mardonius came to Athens, he sent to 
Salamis one Murychides, a man of the Hellespont, 
bearing the same offer as Alexander the Macedonian 
had ferried across to the Athenians. He sent this 
the second time because, albeit he knew already 
the Athenians’ unfriendly purpose, he expected that 
they would abate their stiff-neckedness now that 
Attica was the captive of his spear and lay at his 
mercy. 

5. For this reason he sent Murychides to Salamis, 
who came before the council and told them 
Mardonius message. ‘Then Lycidas, one of the 
councillors, gave it for his opinion that it seemed 
to him best to receive the offer brought to them 
by Murychides and lay it before the people. This 
was the opinion which he declared, either because 
he had been bribed by Mardonius, or because the 
plan pleased him ; but the Athenians in the council 
were very wroth, and so too when they heard of it 
were they that were outside; and they made a ring 


161 
VOL. IV. G 


HERODOTUS 


στάντες Λυκίδην κατέλευσαν βάλλοντες, τὸν δὲ 
ε F 
Ελλησπόντιον Μουρυχίδην ἀπέπεμψαν ἀσινέα. 
{ N / » ^ ^ Ν N 
γενομένου δὲ θορύβου ἐν τῇ Σαλαμῖνι περὶ τὸν 
/ M 4 ^ 
Λυκίδην, πυνθάνονται τὸ γινόμενον αἱ γυναῖκες 
^ / 
τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων, διακελευσαμένη δὲ γυνὴ γυναικὶ 
ν ^ 3. — N N / 3m » 
καὶ παραλαβοῦσα ἐπὶ τὴν Λυκίδεω οἰκίην ἤισαν 
N ^ 
αὐτοκελέες, καὶ κατὰ μὲν ἔλευσαν αὐτοῦ τὴν 
^ \ b / 
γυναῖκα κατὰ δὲ τὰ τέκνα. 
- / » A 
6. 'Es δὲ τὴν Σαλαμῖνα διέβησαν οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι 
9 t / A 
ὧδε. ἕως μὲν προσεδέκοντο ἐκ τῆς Πελοποννήσου 
στρατὸν ἥξειν τιμωρήσοντά σφι, οἳ δὲ ἔμενον ἐν 
^ ^ e [4 
τῇ Αττικῇ: ἐπεὶ δὲ οἳ μὲν μακρότερα καὶ σχολαί- 
, / ^ δὲ M S N ôr ? A ΄ 
Tepa ἐποίεον, ὃ δὲ ἐπιών καὶ δὴ ἐν τῇ Βοιωτίῃ 
/ e ~ / [4 
ἐλέγετο εἶναι, οὕτω δὴ ὑπεξεκομίσαντό τε πάντα 
/ ^ 
καὶ αὐτοὶ διέβησαν ἐς Σαλαμῖνα, és Λακεδαί- 
/ 
μονά τε ἔπεμπον ἀγγέλους ἅμα μὲν µεμψομένους 
^ f ^ 
τοῖσι Λακεδαιμονίοισι ὅτι περιεῖδον ἐμβαλόντα 
S / > A > N , , » N 
τὸν βάρβαρον ἐς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν ἀλλ᾽ οὐ μετὰ 
d , ΄ bd . / [24 N e ή 
σφέων ἠντίασαν ἐς τὴν Βοιωτίην, ἅμα δὲ ὑπομνή- 
P; / e / ^ 
σοντας ὅσα σφι ὑπέσχετο o Πέρσης μεταβαλοῦσι 
δώσειν, προεῖπαί τε ὅτι εἰ μὴ ἀμυνεῦσι ᾿Αθη- 
e / \ 
ναΐοισι, ὡς καὶ αὐτοί τινα ἀλεωρὴν εὑρήσονται. 
ε ~ . [4 e r A 
7. Οἱ γὰρ δὴ Λακεδαιμόνιοι ὅρταξοόν τε τοῦτον 
N / / ç e / \ , 
τὸν χρόνον καί σφι ἦν Ὑακίνθια, περὶ πλείστου 
δ᾽ ἦγον τὰ τοῦ θεοῦ πορσύνειν' ἅμα δὲ τὸ τεῖχός 
N , ^ 9 0 ^ 3 / M no > / 
σφι, τὸ ἐν τῷ ᾿Ισθμῷ ἐτείχεον, καὶ ἤδη ἐπάλξις 
3 / e b 3 / , iN / 
ἐλάμβανε. ὡς δὲ ἀπίκοντο ἐς τὴν Λακεδαίμονα 
εν e 3 3 9 / e , / » 
οἱ ἄγγελοι οἱ am’ ᾿Αθηνέων, ἅμα ἀγόμενοι ἔκ τε 
N / f. 
Μεγάρων ἀγγέλους καὶ ἐκ Πλαταιέων, ἔλεγον 
162 


BOOK IX. 5-7 


round l,ycidas and stoned him to death. But they 
suffered Murychides the Hellespontian to depart 
unharmed. ‘There was much noise at Salamis over 
the business of Lycidas; and when the Athenian 
women learnt what was afoot, one calling to another 
and bidding her follow, they went of their own 
motion to the house of Lycidas, and stoned to death 
his wife and his children. 

6. Now this was how the Athenians had passed 
over to Salamis. As long as they expected that the 
Peloponnesian army would come to their aid, so long 
they abode in Attica. But when the Pelopon- 
nesians were ever longer and slower in action, and 
the invader was said to be already in Boeotia, they 
did then convey all their goods out of harm's way 
and themselves crossed over to Salamis; and they 
sent envoys to Lacedaemon, who should upbraid the 
Lacedaemonians for suffering the foreigner to invade 
Attica and not meeting him in Boeotia with the 
Athenians to aid; and should bid the Lacedae- 
monians withal remember what promises the Persian 
had made to Athens if she would change sides, and 
warn them that the Athenians would devise some 
succour for themselves if the Lacedaemonians sent 
them no help. 

7. For the Lacedaemonians were at this time 
holiday-making, keeping the festival of H yacinthus,! 
and their chiefest care was to give the god his due; 
moreover, the wall that they were building on the 
Isthmus was by now even getting its battlements. 
When the Athenian envoys were arrived at Lace- 
daemon, bringing with them envoys from Megara 


1 A festival said to be of pre-Dorian origin, commemorating 
the killing of Hyacinthus by Apollo. 
163 


HERODOTUS 


τάδε ἐπελθόντες ἐπὶ τοὺς ἐφόρους. “ἔπεμψαν 
ἡμέας ᾿Αθηναῖοι λέγοντες ὅτι ἡμῖν βασιλεὺς ὁ 
Μήδων τοῦτο μὲν τὴν χώρην ἀποδιδοῖ, τοῦτο δὲ 
συμμάχους ἐθέλει ἐ em ἴσῃ τε καὶ ὁμοίῃ ποιήσασθαι 
ἄνευ τε δόλου καὶ ἀπάτης, ἐθέλει δὲ καὶ ἄλλην 
χώρην πρὸς τῇ ἡμετέρῃ διδόναι, τὴν ἂν αὐτοὶ 
ἑλώμεθα. ἡμεῖς δὲ Δία τε ᾿Ελλήνιον αἰδεσθέντες 
καὶ τὴν Ἑλλάδα δεινὸν ποιεύμενοι προδοῦναι οὐ 
καταινέσαμεν ἀλλ. ἀπειπάμεθα, καίπερ ἀδικεό- 
μενοι ὑπ᾽ Ελλήνων καὶ καταπροδιδόµενοι, ἐπι- 
στάμενοί τε ὅτι κερδαλεώτερον ἐστὶ ὁμολογέειν 
τῷ Πέρσῃ μᾶλλον ἢ περ πολεμέειν’ ov μὲν οὐδὲ 
ὁμολογήσομεν ἑκόντες εἶναι. καὶ τὸ μὲν ἀπ 
ἡμέων οὕτω ἀκίβδηλον νέμεται ἐπὶ τοὺς" Ελληνας: 
ὑμεῖς δὲ ἐς πᾶσαν ἀρρωδίην τότε ἀπικόμενοι μὴ 
ὁμολογήσωμεν τῷ Πέρση, ἐπείτε ἐξεμάθετε τὸ 
ἡμέτερον φρόνημα σαφέως, ὅτι οὐδαμὰ. προδώ- 
σομεν τὴν Ελλάδα, καὶ διότι τεῖχος ὑμῖν διὰ 
τοῦ ᾿1σθ μοῦ ἐλαυνόμενον ἐν τέλεὶῖ ἐστί, καὶ δὴ 
λόγον οὐδένα τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων ποιέεσθε, συνθέ- 
μενοί τε ἡμῖν τὸν Πέρσην ἀντιώσεσθαι ἐς τὴν 
Βοιωτίην προδεδώκατε, 'περιείδετέ τε προεσβα- 
λόντα ἐς τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν τὸν βάρβαρον. ἐς μέν νυν 
τὸ παρεὸν ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἱ ὑμῖν. μηνίουσι: οὐ γὰρ ἐποιή- 
σατε ἐπιτηδέως. νῦν δὲ ὅ ὅτι τάχος. στρατιὴν ἅμα 
ἡμῖν ἐκέλευσαν ὑμέας ἐκπέμπειν, ὡς ἂν τὸν Βάρ- 
βαρον δεκώμεθα é ἐν τῇ Αττικῇ" ἐπειδὴ γὰρ ἡμάρ- 
Τοµεν τῆς Βοιωτίης, τῆς γε ἡμετέρης ἐπιτηδεότατον 
ἐστὶ μαχέσασθαι τὸ Θριάσιον πεδίον.” 

8. Ὡς δὲ ἄρα ἤκουσαν οἱ ἔφοροι ταῦτα, ave- 
Βάλλοντο ἐς τὴν ὑστεραίην ὑποκρίνασθαι, τῇ δὲ 


164 


BOOK IX. 7-8 


and Plataeae, they came before the ephors and said; 
“The Athenians have sent us with this message: 
The king of the Medes is ready to give us back our 
country, and to make us his confederates, equal in 
right and standing, in all honour and honesty, and 
to give us withal whatever land we ourselves may 
choose besides our own. But we, for that we would 
not sin against Zeus the god of Hellas, and think 
it shame to betray Hellas, have not consented, but 
refused, and this though the Greeks are dealing 
with us wrongfully and betraying us to our hurt, 
and though we know that it is rather for our 
advantage to make terms with the Persian than to 
wage war with him ; yet we will not make terms 
with him, of our own free will. Thus for our part 
we act honestly by the Greeks; but what of you, 
who once were in great dread lest we should make 
terms with the Persian? Because now you have clear 
knowledge of our temper and are sure that we will 
never betray Hellas, and because the wall that you 
are building across the Isthmus is well-nigh finished, 
to-day you take no account of the Athenians, but 
have deserted us for all your promises that you 
would withstand the Persian in Boeotia, and have 
suffered the foreigner to march into Attica. For 
the nonce, then, the Athenians are angry with you ; 
for that which you have done beseems you ill. But 
now they pray you to send with us an army with all 
speed, that we may await the foreigner's onset in 
Attica; for since we have lost Boeotia, in our own 
land the fittest battle-ground is the Thriasian 
plain." 

8. When the ephors, it would seem, heard that, 
they delayed answering till the next day, and again 


165 


HERODOTUS 


ὑστεραίῃ ἐς τὴν ἑτέρην" τοῦτο καὶ ἐπὶ δέκα ἡμέρας 
ἐποίεον, ἐξ ἡ ἡμέρης ἐς ἡμέρην ἀναβαλλόμενοι. ἐν 
δὲ τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ; τὸν ᾿Ισθμὸν è ἐτείχεον σπουδὴν 
ἔχοντες πολλὴν πάντες Πελοποννήσιοι, καί σφι 
ἣν πρὸς τέλεϊ. οὐδ᾽ ἔχω εἰπεῖν τὸ αἴτιον διότι 
ἀπικομένου μὲν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου τοῦ Μακεδόνος ἐς 
᾿Αθήνας σπουδὴν μεγάλην ἐποιήσαντο μὴ μηδίσαι 
᾿Αθηναίους, τότε δὲ ὤρην ἐποιήσαντο οὐδεμίαν, 
ἄλλο γε ἢ ὅτι ὁ Ἴσθμ 6s σφι ἐτετείχιστο καὶ 
ἐδόκεον ᾿Αθηναίων ἔτι δεῖσθαι οὐδέν: ὅτε δὲ 
᾿Αλέξανδρος ἀπίκετο ἐς τὴν Αττικήν, οὔκω ἀπε- 
τετείχιστο, ἐργάξοντο δὲ μεγάλως καταρρωδηκότες 
τοὺς ]]έρσας. 

9. Τέλος δὲ τῆς τε ὑποκρίσιος καὶ ἐξόδου τῶν 
Σπαρτιητέων ἐγένετο τρόπος τοιόσδε. τῇ προ- 
τεραίῃ τῆς ὑστάτης καταστάσιος μελλούσης 
ἔσεσθαι Χίλεος ἀνὴρ Teyentns, δυνάμενος ἐν Aa- 
κεδαίµονι μέγιστον ξείνων, τῶν ἐφόρων ἐπύθετο 
πάντα λόγον τὸν δὴ οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἔλεγον: ἀκού- 
σας δὲ ὁ Χίλεος ἔλεγε ἄρα σφι τάδε. “Οὕτω 
ἔχει, ἄνδρες ἔφοροι: ᾿Αθηναίων ἡμῖν ἐόντων μὴ 
ἀρθμίων τῷ δὲ βαρβάρῳ συμμάχων, καίπερ 
τείχεος διὰ τοῦ Ἰσθμοῦ ἐληλαμένου καρτεροῦ, 
μεγάλαι κλισιάδες ἀναπεπτέαται ἐς τὴν ILexo- 
πόννησον τῷ Πέρση. ἀλλ᾽ ἐσακούσατε, πρίν τι 
ἄλλο ᾿Αθηναίοισι δόξαι σφάλμα φέρον τῇ 'EA- 
λάδι. 

10. Ὃ μέν σφι ταῦτα συνεβούλευε: of δὲ 
φρενὶ λαβόντες τὸν λόγον αὐτίκα, φράσαντες 
οὐδὲν τοῖσι ἀγγέλοισι τοῖσι ἀπιγμένοισι ἀπὸ τῶν 
πολίων, νυκτὸς ἔτι ἐκπέμπουσι πεντακισχιλίους 
Σπαρτιητέων καὶ ἑπτὰ περὶ ἕκαστον τάξαντες 
166 


BOOK IX. 8-10 


till the day after; and this they did for ten days, 
putting off from day to day. In the meantime all 
the Peloponnesians were fortifying the Isthmus with 
might and main, and they had the work well-nigh 
done. Nor can I say why it was that when Alex- 
ander the Macedonian came to Athens! the Lace- 
daemonians were urgent that the Athenians should 
not take the Persian part, yet now made no account 
of that; except it was that now they had the Isth- 
mus fortified and thought they had no more need of 
the Athenians, whereas when Alexander came to 
Attica their wall was not yet built, and they were 
working thereat in great fear of the Persians. 

9. But the manner of their answering at last and 
sending the Spartan army was this: On the day 
before that hearing which should have been the 
last, Chileüs, a man of Tegea, who had more 
authority with the Lacedaemonians than any other 
of their guests, learnt from the ephors all that the 
Athenians had said ; and having heard it he said, as 
the tale goes, to the ephors, “ Sirs, this is how the 
matter stands: if the Athenians be our enemies and 
the foreigner's allies, then though you drive a strong 
wall across the Isthmus the Persian has an effectual 
door opened for passage into the Peloponnese, Nay, 
hearken to them, ere the Athenians take some new 
resolve that will bring calamity to Hellas." 

10. This was the counsel he gave the ephors, who 
straightway took it to heart ; saying no word to the 
envoys who were come from the cities, they bade 
march before dawn of day five thousand Spartans, 
with seven helots appointed to attend each of them; 


4 cp. viii. 1956. 
167 


HERODOTUS 


τῶν εἰλώτων, Παυσανίῃ τῷ Κλεομβρότου ἐπιτά- 
ξαντες ἐξάγειν. ἐγίνετο μὲν 7) ἡγεμονίη Ie- 
στάρχου τοῦ Λεωνίδεω" ἀλλ, ὃ μὲν ἦν ἔτι παῖς, 
ὃ δὲ τούτου emit por os TE καὶ ἀνεψιός. Κλεόμ- 
βροτος yap ὃ Παυσανίεω μὲν πατὴρ ᾿Αναξανδρί- 
δεω δὲ παῖς οὐκέτι περιῆν, ἀλλ’ ἀπαγαγὼν ἐκ 
τοῦ Ἰσθμοῦ τὴν στρατιὴν. τὴν τὸ τεῖχος δείµασαν 
μετὰ ταῦτα οὐ πολλὸν χρόνον τινὰ βιοὺς ἀπέθανε. 
ἀπῆγε δὲ τὴν στρατιὴν ὁ Κλεόμβροτος ἐκ τοῦ 
Ἰσθμοῦ διὰ τόδε" θυομένῳ οἱ ἐπὶ τῷ Πέρσῃ ὁ 
ἥλιος ἀμαυρώθη ἐν τῷ οὐρανῷ. προσαιρέεται δὲ 
ε - > ’ 3 r `~ 2 5 
ἑωυτῷ llavcavigs Πὐρυάνακτα τὸν Δωριέος, ἄνδρα 
οἰκίης ἐόντα τῆς αὐτῆς. 

11. Oi μὲν δὴ σὺν Παυσανίῃ ἐξεληλύθεσαν 
» bu ’ ^ E δὲ 394 ` e e / 9 ΄ 
ἔξω Σπάρτης" οἱ ÒE ἄγγελοι, ὡς ἡμέρη ἐγεγόνεε, 
305 LAZ N ^ 25-7 > ^ δουν q 
οὐδὲν εἰδότες περὶ τῆς ἐξόδου ἐπῆλθον ἐπὶ τοὺς 
3 / 5 ? CN » , A ν 
ἐφόρους, ἐν νόῳ δὴ ἔχοντες ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι καὶ 
αὐτοὶ ἐπὶ τὴν ἑωυτοῦ ἕκαστος: ἐπελθόντες δὲ 
»’ {ὃ ce N A \ 5 A ὃ , > ^ 
ἔλεγον τάὀε. μεις μεν, W (λακεδαιμονιοι αὐτου 
^ / 
τῇδε μένοντες Υακίνθιά τε ἄγετε καὶ παίζετε, 
καταπροδόντες τοὺς συµµάχους' ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ ὡς 

/ N / m 

ἀδικεόμενοι ὑπὸ ὑμέων χήτεϊ τε συμμάχων KATA- 
λύσονται τῷ Πέρση οὕτω ὅκως ἂν δύνωνται’ 
καταλυσάµενοι δέ, δῆλα γὰρ ὅτι σύμμαχοι Βασι- 
λέος γινόμεθα, συστρατευσόμεθα € ev ἣν ἂν ἐκεῖνοι 
ἐξηγέωνται. ὑμεῖς δὲ τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν μαθήσεσθε 
ὁκοῖον ἄν τι ὑμῖν ἐξ αὐτοῦ ἐκβαίνη.” ταῦτα λε- 
γόντων τῶν ἀγγέλων, οἱ ἔφοροι εἶπαν ἐπ᾿ ὅρκου 
καὶ δὴ δοκέειν εἶναι ἐν ᾿Ὀρεσθείῳ στείχοντας ἐπὶ 


1 His cousin; Euryanax was son of Dorieus, who was a 
brother of Pausanias’ father Cleombrotus. 


168 


BOOK ΙΝ. το-τι 


and they gave the command to Pausanias son of 
Cleombrotus. The leader's place belonged of right 
to Pleistarchus son of Leonidas; but he was yet a 
boy, and Pausanias his guardian and cousin. For 
Cleombrotus, Pausanias father and Anaxandrides’ 
son, was no longer living; after he led away from 
the Isthmus the army which had built the wall, 
he lived but a little while ere his death. The 
reason of Cleombrotus leading his army away 
from the Isthmus was that while he was offering 
sacrifice for victory over the Persian the sun was 
darkened in the heavens. Pausanias chose as his 
colleague a man of the same family,! Euryanax son 
of Dorieus. 

11. So Pausanias army had marched away from 
Sparta ; but as soon as it was day, the envoys came 
before the ephors, having no knowledge of the 
expedition, and being minded themselves too to 
depart each one to his own place ; and when they 
were come, ‘‘ You Lacedaemonians," they said, 
“abide still where you are, keeping your Hyacinthia 
and disporting yourselves, leaving your allies de- 
serted ; the Athenians, for the wrong that you do 
them and for lack of allies, will make their peace 
with the Persian as best they can, and thereafter, 
seeing that plainly we shall be the king's allies, we 
will march with him against whatever land his men 
lead us. Then will you learn what the issue of this 
matter shall be for you." Thus spoke the envoys; 
and the ephors swore to them that they believed 
their army to be even now at Orestheum,? marching 


2 Other references place Orestheum N.W. of Sparta, there- 
fore hardly on the direct route to the Isthmus, 


169 


HERODOTUS 


τοὺς ξείνους. ξείνους γὰρ ἐκάλεον τοὺς βαρβά- 
ρους. οἳ δὲ ὡς οὐκ εἰδότες ἐπειρώτων τὸ λεγό- 
μενον, ἐπειρόμενοι δὲ ἐξέμαθον πᾶν τὸ ἐόν, ὥστε 
ἐν θώματι γενόμενοι ἐπορεύοντο τὴν ταχίστην 
διώκοντες: σὺν δέ σφι τῶν περιοίκων Λακεδαιμο- 
νίων λογάδες πεντακισχίλιοι ὁπλῖται τὠυτὸ τοῦτο 
ἐποίεον. 

12. Οἳ μὲν δὴ ἐς τὸν Iob μὸν ἡ ἠπείγοντο" ᾿Αργεσῖι 
δὲ ἐπείτε τάχιστ a ἐπύθοντο τοὺς μετὰ Παυσανίεω 
ἐξεληλυθότας ἐκ Σπάρτης, πέμπουσι κήρυκα τῶν 
ἡμεροδρόμων ἀνευρόντες τὸν ἄριστον ἐς τὴν 
᾿Αττικήν, πρότερον αὐτοὶ Μαρδονίῳ ὑποδεξάμενοι 
σχήσειν τὸν «Σπαρτιήτην μὴ ἐξιέναι' ὃς ἐπείτε 
ἀπίκετο ἐς τὰς ᾿Αθήνας ἔλεγε τάδε. “ Μαρδόνιε, 
ἔπεμψ άν µε ᾿Αργεῖοι φράσοντά τοι ὅτι ἐκ Λακε- 
δαίμονος ἐξελήλυθε ἡ νεότης, καὶ ὡς οὐ δυνατοὶ 
αὐτὴν ἔχειν εἰσὶ ᾿Αργεῖοι μὴ οὐκ ἐξιέναι. πρὸς 
ταῦτα τύγχανε εὖ βουλευόμενος.” 

13. Ὃ μὲν δὴ εἴπας ταῦτα ἀπαλλάσσετο 
ὀπίσω, Μαρδόνιος δὲ οὐδαμῶς ἔτι πρόθυμος ἣν 
μένειν ἐν τῇ ᾿Αττικῇ, ὡς ἤκουσε ταῦτα. πρὶν 
μέν νυν 7) πυθέσθαι ἀνεκώχευε, θέλων εὐδέναι τὸ 
παρ ᾿Αθηναίων, ὁκοῖόν τι ποιήσουσι, καὶ οὔτε 
ἐπήμαινε οὔτε ἐσίνετο γῆν τὴν ᾿Αττικήν, ἐλπίξων 
διὰ παντὸς τοῦ χρόνου ὁμολογήσειν σφέας" ἐπεὶ 
δὲ οὐκ ἔπειθε, πυθόμενος πάντα λόγον, πρὶν ἢ 
τοὺς μετὰ Παυσανίεω ἐς τὸν 'loOuóv ἐσβαλεῖν, 
ὑπεξεχώρεε ἐμπρήσας τε τὰς ᾿Αθήνας, καὶ εἴ κού 
τι ὀρθὸν ἣν τῶν τειχέων ἢ τῶν οἰκημάτων ἢ τῶν 
ἱρῶν, πάντα καταβαλὼν καὶ συγχώσας. ἐξήλαυνε 


1 Inhabitants of the country districts of Laconia, not 
enjoying the full privileges of Spartans. 
170 


BOOK IX. 11-13 


against the “ strangers,” as they called the foreigners. 
Having no knowledge of this, the envoys questioned 
them further as to what the tale might mean, and 
thereby learnt the whole truth ; whereat they mar- 
velled, and took the road with all speed after the 
army; and with them went likewise five thousand 
chosen men-at-arms of the Lacedaemonian country- 
men. 

12. So they made haste to reach the Isthmus. 
But the Argives had already promised Mardonius 
that they would hinder the Spartan from going out 
to war; and as soon as they were informed that 
Pausanias and his army had departed from Sparta, 
they sent as their herald to Attica the swiftest runner 
of long distances that they could find ; who, when 
he came to Athens, spoke on this wise to Mardonius : 
*] am sent by the Argives to tell you that the 
young men have gone out from Lacedaemon to war, 
and that the Argives cannot stay them from so 
doing; wherefore, may fortune grant you good 
counsel." 

13. So spoke the herald, and departed back again ; 
and when Mardonius heard that, he was no longer 
desirous of remaining in Attica. Before he had word 
of it, he had held his hand, desiring to know the 
Athenians plan and what they would do, and 
neither harmed nor harried the land of Attica, 
for he still ever supposed that they would make 
terms with him; but when he could not move them, 
and learnt all the truth of the matter, he drew off 
from before Pausanias army ere it entered the 
Isthmus; but first he burnt Athens, and utterly 
overthrew and demolished whatever wall or house 
or temple was left standing. The reason of his 


171 


HERODOTUS 


δὲ τῶνδε εἴνεκεν, ὅτι οὔτε ἱππασιμη ἡ χώρη ἦν ἡ 
, / ” ^ ΄ , / 
Αττική, εἰ τε νικῷτο συμβαλών, ἀπάλλαξις οὐκ 
* 
ἦν ὅτι μὴ κατὰ στεινὀν, ὥστε ὀλίγους σφέας 
ἀνθρώπους ἴσχειν. ἐβουλεύετο ὧν ἐπαναχωρήσας 
A , ^ / 
ἐς τὰς Θήβας συμβαλεῖν πρὸς πόλι τε φιλίη καὶ 
χώρῃ ἱππασίμῳ. 
14. Μαρδόνιος μὲν δὴ ὑπεξεχώρεε, ἤδη δὲ ἐν 
LCS PYA 97 , ^ DAO , AŬ )6 
τῇ ὁδῷ ἐόντι αὐτῷ ἦλθε ἀγγελίη πρόδρομον 
»y A er 3 / / 
ἄλλην στρατιὴν ἥκειν ἐς Méyapa, Λακεδαιμονίων 
χιλίους: πυθόμενος δὲ ταῦτα ἐβουλεύετο θέλων 
εἴ κως τούτους πρῶτον ἕλοι. ὑποστρέψας δὲ 
A , 
τὴν στρατιὴν ἦγε ἐπὶ τὰ Méyapa: ἡ δὲ ἵππος 
προελθοῦσα κατιππάσατο χώρην τὴν Μεγαρίδα. 
\ / ^ ^ 
ἐς ταύτην δὴ ἑκαστάτω τῆς Εὐρώπης τὸ πρὸς 
ἡλίου δύνοντος ἡ Περσικὴ αὕτη στρατιὴ ἀπίκετο. 
\ ` ^ / , 5 , / 
15. Mera δὲ ταῦτα Μαρδονίῳ ἦλθε ἀγγελίη 
ε / ? ευ , ^ ^ 
ὡς ἁλέες εἴησαν οἱ  EANyves ἐν τῷ ᾿Ισθμῷ. οὕτω 
κ ο , / ` A e ^ 
δὴ ὀπίσω ἐπορεύετο διὰ Δεκελέης' οἱ γὰρ βοιω- 
τάρχαι μετεπέμψαντο τοὺς προσχώρους τῶν 
᾿Ασωπίων, οὗτοι δὲ αὐτῷ τὴν ὁδὸν ἡγέοντο ἐς 
/ 1 ^ A 3 / 7 / 
Σφενδαλέας, ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ ἐς Τάναγραν: ἐν Tavaypn 
δὲ νύκτα ἐναυλισάμενος, καὶ τραπόμενος τῇ ὑστε- 
/ 3 N ^ 3 ^ ^ / ^" 9 ^ 
pain ἐς σκῶλον ἐν γῇ τῇ Θηβαίων ἦν. ἐνθαῦτα 
^ / 
δὲ τῶν Θηβαίων καίπερ μηδιξόντων ἔκειρε τοὺς 
No» ^ 
χώρους, οὔτι κατὰ ἔχθος αὐτῶν ἀλλ᾽ ὑπ᾽ ἀναγκαίης 
/ [4 ^ ^ 
μεγάλης ἐχόμενος ἔρυμά τε τῷ στρατῷ ποιή- 
θαι, καὶ ἣν συμβαλόντι οἱ μὴ ἐκβαίνη ὁκοῖό 
σασθαι, ἣν συμ μὴ ἐκβαίνῃ ὁκοῖόν 
7 ’ ^ > ^ 
τι ἐθέλοι, κρησφύγετον τοῦτο ἐποιέετο. παρῆκε 
” \ / s 
δὲ αὐτοῦ τὸ στρατόπεδον ἀρξάμενον ἀπὸ 'EpvÜpéev 
172 


BOOK ΙΧ. 13-15 


marching away was, that Attica was no country for 
horsemen's work, and if he should be worsted in 
a battle there was no way of retreat save one so 
narrow that a few men could stay his passage.! 
Wherefore it was his plan to retreat to Thebes and 
do battle where he had a friendly city at his back 
and ground fitted for horsemen. 

14. So Mardonius drew his men off, and when he 
had now set forth on his road there came a message 
that over and above the rest an advance guard of 
a thousand Lacedaemonians was arrived at Megara; 
at which hearing he took counsel how he might first 
make an end of these ; and he turned about and led 
his army against Megara, his horse going first and 
overrunning the lands of that city. That was the 
most westerly place in Europe to which this Persian 
armament attained. 

15. Presently there came a message to Mardonius 
that the Greeks were gathered together on the 
Isthmus. Thereupon he marched back again 
through Decelea; for the rulers of Boeotia sent 
for those of the Asopus country that dwelt near, 
and these guided him to Sphendalae and thence to 
Tanagra, where he camped for the night ; and on 
the next day he turned thence to Scolus, where he 
was in Theban territory. There he laid waste the 
lands of the Thebans, though they took the Persian 
part; not for any ill-will that he bore them, but 
because sheer necessity drove him to make a strong 
place for his army, and to have this for a refuge if 
the fortune of battle were other than he desired. 
His army covered the ground from Erythrae past 


1 He would have to retreat into Boeotia by way of the 
pass over Cithaercn. 


173 


HERODOTUS 


παρὰ Toas, κατέτεινε δὲ ἐς τὴν Harada γῆν, 
παρὰ τὸν ᾿Ασωπὸν ποταμὸν τεταγμένον. οὐ 
μέντοι τό γε τεῖχος τοσοῦτο ἐποιέετο, ἆλλ᾽ ὡς 
ἐπὶ δέκα σταδίους μάλιστά Kn μέτωπον ἕκαστον. 

16. ᾿Εχόντων δὲ τὸν πόνον τοῦτον τῶν βαρ- 
Bapov, ᾿Ατταγῖνος ὁ Φρύνωνος ἀνὴρ. Θηβαῖος 
παρασκευασάμενος μεγάλως ἐκάλεε ἐπὶ ξείνια 
αὐτόν τε Μαρδόνιον καὶ πεντήκοντα Περσέων 
τοὺς λογιμωτάτους, κληθέντες δὲ οὗτοι εἴποντο' 
ἦν δὲ το δεῖπνον ποιεύμενον ἐν Θήβησι. τάδε 
δὲ ἤδη τὰ ἐπίλοιπα ἤκουον Θερσάνδρου ἀνδρὸς 
μὲν Ὀρχομενίου, λογύμου δὲ ἐς τὰ πρῶτα ἐν 
Ὀρχομενῴ. ἔφη δὲ ὁ Θέρσανδρος κληθῆναι καὶ 
αὐτὸς ὑπὸ ᾿Ατταγίνου ἐπὶ τὸ δεῖπνον τοῦτο, Κλη- 
θῆναι δὲ καὶ Θηβαίων ἄνδρας πεντήκοντα, καί 
σφεων. οὐ νηὸς ἑκατέρους κλῖναι, ἀλλὰ Πέρσην 
τε καὶ Θηβαῖον ἐν κλίνῃ ἑκάστῃ. ὡς δὲ ἀπὸ 
δείπνου ἦσαν, διαπινόντων τὸν Πέρσην τὸν ὁμό- 
κλινον ᾿Ελλάδα γλῶσσαν ἱέντα εἰρέσθαι αὐτὸν 
ὁποδαπός ἐστι, αὐτὸς δὲ ὑποκρίνασθαι ὡς εἴη 
Ὀρχομένιος. τὸν δὲ εἰπεῖν “ ᾿Επεὶ νῦν ὁμοτρά- 
πεξός τέ μοι καὶ ὁμόσπονδος ἐγένεο, μνημόσυνά 
τοι γνώμης τῆς ἐμῆς καταλιπέσθαι θέλω, ἵνα καὶ 
προειδὼς αὐτὸς περὶ. σεωυτοῦ βουλεύεσθαι ἔχῃς 
τὰ συμφέροντα. ὁρᾶς τούτους τοὺς δαινυμένους 
Πέρσας καὶ τὸν στρατὸν τὸν ἑλίπομεν ἐπὶ τῷ 
ποταμῷ στρατοπεδευόμενον' τούτων πάντων 
ὄψεαι ὀλίγου τινὸς χρόνου διελθόντος ὀλίγους 
τινὰς τοὺς περιγενομένους. ταῦτα ἅμα τε τὸν 
Πέρσην λέγειν καὶ μετιέναι πολλὰ τῶν δακρύων. 
αὐτὸς δὲ θωμάσας τὸν λόγον εἰπεῖν πρὸς αὐτὸν 
“Οὐκῶν Μαρδονίῳ τε ταῦτα χρεόν ἐστι λέγειν 
174 


BOOK IX. 15-16 


Hysiae and reached unto the lands of Platacae, 
where it lay ranked by the Asopus river. I say 
not that the walled camp which he made was so 
great; each side of it was of a length of about ten 
furlongs. 

16. While the foreigners were employed about 
this work, Attaginus son of Phrynon, a Theban, 
made great preparation and invited Mardonius with 
fifty who were the most notable of the Persians to 
be his guests at a banquet. They came as they 
were bidden; the dinner was given at Thebes. 
Now here follows the end of that matter, which was 
told me by Thersandrus of Orchomenus, one of the 
most notable men of that place. Thersandrus too 
(he said) was bidden to this dinner, and fifty 
Thebans besides; and Attaginus made them sit, 
not each man by himself, but on each couch a 
Persian and a Theban together. Now after dinner 
while they drank one with another, the Persian 
that sat with him asked Thersandrus in the Greek 
tongue of what country he was; and Thersandrus 
answered that he was of Orchomenus. Then said 
the Persian: “Since now you have eaten at the 
board with me and drunk with me thereafter, I 
would fain leave some record of my thought, that 
you yourself may have such knowledge as to take 
fitting counsel for your safety. See you these 
Persians at the banquet, and that host which we 
left encamped by the river side? of all these in a 
little while you shall see but a little remnant left 
alive"; and as he said this, the Persian wept 
bitterly. Marvelling at this saying, Thersandrus 
answered: “ Must you not then tell this to Mardonius 


175 


HERODOTUS 


καὶ τοῖσι μετ᾽ ἐκεῖνον ἐν αἴνῃ ἐοῦσι Περσέων ; " 
τὸν δὲ μετὰ ταῦτα εἰπεῖν “ Ξεῖνε, 6 τι δεῖ γενέσθαι 
ἐκ τοῦ θεοῦ ἀμήχανον ἀποτρέψαι ἀνθρώπῳ' οὐδὲ 
γὰρ πιστὰ λέγουσι ἐθέλει πείθεσθαι οὐδείς. 
ταῦτα δὲ Περσέων συχνοὶ ἐπιστάμενοι ἑπόμεθα 
ἀναγκαίῃ ἐνδεδεμένοι, ἐχθίστη δὲ ὀδύνη ἐστὶ τῶν 
ἐν ἀνθρώποισι αὕτη, πολλὰ φρονέοντα μηδενὸς 
κρατέειν.᾽ ταῦτα μὲν Ὀρχομενίου Θερσάνδρου 
ἤκουον, καὶ τάδε πρὸς τούτοισι, ὡς αὐτὸς αὐτίκα 
λέγοι ταῦτα πρὸς ἀνθρώπους πρότερον ἢ γενέσθαι 
ἐν Πλαταιῆσι τὴν μάχην. 

Late Μαρδονίου δὲ ἐν τῇ Ῥοιωτίῃ στρατοπεδευο- 
μένου οἱ μὲν ἄλλοι παρείχοντο ἅπαντες στρατιὴν 
καὶ συνεσέβαλον ἐς ᾿Αθήνας, ὅσοι περ ἐμήδιξον 
Ἑλλήνων τῶν ταύτῃ οἰκημένων, μοῦνοι δὲ Φωκέες 
οὐ συνεσέβαλον (ἐμήδιζον γὰρ δὴ σφόδρα, καὶ 
οὗτοι) οὐκ ἑκόντες ἀλλ᾽ ὑπ ἀναγκαίης. ἡμέρῃσι 
δὲ οὐ πολλῆσι μετὰ τὴν ἄπιξιν τὴν ἐς Θήβας 
ὕστερον. ἦλθον αὐτῶν ὁπλῖται χίλιοι, ἦγε δὲ 
αὐτοὺς ‘A ppoxvdns ἀνὴρ τῶν ἀστῶν δοκιμώτατος. 
ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀπίκατο καὶ οὗτοι ἐς Θήβας, πέμψας ὁ 
Μαρδόνιος ἱ ἱππέας ἐκέλευσε σφέας em ἑωυτῶν ἐν 
τῷ πεδίῳ ἵξεσθαι. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐποίησαν ταῦτα, 
αὐτίκα παρῆν ἵππος ἡ ἅπασα. μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα 
διεξῆλθε μὲν διὰ τοῦ στρατοπέδου τοῦ “Ἑλληνικοῦ 
τοῦ μετὰ Μήδων ἐόντος φήμη ὡς κατακοντιεῖ 
σφεας, διεξῆλθε δὲ δι αὐτῶν Φωκέων τὠυτὸ 
τοῦτο. ἔνθα δή σφι ὁ στρατηγὸς ᾿Αρμοκύδης 
παραΐνεε λέγων τοιάδε. “O Φωκέες, πρόδηλα 
γὰρ ὅτι ἡμέας οὗτοι οἱ ἄνθρωποι μέλλουσι προ- 
ὁπτω θανάτῳ δώσειν, διαβεβλημένους ὑπὸ Θεσ- 
σαλῶν, ὡς ἐγὼ εἰκάζω: νῦν ἄνδρα πάντα τινὰ 
176 


BOOK ΙΧ. 16-17 


and those honourable Persians that are with him?" 
* Sir," said the Persian, “that which heaven wills 
to send no man can turn aside ; for even truth finds 
none to believe it. What I have said is known to 
many of us Persians; but we follow, in the bonds 
of necessity. And it is the hatefulest of all human 
sorrows to have much knowledge and no power." 
This tale I heard from Thersandrus of Orchomenus ; 
who said to me, moreover, that he had straightway 
told it to others before the fight of Plataeae. 

17. So Mardonius was making his encampment in 
Boeotia ; all the Greeks of that region who took the 
Persian part furnished fighting men, and they joined 
with him in his attack upon Athens, except only 
the Phocians: as to taking the Persian part, that 
they did in good sooth, albeit not willingly but of 
uecessity. But when a few days were past after the 
Persians' coming to Thebes, there came a thousand 
Phocian men-at-arms, led by Harmocydes, the most 
notable of their countrymen, These also being 
arrived at Thebes, Mardonius sent horsemen and 
bade the Phocians take their station on the plain 
by themselves, When they had so done, straight- 
way appeared the whole of the Persian cavalry; 
and presently it was bruited abovt through all the 
Greek army that was with Mardonius, and likewise 
among the Phocians themselves, that Mardonius 
would shoot them to death. Then their general 
Harmocydes exhorted them: ** Men of Phocis," he 
said, * seeing it is plain that death at these fellows' 
hands stares us in the face (we being, as I surmise, 
maligned by the Thessalians); now it is meet for 


177 


HERODOTUS 


ὕμεων χρεον ἐστι γενεσθαι ἀγαθόν' κρέσσον yap 
ποιεῦντάς τι καὶ ἀμυνομένους τελευτῆσαι. τὸν 
αἰῶνα 7 περ παρέχοντας διαφθαρῆναι, αἰσχίστῳ 
μόρῳ. ἀλλὰ μαθέτω τις αὐτῶν ὅτι ἐόντες Bdp- 
Bapor ἐπ᾽ Ἕλλησι ἀνδράσι φόνον ἔρραψαν." 

18. Ὃ μὲν ταῦτα παραίνεε' οἱ δὲ ἱππέες 
ἐπεί σφεας ἐκυκλώσαντο, ἐπήλαυνον ὡς ἀπο- 
λέοντες, καὶ δὴ διετείνοντο τὰ βέλεα ὡς ἀπη- 
σοντες, καί κού τις καὶ ἀπῆκε. καὶ οἳ 
ἀντίοι ἔστησαν πάντῃ συστρέψαντες ἑωυτοὺς 
καὶ πυκνώσαντες ὡς μάλιστα. ἐνθαῦτα οἱ ἱπ- 
πόται ὑπέστρεφον καὶ ἀπήλαυνον ὀπίσω. οὐκ 
ἔχω Ò ἀτρεκέως εἰπεῖν οὔτε εἰ ἦλθον μὲν aro- 
λέοντες τοὺς Φωκέας δεηθέντων Θεσσαλῶν, ἐπεὶ 
δὲ ὥρων πρὸς ἀλέξησιν τραπομένους, δείσαντες 
μὴ καὶ σφίσι γένηται τρώματα, οὕτω δὴ ἀπή- 
λαυνον ὁ ὀπίσω" ὣς γάρ σφι ἐνετείλατο Μαρδόνιος" 
OUT εἰ αὐτῶν πειρηθῆναι ἠθέλησε εἴ τί ἀλκῆς 

μετέχουσι. ὡς δὲ ὀπίσω ἀπήλασαι' οἱ ἱππόται, 
πέμψας Μαρδόνιος κήρυκα ἔλεγε τάδε. “Θαρ- 
σέετε ὦ Φωκέες: ἄνδρες γὰρ ἐφάνητε ἐόντες ἆγα- 
θοί, οὐκ ὡς ἐγὼ ἐπυνθανόμην. καὶ νῦν προθύμως 
φέρετε τὸν πόλεμον τοῦτον" εὐεργεσίῃσι γὰρ οὗ 
νικήσετε οὔτ᾽ ὧν ἐμὲ οὔτε, βασιλέα. τὰ περὶ 
Φωκέων μὲν ἐς τοσοῦτο ἐγένετο. 

19. Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ ὡς ἐς τὸν ᾿Ισθμὸν ἦλθον, 
ἐν τούτῳ ἐστρατοπεδεύοντο. πυνθανόμενοι δὲ 
ταῦτα οἱ λοιποὶ Πελοποννήσιοι τοῖσι τὰ ἀμείνω 
ἑάνδανε, οἳ δὲ καὶ ὁρῶντες ἐξιόντας Σπαρτιήτας, 
οὐκ ἐδικαίευν λείπεσθαι τῆς ἐξόδου Λακεδαι- 
μονίων. ἐκ δὴ ὧν τοῦ Ἰσθμοῦ καλλιερησάντων 


178 


BOOK ΙΧ. r7-19 


every one of you to play the man; for it is better to 
end our lives in action and fighting than tamely to 
suffer a shameful death. Nay, but we will teach 
them that they whose slaying they have devised are 
men of Hellas.” Thus he exhorted them. 

18. But when the horsemen had encircled the 
Phocians they rode at them as it were to slay 
them, and drew their bows to shoot, and 'tis 
like that some did even shoot. The Phocians 
fronted them every way, drawing in together and 
closing their ranks to the best of their power ; 
whereat the horsemen wheeled about and rode back 
and away. Now I cannot with exactness say if they 
came at the Thessalians’ desire to slay the Phocians, 
but, when they saw the men preparing to defend 
themselves, feared lest they themselves should suffer 
some hurt, and so rode away back (for such was 
Mardonius command),—or if Mardonius desired to 
test the Phocians’ mettle. But when the horsemen 
had ridden away, Mardonius sent a herald, with this 
message: “ Men of Phocis, be of good courage; for 
you have shown yourselves to be valiant men, and 
not as it was reported to me. And now push this 
war zealously forward; for you will outdo neither 
myself nor the king in the rendering of service." ! 
Thus far went the Phocian business. 

19. As for the Lacedaemonians, when they were 
come to the Isthmus, they encamped there. When 
the rest of the Peloponnesians who chose the better 
cause heard that, seeing the Spartans setting forth 
to war, they deemed it was not for them to be 
behind the Lacedaemonians in so doing. Wherefore 
they all marched from the Isthmus (the omens of 


1 That is, serve us and we will serve you. 


179 


HERODOTUS 


τῶν ἱρῶν ἐπορεύοντο πάντες καὶ ἀπικνέονται ἐς 
δει ^ 4 \ Ν » ^ e / e 
làXeveiva: ποιήσαντες δὲ καὶ ἐνθαῦτα ἱρά, ὥς 
3 / b , , ΄ 3 - 
σφι ἐκαλλιέρεε, τὸ πρόσω ἐπορεύοντο, ᾿Αθηναῖοι 
δὲ ἅμα αὐτοῖσι, διαβάντες μὲν ἐκ Σαλαμῖνος, 
συμμιγέντες δὲ ἐν ᾿Ελευσῖνι. ὡς δὲ ἄρα ἀπίκοντο 
^ ’ » , 7 » ’ N \ 
τῆς Ποιωτίης ἐς ᾿Ερυθράς, ἔμαθόν τε δὴ τοὺς 
^ ^ / 
βαρβάρους ἐπὶ τῷ ᾿Ασωπῷ στρατοπεδευοµένους, 
φρασθέντες δὲ τοῦτο ἀντετάσσοντο ἐπὶ τῆς 
ὑπωρέης τοῦ Κιθαιρῶνος. 
’ / 

20. Μαρδόνιος δέ, ὡς οὐ κατέβαινον οἱ ^ EXXqgves 
, ^ {ή 
ἐς τὸ πεδίον, πέμπει ἐς αὐτοὺς πᾶσαν τὴν ἵππον, 
τῆς ἱππάρχεε Μασίστιος εὐδοκιμέων Tapa Πέρ- 
σῃσι, τὸν Ἵδλληνες Μακίστιον καλέουσι, ἵππον 
ἔχων Νησαῖον χρυσοχάλινον͵ καὶ ἄλλως κεκο- 
σμημένον καλῶς, ἐνθαῦτα ὡς προσήλασαν οἱ 
ἱππόται πρὸς τοὺς "Έλληνας, προσέβαλλον κατὰ 
τέλεα, προσβάλλοντες δὲ κακὰ μεγάλα ἐργάζοντο 
καὶ γυναῖκας σφέας ἀπεκάλεον. 

21. Κατὰ συντυχίην δὲ Μεγαρέες ἔτυχον τα- 
χθέντες τῇ T€ ἐπιμαχώτατον ἦν τοῦ χωρίου 

7 

παντός, καὶ πρόσοδος μάλιστα ταύτῃ ἐγίνετο τῇ 
"y , 4 ^ e" e 
ἵππῳ. προσβαλλούσης ὧν τῆς ἵππου οἱ Μεγα- 
ρέες πιεζόμενοι è ἔπεμπον ἐπὶ τοὺς στρατηγοὺς τῶν 
Ἑλλήνων κήρυκα, ἀπικόμενος δὲ ὁ κῆρυξ πρὸς 
αὐτοὺς ἔλεγε Tade Meyapées λέγουσι: ἡμεῖς, 
ἄνδρες σύμμαχοι, οὐ δυνατοί εἰμεν τὴν Περσέων 
ἵππον δέκεσθαι μοῦνοι, ἔχοντες στάσιν ταύτην 
ἐς τὴν ἔστημεν ἀρχήν' ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐς τόδε λιπαρίῃ 
τε καὶ ἀρετῇ ἀντέχομεν καίπερ πιεζόμενοι. νῦν 
τε εἰ μή τινας ἄλλους πέμψετε διαδόχους τῆς 

΄ 5 ΄ / , ΄ à ΄ 3» ^ 
τάξιος, ἴστε ἡμέας ἐκλείψοντας τὴν Tráfw." ὃ 
` ΄ ^ 3 ’ ’ N > 
μὲν δή σφι ταῦτα ἀπήγγελλε, Παυσανίης δὲ are- 
180 


BOOK IX. το-2ι 


sacrifice being favourable) and came to Eleusis ; and 
when they had offered sacrifice there also and the 
omens were favourable, they held on their march 
further, having now the Athenians with them, who 
had crossed over from Salamis and joined with them 
at Eleusis. When they came (as it is said) to 
Erythrae in Boeotia, they learnt that the foreigners 
were encamped by the Asopus, and taking note of 
that they arrayed themselves over against the enemy 
on the lower hills of Cithaeron. 

20. The Greeks not coming down into the plain, 
Mardonius sent against them all his horse, whose 
commander was Masistius (whom the Greeks call 
Macistius) a man much honoured among the 
Persians; he rode a Nesaean horse that had a golden 
bit and was at all points gaily adorned. Thereupon 
the horsemen rode up to the Greeks and charged 
them by squadrons, doing them much hurt thereby 
and calling them women, 

21. Now it chanced that the Megarians were 
posted in that part of the field which was openest 
to attack, and here the horsemen found the readiest 
approach. Wherefore, being hard pressed by the 
charges, the Megarians sent a herald to the generals 
of the Greeks, who came to them and thus spoke : 
* From the men of Megara to their allies: We cannot 
alone withstand the Persian horse (albeit we have 
till now held our ground with patience and valour, 
though hard pressed) in this post whereunto we were 
first appointed; and now be well assured that we 
will leave our post, except you send others to take 
our place therein," Thus the herald reported, and 


1891 


HERODOTUS 


πειρᾶτο τῶν Ελλήνων εἴ τινες ἐθέλοιεν ἄλλοι 
ἐθελονταὶ ἰέναι τε ἐς τὸν χῶρον τοῦτον καὶ τάσ- 
σεσθαι διάδοχοι Μεγαρεῦσι. οὐ βουλομένων δὲ 
τῶν ἄλλων ᾿Αθηναῖοι ὑπεδέξαντο καὶ ᾿Αθηναίων 
οἱ τριηκόσιοι λογάδες, τῶν ἐλοχήγεε Ὀλυμπιόδωρος 
ὁ Λάμπωνος. 

99. Οὗτοι ἦσαν ot τε ὑποδεξάμενοι καὶ οἱ πρὸ 
τῶν ἄλλων τῶν παρεόντων Ἑλλήνων ἐς ᾿Ερυθρὰς 
ταχθέντες, τοὺς τοξότας προσελόµενοι. μαχομένων 
δὲ σφέων ἐπὶ χρόνον τέλος τοιόνδε ἐγένετο. τῆς 
μάχης. προσβαλλούσης τῆς ἵππου κατὰ τέλεα, 
ὁ Μασιστίου προέχων τῶν ἄλλων ἵππος βάλλεται 
τοξεύματι τὰ πλευρά, ἀλγήσας δὲ ἵσταταί τε 
ὀρθὸς καὶ ἀποσείεται τὸν Μασίστιον: πεσόντι 
δὲ αὐτῷ οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι αὐτίκα ἐπεκέατο. τόν τε 
δὴ ἵππον αὐτοῦ λαμβάνουσι καὶ αὐτὸν ἀμυνόμενον 
κτείνουσι, κατ᾽ ᾿ ἀρχὰς οὐ δυνάμενοι. ἐνεσκεύαστο 
γὰρ οὕτω: ἐντὸς θώρηκα εἶχε χρύσεον λεπιδωτόν, 
κατύπερθε δὲ τοῦ θώρηκος κιθῶνα φοινίκεον 
ἐνεδεδύκεε. τύπτοντες δὲ ἐς τὸν θώρηκα ἐ ἐποίευν 
οὐδέν, πρίν rye δὴ μαθών. τις τὸ ποιεύμενον παίει 
μιν ἐς τὸν ὀφθαλμόν. οὕτω δὴ ἔπεσέ τε καὶ ἀπέ- 
θανε. ταῦτα δέ Κως γινόμενα ἐλελήθεε τοὺς 
ἄλλους ἱππέας" οὔτε γὰρ πεσόντα μιν εἶδον ἀπὸ 
τοῦ ἵππου οὔτε ἀποθνήσκοντα, ἀναχωρήσιός Τε 
γινομένης καὶ ὑποστροφῆς οὐκ ἔμαθον τὸ γινό- 
µενον. ἐπείτε δὲ ἔστησαν, αὐτίκα ἐπόθεσαν, ὥς 
σφεας οὐδεὶς ἦν ὁ τάσσων μαθόντες δὲ τὸ γεγονός, 
διακελευσάμενοι ἤλαυνον τοὺς ἵππους πάντες, ὡς 
ἂν τὸν νεκρὸν ἀνελοίατο. 

23. ᾿[δόντες δὲ οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι οὐκέτι κατὰ τέλεα 


΄ \ e / 2 \ , M 
προσελαύνοντας TOUS ιππέας ἄλλα πάντας, τὴν 
182 


BOOK ΙΧ. 21-23 


Pausanias inquired among the Greeks if any would 
offer themselves to go to that place and relieve the 
Megarians by holding the post. None other would 
go; but the Athenians took it upon themselves, 
even three hundred picked men of Athens, whose 
captain was Olympiodorus son of Lampon. 

22. These were they who took it upon themselves, 
and were posted at Erythrae in advance of the 
whole Greek army; and they took with them the 
archers also. For a long time they fought; and 
the end of the battle was as I shall show. The 
horsemen charged by squadrons; and Masistius’ 
horse, being at the head of the rest, was smitten 
in the side by an arrow, and rearing up in its pain 
it threw Masistius ; who when he fell was straight- 
way set upon by the Athenians. His horse they 
took then and there, and he himself was slain 
fighting, though at first they could not kill him; 
for the fashion of his armour was such, that he wore 
a purple tunic over a cuirass of golden scales that 
was within it; and it was all in vain that they smote 
at the cuirass, till someone saw what they did and 
stabbed him in the eye, so that he fell dead. But 
as chance would have it the rest of the horsemen 
knew nought of this; for they had not seen him 
fail from his horse, or die; and they wheeled about 
and rode back without perceiving what was done. 
But as soon as they halted they saw what they 
lacked, since there was none to order them ; and 
when they perceived what had chanced, they gave 
each other the word, and all rode together to 
recover the dead body. 

23. When the Athenians saw the horsemen riding 
at them, not by squadrons as before, but all together, 


183 


HERODOTUS 


ἄλλην στρατιὴν ἐπεβώσαντο. ἐν ὦ δὲ ὁ πεξὸς 
ἅπας ἐβοήθεε, ἐν τούτῳ μάχη ὀξέα περὶ τοῦ 
νεκροῦ γίνεται. ἕως μέν νυν μοῦνοι ἦσαν οἱ τρύη- 
κόσιοι, ἑσσοῦντό τε πολλὸν καὶ τὸν νεκρὸν ἀπέ- 
λειπον: ὡς δέ σφι τὸ πλῆθος ἐπεβοήθησε, οὕτω 
δὴ οὐκέτι οἱ ἱππόται ὑπέμενον οὐδέ σφι ἐξεγένετο 
τὸν νεκρὸν ἀνελέσθαι, ἀλλὰ πρὸς ἐκείνῳ ἄλλους 
προσαπώλεσαν τῶν ἱππέων. ἀποστήσαντες ὧν 
ὅσον τε δύο στάδια ἐβουλεύοντο ὅ τι χρεὸν. εἴη 
ποιέειγ' ἐδόκεε δέ σφι ἀναρχίης ἐούσης ἀπελαύνειν 
παρὰ Μαρδόνιον. 

24. ᾽Απικομένης δὲ τῆς ἵππου ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον 
πένθος ἐποιήσαντο Μασιστίου πᾶσά τε ἡ στρατιὴ 
καὶ Μαρδόνιος μέγιστον, σφέας τε αὐτοὺς κείροντες 
καὶ τοὺς ἵππους καὶ τὰ ὑποξύγια οἰμωγῇ τε χρεώ- 
μενοι ἀπλέτῳ' ἅπασαν γὰρ τὴν Βοιωτίην κατεῖχε 
ἠχὼ ὡς ἀνδρὸς ἀπολομένου μετά γε Μαρδόνιον 
λογιμωτάτου παρά τε Πέρσῃσι καὶ βασιλέι, 

25. O; μέν νυν βάρβαροι τρόπῳ τῷ σφετέρῳ 
ἀποθανόντα ἐτίμων Μασίστιον: οἱ δὲ Ἕλληνες 
ὡς τὴν ἵππον ἐδέξαντο προσβάλλουσαν καὶ δεξά- 
μενοι ὥσαντο, ἐθάρσησάν τε TONNO μᾶλλον καὶ 
πρῶτα μὲν ἐς ἅμαξαν ἐσθέντες τὸν νεκρὸν παρὰ 
τὰς τάξις ἐκόμιζον' ὁ δὲ νεκρὸς ἦν θέης ἄξιος 
μεγάθεος εἵνεκα καὶ κάλλεος, τῶν δὴ εἵνεκα καὶ 
ταῦτα ἐποίευν: ἐκλείποντες τὰς τάξις ἐφοίτων 
θεησόμενοι Μασίστιον. μετὰ δὲ ἔδοξέ σφι ἐπι- 
καταβῆναι ἐς ΙΙλαταιάς' ὁ γὰρ χῶρος ἐφαίνετο 
πολλῷ ἐὼν ἐπιτηδεότερός σφι ἐνστρατοπεδεύεσθαι 
ὁ Πλαταιικὸς τοῦ ᾿Ερυθραίου τά τε ἄλλα καὶ 
εὐνδρότερος. ἐς τοῦτον δὴ τὸν χῶρον καὶ ἐπὶ 
τὴν κρήνην τὴν Γαργαφίην τὴν ἐν τῷ χώρῳ τούτῳ 
184 


BOOK IX. 23-25 


they cried to the rest of the army for help. While 
all their foot was rallying to aid, there waxed a 
sharp fight over the dead body. As long as the 
three hundred stood alone, they had the worst of 
the battle by far, and were nigh leaving the dead 
man ; but when the main body came to their aid, 
then it was the horsemen that could no longer hold 
their ground, nor avail to recover the dead man, 
but they lost others of their comrades too besides 
Masistius. They drew off therefore and halted 
about two furlongs off, where they consulted what 
they should do ; and resolved, as there was none to 
lead them, to ride away to Mardonius. 

24. When the cavalry returned to the camp, 
Mardonius and all the army made very great mourn- 
ing for Masistius, cutting their own hair and the hair 
of their horses and beasts of burden, and lamenting 
loud and long ; for the sound of it was heard over 
all Boeotia, inasmuch as a man was dead who was 
next to Mardonius most esteemed by all Persia and 
the king. 

25. So the foreigners honoured Masistius’ death 
after their manner; but the Greeks were much 
heartened by their withstanding and repelling of 
the horsemen. And first they laid the dead man 
on a cart and carried him about their ranks; and 
the body was worth the viewing, for stature and 
goodliness; wherefore they would even leave their 
ranks and come to view Masistius. Presently they 
resolved that they would march down to Plataeae; 
for they saw that the ground there was in all ways 
fitter by much for encampment than at Erythrae, 
and chiefly because it was better watered. To this 
place, and to the Gargaphian spring that was there, 


185 


HERODOTUS 


ἐοῦσαν ἔδοξέ σφι χρεὸν εἶναι ἀπικέσθαι καὶ 
διαταχθέντας στρατοπεδεύεσθαι. ἀναλαβόντες 
δὲ τὰ ὅπλα ἤισαν διὰ τῆς ὑπωρέης τοῦ Κιθαιρῶνος 
παρὰ Ὑσιὰς ἐς τὴν Πλαταιίδα γῆν, ἀπικόμενοι 
δὲ ἐτάσσοντο κατὰ ἔθνεα πλησίον τῆς τε κρήνης 
τῆς Γαργαφίης καὶ τοῦ τεμένεος τοῦ ᾿Ανδρο- 
κράτεος τοῦ ἥρωος, διὰ ὄχθων τε οὐκ ὑψηλῶν 
καὶ ἀπέδου χώρου. 

26. ᾿Ενθαῦτα ἐν τῇ διατάξι ἐγένετο λόγων 
πολλῶν ὠθισμὸς Τεγεητέων τε καὶ ᾿Αθηναίων 
ἐδικαίευν γὰρ αὐτοὶ ἑκάτεροι ἔχειν τὸ ἕτερον 
κέρας, καὶ καινὰ καὶ παλαιὰ παραφέροντες ἐ ἔργα. 
τοῦτο μὲν οἱ Τεγεῆται ἔλεγον τάδε. “ Ἡμεῖς αἰεί 
κοτε ἀξιεύμεθα ταύτης τῆς τάξιος ἐκ τῶν συμ- 
μάχων ἁπάντων, ὅσαι ἤδη ἔξοδοι κοιναὶ -ἐγένοντο 
Πελοποννησίοισι καὶ τὸ παλαιὸν καὶ τὸ νέον, ἐξ 
ἐκείνου τοῦ χρόνου ἐπείτε “Ἡρακλεῖδαι ἐπειρῶντο 
μετὰ τὸν Εὐρυσθέος θάνατον κατιόντες ἐς Πελο- 
πὀννησον' τότε εὑρόμεθα τοῦτο διὰ πρῆγμα 
τοιόνδε. ἐπεὶ μετὰ ᾿Αχαιῶν καὶ Ιώνων τῶν 
τότε ἐόντων ἐν Πελοποννήσῳ ἐκβοηθήσαντες ἐς 
τὸν ᾿Ισθμὸν ἱζόμεθα ἀντίοι τοῖσι κατιοῦσι, τότε 
ὧν λόγος "Ύλλον ἀγορεύσασθαι ὡς χρεὸν εἴη τὸν 
μὲν στρατὸν τῷ στρατῷ μὴ ἀνακινδυνεύειν συμ- 
βάλλοντα, € ἐκ δὲ τοῦ Πελοποννησίου στρατοπέδου 
τὸν ἂν σφέων. αὐτῶν κρίνωσι εἶναι ἄριστον, τοῦτον 
οἱ -μουνομαχῆσαι ἐπὶ διακειμένοισι. ἔδοξέ τε 
τοῖσι Πελοποννησίοισι ταῦτα εἶναι ποιητέα καὶ 
ἔταμον ὅρκιον ἐπὶ λόγω τοιῷδε, ἦν μὲν “Ύλλος 
νικήσῃ τὸν Πελοποννησίων ἡγεμόνα, κατιέναι 
“Ἡρακλείδας ἐπὶ τὰ πατρώια, ἣν δὲ νικηθῆ, τὰ 


186 


BOOK IX. 25-26 


they resolved that they must betake themselves and 
encamp in their several battalions ; and they took 
up their arms and marched along the lower slopes 
of Cithaeron past Hysiae to the lands of Plataeae, 
and when they were there they arrayed themselves 
nation by nation near the Gargaphian spring and 
the precinct of the hero Androcrates, among low 
hills and in a level country. 

26. There, in the ordering of their battle, arose 
much dispute between the Tegeans and the Athe- 
nians; for each of them claimed that they should 
hold the second ! wing of the army, justifying them- 
selves by tales of deeds new and old. First said the 
Tegeans: “Of all the allies we have ever had the 
right to hold this post, in all campaigns ancient and 
late of the united Peloponnesian armies, ever since 
that time when the Heraclidae after Eurystheus' 
death essayed to return into the Peloponnese; that 
right we then gained, for the achievement which we 
will relate. When we mustered at the Isthmus for 
war, along with the Achaeans and Ionians who then 
dwelt in the Peloponnese, and encamped over against 
the returning exiles, then (it is said) Hyllus? pro- 
claimed his counsel that army should not be risked 
against army in battle, but that that champion in 
the host of the Peloponnesians whom they chose for 
their best should fight with him in single combat on 
agreed conditions. The Peloponnesians resolving 
that this should be so, they swore a compact that if 
Hyllus should vanquish the Peloponnesian champion, 
the Heraclidae should return to the land of their 
fathers, but if he were himself vanquished, then 


1 That is, the wing which was not held by the Lacedaemon- 
ians themselves. 2 Son of Heracles. 


187 


HERODOTUS 


ἔμπαλιν Ἡρακλείδας ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι καὶ ἀπάγειν 
τὴν στρατιὴν ἑκατὸν τε ἐτέων μὴ ζητῆσαι κάτοδον 
ἐς Πελοπόννησον. προεκρίθη τε δὴ ἐκ πάντων 
τῶν συμμάχων ἐθελοντὴς Ἔχεμος ὁ ᾿Ηερόπου 
τοῦ Φηγέος στρατηγός ͵ τε ἐὼν καὶ βασιλεὺς 
ἡμέτερος, καὶ ἐμουνομάχησέ τε καὶ ἀπέκτεινε 
"Ύλλον, ἐκ τούτου τοῦ ἔργου εὑρόμεθα é ἐν 1]ελο- 
ποννησίοισί γε τοῖσι τότε καὶ ἄλλα γέρεα μεγάλα, 
τὰ διατελέομεν ἔχοντες, καὶ τοῦ κέρεος τοῦ ἑτέρου 
αἰεὶ ἡγεμονεύειν κοινῆς ἐξόδου γινομένης. ὑμῖν 
μέν νυν ὦ Λακεδαιμόνιοι οὐκ ἀντιεύμεθα, ἀλλὰ 
διδόντες αἵρεσιν ὁκοτέρου βούλεσθε κέρεος ἄρχειν 
παρίεμεν" τοῦ δὲ ἑτέρου φαμὲν ἡμέας ἱκνέεσθαι 
ἡγεμονεύειν κατά περ ἐν τῷ πρόσθε χρόνῳ. χωρίς 
τε τούτου τοῦ ἀπηγημένου ἔργου. ἀξιονικότερα 
εἰμὲν ᾿Αθηναίων ταύτην τὴν τάξιν ἔχειν. πολλοὶ 
μὲν γὰρ καὶ εὖ ἔχοντες προς ὑμέας ἡμῖν, ἄνδρες 
Σπαρτιῆται, ἀγῶνες ἀγωνίδαται, πολλοὶ δὲ καὶ 
πρὸς ἄλλους. οὕτω ὧν δίκαιον ἡμέας ἔχειν τὸ 
ἕτερον κέρας ἤ περ ᾿Αθηναίους οὐ γάρ σφι ἐστὶ 
ἔργα οἷά περ ἡμῖν κατεργασμένα, OUT ὧν καινὰ 
οὔτε παλαιά.” 

21. Οἳ μὲν ταῦτα ἔλεγον, ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ πρὸς 
ταῦτα ὑπεκρίναντο τάδε. “Επιστάμεθα μὲν σύν- 
οδον τήνδε μάχης εἵνεκα συλλεγῆναι, πρὸς τὸν 
βάρβαρον, ἀλλ᾽ οὐ λόγων: ἐπεὶ δὲ o Τεγεήτης 
προέθηκε παλαιὰ καὶ καινὰ λέγειν τὰ ἑκατέροισι 
ἐν τῷ παντὶ χρόνῳ κατέργασται, χρηστά, ἀναγ- 
καίως ἡμῖν ἔχει δηλῶσαι πρὸς ὑμέας ὅθεν ἡμῖν 
πατρώιον ἐστὶ ἐοῦσι χρηστοῖσι αἰεὶ πρώτοισι 
εἶναι μᾶλλον ἡ À ᾿Αρκάσι. “Ἡρακλείδας, τῶν οὗτοι 


φασὶ ἀποκτεῖναι τὸν ἡγεμόνα ἐν ᾿Ισθμῷ, τοῦτο 
188 


BOOK ΙΧ. 26-27 


contrariwise the Heraclidae should depart and lead 
their army away, and not seek to return to the 
Peloponnese till a hundred years were past. Then 
our general and king Echemus, son of Phegeus' son 
Eéropus, offered himself and was chosen out of all 
the allied host; and he fought that duel and slew 
Hyllus. For that feat of arms the Peloponnesians 
of that day granted us this also among other great 
privileges which we have never ceased to possess, 
that in all united campaigns we should ever lead 
the army's second wing. Now with you, men of 
Lacedaemon, we have no rivalry, but forbear and bid 
you choose the command of whichever wing you will ; 
but this we say, that our place is at the head of the 
other,as everaforetime. And setting aside that feat 
which we have related, we are worthier than the 
Athenians to hold that post; for many are the fields 
on which we have fought with happy event in regard 
to you, men of Lacedaemon, and others besides. It 
is just, therefore, that we and not the Athenians 
should hold the second wing; for never early or late 
have they achieved such feats of arms as we." 

27. Thus they spoke; and thus the Athenians 
replied : * It is our belief that we are here gathered 
in concourse for battle with the foreigner, and not 
for discourses ; but since the man of Tegea has made 
it his business to speak of all the valorous deeds, old 
and new, which either of our nations has at any time 
achieved, needs must that we prove to you how we, 
rather than Arcadians, have in virtue of our valour 
an hereditary right to the place of honour. These 
Tegeans say that they slew the leader of the Hera- 
clidae at the Isthmus; now when those same Hera- 


189 


HERODOTUS 


μὲν τούτους, πρότερον ἐξελαυνομένους ὑπὸ πάντων 
Ἑλλήνων ἐς τοὺς ἀπικοίατο φεύγοντες δουλοσύνην 
πρὸς Μυκηναίων, μοῦνοι ὑποδεξάμενοι τὴν Eù- 
ρυσθέος ὕβριν .κατείλομεν, σὺν ἐκείνοισι μάχῃ 
τῷ, τοὺς τότε ἔχοντας Πελοπόννησον. 
τοῦτο δὲ ᾿Αργείους τοὺς μετὰ Πολυνείκεος ἐπὶ 
Θήβας ἐλάσαντας, τελευτήσαντας τὸν αἰῶνα καὶ 
ἀτάφους κειμένους, στρατευσάμενοι ἐπὶ τοὺς 
Καδμείους ἀνελέσθαι τε τοὺς νεκροὺς φαμὲν. καὶ 
θάψαι τῆς ἡμετέρης ἐν ᾿Ελευσῖνι. ἔστι δὲ ἡμῖν 
ἔργον εὖ ἔχον καὶ ἐς ᾽Αμαζονίδας τὰς ἀπὸ Θερ- 
μώδοντος ποταμοῦ ἐσβαλούσας κοτὲ ἐς γῆν τὴν 
᾿Αττικήν, καὶ ἐν τοῖσι Ἱρωικοῖσι πόνοισι οὐδαμῶν 
ἐλειπόμεθα. ἀλλ οὐ γάρ TL προέχει τούτων 
ἐπιμεμνῆσθαι" καὶ γὰρ ἂν χρηστοὶ τότε ἐόντες 
ὠυτοὶ νῦν ἂν εἶεν φλαυρότεροι, καὶ τότε ἐόντες 
φλαῦροι νῦν ἂν εἶεν ἀμείνονες. παλαιῶν μέν νυν 
ἔργων ἅλις ἔστω' ἡμῖν δὲ εἰ μηδὲν ἄλλο ἐστὶ 
ἀποδεδεγμένον, ὥσπερ ἐστὶ πολλά τε καὶ εὖ 
ἔχοντα εἰ τεοῖσι καὶ ἄλλοισι ᾿Ελλήνων, ἀλλὰ καὶ 
ἀπὸ τοῦ ἐν Μαραθῶνι ἔργου ἄξιοι εἰμὲν τοῦτο τὸ 
γέρας ἔχειν καὶ ἄλλα πρὸς τούτῳ, οἵτινες μοῦνοι 
Ἑλλήνων δὴ μουνομαχήσαντες τῷ Πέρσῃ καὶ 
ἔργῳ. τοσούτῳ ἐπιχειρήσαντες περιεγενόµεθα καὶ 
ἐνικήσαμεν ἔθνεα ἕξ τε καὶ τεσσεράκοντα. áp 
ov δίκαιοι εἰμὲν ἔχειν ταύτην τὴν τάξιν ἀπὸ 
τούτου μούνου τοῦ ἔργου ;; ἀλλ᾽ οὐ γὰρ ἐν τῷ 
τοιῷδε τάξιος εἵνεκα στασιάξειν πρέπει, ἄρτιοι 
εἰμὲν πείθεσθαι ὑμῖν ὦ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, f ἵνα δοκέει 
ἐπιτηδεότατον ἡμέας εἶναι ἑστάναι καὶ xaT 
οὕστινας: πάντῃ γὰρ τεταγμένοι πειρησόμεθα 


190 


BOOK ΙΧ. 27 


clidae had till then been rejected by every Greek 
people to whom they resorted to escape the tyranny 
of the Mycenaeans, we and none other received 
them! ; and with them we vanouished those that then 
dwelt in the Peloponnese, and we broke the pride 
of Eurystheus. Furthermore, when the Argives who 
had marched with Polynices? against Thebes had 
there made an end of their lives and lay unburied, 
know that we sent our army against the Cadmeans 
and recovered the dead and buried them in Eleusis ; 
and we have on record our great victory against the 
Amazons who once came from the river Thermodon 
and broke into Attica; and in the hard days of Troy 
we were second to none. But since it is idle to 
recall these matters—for they that were erstwhile 
valiant may now be of lesser mettle, and they that 
lacked mettle then may be better men now—enou gh 
of these doings of old time; and we, if we are ο. 
for no achievement (as we are, for more aud greater 
than are any men in Hellas), yet from our feat of 
arms at Marathon we deserve to have this honour, 
yea, and more beside; seeing that alone of all Greeks 
we met the Persian single-handed, nor failed in that 
high enterprise, but overcame six and forty nations. 
Is it not our right to hold this post, for nought but 
that one feat? Yet seeing that this is no time for 
wrangling about our place in the battle, we are ready 
to obey you, men of Lacedaemon! aad take whatso 
place and face whatso enemy you deem most fitting ; 
wheresoever you set us, we will strive to be valiant 

1 Hyllus, pursued by his enemy Eurystheus, took refuge 
with the Athenians, and with their aid defeated and killed 
Eurystheus and his sons. 


2 When Polynices tried to recover Thebes from his brother 
Eteocles; see Aeschylus’ ‘‘ Seven against Thebes,” 


101 


HERODOTUS 


εἶναι χρηστοί. ἐξηγέεσθε δὲ ὡς πεισομένων.᾽ 
οἳ μὲν ταῦτα ἀμείβοντο, Λακεδαιμονίων δὲ ἀνέ- 
βωσε ἅπαν τὸ στρατόπεδον ᾿Αθηναίους atrovi- 
κοτέρους εἶναι ἔχειν τὸ κέρας ῆ περ ᾿Αρκάδας. 
οὕτω δὴ ἔσχον οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι καὶ ὑπερεβάλοντο 
τοὺς 'Γεγεήτας. 

28. Μετὰ δὲ ταῦτα ἐτάσσοντο ὦδε οἱ ἐπι- 
φοιτῶντές τε καὶ οἱ -ἀρχὴν ἐλθόντες Ἑλλήνων. 
τὸ μὲν δεξιὸν κέρας εἶχον Λακεδαιμονίων μύριοι" 
τούτων δὲ τοὺς πεντακισχιλίους ἐόντας Xmap- 
τιήτας ἐφύλασσον pido τῶν εἱλώτων πεντα- 
κισχίλιοι καὶ τρισμύριοι, περὶ ἄνδρα ἕκαστον 
ἑπτὰ τεταγμένοι. προσεχέας δὲ σφίσι εἴλοντο 
ἑστάναι οἱ Σπαρτιῆται τοὺς Τεγεήτας καὶ τιμῆς 
εἵνεκα καὶ ἀρετῆς" τούτων δ᾽ ἦσαν. ὁπλῖται χίλιοι 
καὶ πεντακόσιοι. μετὰ δὲ τούτους ἵσταντο Κοριν- 
θίων πεντακισχίλιοι, παρὰ δὲ σφίσι εὕροντο παρὰ 
Παυσανίεω ἑστάναι Ποτιδαιητέων τῶν ἐκ Παλ- 
λήνης τοὺς παρεόντας τριηκοσίους. τούτων δὲ 
ἐχόμενοι ἵσταντο ᾿Αρκάδες ᾿Ὀρχομένιοι ἑξακόσιοι, 
τούτων δὲ Σικυώνιοι. τρισχίλιοι. τούτων δὲ 
εἴχοντο ᾿Επιδαυρίων ὀκτακόσιοι. παρὰ δὲ τού- 
τους Τροιζηνίων ἐτάσσοντο χίλιοι, Τροιζηνίων δὲ 
ἐχόμενοι Λεπρεητέων διηκόσιοι, τούτων δὲ Μυκη- 
ναίων καὶ Τιρυνθίων τετρακόσιοι, τούτων δὲ 
ἐχόμενοι Φλειάσιοι χίλιοι. παρὰ δὲ τούτους 
ἔστησαν Ἑρμιονέες τριηκόσιοι. "Ἑρμιονέων δὲ 
ἐχόμενοι ἵσταντο 'Eperpiéov τε καὶ Στυρέων 
ἐξακόσιοι, τούτων δὲ Χαλκιδέες τετρακόσιοι, τού- 
των δὲ ᾿Αμπρακιητέων πεντακόσιοι. μετὰ δὲ 
τούτους Λευκαδίων καὶ ᾿Ανακτορίων ὀκτακόσιοι 
ἔστησαν, τούτων δὲ ἐχόμενοι Παλέες οἱ ἐκ Κεφαλ- 


192 


ΡΟΟΚ IX. 27-28 


men. Command us then, as knowing that we will 
obey." Thus the Athenians answered; and the 
whole army shouted aloud that the Athenians were 
worthier to hold the wing than the Arcadians. Thus 
the Athenians were preferred to the men of Tegea, 
and gained that place. 

28. Presently the whole Greek army was arrayed 
as I shall show, both the later and the earliest 
comers. On the right wing were ten thousand 
Lacedaemonians; five thousand of these, who were 
Spartans, had a guard of thirty-five thousand light- 
armed helots, seven appointed for each man. The 
Spartans chose the Tegeans for their neighbours in 
the battle, both to do them honour, and for their 
valour; there were of these fifteen hundred men-at- 
arms. Next to these in the line were five thousand 
Corinthians, at whose desire Pausanias suffered the 
three hundred Potidaeans from Pallene then present 
to stand by them. Next to these were six hundred 
Arcadians from Orchomenus, and after them three 
thousand men of Sicyon. By these a thousand 
Troezenians were posted, and after them two hundred 
men of Lepreum, then four hundred from Mycenae 
and Tiryns, and next to them a thousand from Phlius. 
By these stood three hundred men of Hermione. 
Next to the men of Hermione were six hundred 
Eretrians and Styreans ; next to them, four hundred 
Chalcidians; next again, five hundred Ampraciots, 
After these stood eight hundred Leucadians and 
Anactorians, and next to them two hundred from 


193 
VOL. IV. H 


HERODOTUS 


ληνίης διηκόσιοι. μετὰ δὲ τούτους Αἰγινητέων 
πεντακόσιοι ἐτάχθησαν. παρὰ δὲ τούτους ἐτάσ- 
σοντο Μεγαρέων τρισχίλιοι. εἴχοντο δὲ τούτων 
Πλαταιέες ἑξακόσιοι, τελευταῖοι δὲ καὶ πρῶτοι 
᾿Αθηναῖοι € ἐτάσσοντο, κέρας ἔχοντες τὸ εὐώνυμον, 
ὀκτακισχίλιοι: ἐστρατήγεε Ò αὐτῶν ᾿ Αριστείδης 
ὁ Λυσιμάχου. 

99, Οὗτοι, πλὴν τῶν ἑπτὰ περὶ ἕκαστον τεταγ- 
μένων Σπαρτιήτῃσι, ἦσαν ὁπλῖται, σύμπαντες 
ἐόντες ἀριθμὸν τρεῖς τε ' μυριάδες καὶ ὀκτὼ Χιλιάδες 
καὶ ἑκατοντάδες ἑπτά. ὁπλῖται μὲν οἱ πάντες 

συλλεγέντες ἐπὶ τὸν βάρβαρον ἦσαν τοσοῦτοι, 
ψιλῶν δὲ πλῆθος ἣν τόδε, τῆς μὲν Σπαρτιητικῆς 
τάξιος πεντακισχίλιοι καὶ τρισμύριοι ἄνδρες, ὡς 
ἐόντων ἑπτὰ περὶ ἕκαστον ἄνδρα, καὶ τούτων πᾶς 
τις παρήρτητο ὡς ἐς πόλεμον" οἱ δὲ τῶν λοιπῶν 
Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ Ἑλλήνων yoi, ὡς els περὶ 
ἕκαστον ἐὼν ἄνδρα, πεντακόσιοι καὶ τετοακισχίλιοι 
καὶ τρισμύριοι ἦσαν. 

90. Ψιλῶν μὲν δὴ τῶν ἁπάντων τῶν μαχίμων 
ἦν τὸ πλῆθος ἕξ τε μυριάδες καὶ ἐννέα χιλιάδες 
καὶ ἑκατοντάδες πέντε, τοῦ δὲ σύμπαντος τοῦ 
Ἑλληνικοῦ τοῦ συνελθόντος ἐς Πλαταιὰς σύν τε 
ὁπλίτησι καὶ ψιλοῖσι τοῖσι μαχίμοισι ἕνδεκα 
μυριάδες ἦσαν, μιῆς χιλιάδος, πρὸς δὲ ὀκτακοσίων 
ἀνδρῶν καταδέουααι. σὺν δὲ Θεσπιέων τοῖσι 
παρεοῦσι ἐξεπληροῦντο αἱ  ἔνδεκα μυριάδες" παρῆ- 
σαν γὰρ καὶ Θεσπιέων ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ οἱ 
περιεόντες, ἀριθμὸν ἐς ὀκτακοσίους καὶ χιλίους" 
ὅπλα δὲ οὐδ᾽ οὗτοι εἶχον. οὗτοι μέν νυν ταχθέντες 
ἐπὶ τῷ Ασωπό ἐστρατοπεδεύοντο. 

31. Οἱ δὲ ἀμφὶ Μαρδόνιον βάρβαροι ὡς are- 
194 


BOOK ΙΧ. 28-31 


Pale in Cephallenia; after them in the array, five 
hundred Aeginetans; by them stood three thousand 
men of Megara, and next to these six hundred 
Plataeans. At the end, and first in the line, were 
the Athenians, on the left wing, eight thousand 
men; their general was Aristides son of Lysimachus. 

29. All these, save the seven appointed to attend 
each Spartan, were men-at-arms, and the whole sum 
of them was thirty-eight thousand and seven hundred. 
This was the number of men-at-arms that mustered 
for war against the foreigner; as regarding the 
number of the light-armed men, there were in the 
Spartan array seven for each man-at-arms, that is, 
thirty-five thousand, and every one of these was 
equipped for war; the light-armed from the rest of 
Lacedaemon and Hellas were as one to every man- 
at-arms, and their number was thirty-four thousand 
and five hundred. 

30. So the sum of all the light-armed men that were 
fighters was sixty-nine thousand and five hundred, and 
of the whole Greek army mustered at Plataeae, men- 
at-arms and light-armed fighting men together, eleven 
times ten thousand, lacking eighteen hundred. But 
the Thespians who were there present made up the 
full tale of an hundred and ten thousand; for the 
survivors! of the Thespians were also present with 
the army, eighteen hundred in number. These then 
were arrayed, and encamped by the Asopus. 

31. When Mardonius’ foreigners had finished their 


1 That is, who had not fallen at Thermopylae. 
195 


HERODOTUS 


κήδευσαν Μασίστιον, παρῆσαν, πυθόμενοι τοὺς 
BAA 5 » Il ^ N , NS EN ` 
nvas εἶναι ἐν []λαταιῆσι, καὶ αὐτοὶ ἐπὶ τὸν 
᾿Ασωπὸν τὸν ταύτῃ ῥέοντα. ἀπικόμενοι δὲ 
" / 
ἀντετάσσοντο ὧδε ὑπὸ Μαρδονίου. κατὰ μὲν 
Λακεδαιμονίους ἔστησε Πέρσας. καὶ δὴ πολλὸν 
γὰρ περιῆσαν πληθεῖ οἱ Ἠέρσαι, ἐπί τε τάξις 
πλεῦνας ἐκεκοσμέατο καὶ ἐπεῖχον. τοὺς Τεγεήτας. 
ἔταξε δὲ οὕτω: ὅ τι μὲν ἦν αὐτῶν δυνατώτατον 
πᾶν ἀπολέξας ἔστησε ἀντίον Λακεδαιμονίων, τὸ 
δὲ ἀσθενέστερον παρέταξε κατὰ τοὺς Τεγεήτας. 
ταῦτα Ó ἐποίεε φραξόντων τε καὶ διδασκόντων 
Θηβαίων. 1Ἱερσέων δὲ ἐχομένους ἔταξε Μήδους: 
οὗτοι δὲ ἐ ἐπέσχον Κορινθίους τε καὶ Ποτιδαιήτας 
καὶ ᾿Ὀρχομενίους τε καὶ Σικυωνίους. Μήδων δὲ 
ἐχομένους ἔταξε Βακτρίους" οὗτοι δὲ ἐπέσχον 
᾿Ἀπιδαυρίους τε καὶ Τροιζηνίους καὶ Λεπρεήτας 
τε καὶ Τιρυνθίους καὶ Μυκηναίους τε καὶ Pher- 
ασίους. μετὰ δὲ Βακτρίους ἔστησε Ινδούς: οὗτοι 
δὲ ἐπέσχον “Ἑρμιονέας τε καὶ "Eperpiéas. καὶ 
Στυρέας τε καὶ Χαλκιδέας. Ἰνδῶν δὲ ἐχομένους 
Σάκας ἔταξε, οἳ ἐπέσχον ᾽Αμπρακιήτας τε καὶ 
᾿Ανακτορίους καὶ Λευκαδίους καὶ Παλέας καὶ 
Αἰγινήτας. Σακέων δὲ ἐχομένους ἔταξε ἀντία 
3 4 \ ’ X / 
Αθηναίων τε καὶ Ἱ]λαταιέων καὶ Μεγαρέων 
Βοιωτούς τε καὶ Λοκροὺς καὶ Μηλιέας τε καὶ 
Θεσσαλοὺς καὶ Φωκέων τοὺς χιλίους: οὐ γὰρ ὧν 
“ e / , if 3 \ ` , ^ 
ἅπαντες οἱ Φωκέες ἐμήδισαν, ἀλλὰ τινὲς αὐτῶν 
N x € ΄ 5 M N ` 
καὶ τὰ Ελλήνων ηῦξον περι τὸν Ilapvnocòv 
κατειλημένοι, καὶ ἐνθεῦτεν ὁρμώμενοι ἔφερόν τε 
καὶ ἦγον τήν τε Μαρδονίου στρατιὴν καὶ τοὺς 
, , aA 3’ € / » \ \ / 
μετ αὐτοῦ ἐόντας Ελλήνων. ἔταξε δὲ καὶ Maxe- 


196 


BOOK IX. 31 


mourning for Masistius, and heard that the Greeks 
were at Plataeae, they also came to the part of the 
Asopus river nearest to them. When they were 
there they were arrayed for battle by Mardonius as 
I shall show. He posted the Persians facing the 
Lacedaemonians; and seeing that the Persians by 
far outnumbered the Lacedaemonians, they were 
arrayed in deeper ranks and their line ran fronting 
the Tegeans also. In his arraying of them he chose 
out the strongest part of the Persians to set it over 
against the Lacedaemonians, and posted the weaker 
by them facing the Tegeans; this he did being so 
informed and taught by the Thebans. Next to the 
Persians he posted the Medes, fronting the men of 
Corinth and Potidaea and Orchomenus and Sicyon; 
next to the Medes, the Bactrians, fronting the men 
of Epidaurus, Troezen, Lepreum, Tiryns, Mycenae, 
and Phlius. After the Bactrians he set the Indians, 
fronting the men of Hermione and Eretria and Styra 
and Chalcis. Next to the Indians he posted the 
Sacae, fronting the Ampraciots, Anactorians, Leuca- 
dians, Paleans, and Aeginetans; next to the Sacae, 
and over against the Athenians and Plataeans and 
Megarians, the Boeotians and Locrians and Malians 
and Thessalians and the thousand that came from 
Phocis; for not all the Phocians took the Persian 
part, but some of them gave their aid to the Greek 
cause; these had been beleaguered on Parnassus, 
and issued out from thence to harry Mardonius' army 
and the Greeks that were with him. Besides these, 


I97 


HERODOTUS 


δόνας τε καὶ τοὺς περὶ Θεσσαλίην οἰκημένους 
κατὰ τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους. 

32. Ταῦτα .μὲν τῶν ἐθνέων τὰ μέγιστα ὠνό- 
µασται τῶν ὑπὸ Μαρδονίου ταχθέντων, τά Tep 
ἐπιφανέστατά τε ἦν καὶ λόγου πλείστου" ἐνῆσαν 
δὲ καὶ ἄλλων ἐθνέων ἄνδρες ἀναμεμιγμένοι, θρυγῶν 
τε καὶ Θρηίκων καὶ Μυσῶν τε καὶ Παιόνων καὶ 
τῶν ἄλλων, ἐν δὲ καὶ Αἰθιόπων τε καὶ Αἰγυπτίων 
οὗ τε Ἑρμοτύβιες καὶ οἱ Καλασίριες καλεόμενοι 
μαχαιροφόροι, ot περ εἰσὶ Αἰγυπτίων μοῦνοι 
μάχιμοι. τούτους δὲ ἔτι ἐν Φαλήρῳ ἐὼν ἀπὸ 
τῶν νεῶν ἀπεβιβάσατο ἐόντας ἐπιβάτας" οὐ γὰρ 
ἐτάχθησαν ἐς τὸν πεζὸν τὸν ἅμα Ξέρξη. ἀπι- 
κόμενον ἐς ᾿Αθήνας Αἰγύπτιοι. τῶν μὲν δὴ 
Βαρβάρων ἧσαν τριήκοντα μυριάδες, ὡς καὶ πρό- 
τερον δεδήλωται τῶν δὲ Ελλήνων τῶν Μαρδονίου 
συμμάχων οἶδε μὲν οὐδεὶς ἀριθμόν: οὐ γὰρ ὧν 
ἠριθμήθησαν' ὡς δὲ é ἐπεικάσαι, ἐς πέντε μυριάδας 
συλλεγῆναι εἰκάξω. οὗτοι οἱ παραταχθέντες 
d ἦσαν, ý δὲ | ἵππος χωρὶς ἐτέτακτο. 

Ὡς δὲ ἄρα πάντες οἱ ἐτετάχατο κατὰ ἔθνεα 
καὶ κατὰ τέλεα, ἐνθαύτα τῇ δευτέρῃ ἡ ἡμέρῃ ἐθύοντο 
καὶ ἀμφότεροι. Ἓλλησι μὲν Τισαμενὸς ᾿Αντιόχου 
ἦν o θυόμενος" οὗτος γὰρ. δὴ εἴπετο τῷ στρατεύ- 
ματι τούτῳ μάντις" τὸν ἐόντα ᾿Ηλεῖον καὶ γένεος 
τοῦ Ἰαμιδέων []λυτιάδην] Λακεδαιμόνιοι ἐποιή- 
σαντο λεωσφέτερον. Έισαμενῷ γὰρ μαντευομένῳ 
ἐν Δελφοῖσι περὶ γόνου ἀνεῖλε ἡ Πυθίη ἀγῶνας 
τοὺς μεγίστους ἀναιρήσεσθαι πέντε. ὃ μὲν δὴ 


1 The Egyptian military classes mentioned in Bk. rr. 164. 
2 The Iamidae were a priestly family, the members of 


198 


BOOK IX. 31-33 


he arrayed against the Athenians Macedonians also 
and the dwellers about Thessaly. 

32. These that I have named were the greatest of 
the nations set in array by Mardonius that were of 
most note and account; but there was also in the 
army a mixed multitude of Phrygians, Thracians, 
Mysians, Paeonians, and the rest, besides Ethiopians 
and the Egyptian swordsmen called Hermotybies 
and Calasiries,! who are the only fighting men in 
Egypt. These had been fighters on shipboard, till 
Mardonius while yet at Phalerum disembarked them 
from their ships; for the Egyptians were not 
appointed to serve in the land army which Xerxes 
led to Athens. Of the foreigners, then, there were 
three hundred thousand, as I have already shown; 
as for the Greek allies of Mardonius, none knows the 
number of them, for they were not counted; but as far 
as guessing may serve, I suppose them to have been 
mustered to the number of fifty thousand. These 
were the footmen that were set in array ; the cavalry 
were separately ordered. 

33. When they had all been arrayed in their nations 
and their battalions, on the second day thereafter 
both armies offered sacrifice. For the Greeks, Tisa- 
menus it was that sacrificed; for he was with their 
army as a diviner; he was an Elean by birth, a 
Clytiad of the Jamid clan,? and the Lacedaemonians 
gave him the freedom of their city. For when 
Tisamenus was inquiring of the oracle at Delphi 
concerning issue, the priestess prophesied to him 
that he should win five great victories. Not under- 


which were found in all parts of Hellas. The Clytiadae 
were also Elean priests, but quite separate from the 
Iamidae ; so Stein is probably right in bracketing Κλυτιάδην. 


199 


HERODOTUS 


ἁμαρτὼν τοῦ χρηστηρίου προσεῖχε γυμνασίοισι 
ὡς ἀναιρησόμενος γυμνικοὺς ἀγῶνας, ἀσκέων δὲ 
πεντάεθλον παρὰ ἓν πάλαισμα ἔδραμε νικᾶν 
Ὀλυμπιάδα, Ἱερωνύμῳ τῷ ᾿Ανδρίῳ ἐλθὼν ἐς ἔριν. 
Λακεδαιμόνιοι δὲ μαθόντες οὐκ ἐς γυμνικοὺς ἀλλ᾽ 
ἐς ἀρηίους ἀγῶνας φέρον τὸ Τισαμενοῦ μαντήιον, 
μισθῷ ἐπειρῶντο πείσαντες Τισαμενὸν ποιέεσθαι 
ἅμα 'Ηρακλειδέων τοῖσι βασιλεῦσι ἡγεμόνα τῶν 
πολέμων. ὃ δὲ ὀρέων περὶ πολλοῦ ποιευμένους 
Σπαρτιήτας φίλον αὐτὸν προσθέσθαι, μαθὼν 
τοῦτο ἀνετίμα, σημαίνων. σφι ὡς ἣν μιν πολιήτην 
σφέτερον ποιήσωνται τῶν πάντων μεταδιδόντες, 
ποιήσει ταῦτα, ἐπ᾿ ἄλλῳ μισθῷ Ò οὔ. Σπαρτιῆται 
δὲ πρῶτα μὲν ἀκούσαντες δεινὰ ἐποιεῦντο καὶ 
μετίεσαν τῆς χρησμοσύνης τὸ παράπαν, τέλος δὲ 
δεύματος μεγάλου ἐπικρεμαμένου τοῦ Περσικοῦ 
τούτου στρατεύματος καταίνεον μετιόντες. ὃ δὲ 
γνοὺς τετραμμένους σφέας οὐδ᾽ οὕτω ἔτι ἔφη 
ἀρκέεσθαι τούτοισι μούνοισι, ἀλλὰ δεῖν ἔτι τὸν 
ἀδελφεὸν ἑωυτοῦ Ηγίην γίνεσθαι Σπαρτιήτην 
ἐπὶ τοῖσι αὐτοῖσι λόγοισι τοῖσι καὶ αὐτὸς γίνεται. 

34. Ταῦτα δὲ λέγων οὗτος ἐμιμέετο Μελάμποδα, 
ὡς εἰκάσαι βασιληίην τε καὶ πολιτηίην αἰτεομέ- 
νους. καὶ γὰρ δὴ καὶ Μελάμπους τῶν ἐν " Apyei 
γυναικῶν μανεισέων, ὥς μιν οἱ ᾿Αργεῖοι ἐμισθοῦντο 
ἐκ Πύλου παῦσαι τὰς σφετέρας γυναῖκας τῆς 
νούσου, μισθὸν προετείνατο τῆς βασιληίης τὸ 
ἥμισυ. οὐκ ἀνασχομένων δὲ τῶν ᾿Αργείων ἀλλ᾽ 
ἀπιόντων, ὡς ἐμαίνοντο πλεῦνες τῶν γυναικῶν, 


1 The five events of the Peutathlum were running, jumping, 
wrestling, and throwing of the spear and the discus. 


200 


BOOK ΙΧ. 33-34 


standing that oracle, he betook himself to bodily 
exercises, thinking so to win in such-like sports; 
and having trained himself for the Five Contests,! he 
came within one wrestling bout of winning the 
Olympic prize, in a match with Hieronymus of 
Andros. But the Lacedaemonians perceived that 
the oracle given to Tisamenus spake of the lists not 
of sport but of war; and they essayed to bribe Tisa- 
menus to be a leader in their wars, jointly with 
their kings of Heracles line. But when he saw 
that the Spartans set great store by his friendship, 
with this knowledge he set his price higher, and 
made it known to them that for no reward would he 
do their will save for the gift of full citizenship and 
all a citizen's rights. Hearing that, the Spartans 
at first were angry and ceased wholly from their 
request; but when the dreadful menace of this 
Persian host overhung them they consented and 
granted his demand. But when he saw their pur- 
pose changed, he said that not even so and with that 
only would he be content; his brother Hegias too 
must be made a Spartan on the same terms as 
himself. 

34. By so saying he imitated Melampus, in so far 
as one may compare demands for kingship and for 
citizenship. For when the women of Argos had gone 
mad, and the Argives would fain hire him to come 
from Pylos and heal them of that madness,? Melampus 
demanded half of their kingship for his wages; 
which the Argives could not suffer, and so departed ; 
but when the madness spread among their women, 


? According to the legend, the Argive women were driven 
mad by Dionysus for refusing to take part in his orgies, and 
cured by Melampus. Many Greek authors refer to it, with 
varying details. 


20I 


HERODOTUS 


οὕτω δὴ ὑποστάντες τὰ 0 Μελάμπους προετείνατο 
ἤισαν δώσοντές οἱ ταῦτα. ὃ δὲ ἐνθαῦτα δὴ ἐπο- 
ρέγεται ὀρέων αὐτοὺς τετραμμένους, φάς, ἦν μὴ 
καὶ τῷ ἀδελφεῷ Βίαντι μεταδῶσι τὸ τριτημόριον 
τῆς βασιληίης; οὐ ποιήσειν τὰ 'Βούλονται. οἱ δὲ 
Ἀργεῖοι ἀπειληθέντες ἐς στεινὸν καταινέουσι καὶ 
ταῦτα. 

35, Ὡς δὲ καὶ Σπαρτιῆται, ἐδέοντο γὰρ δεινῶς 
τοῦ Τισαμενοῦ, πάντως συνεχώρεόν οἱ. συγχωρη- 
σάντων δὲ καὶ ταῦτα τῶν Σπαρτιητέων, οὕτω δὴ 
πέντε σφι μαντευόμενος ἀγῶνας τοὺς μεγίστους 
Τισαμενὸς ὁ Ἠλεῖος, γενόμενος Σπαρτιήτης, 
συγκαταιρέει. μοῦνοι δὲ δὴ πάντων πας 
ἐγένοντο οὗτοι Σπαρτιήτησι πολιῆται. οἱ δὲ 
πέντε ἀγῶνες οἵδε ἐγένοντο, εἷς μὲν καὶ προσ 
οὗτος ὁ ἐν Πλαταιῇσι, ἐπὶ δὲ ὁ ἐν Teyég πρὸς 
Τεγεήτας τε καὶ ᾿Αργείους γενόμενος, μετὰ δὲ 
ὁ ἐν Διπαιεῦσι πρὸς ᾿Αρκάδας πάντας πλὴν 
Μαντινέων, ἐπὶ δὲ ὁ Μεσσηνίων ὁ πρὸς ᾿Ιθώμῃ, 
ὕστατος δὲ ὁ ἐν Τανάγρῃ πρὸς ᾿Αθηναίους τε 
καὶ ᾿Αργείους γενόμενος" οὗτος δὲ ὕστατος 
κατεργάσθη τῶν πέντε ἀγώνων. 

96. Οὗτος δὴ τότε τοῖσι "Ἕλλησι ὁ Τισαμενός, 
ἀγόντων τῶν Σπαρτιητέων, ἐμαντεύετο ἐν τῇ 
Πλαταιίδι. τοῖσι μέν νυν "Ἕλλησι καλὰ ἐγίνετο 
τὰ ἱρὰ ἀμυνομένοισι, διαβᾶσι δὲ τὸν ᾿Ασωπὸν 
καὶ μάχης ἄρχουσι οὔ. 

9T. Μαρδονίῳ δὲ προθυμεομένῳ μάχης ἄρχειν 
οὐκ ἐπιτήδεα ἐγίνετο τὰ ἱρά, ἀμυνομένῳ δὲ καὶ 
τούτῳ καλά. καὶ γὰρ οὗτος ᾿Ελληνικοῖσι ἱροῖσι 
ἐχρᾶτο, μάντιν ἔχων Ηγησίστρατον ἄνδρα ᾿Ηλεῖόν 


202 


BOOK IX. 34-37 


thereat they promised what Melampus demanded 
and were ready to give it to him. Thereupon, seeing 
their purpose changed, he asked yet more, and said 
that he would not do their will except they gave a 
third of their kingship to his brother Bias; and the 
Argives, driven thus into a strait, consented to that 
also. 

35. Thus the Spartans too were so eagerly desirous 
of winning Tisamenus that they granted all his de- 
mand. When they had granted him this also, then 
did Tisamenus of Elis, now become a Spartan, ply his 
divination for them and aid them to win five very 
great victories. None on earth save Tisamenus and 
his brother ever became citizens of Sparta. Now the 
five victories were these: one, the first, this victory 
at Plataeae; next that which was won at Tegea over 
the Tegeans and Argives; after that, over all the 
Arcadians save the Mantineans at Dipaea; next, 
over the Messenians at Ithome; lastly, the victory at 
Tanagra over the Athenians and Argives, which was 
the last won of the five victories.! 

36. This Tisamenus had now been brought by the 
Spartans and was the diviner of the Greeks in the 
lands of Plataeae. Now the sacrifices boded good 
to the Greeks if they should but defend themselves, 
but evil if they should cross the Asopus and be the 
first to attack. 

37. But Mardonius' sacrifices also boded nought to 
his liking if he should be zealous to attack first, and 
good if he should but defend himself; for he too 
used the Greek manner of sacrifice; Hegesistratus 


!'The battle at Ithome was apparently in the third 
Messenian war; that at Tanagra, in 457 B.C. (Thucyd. i. 
107) Nothing is known of the battles at Tegea and Dipaea. 


203 


HERODOTUS 


τε καὶ τῶν Τελλιαδέων éóvra λογιμώτατον, τὸν 
δὴ πρότερον τούτων Σπαρτιῆται λαβόντες ἔδησαν 
ἐπὶ θανάτῳ ὡς πεπονθότες πολλά τε καὶ ἀνάρσια 
ὑπ᾽ αὐτοῦ. 6 δὲ ἐν τούτῳ τῷ κακῷ ἐχόμενος, 
ὥστε τρέχων περὶ τῆς ψυχῆς πρό τε τοῦ θανάτου 
πεισόμενος πολλά τε καὶ λυγρά, ἔργον ἐργάσατο 
μέξον λόγου. ὡς γὰρ δὴ ἐδέδετο ἐν ξύλῳ σιδηρο- 
δέτῳ, ἐσενειχθέντος κως σιδηρίου È ἐκράτησε, αὐτίκα 
δὲ ἐμηχανᾶτο ἀνδρηιότατον ἔργον πάντων τῶν 
ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν" σταθμησάμενος γὰρ ὅκως ἐξελεύσεταί 
οἱ τὸ λοιπὸν τοῦ ποδός, ἀπέταμε τὸν ταρσὸν 
ἑωυτοῦ. ταῦτα δὲ ποιήσας, ὡς φυλασσόμενος 
ὑπὸ φυλάκων, διορύξας τὸν τοῖχον ἀπέδρη ἐς 
Τεγέην, τὰς μὲν νύκτας πορευόμενος, τὰς δὲ 
ἡμέρας καταδύνων ἐς ὕλην καὶ αὐλιξόμενος, οὕτω 
ὡς Λακεδαιμονίων πανδημεὶ διξημένων τρίτῃ εὐ- 
φρόνῃ γενέσθαι ἐν Τεγέῃ, τοὺς δὲ ἐν θώματι 
μεγάλῳ ἐνέχεσθαι τῆς τε τόλμης, ὁρῶντας τὸ 
ἡμίτομον τοῦ ποδὸς κείμενον, κἀκεῖνον οὐ ôv- 
ναμένους εὑρεῖν. τότε μὲν οὕτω διαφυγὼν Λακε- 
δαιμονίους καταφεύγει ἐς Τεγέην ἐοῦσαν οὐκ 
ἀρθμίην Λακεδαιμονίοισι τοῦτον τὸν χρόνον" 
ὑγιὴς δὲ γενόμενος καὶ προσποιησάμενος ξύλινον 
πόδα κατεστήκεε ἐκ τῆς ἰθέης Λακεδαιμονίοισι 
πολέμιος. οὐ μέντοι ἔς γε τέλος οἱ συνήνεικε τὸ 
ἔχθος τὸ ἐς Λακεδαιμονίους συγκεκυρημένον' ἥλω 
γὰρ μαντευόμενος ἐν Ζακύνθῳ ὑπ αὐτῶν καὶ 
ας. 

Ὁ μέντοι θάνατος o Ἡγησιστράτου ὕστερον 
νε, τῶν Ἰ1Γλαταιικῶν, τότε δὲ ἐπὶ τῷ ᾿Ασωπῷ 
Μαρδονίω μεμισθωμένος οὐκ ὀλίγου ἐθύετό τε καὶ 
προεθυμέετο κατά τετὸ ἔχθος τὸ Λακεδαιμονίων καὶ 
204 


BOOK IX. 37-38 


of Elis was his diviner, the most notable of the sons 
of Tellias. This man had been put in prison and 
doomed to die by the Spartans for the much harm 
that he had done them. Being in this evil casc, 
inasmuch as he was in peril of his life and like to be 
very grievously maltreated ere his death, he did a 
deed well nigh past believing: being made fast in 
iron-bound stocks, he got an iron weapon that was 
brought in some wise into his prison, and straight- 
way conceived a plan of such hardihood as we have 
never known; reckoning how best the rest of it 
might get free, he cut off his own foot at the instep. 
This done, he burrowed through the wall out of the 
way of the guards that kept ward over him, and so 
escaped to Tegea; all night he journeyed and all day 
he hid and lay close in the woods,till on the third night 
he came to Tegea, while all the people of Lacedae- 
mon sought him; and they were greatly amazed, 
seeing the half of his foot cut off and lying there, 
but not being able to find the man himself, Thus 
did he then escape from the Lacedaemonians and 
take refuge in Tegea, which at that time was un- 
friendly to Lacedaemon; and after he was healed 
and had made himself a foot of wood, he declared 
himself an open enemy of the Lacedaemonians. Yet 
the enmity that he bore them brought him no good 
at the last; for they caught him at his divinations in 
Zacynthus, and slew him. 

38. Howbeit, the death of Hegesistratus happened 
after the Plataean business; at the present he was 
by the Asopus, hired by Mardonius for no small 
wage, where he sacrificed and wrought zealously, 
both for the hatred he bore the Lacedaemonians, 


205 


HERODOTUS 


κατὰ τὸ κέρδος. ὡς δὲ οὐκ ᾿ἐκαλλιέρεε ὥ ὥστε μάχεσθαι 
οὔτε αὐτοῖσι Πέ έρσῃσι οὔτε τοῖσι peT è ἐκείνων ἐοῦσι 
Ἑλλήνων (εἶχον γὰρ καὶ οὗτοι ἐπ᾽ ἑωυτῶν μάντιν 
Ἱππόμαχον Λευκάδιον ἄνδρα), ἐπιρρεόντων δὲ τῶν 
Ἑλλήνων καὶ γινομένων πλεύνων, Τιμηγενίδης ὁ 
" Eprrvos ἀνὴρ Θηβαῖος συνεβούλευσε Μαρδονίῳ 
τὰς ἐκβολὰς τοῦ Κιθαιρῶνος φυλάξαι, λέγων ὡς 
ἐπιρρέουσι οἱ "Ελληνες αἰεὶ ἀνὰ πᾶσαν ἡμέρην 
d we ἀπολάμψοιτο συχνούς. 

- Ἡμέραι δέ σφι ἀντικατημένοισι ἤδη ἐγε- 
E ὀκτώ, ὅτε ταῦτα ἐκεῖνος συνεβούλευε 
Μαρδονίῳ. ὃ δὲ μαθὼν τὴν παραίνεσιν εὖ ἔχουσαν, 
ὡς εὐφρόνη ἐγένετο, πέμπει τὴν ἵππον ἐς τὰς 
ἐκβολὰς τὰς Κιθαιρωνίδας αἳ ἐπὶ Πλαταιέων 
φέρουσι, τὰς Βοιωτοὶ μὲν Τρεῖς κεφαλὰς καλέουσι, 
᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ Δρυὸς κεφαλάς. πεμφθέντες δὲ οἱ 
ἱππόται οὐ μάτην ἀπίκοντο' ἐσβάλλοντα γὰρ ἐς 
τὸ πεδίον λαμβάνουσι ὑποζύγιά τε πεντακόσια, 
σιτία ἄγοντα ἀπὸ Πελοποννήσου ἐς τὸ στρα- 
τόπεδον, καὶ ἀνθρώπους. οἳ εἵποντο τοῖσι ξεύγεσι. 
ἑλόντες δὲ ταύτην τὴν ἄγρην οἱ Πέρσαι ἀφειδέως 
ἐφόνενον, οὐ φειδόμενοι οὔτε ὑποζυγίου οὐδενὸς 
οὔτε ἀνθρώπου. ὡς δὲ ἄδην εἶχον κτείνοντες, τὰ 
λοιπὰ αὐτῶν avrov περιβαλόμενοι παρά τε 
Μαρδόνιον καὶ ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον. 

40. Μετὰ δὲ τοῦτο τὸ ἔργον ἑτέρας δύο ἡμέρας 
διέτριψαν, οὐδέτεροι Βουλόμενοι μάχης ἄρξαι" 
μέχρι μὲν γὰρ τοῦ ᾿Ασωποῦ ἐπήισαν οἱ βάρβαροι 
πειρώμενοι τῶν Ἑλλήνων, διέβαινον δὲ οὐδέτεροι. 
7) μέντοι ἵππος ἡ Μαρδονίου. αἰεὶ TPOTEKELTO TE 
καὶ ἐλύπεε τοὺς "Ελληνας" οἱ γὰρ Θηβαῖοι, ἅτε 
µηδίζοντες μεγάλως, προθύμως ἔφερον τὸν TONE- 
206 


BOOK IX. 38-40 


and for gain. But when no favourable omens for 
battle could be won either by the Persians them- 
selves or by the Greeks that were with them (for 
they too had a diviner of their own, Hippomachus of 
Leucas), and the Greeks the while were ever flock- 
ing in and their army grew, Timagenides son of 
Herpys, a Theban, counselled Mardonius to guard 
the outlet of the pass over Cithaeron, telling him 
that the Greeks were ever flocking in daily and that 
he would thereby cut off many of them. 

39. The armies had now lain over against each 
other for eight days when he gave this counsel. 
Mardonius perceived that the advice was good ; and 
when night had fallen he sent his horsemen to the 
outlet of the pass over Cithaeron that leads towards 
Plataeae, which pass the Boeotians call the Three 
Heads, and the Athenians the Oaks' Heads. This 
despatch of the horsemen was no fruitless one ; for 
they caught five hundred beasts of burden issuing 
into the low country, bringing provision from the 
Peloponnese for the army, and men that came with 
the waggons; having taken which quarry the 
Persians slew without mercy, sparing neither man 
nor beast. When they had their fill of slaughter, 
they set what remained in their midst and drove 
them to Mardonius and his camp. 

40. After this deed they waited two days more, 
neither side desiring to begin the battle; for though 
the foreigners came to the Asopus to make trial 
of the Greeks' purpose, neither army crossed it. 
Howbeit Mardonius' horse was ever besetting and 
troubling the Greeks; for the Thebans, in their 
zeal for the Persian part, waged war heartily, and 


207 


HERODOTUS 


μον καὶ αἰεὶ κατηγέοντο μέχρι μάχης; τὸ δὲ ἀπὸ 
τούτου παραδεκόµενοι Πέρσαι τε καὶ Μῆδοι μάλα 
ἔσκον οἳ ἀπεδείκνυντο ἀρετάς. 

41. Μέχρι μέν νυν τῶν δέκα ἡμερέων οὐδὲν ἐπὶ 
πλεῦν ἐγίνετο τούτων' ὡς δὲ ἑνδεκάτη ἐγεγόνεε 
ἡμέρη ἀντικατημένοισι ἐν Πλαταιῇσι, οἵ τε δὴ 
“Ελληνες πολλῷ πλεῦνες ἐγεγόνεσαν καὶ Map- 
δόνιος περιημέκτεε τῇ ἕδρῃ, ἐνθαῦτα ἐς λόγους 
ἦλθον Μαρδόνιός τε ὁ Γοβρύεω καὶ ᾿Αρτάβαξος 
ὁ Φαρνάκεος, ὃς ἐν ὀλίγοισι Περσέων ἣν ἀνὴρ 
δόκιμος παρὰ Ξέρξῃ. Βουλενομένων δὲ aide ἢ ἦσαν 
αἱ γνῶμαι, ἣ μὲν ᾿Αρταβάξου ὡς χρεὸν εἴη ava- 
ἑεύξαντας τὴν ταχίστην πάντα τὸν στρατὸν. ἰέναι 
ἐς τὸ τεῖχος τὸ Θηβαίων, ἔνθα σῖτον τέ σφι 
ἐσενηνεῖχθαι πολλὸν καὶ χόρτον τοῖσι ὑποζυγίοισι, 
κατ ἡσυχίην τε ἱξομένους διαπρήσσεσθαι ποι- 
εὔντας τάδε' ἔχειν γὰρ χρυσὸν πολλὸν μὲν ἐπίση- 
μον πολλὸν δὲ καὶ ἄσημον, πολλὸν δὲ ἄργυρόν 
τε καὶ ἐκπώματα" τούτων φειδομένους μηδενὸς 
διαπέμπειν ἐς τοὺς "Ελληνας, Ἑλλήνων δὲ μά- 
λιστα ἐς τοὺς προεστεῶτας ἐν τῇσι πόλισι, καὶ 
ταχέως σφέας παραδώσειν τὴν ἐλευθερίην: μηδὲ 
ἀνακινδυνεύειν συμβάλλοντας. τούτου μὲν ἡ αὐτὴ 
ἐγίνετο καὶ Θηβαίων γνώμη, ὡς προειδότος πλεῦν 
TL καὶ τούτου, Μαρδονίου δὲ ἰσχυροτέρη τε καὶ 
ἀγνωμονεστέρη καὶ οὐδαμῶς συγγινωσκομένη" 
δοκέειν τε γὰρ. πολλῷ κρέσσονα εἶναι τὴν σφετέρην 
στρατιὴν τῆς Ἑλληνικῆς, συμβάλλει» τε τὴν τα- 
χίστην μηδὲ περιορᾶν συλλεγομένους ἔτι πλεῦνας 
τῶν συλλελεγμένων, τά τε σφάγια τὰ 'ἬΗγησισ- 


209 


BOOK IX. 40-41 


were ever guiding the horsemen to the encounter ; 
thereafter it was the turn of the Persians and 
Medes, and they and none other would do deeds of 
valour. 

41. Until the ten days were past no more was 
done than this ; but on the eleventh day from their 
first encampment over against each other, the 
Greeks growing greatly in number and Mardonius 
being sore vexed by the delay, there was a debate 
held between Mardonius son of Gobryas and Arta- 
bazus son of Pharnaces, who stood as high as but 
few others in Xerxes’ esteem; and their opinions 
in council were as I will show. Artabazus held it 
best that they should strike their camp with all 
speed and lead the whole army within the walls of 
Thebes, where they had much provision stored and 
fodder for their beasts of burden, and where they 
could sit at their ease and despatch the business 
by taking the great store they had of gold, minted 
and other, and silver and drinking-cups, and sending 
all this without stint to all places in Hellas, but 
especially to the chief men in the cities of Hellas ; 
let them do this (said he) and the Greeks would 
quickly surrender their liberty; but let not the 
Persians risk the event of a battle. This opinion 
of his was the same as the Thebans’, inasmuch as he 
too had especial foreknowledge; but Mardonius’ 
counsel was more vehement and intemperate and 
nowise leaning to moderation; for (said he) he 
deemed that their army was by much stronger than 
the Greeks’, and that they should give battle with 
all speed, and not suffer yet more Greeks to muster 
than were mustered already ; as for the sacrifices of 
Hegesistratus, let them pay no heed to these, nor 


209 


HERODOTUS 


τράτου ἐᾶν χαίρειν μηδὲ βιάζεσθαι, ἀλλὰ νόμῳ 
τῷ Περσέων χρεωμένους συμβάλλειν. 

49, Τούτου δὲ οὕτω δικαιεῦντος ἀντέλεγε οὐδείς, 
ὥστε ἐκράτεε τῇ γνώμη" τὸ γὰρ κράτος εἶχε τῆς 
στρατιῆς οὗτος ἐκ βασιλέος, ἀλλ᾽ οὐκ ᾿Αρτάβαξος. 
μεταπεμγ-άμενος ὧν τοὺς ταξιάρχους τῶν τελέων 
καὶ τῶν μετ᾽ ἑωυτοῦ ἐόντων Ἑλλήνων τοὺς στρα- 
τηγοὺς εἰρώτα εἴ τι εἰδεῖεν λόγιον περὶ Περσέων 
ὡς διαφθερέονται ἐ ἐν τῇ Ἑλλάδι. συγώντων δὲ τῶν 
ἐπικλήτων, τῶν μὲν οὐκ εἰδότων τοὺς χρησμούς, 
τῶν δὲ εὐδότων μὲν ἐν ἀδείῃ δὲ οὐ ποιευμένων τὸ 
λέγειν, αὐτὸς Μαρδόνιος ἔλεγε “ ἐπεὶ τοίνυν ὑμεῖς 
ἢ ἴστε οὐδὲν ἢ οὐ τολμᾶτε λέγειν, ἀλλ, ἐγὼ ἐρέω 
ὡς εὖ ἐπιστάμενος" ἔστι λόγιον ὡς χρεόν ἐστι 
Πέρσας ἀπικομένους ἐς τὴν Ἑλλάδα διαρπάσαι τὸ 
ἱρὸν τὸ ἐν Δελφοῖσι, μετὰ, δὲ τὴν διαρπαγὴν ἆ ATO- 
λέσθαι πάντας. ἡμεῖς τοίνυν αὐτὸ τοῦτο ἐπιστά- 
μενοι οὔτε ἴμεν ἐπὶ τὸ ἱρὸν τοῦτο οὔτε ἐπιχειρή- 
σομεν διαρπάζειν, ταύτης τε εἵνεκα τῆς αἰτίης οὐκ 
ἀπολεόμεθα. ὥστε ὑμέων ὅσοι τυγχάνουσι εὔνοοι 
ἐόντες Πέρσῃσι, ἥδεσθε τοῦδε εἵνεκα ὡς περιεσοµέ- 
νους ἡμέας ᾿Ελλήνων.᾽ ταῦτά σφι εἴπας δεύτερα 
ἐσήμαινε παραρτέεσθαί τε πάντα, καὶ εὐκρινέα 
ποιέεσθαι ὡς ἅμα ἡμέρη τῇ ἐπιούσῃ συμβολῆς 
ἐσομένης. 

48. Τοῦτον δ᾽ ἔγωγε τὸν χρησμόν, τὸν Μαρ- 
δόνιος εἶπε ἐς Πέρσας ἐ ἔχειν, ἐς Ἰλλυριούς τε καὶ 
τὸν ᾿Εγχελέων στρατὸν οἶδα πεποιημένον, ἀλλ᾽ 


1 Lit. to do violence, compel the gods, like ** superos votis 
fatigare" in Latin. 


219 


BOOK ΙΧ. 41-43 


seek to wring good from them,! but rather give 
battle after Persian custom. 

42. None withstood this argument, so that his 
opinion prevailed ; for it was he and not Artabazus 
who was generalissimo of the army by the king's 
commission. He sent therefore for the leaders of 
the battalions and the generals of those Greeks that 
were with him, and asked them if they knew any 
oracle which prophesied that the Persians should 
perish in Hellas. They that were summoned said 
nought, some not knowing the prophecies, and some 
knowing them but deeming it perilous to speak; 
then said Mardonius himself: * Since, therefore, 
you either have no knowledge or are afraid to declare 
it, hear what I tell you out of the full knowledge 
that I have. There is an oracle that Persians are 
fated to come to Hellas and there all perish after 
they have plundered the temple at Delphi. We, 
therefore, knowing this same oracle, will neither 
approach that temple nor essay to plunder it; and in 
so far as destruction hangs on that, none awaits us. 
Wherefore as many of you as wish the Persians well 
may rejoice for that, as knowing that we shall over- 
come the Greeks." Having thus spoken he gave 
command to have all prepared and set in fair order 
for the battle that should be joined at the next day's 
dawn. 

43. Now for this prophecy, which Mardonius said 
was spoken of the Persians, I know it to have been 
made concerning not them but the Illyrians and the 


211 


HERODOTUS 


’ , \ 
οὐκ ἐς Πέρσας. ἀλλὰ τὰ μὲν Βάκιδι ἐς ταύτην 
\ 
τὴν μάχην ἐστὶ πεποιημένα, 


| τὴν δ᾽ ἐπὶ Θερμώδοντι καὶ ACOTO λεχεποίῃ 
Ἑλλήνων. σύνοδον καὶ βαρβαρόφωνον i ἰυγῆν, 
τῇ πολλοὶ πεσέονται ὑπὲρ λάχεσίν τε μόρον TE 
τοξοφόρων Μήδων, ὅταν αἴσιμον ἧμαρ ἐπέλθῃ, 


^ N N / ΄ 5 
ταῦτα μὲν καὶ παραπλήσια τούτοισι ἄλλα Mov- 
5 / e , 
σαίῳ ἔχοντα οἶδα ἐς Πέρσας. ὁ δὲ Θερμώδων 
ποταμὸς ῥέει μεταξὺ Tavaypns τε καὶ Γλίσαντος. 
44, Μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἐπειρώτησιν τῶν χρησμῶν καὶ 
παραίνεσιν τὴν ἐκ Μαρδονίου νύξ τε ἐγίνετο καὶ 
ἐς φυλακὰς ἐτάσσοντο. ὡς δὲ πρόσω τῆς νυκτὸς 
προελήλατο καὶ ἡσυχίη ἐδόκεε εἶναι ἀνὰ τὰ στρα- 
τόπεδα καὶ μάλιστα οἱ ἄνθρωποι εἶναι ἐν ὕπνῳ, 
τηνικαῦτα προσελάσας ἵππῳ πρὸς τὰς φυλακὰς 
M , f , / e3 ’ / 
τὰς ᾿Αθηναίων ᾿Αλέξανδρος ὁ ᾽Αμύντεω, στρατηγὸς 
ἈΝ N \ , 207 ^ 
τε ἐὼν καὶ βασιλεὺς Μακεδόνων, ἐδίζητο τοῖσι 
^ , / 3 ^ ^ N , 
στρατηγοῖσι ἐς λόγους ἐλθεῖν. τῶν δὲ φυλάκων 
- ΄ e 
οἱ μὲν πλεῦνες παρέμενον, ot Ò ἔθεον ἐπὶ τοὺς 
στρατηγούς, ἐλθόντες δὲ ἔλεγον ὡς ἄνθρωπος 
ἥκοι ἐπ᾽ ἵππου ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου τοῦ Μήδων, 
ὃς ἄλλο μὲν οὐδὲν παραγυμνοῖ ἔπος, στρατηγοὺς 
δὲ ὀνομάζων ἐθέλειν φησὶ ἐς λόγους ἐλθεῖν. 
e ^ / 
45. O? δὲ ἐπεὶ ταῦτα ἤκουσαν, αὐτίκα εἴποντο 
, 
ἐς τὰς φυλακάς: ἀπικομένοισι δὲ ἔλεγε ᾿Αλέ- 
΄ t ^ 
ξανδρος τάδε. '' Άνδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, παραθήκην 
^ / A 
ὑμῖν τὰ ἔπεα τάδε τίθεμαι, ἀπόρρητα ποιεύ- 


1 Referring to a legendary expedition of these north- 
western tribes, directed against Hellas and Delphi in 
particular. 

2 A little to the N.W. of Thebes. 


212 


BOOK IX. 43-45 


army of the Encheleés.! But there is a prophecy 
made by Bacis concerning this battle : 


By Thermodon's stream and the grassgrown banks 
of Asopus 

Muster of Greeks for fight, and the ring of a 
foreigner's war-cry, 

Many a Median archer by death untimely o'er- 
taken 

There in the battle shall fall when the day of his 
doom is upon him ; 


this prophecy, and others like to it that were 
made by Musaeus, I know to have been spoken of 
the Persians. Ας for the river Thermodon, it flows 
between Tanagra and Glisas.? 

44. After this questioning concerning oracles, and 
Mardonius’ exhortation, night came on and the 
armies posted their sentries. Now when the night 
was far spent and it seemed that all was stil] in the 
camps and the men wrapt in deepest slumber, at 
that hour Alexander son of Amyntas, the general 
and king of the Macedonians, rode up to the 
Athenian outposts and sought to have speech of 
their generals. The greater part of the sentries 
abiding where they were, the rest ran to their 
generals, and told them that a horseman had ridden 
in from the Persian camp, imparting no other word 
save that he would have speech of the generals and 
called them by their names. 

45. Hearing that, the generals straightway went 
with the men to the outposts; and when they were 
come Alexander said to them: “ Men of Athens, I 
give you this my message in trust as a secret that 


213 


HERODOTUS 


µενος πρὸς μηδένα λέγειν ὑμέας ἄλλον 3 
Παυσανίην, μή με καὶ διαφθείρητε' οὐ γὰρ ἂν 
ἔλεγον, εἰ μὴ μεγάλως ἐκηδόμην συναπάσης τῆς 
Ἑλλάδος. αὐτός τε γὰρ "Ελλην γένος εἰμὶ 
τὠρχαῖον καὶ ἀντ᾽ ἐλευθέρης δεδουλωμένην οὐκ 
ἂν ἐθέλοιμι ὁρᾶν τὴν “Ελλάδα. λέγω δὲ ὧν ὅτι 
Μαρδονίῳ τε καὶ τῇ στρατιὴ τὰ σφάγια οὐ 
δύναται καταθύμια γενέσθαι" πάλαι γὰρ ἂν 
ἐμάχεσθε. νῦν δέ οἱ δέδοκται τὰ μὲν σφάγια 
ἐᾶν χαίρειν, ἅμ ἡμέρη δὲ διαφωσκούσῃ συμβολὴν 
ποιέεσθαι: καταρρώδηκε γὰρ μὴ πλεῦνες συλ- 
λεχθῆτε, ὡς ἐγὼ εἰκάξω. πρὸς ταῦτα ἑτοιμά- 
ζεσθε. ἣν δὲ ἄρα ὑπερβάληται τὴν συμβολὴν 
Μαρδόνιος καὶ μὴ ποιέηται, λιπαρέετε ,μένοντες" 
ὀλιγέων γάρ σφι ἡμερέων λείπεται σιτία. ἣν δὲ 
ὑμῖν ὁ πόλεμος ὅδε κατὰ νόον τελευτήσῃ, pwn- 
σθῆναι τινὰ χρὴ καὶ ἐμεῦ ἐλευθερώσιος πέρι, ὃς 
Ἑλλήνων εἵνεκα οὕτω ἔργον παράβολον ἔ ἐργάσμαι 
ὑπὸ προθυμίης, ἐθέλων ὑμῖν δηλῶσαι τὴν διά- 
νοιαν τὴν Μαρδονίου, ἵνα μὴ ἐπιπέσωσι ὑμῖν 
ἐξαίφνης οἱ βάρβαροι μὴ προσδεκοµένοισί κω. 
εἰμὶ δὲ ᾿Αλέξανδρος ὁ Μακεδών. ὃ μὲν ταῦτα 
εἴπας ἀπήλαυνε ὀπίσω ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον καὶ 
τὴν ἑωυτοῦ τάξιν. 

46. Οἱ δὲ στρατηγοὶ τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων ἐλθόντες 
ἐπὶ τὸ δεξιὸν κέρας ἔλεγον Παυσανίῃ τά περ 
ἤκουσαν ᾿Αλεξάνδρου. ὃ δὲ τούτῳ τῷ λόγῳ 
καταρρωδήσας τοὺς Πέρσας ἔλεγε τάδε. “Ἐπεὶ 
τοίνυν ἐς ἠῶ ἡ συμβολὴ γίνεται, ὑμέας μὲν χρεόν 
ἐστι τοὺς ᾿Αθηναίους στῆναι κατὰ τοὺς Πέρσας, 
ἡμέας δὲ κατὰ τοὺς Βοιωτούς τε καὶ τοὺς κατ᾿ 
ὑμέας τεταγμένους Ἑλλήνων, τῶνδε εἵνεκα' ὑμεῖς 
214 


BOOK ΙΧ. 45-46 


you must reveal to none but Pausanias, lest you even 
be my undoing; in truth I would not tell it to you 
were it not by reason of my great care for all Hellas; 
for I myself am by ancient descent a Greek, and I 
would not willingly see Hellas change her freedom 
for slavery. I tell you, then, that Mardonius and 
his army cannot get from the sacrifices omens to his 
liking; else had you fought long ere this. But now 
it is his purpose to pay no heed to the sacrifices, and 
join battle at the first glimmer of dawn ; for he is in 
dread, as I surmise, lest you should muster to a greater 
host. Therefore I bid you make ready ; and if (as 
may be) Mardonius should delay and not join battle, 
wait patiently where you are ; for he has but a few 
days' provision left. But if this war end as you 
would wish, then must you take thought how to 
save me too from slavery, who of my zeal have done 
so desperate a deed as this for the cause of Hellas, 
in my desire to declare to you Mardonius' intent, that 
so the foreigners may not fall upon you suddenly ere 
you yet expect them. I that speak am Alexander 
the Macedonian." With that he rode away back to 
the camp and his own place therein. 

46. The Athenian generals went to the right wing 
and told Pausanias what they had heard from Alex- 
ander. At the message Pausanias was struck with 
fear of the Persians, and said: “Since, therefore, 
the battle is to begin at dawn, it is best that you 
Athenians should take your stand fronting the Per- 
sians, and we fronting the Boeotians and the Greeks 
that are posted over against you, by reason that you 


215 


HERODOTUS 


ἐπίστασθε τοὺς λ]ήδους καὶ τὴν μάχην αὐτῶν ἐν 
Μαραθῶνι μαχεσάμενοι, ἡμεῖς δὲ ἄπειροί τε εἰμὲν 
καὶ ἀδαέες τούτων τῶν ἀνδρῶν" Σπαρτιητέων γὰρ 
οὐδεὶς πεπείρηται Μήδων" ἡμεῖς δὲ Βοιωτῶν καὶ 
Θεσσαλῶν € ἔμπειροι εἰμέν. ἀλλ᾽ ἀναλαβόντας τὰ 
ὅπλα χρεόν ἐστι ἰέναι ὑμέας μὲν ἐς τόδε τὸ κέρας, 
ἡμέας δὲ ἐς τὸ εὐώνυμον. πρὸς δὲ ταῦτα εἶπαν 
οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι τάδε. “' Καὶ αὐτοῖσι ἡμῖν πάλαι an 
ἀρχῆς; ἐπείτε εἴδομεν κατ᾽ ὑμέας τασσομένους 
τοὺς Πέρσας, ἐν νόῳ ἐγένετο εἰπεῖν ταῦτα τά περ 
ὑμεῖς φθάντες προφέρετε: ἀλλὰ ἀρρωδέομεν μὴ 
ὑμῖν οὐκ ἡδέες γένωνται οἱ λόγοι. ἐπεὶ δ᾽ ὧν 
αὐτοὶ ἐμνήσθητε, καὶ ἡδομένοισι ἡμῖν οὗ λόγοι 
[4 M e, b ^ b 

γεγόνασι καὶ ἕτοιμοι εἰμὲν ποιέειν ταῦτα. 

4T. Ὡς & ἤρεσκε ἀμφοτέροισι ταῦτα, ἠώς τε 
διέφαινε καὶ διαλλάσσοντο τὰς τάξις. γνόντες 
δὲ οἱ Βοιωτ τοὶ τὸ ποιεύμενον. ἐξαγορεύουσι Map- 
δονίῳ. ὃ Ò ἐπείτε ἤκουσε, αὐτίκα μετιστάναι καὶ 
αὐτὸς ἐπειρᾶτο, παράγων τοὺς Πέρσας κατὰ 
τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους. ὡς δὲ ἔμαθε τοῦτο τοιοῦτο 
γινόμενον Ò Παυσανίης, γνοὺς ὅτι, οὐ λανθάνει, 
ὀπίσω ἦγε τοὺς Σπαρτιήτας ἐπὶ τὸ δεξιὸν κέρας 
ὣς δὲ οὕτως καὶ ὁ Μαρδόνιος € ἐπὶ τοῦ εὐωνύμου. 

48. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ κατέστησαν ἐς τὰς ἀρχαίας τάξις, 
πέμψας ὁ Μαρδόνιος κήρυκα ἐς τοὺς Σπαρτιήτας 
ἔλεγε ταδε, Ὁ Λακεδαιμόνιοι, Ù ὑμεῖς δὴ λέγεσθε 
εἶναι ἄνδρες ἄριστοι, ὑπὸ τῶν τῇδε ἀνθρώπων, 
ἐκπαγλεομένων ὡς οὔτε φεύγετε ἐκ πολέμου οὔτε 
Taw ἐκλείπετε, μένοντές τε a ἀπόλλυτε τοὺς 
ἐναντίους ) αὐτοὶ ἀπόλλυσθε. τῶν δ᾽ ἄρ᾽ ἣν οὐδὲν 
ἀληθές: πρὶν γὰρ ἢ συμμῖξαι ἡμέας ἐς χειρῶν τε 
νόμον ἀπικέσθαι, καὶ δὴ φεύγοντας καὶ στάσιν 
216 


BOOK ΙΧ. 46-48 


have fought with the Medes at Marathon and know 
them and their manner of fighting, but we have no 
experience or knowledge of those men ; we Spartans 
have experience of the Boeotians and Thessalians, 
but not one of us has put the Medes to the test. 
Nay, let us take up our equipment and remove, you 
to this wing and we to the left." “We, too," the 
Athenians answered, “ even from the moment when 
we saw the Persians posted over against you, had it 
in mind to make that proffer that now has first come 
from you; but we feared lest we should displease 
you by making it. But since you have spoken the 
wish yourselves, we too hear your words very gladly 
and are ready to do as you say." 

47. Both being satisfied with this, they exchanged 
their places in the ranks at the first light of dawn. 
The Boeotians marked that and made it known to 
Mardonius; who, when he heard, forthwith essayed 
to make a change for himself also, by moving the 
Persians along to front the Lacedaemonians. But 
when Pausanias perceived what was this that was 
being done, he saw that his act was known, and led 
the Spartans back to the right wing; and Mardonius 
did in like manner on the left of his army. 

48. When all were at their former posts again, 
Mardonius sent a herald to the Lacedaemonians 
with this message: “ Men of Lacedaemon, you are 
said by the people of these parts to be very brave 
men; it is their boast of you that you neither flee 
from the field nor leave your post, but abide there 
and either slay your enemies or are yourselves slain. 
But it would seem that in all this there is no truth ; 
for ere we can join battle and fight hand to hand, 
we have seen you even now fleeing and leaving your 


217 


HERODOTUS 


ἐκλείποντας ὑμέας εἴδομεν, ἐν ᾿Αθηναίοισί τε τὴν 
πρόπειραν ποιευμένους αὐτούς τε ἀντία δούλων 
τῶν ἡμετέρων τασσομένους. ταῦτα οὐδαμῶς 
ἀνδρῶν ἀγαθῶν ἔργα, ἀλλὰ πλεῖστον δὴ ἐν ὑμῖν 
ἐγ εύσθημεν. προσδεκόµενοι γὰρ κατὰ κλέος ὡς 
δὴ πέμψετε ἐς ἡμέας κήρυκα προκαλεύμενοι καὶ 
βουλόμενοι μούνοισι Πέρσῃσι. μάχεσθαι, ἄρτιοι 
ἐόντες ποιέειν ταῦτα οὐδὲν τοιοῦτο λέγοντας ὑμέας 
εὕρομεν ἀλλὰ πτώσσοντας μᾶλλον. νῦν ὧν ἐπειδὴ 
οὐκ ὑμεῖς ἤρξατε τούτου τοῦ λόγου, ἀλλ, ἡμεῖς 
ἄρ ρχομεν. τί δὴ οὐ πρὸ μὲν τῶν Ἑλλήνων ὑμεῖς, 
ἐπείτε δεδόξωσθε εἶναι ἄριστοι, πρὸ δὲ τῶν Bap- 
βάρων ἡμεῖς ἴσοι πρὸς ἴσους ἀριθμὸν ἐμαχεσάμεθα; 
καὶ ἦν μὲν δοκέῃ καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους μάχεσθαι, οἱ Ò 
ὧν μετέπειτα μαχέσθων ὕ ὕστεροι εἰ | δὲ καὶ μὴ δοκέοι 
ἀλλ᾽ ἡμέας μούνους ἀποχρᾶν, ἡμεῖς δὲ διαμαχε- 
σώμεθα: ὁκότεροι ὃ ἂν ἡμέων νικήσωσι, τούτους 
τῷ ἅπαντι στρατοπέδῳ νικᾶν. 

49. no μὲν ταῦτα εἴπας τε καὶ ἐπισχὼν χρόνον, 
ὥς οἱ οὐδεὶς οὐδὲν ὑπεκρίνατο, ἀπαλλάσσετο 
ὀπίσω, ἀπελθὼν δὲ ἐσήμαινε Μαρδονίῳ τὰ κατα- 
λαβόντα. ὃ δὲ περιχαρὴς γενόμενος καὶ έπαερ- 
θεὶς ψυχρῇ νίκη ἐπῆκε τὴν ἵππον ἐπὶ τοὺς 
“Ελληνας. ὡς δὲ ἐπήλασαν οἱ ἱππόται, ἐσίνοντο 
πᾶσαν τὴν στρατιὴν τὴν Ελληνικὴν ἐσακοντί- 
ξοντές τε καὶ τοξεύοντες ὥστε ἱπποτοξόται τε 
ἐόντες καὶ προσφέρεσθαι ἄποροι: τήν τε κρήνην 
τὴν Γαργαφίην, ἀπ᾽ ἧς ὑδρεύετο πᾶν τὸ στράτευμα 
τὸ Ἑλληνικόν, συνετάραξαν καὶ συνέχωσαν. ἦσαν 
μὲν ὧν κατὰ τὴν κρήνην Λακεδαιμόνιοι τεταγμένοι 
μοῦνοι, τοῖσι δὲ ἄλλοισι Ἕλλησι 7 μὲν κρήνη 


πρόσω ἐγίνετο, ὡς ἕκαστοι ἔτυχον τεταγμένοι, 0 
219 


3) 


BOOK ΙΧ. 48-49 


station, using Athenians for the first assay of your 
enemy, and arraying yourselves over against those 
that are but our slaves. This is no brave men's 
work; nay, we have been grievously mistaken in 
you; for by what we heard of you, we looked that 
you should send us a herald challenging the Persians 
and none other to fight with you; and that we were 
ready to do; but we find you making no such profter, 
but rather quailing before us. Now, therefore, since 
the challenge comes not from you, take it from us 
instead. What hinders that we should fight with 
equal numbers on both sides, you for the Greeks 
(since you have the name of being their best), and 
we for the foreigners? and if it be willed that 
the others fight also, let them fight later after us; 
but if contrariwise it be willed that we alone suffice, 
then let us fight it out, and which side soever 
wins, let that serve as a victory for the whole 
army." 

49. Thus proclaimed the herald ; and when he had 
waited awhile and none made him any answer, he 
departed back again, and at his return told Mardonius 
what had befallen him. Mardonius was overjoyed 
thereat and proud of this semblance of victory, and 
sent his cavalry to attack the Greeks. The horse- 
men rode at them and shot arrows and javelins 
among the whole Greek army to its great hurt, 
inasmuch as they were mounted archers and ill to 
close with; and they troubled and choked the 
Gargaphian spring, whence all the army of the 
Greeks drew its water. None indeed but the Lace- 
daemonians were posted near the spring, and it was 
far from the several stations of the other Greeks, 


219 


HERODOTUS 


δὲ ᾿Ασωπὸς ἀγχοῦ" ἐρυκόμενοι δὲ τοῦ ᾿Ασωποῦ 
οὕτω δὴ ἐπὶ τὴν. κρήνην ἐφοίτων" ἀπὸ τοῦ πο- 
ταμοῦ γάρ σφι οὐκ ἐξῆν ὕδωρ φορέεσθαι ὑπό τε 
τῶν ἱππέων καὶ τοξευμάτων. 

50. Τούτου δὲ τοιούτου γινομένου οἱ τῶν Ελ- 
λήνων στρατηγοί, ἅτε τοῦ τε ὕδατος στερηθείσης 

^ ^ N e N A “ ΄ 
τῆς στρατιῆς καὶ ὑπὸ τῆς ἵππου ταρασσομένης, 
συνελέχθησαν περὶ αὐτῶν τε τούτων καὶ ἄλλων, 
ἐλθόντες παρὰ Παυσανίην ἐπὶ τὸ δεξιὸν κέρας. 
ἄλλα γὰρ. τούτων τοιούτων ἐόντων μᾶλλον σφέας 
ἐλύπες" οὔτε γὰρ σιτία εἶχον ἔτι, οἵ τε σφέων 
ὀπέωνες ἀποπεμφθέντες ἐς Πελοπόννησον ὡς 
ἐπισιτιεύμενοι ἀπεκεκληίατο ὑπὸ τῆς ἵππου, οὐ 
δυνάμενοι ἀπικέσθαι ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον. 

51. Βουλευομένοισι δὲ τοῖσι στρατηγοῖσι ἔδοξε, 
ἣν ὑπερβάλωνται ἐκείνην τὴν ἡμέρην οἱ Πέρσαι 
συμβολὴν ποιεύμενοι, ἐς τὴν νῆσον ἰέναι. ἣ δὲ 
ἐστὶ ἀπὸ τοῦ ᾿Ασωποῦ καὶ τῆς κρήνης τῆς lap- 
γαφίης, em 7) ἐστρατοπεξεύοντο τότε, δέκα στα- 
δίους ἀπέχουσα, πρὸ τῆς Πλαταιέων πόλιος. 
νῆσος δὲ οὕτω ἂν εἴη, ἐν ἠπείρῳ' σχιξόμενος ὁ 
ποταμὸς ἄνωθεν ἐκ τοῦ Κιθαιρῶνος ῥέει κάτω ἐς 
τὸ πεδίον, διέχων ἀπ’ ἀλλήλων τὰ ῥέεθρα ὅσον 
περ τρία στάδια, καὶ ἔπειτα συμμίσγει ἐς τὠυτό. 
οὔνομα δέ οἱ ᾿Ωερόη' θυγατέρα δὲ ταύτην λέγουσι 
εἶναι ᾿Ασωποῦ οἱ ἐπιχώριοι. ἐς τοῦτον δὴ τὸν 
χῶρον ἐβουλεύσαντο μεταναστῆναι, ἵνα καὶ ὕδατι 
ἔχωσι χρᾶσθαι ἀφθόνῳ καὶ οἱ ἱππέες σφέας μὴ 


1 Several streams flow N. or N.W. from Cithaeron, and 
unite eventually to form the small river Oéroé Between 
two of these there is a long strip of land, which is perhaps 


220 


BOOK ΙΧ. 49-51 


whereas the Asopus was near; but they would ever 
go to the spring, because they were barred from the 
Asopus, not being able to draw water from that 
river by reason of the horsemen and the arrows. 

50. In this turn of affairs, seeing that their army 
was cut off from water and disordered by the horse- 
men, the generals of the Greeks betook themselves 
to Pausanias on the right wing, and debated concern- 
ing this and other matters; for there were other 
causes that troubled them more than what I have 
told; they had no food left, and their followers 
whom they had sent into the Peloponnese to bring 
provision thence had been cut off by the horsemen, 
and could not make their way to the army. 

51. So they resolved in their council that if the 
Persians delayed through that day to give battle, 
they would go to the Island.! "This is ten furlongs 
distant from the Asopus and the Gargaphian spring, 
whereby their army then lay, and in front of the town 
of Plataeae. It is like to an island on dry land, by 
reason that the river in its course down from Cithaeron 
into the plain is parted into two channels, and there 
is about three furlongs' space between till presently 
the two channels unite again ; and the name of that 
river is Oéroé, who (say the people of the country) 
was the daughter of Asopus. Το that place then 
they planned to remove, that they might have water 
in plenty for their use, and not be harmed by the 
the νῆσος; but it is not now actually surrounded by water, 
as Herodotus describes it. 


For some notice of controversy about the battlefield of 
Plataeae, see the Introduction to this volume. 


221 


HERODOTUS 


σινοίατο ὥσπερ κατιθὺ ἐόντων" μετακινέεσθαί τε 
ἐδόκεε τότε ἐπεὰν τῆς νυκτὸς 7) δευτέρη φυλακή, 
ὡς ἂν μὴ ἰδοίατο οἱ Πέρσαι. ἐξορμωμένους καί 
σφεας ἑ ἑπόμενοι ταράσσοιεν οἱ ἱππόται. ἀπικομέ- 
νων δὲ ἐς τὸν χῶρον τοῦτον, τὸν δὴ ἡ ᾿Ασωπὶς 
Ώερόη περισχίζεται ῥέουσα ἐκ τοῦ Κιθαιρῶνος, 
ὑπὸ τὴν νύκτα ταύτην ἐδόκεε τοὺς ἡμίσεας ἀπο- 
στέλλειν τοῦ στρατοπέδου πρὸς τὸν Κιθαιρῶνα, 
ὡς ἀναλάβοιεν τοὺς ὀπέωνας τοὺς ἐπὶ τὰ σιτία 
οἰχομένους ἦσαν γὰρ ἐν τῷ Κιθαιρῶνι ἀπολε- 
λαμμένοι. 

52. Ταῦτα βουλευσάμενοι κείνην μὲν «τὴν 
ἡμέρην πᾶσαν προσκειμένης τῆς ἵππου εἶχον 
πόνον ἄτρυτον' ὡς δὲ j τε ἡμέρη. ἔληγε καὶ οἱ 
ἱππέες ἐπέπαυντο, νυκτὸς δὴ γινομένης καὶ ἐούσης 
τῆς ὥρης ἐς τὴν συνέκειτὀ σφι ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι, 
ἐνθαῦτα ἀερθέντες᾽ οὗ πολλοὶ ἀπαλλάσσοντο, ἐς 
μὲν τὸν χῶρον ἐς τὸν συνέκειτο οὐκ ἐν νόῳ ἔχοντες, 
οἳ δὲ ὡς ἐκινήθησαν ἔφευγον ἄσμενοι τὴν ἵππον 
πρὸς τὴν Πλαταιέων πόλιν, φεύγοντες δὲ ἀπικνέον- 
ται ἐπὶ τὸ "Ἠραιον' τὸ δὲ πρὸ τῆς πόλιος ἐστὶ τῆς 
Πλαταιέων, εἴκοσι σταδίους ἀπὸ τῆς κρήνης τῆς 
Γαργαφίης ἀπέχον: ἀπικόμενοι δὲ ἔθεντο πρὸ τοῦ 
ἱροῦ τὰ ὅπλα. 

53. Ναὶ oi μὲν περὶ τὸ "Ηραιον ἐστρατοπε- 
δεύοντο, Παυσανίης δὲ ὁρῶν σφεας ἀπαλλασσο- 
μένους ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου παρήγγελλε καὶ τοῖσι 
Λακεδαιμονίοισι ἀναλαβόντας τὰ ὅπλα ἰέναι κατὰ 
τοὺς ἄλλους τοὺς προϊόντας, νομίσας αὐτοὺς ἐς 
τὸν χῶρον ῥέναι ἐς τὸν συνεθήκαντο. ἐνθαῦτα οἱ 
μὲν ἄλλοι ἄρτιοι ἦσαν τῶν ταξιάρχων πείθεσθαι 
Παυσανίῃ, ᾿Αμομϕφάρετος δὲ ὁ Πολιάδεω λοχη- 
222 


BOOK IX. 51-53 


horsemen, as now when they were face to face ; and 
they resolved to make their removal in the second 
watch of the night, lest the Persians should see 
them setting forth and the horsemen press after them 
and disorder their array. Further, they resolved 
that when they were come to that place, which is 
encircled by the divided channels of Asopus' daughter 
Οδτοῦ as she flows from Cithaeron, they would in 
that night send half of their army to Cithaeron, to 
fetch away their followers who were gone to get the 
provision; for these were cut off from them on 
Cithaeron. 

52. Having formed this design, all that day they 
suffered unending hardship from the cavalry that 
continually beset them; but when the day ended 
and the horsemen ceased from troubling, then at 
that hour of the night whereat it was agreed that 
they should depart the most of them arose and took 
their departure, not with intent to go to the place 
whereon they had agreed ; instead of that, once they 
were afoot they got quit to their great content of the 
horsemen, and escaped to the town of Plataeae, and 
came in their flight to the temple of Here which is 
without that town, twenty furlongs distant from 
the Gargaphian spring; thither they came, and piled 
their arms before the temple. 

53. So they encamped about the temple of Here. 
But Pausanias, seeing their departure from the camp, 
gave orders to the Lacedaemonians to take up their 
arms likewise and follow after the others that went 
before, supposing that these were making for the 
place whither they had agreed to go. "Thereupon, 
all the rest of the captains being ready to obey 
Pausanias, Amompharetus son of Poliades, the leader 


223 


HERODOTUS 


/ ^ / / » 3 ` , 
γέων τοῦ Πιτανητέων λόχου οὐκ ἔφη τοὺς ξείνους 
, δὲ 4 N 5 5 ’ Ν v [4 
φεύξεσθαι οὐδὲ ἑκὼν εἶναι αἰσχυνέειν τὴν Xráp- 

€ / N ΄ e 
την, ἐθώμαζέ τε ὁρέων τὸ ποιεύμενον ἅτε οὐ Tapa- 
^ / 4 e , 
γενόμενος τῷ προτέρῳ λόγω. ὁ δὲ Παυσανίης τε 
e N ^ N / 
καὶ ὁ Πὐρυάναξ δεινὸν μὲν ἐποιεῦντο τὸ μὴ Tei- 
e , ^ ’ Ô / 8 » ’ 
εσθαι ἐκεῖνον σφίσι, δεινότερον δὲ ἔτι, κείνου 
-.» ^ M / N 
ταῦτ ἀναινομένου, ἀπολιπεῖν τὸν λόχον τον 11ι- 
\ » 7 A Ν 
τανήτην, μὴ ἣν ἀπολίπωσι ποιεῦντες τὰ συνεθη- 
^ [4 
«avro τοῖσι ἄλλοισι Ἰλλησι, ἀπόληται ὑπολει- 
, ^ 
φθεὶς αὐτός Te ᾽Αμομϕάρετος καὶ οἱ μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ. 
^ 7 ’ 5 N [4 
ταῦτα λογιξόμενοι ἀτρέμας εἶχον τὸ στρατόπεδον 
^ / / 
τὸ Λακωνικόν, καὶ ἐπειρῶντο πεἰθοντές μιν ὡς οὐ 
χρεὸν εἴη ταῦτα ποιέειν. 
D / , A 
54. Kal o? μὲν παρηγόρεον ᾽᾿Αμομϕάρετον μοῦ- 
/ N / / 
νον Λακεδαιμονίων τε καὶ Τεγεητέων λελειμμένον, 
Αθ ^ Ò A AS) / LO 5 , / / 
ηναῖοι δὲ ἐποίευν τοιάδε' εἶχον ἀτρέμας σφέας 
αὐτοὺς ἵνα ἐτάχθησαν, ἐπιστάμενοι τὰ Λακεδαι- 
/ / / . ή 
μονίων φρονήματα ὡς ἄλλα φρονεόντων καὶ ἄλλα 
, e 7 \ / 
λεγόντων: ὡς δὲ ἐκινήθη τὸ στρατόπεδον, ἔπεμ- 
’ e / 5 , ’ , ΄ 
πον σφέων ἱππέα ὀψόμενον τε εἰ πορεύεσθαι ἐπι- 
/ ^ 
χειρέοιεν οἱ Σπαρτιῆται, etre καὶ τὸ παράπαν μὴ 
^ , L4 , / 
διανοεῦνται ἀπαλλάσσεσθαι, ἐπειρέσθαι τε IIav- 
L4 
σανίην τὸ χρεὸν εἴη ποιέειν. 
[2 / M ^ 
55. 'Os δὲ ἀπίκετο ὁ κῆρυξ és τοὺς Λακεδαιμο- 
/ er / A A , 
vious, ὥρα τε σφέας κατὰ χώρην τεταγμένους Kal 
’ ^ ν ΄ e 
ἐς νείκεα ἀπιγμένους αὐτῶν τοὺς πρώτους. ὡς 
\ \ \ 3 ο 
yàp δὴ παρηγορέοντο τὸν ᾿Αμομϕφάρετον 6 τε 
ο / N 
Εὐρυάναξ καὶ ὁ Παυσανίης μὴ κινδυνεύειν μένον- 
/ p e 
τας μούνους Λακεδαιμονίων, oU κως ἔπειθον, ἐς ὃ 
234 


BOOK IX. 53-55 


of the Pitanate! battalion, refused to flee from the 
strangers or (save by compulsion) bring shame on 
Sparta; the whole business seemed strange to him, 
for he had not been present in the council lately 
held. Pausanias and Euryanax liked little enough 
that Amompharetus should disobey them; but they 
misliked yet more that his refusing should compel 
them to abandon the Pitanate battalion; for they 
feared that if they fulfilled their agreement with the 
rest ofthe Greeks and abandoned him, Amompharetus 
and his men would be left behind to perish. Thus 
considering, they held the Laconian army unmoved, 
and strove to persuade Amompharetus that he did 
not aright. 

54. So they reasoned with Amompharetus, he 
being the only man left behind of all the Lacedae- 
monians and Tegeans. Ας for the Athenians, they 
stood unmoved at their post, well knowing that the 
purposes and the promises of Lacedaemonians were 
not alike. But when the army removed from its 
place, they sent a horseman of their own who should 
see if the Spartans were essaying to march or if 
they were wholly without any purpose of departure, 
and should ask Pausanias withal what the Athenians 
must do. 

55. When the messenger was come to the Lacedae- 
monians, he saw them arrayed where they had been, 
and their chief men by now in hot dispute. For 
though Euryanax and Pausanias reasoned with Amom- 
pharetus, that the Lacedaemonians should not be 
imperilied by abiding there alone, they could in no 

1 Thucydides (1. 20) denies the existence of a Πιτανάτης 


λόχος as a formal part of the Spartan army; it is not clear 
what Herodotus means. For l'itana v. iii. 55. 


225 
VOL. IV. 1 


HERODOTUS 


ἐς νείκεά τε συμπεσόντες ἀπίκατο καὶ ὁ κῆρυξ τῶν 
3 / , / H / / δὲ 
Αθηναίων παρἰστατὀ σφι ἀπιγμένος. νεικέων δὲ 
2 ΄ , / 2 ΄ - 

ὁ Αμομϕάρετος λαμβάνει πέτρον ἀμφοτέρῃσι τῆσι 

N b ^ E / 

χερσὶ καὶ τιθεὶς πρὸ ποδῶν τῶν Παυσανίεω ταύτῃ 
- / ΄ \ / ` / 

τῇ ψήφῳ ψηφίζεσθαι ἔφη μὴ φεύγειν τοὺς ξείνους, 

N a \ / N 
λέγων τοὺς βαρβάρους. ὃ δὲ μαινόμενον καὶ οὐ 
φρενήρεα καλέων ἐκεῖνον, πρὸς τε τὸν ᾿Αθηναῖον 
^ / / 
κήρυκα ἐπειρωτῶντα τὰ ἐντεταλμένα λέγειν ὁ 
’ / A / 
Παυσανίης ἐκέλευε τὰ παρεόντα σφι πρήγματα, 
- / ^ / 
ἐχρήιζέ τε τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων προσχωρῆσαί τε πρὸς 
^ / 
ἑωυτοὺς καὶ ποιέειν περὶ τῆς ἀπόδου τά περ ἂν 
καὶ σφεῖς. 
^ N N55 
56. Καὶ ὃ μὲν ἀπαλλάσσετο ἐς τοὺς Αθηναίους" 
τοὺς δὲ ἐπεὶ ἀνακρινομένους πρὸς ἑωυτοὺς ἠὼς 
, 3 , ^ , / e 
κατελάμβανε, ἐν τούτῳ τῷ χρόνῳ κατήμενος ὁ 
΄ 3 / N > 
Παυσανίης, οὐ δοκέων τὸν ᾿Αμομϕάρετον λείψε- 
^ / 
σθαι τῶν ἄλλων Λακεδαιμονίων ἀποστειχόντων, τὰ 
’ / ^ \ ^ ^ 
δὴ καὶ ἐγένετο, σημήνας ἀπῆγε διὰ τῶν κολωνῶν 
\ / [rd A ^ 
τοὺς λοιποὺς πάντας' εἵποντο δὲ kai Τεγεῆται. 
j ^ / ND D 
᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ ταχθέντες ἤισαν τὰ ἔμπαλιν ἢ Aare- 
/ A N ^ 9 9 / 
δαιµόνιοι' οἳ μὲν yap τῶν τε ὄχθων ἀντείχοντο 
^ [d / ^ r A / \ 
καὶ τῆς ὑπωρέης τοῦ Κιθαιρῶνος φοβεόμενοι τὴν 
e/ , ^ δὲ , / , A 
ἵππον, Αθηναῖοι δὲ κάτω τραφθέντε ἐς τὸ 
πεδίον. 

57. ᾽Αμομϕάρετος δὲ ἀρχήν γε οὐδαμὰ δοκέων 
Παυσανίην τολμήσειν σφέας ἀπολιπεῖν, περιεί- 
χετο αὐτοῦ μένοντας μὴ ἐκλιπεῖν τὴν τάξιν" προ- 

- / / 
τερεόντων δὲ τῶν σὺν Παυσανίη, καταδόξας αὐτοὺς 
, Z / 5 / 3 r , / ~ 
ἰθέῃ τέχνῃ ἀπολείπειν αὐτόν, ἀναλαβόντα TOV 
226 


BOOK IX. 55-57 


wise prevail with him; and at the last, when the 
Athenian messenger came among them, hot words 
began to pass; and in this wrangling Amonipharetus 
took up a stone with both bands and cast it down 
before Pausanias' feet, crying that it was his pebble 
wherewith he voted against fleeing from the strangers 
(meaning thereby the foreigners) Pausanias called 
him a madman and distraught; then the Athenian 
messenger putting the question wherewith he was 
charged, he bade the man tell the Athenians of his 
present eondition, and prayed them to join themselves 
to the Laeedaemonians and do as they did in respect 
of departure. 

56. Sothe messenger went back to the Athenians. 
But when dawn found the dispute still continuing, 
Pausanias having all this time held his army halted, 
now gave the word and led all the rest away 
between the hillocks, the Tegeans following; for 
he supposed that Amompharetus would not stay 
behind when the rest of the Lacedaemonians left 
him; and indeed such was the event. The 
Athenians set themselves in array and marched, 
but not by the same way as the Lacedaemonians, 
who clung close to the broken ground and the 
lower slopes of Cithaeron, to escape from the Persian 
horse, but the Athenians marched down into the 
plain instead. 

57. Now Amompharetus at first supposed that 
Pausanias would never have the heart to leave him 
and his men, and he was instant that they should 
remain where they were and not quit their post; 
but when Pausanias men went forward on their 
way, he deemed that they had left him in good 
earnest, and so bidding his battalion take up its 


227 


HERODOTUS 


λόχον τὰ ὅπλα ἦγε βάδην πρὸς τὸ ἄλλο στῖφος: 
τὸ δὲ ἀπελθὸν 000v τε δέκα στάδια ἀνέμενε τὸν 
᾽Ἀμομϕαρέτου λόχον, περὶ ποταμὸν Μολόεντα 
ἱδρυμένον ᾿Αργιόπιόν τε χῶρον καλεόμενον, τῇ 
καὶ Δήμητρος ᾿Βλευσινίης ἱρὸν ἧσται. ἀνέμενε 
δὲ τοῦδε εἵνεκα, ἵνα ἣν μὴ ἀπολείπῃ τὸν χῶρον 
ἐν τῷ ἐτετάχατο ὁ ᾽Αμομϕάρετός τε καὶ ὃ λόχος, 
ἀλλ αὐτοῦ μένωσι, βοηθέοι ὀπίσω παρ᾽ ἐκείνους. 
καὶ οὗ τε ἀμφὶ τὸν Αμομφάρετον παρεγίνοντὀ σφι 
καὶ ἡ ἵππος ἡ τῶν βαρβάρων προσέκειτο πᾶσα. 
οἱ -γὰρ ἱππόται ἐποίευν οἷον καὶ ἐώθεσαν ποιέειν 
αἰεί, ἰδόντες δὲ τὸν χῶρον κεινὸν ἐν τῷ ἐτετάχατο 
οἱ "Έλληνες τῇσι προτέρῃσι ἡμέρῃσι, ἤλαυνον τοὺς 
ἵππους αἰεὶ τὸ πρόσω καὶ ἅμα καταλαβόντες 
προσεκέατό σφι. 

58. Μαρδόνιος δὲ ὡς ἐπύθετο τοὺς Ελληνας 
ἀποιχομένους ὑπὸ νύκτα εἶδέ τε τὸν χῶρον ἔρημον, 
καλέσας TOV Ληρισαῖον Θώρηκα καὶ τοὺς ἆδελ- 
φεοὺς αὐτοῦ Εὐρύπυλον καὶ Θρασυδήιον ἔλεγε 
me παῖδες ᾿Αλεύεω, ἔτι τί λέξετε τάδε ὁρῶντες 
ἔρημα; ; ὑμεῖς γὰρ οἱ πλησιόχωροι ἐλέγετε Aare- 
αιμονίους οὐ φεύγειν € ἐκ μάχης, ἀλλὰ ἄνδρας εἶναι 
τὰ πολέμια πρώτους: τοὺς πρότερόν τε µετιστα- 
μένους ἐκ τῆς τάξιος εἴδετε, νῦν τε ὑπὸ τὴν παροι- 
χομένην νύκτα καὶ οἱ πάντες ὁρῶμεν διαδράντας' 
διέδεξάν τε, ἐπεί σφεας ἔδεε πρὸς τοὺς -ἀψευδέως 
ἀρίστους ἀνθρώπων μάχῃ διακριθῆναι, ὅ ὅτι οὐδένες 
ἆρα ἐόντες ἐν οὐδαμοῖσι ἐοῦσι" Ελλησι ἐναπέδει- 
κνύατο. καὶ ὑμῖν μὲν ἐοῦσι Περσέων ἀπείροισι 
πολλὴ Εκ ye ἐμεῦ ἐγίνετο συγγνώμη, ἐπαινεόντων 
τούτους τοῖσί τι καὶ συνῃδέατε' ᾿Αρταβάξου δὲ 


θῶμα καὶ μᾶλλον ἐποιεύμην τὸ καὶ καταρρωδῆσαι 
228 


BOOK IX. 57-58 


arms he led it at a foot’s pace after the rest of the 
column; which having gone as far as ten furlongs 
away was waiting for Amompharctus, halting by 
the stream Molois and the place called Argiopium, 
where is set a shrine of Eleusinian Demeter. The 
reason of their waiting was that, if Amompharetus 
and his battalion should not leave the place where 
it was posted but abide there still, they might return 
and succour him. No sooner had Amompharetus’ 
men come up than the foreigners’ cavalry attacked 
the army; for the horsemen did according as they 
had ever been wont, and when they saw no enemy 
on the ground where the Greek array had been on 
the days before this, they rode ever forward and 
attacked the Greeks as soon as they overtook them. 

58. When Mardonius learnt that the Greeks had 
departed under cover of night, and saw the ground 
deserted, he called to him Thorax of Larissa and 
his brothers Eurypylus and Thrasydeius, and said: 
* What will you now say, sons of Aleuas! when you 
see this place deserted? for you, who are their 
neighbours, ever told me that Lacedaemonians fled 
from no battlefield and were surpassing masters of 
war; yet these same men you lately saw changing 
from their post, and now you and all of us see that 
they have fled away in the night that is past ; no 
sooner must they measure themselves in battle with 
those that are in very truth the bravest on earth, 
than they plainly showed that they are men of no 
account, and all other Greeks likewise. Now you 
for your part were strangers to the Persians, and I 
could readily pardon you for praising these fellows, 
who were in some sort known to you; but I mar- 
velled much more at Artabazus, that he should be 


229 


HERODOTUS 


Λακεδαιμονίους καταρρωδήσαντά τε ἀποδέξασθαι 
γνώμην δειλοτάτην, ὡς χρεὸν εἴη ἀναξεύξαντας τὸ 
στρατόπεδον i ἰέναι ἐς τὸ Θηβαίων à ἄστυ πολιορκη- 
σοµένους' τὴν ἔτι πρὸς ἐμεῦ βασιλεὺς πεύσεται. 
καὶ τούτων μὲν ἑτέρωθι ἔσται λόγος. νῦν δὲ ἐκεί- 
νοισι ταῦτα ποιεῦσι οὐκ ἐπιτρεπτέα ἐστί, ἀλλὰ 
διωκτέοι εἰσὶ ἐς ὃ καταλαμφθέντες δώσουσι ἡμῖν 
τῶν δὴ ἐποίησαν Πέρσας πάντων δίκας." 

59. Ταῦτα εἴπας ἦγε τοὺς Πέρσας δρόμῳ δια- 
Bavtas τὸν ᾿Ἀσωπὸν κατὰ στίβον τῶν Ελλήνων 
ὡς δὴ ἀποδιδρησκόντων, ἐπεῖχέ τε ἐπὶ Λακεδαιμο- 
vious τε καὶ Teyentas μούνους’ ᾿Αθηναίους γὰρ 
τραπομένους ἐς τὸ πεδίον ὑπὸ τῶν ὄχθων οὐ 
κατώρα. Πέρσας δὲ ὁρῶντες ὁρμημένους διώκειν 
τοὺς “Ελληνας οἱ λοιποὶ τῶν βαρβαρικῶν τελέων 
ἄρχοντες αὐτίκα πάντες Ἴειραν τὰ σημήια, καὶ 
ἐδίωκον ὡς ποδῶν ἕκαστοι εἶχον, οὔτε κόσμῳ 
οὐδενὶ κοσμηθέντες οὔτε τάξι. 

60. Καὶ οὗτοι μὲν βοῇ τε καὶ ὁμίλῳ ἐπήισαν 
ὡς ἀναρπασόμενοι τοὺς Έλληνας Παυσανίης δέ, 
ὡς προσέκειτο ἡ ἵππος, πέμψας πρὸς τοὺς ᾿Αθη- 
ναίους ἱππέα λέγει τάδε. “«"Ανδρες ᾿Αθηναῖοι, 
ἀγῶνος μεγίστου προκειμένου ἐλευθέρην εἶναι ἢ 
δεδουλωμένην τὴν Ἑλλάδα, προδεδόµεθα Ú ὑπὸ τῶν 
συμμάχων ἡμεῖς τε οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ ὑμεῖς οἱ 
᾿Αθηναῖοι ὑπὸ τὴν παροιχομένην νύκτα διαδράν- 
των. νῦν ὧν δέδοκται τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν τὸ ποιητέον 
ἡμῖν" ἀμυνομένους γὰρ τῇ δυνάμεθα ἄριστα περι- 
στέλλειν ἀλλήλους. εἰ μὲν νυν ἐς ὑμέας ὅρμησε 
ἀρχὴν 7) ἵππος, χρῆν δὴ ἡμέας τε καὶ τοὺς μετ᾽ 
ἡμέων τὴν Ἑλλάδα où .προδιδόντας Τεγεήτας 
βοηθέειν ὑμῖν: νῦν δέ, ἐς ἡμέας γὰρ ἅπασα κεχώ- 
230 


BOOK IX. 58-60 


so sore affrighted by the Lacedaemonians as to give 
us a craven's advice to strike our camp, and march 
away to be beleaguered in Thebes; of which advice 
the king shall yet learn from me. This shall be 
matter for speech elsewhere; but now, we must not 
suffer our enemies to do as they desire; they must 
be pursued till they be overtaken and pay the 
penalty for all the harm they have wrought the 
Persians." 

59. With that, he led the Persians at speed across 
the Asopus in pursuit of the Greeks, supposing that 
they were in flight; it was the army of Lacedaemon 
and Tegeaalonethat was his goal; for the Athenians 
marched another way over the broken ground, and 
were out of his sight. Seeing the Persians sctting 
forth in pursuit of the Greeks, therest of the foreign 
battalions straightway raised their standards and 
pursued likewise, each at the top of his speed, no 
battalion having order in its ranks nor place assigned 
in the line. 

60. So they ran pell-mell and shouting, as though 
they would utterly make an end of the Greeks; but 
Pausanias, when the cavalry attacked him, sent a 
horseman to the Athenians, with this message: 
* Men of Athens, in this great issue which must 
give freedom or slavery to Hellas, we Lacedaemonians 
and you Athenians have been betrayed by the flight 
of our allies in the night that is past. Now there- 
fore I am resolved what we must forthwith do; we 
must protect each other by fighting as best we can. If 
the cavalry had attacked you first, it had been for us 
and the Tegeans with us, who are faithful to Hellas, 
to succour you; but now, seeing that the whole 


231 


HERODOTUS 


ρήκε, δίκαιοι ἐστὲ ὑμεῖς πρὸς τὴν πιεζομένην 
μάλιστα τῶν μοιρέων ἀμυνέοντες ἰέναι. εἰ δ᾽ ἄρα 
αὐτοὺς ὑμέας καταλελάβηκε ἀδύνατόν τι βοηθέειν, 
ὑμεῖς ὃ ἡμῖν τοὺς τοξότας -ἀποπέμψαντες χάριν 
θέσθε. συνοίδαμεν δὲ ὑμῖν ὑπὸ τὸν παρεόντα 
τόνδε πόλεμον ἐοῦσι πολλὸν προθυμοτάτοισι, 
ὥστε καὶ ταῦτα ἐσακούειν.᾽ 

61. Ταῦτα οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι ὡς ἐπύθοντο, ὁρμέατο 
Βοηθέειν καὶ τὰ μάλιστα ἐπαμύνειν" καί σφι ἤδη 
στείχουσι ἐπιτίθενται οἱ ἀντιταχθέντες Ἑλλή- 
νων τῶν μετὰ βασιλέος γενομένων, ὥστε μηκέτι 
δύνασθαι βοηθῆσαι τὸ γὰρ προσκείμενον σφέας 
ἐλύπεε. οὕτω δὴ μουνωθέντες Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ 
Τεγεῆται, ἐόντες σὺν ψιλοῖσι ἀριθμὸν οἳ μὲν 
πεντακισμύριοι Τεγεῆται δὲ τρισχίλιοι (οὗτοι γὰρ 
οὐδαμὰ ἀπεσχίξοντο ἀπὸ Λακεδαιμονίων), έσφα- 
γιάξοντο ὡς συμβαλέοντες Μαρδονίῳ καὶ τῇ 
στρατιῇ τῇ παρεούσῃ. καὶ οὐ γάρ σφι ἐγίνετο τὰ 
σφάγια χρηστά, ἔπιπτον δὲ αὐτῶν ἐν τούτω τῷ 
χρόνῳ πολλοὶ καὶ πολλῷ πλεῦνες ἐτρωματίζοντο" 
φράξαντες γὰρ τὰ γέρρα οἱ Πέρσαι ἀπίεσαν τῶν 
τοξευμάτων πολλὰ ἀφειδέως, οὕτω ὥστε πιεζο- 
μένων τῶν Σπαρτιητέων καὶ τῶν σφαγίων οὐ γινο- 
μένων ἀποβλέψαντα τὸν Παυσανίην πρὸς τὸ 
“"Ἡραιον τὸ ]]Γλαταιέων ἐπικαλέσασθαι τὴν θεόν, 
χρηίξοντα μηδαμῶς σφέας ψευσθῆναι τῆς 
ἐλπίδος. 

62. Ταῦτα δ ἔτι τούτου ἐπικαλεομένου προεξ- 
αναστάντες πρότεροι οἱ Τεγεῆται ἐχώρεον ἐς τοὺς 
BapBupovs, καὶ τοῖσι Λακεδαιμονίοισι αὐτίκα 


232 


BOOK IX. 6ο-62 


brunt of their assault falls on us, it is right that you 
should come to the aid of that division which is 
hardest pressed. But if, as may be, aught has 
befallen you whereby it is impossible that you should 
aid us, yet do us the service of sending us your 
archers. We are assured that you will hearken to us, 
as knowing that you have been by far more zcalous 
than all others in this present war." 

61. When the Athenians heard that, they essayed 
to succour the Lacedaemonians and defend them 
with all their might; but when their march was 
already begun they were set upon by the Greeks 
posted over against them, who had joined tbem- 
selves to the king; wherefore they could now send 
no aid, being troubled by the foe that was closest. 
Thus it was that the Lacedaemonians and Tegeans 
stood alone; men-at-arms and light-armed together, 
there were of the Lacedaemonians fifty thousand 
and of the Tegeans, who had never been parted 
from the Lacedaemonians, three thousand; and 
they offered sacrifice, the better to join battle with 
Mardonius and the army that was with him. But 
as they could get no favourable omen from their 
sacrifices, and in the meanwhile many of them were 
slain and by far more wounded (for the Persians set 
up their shields for a fence, and shot showers of 
arrows innumerable), it was so, that, the Spartans 
being hard pressed and their sacrifices of no avail, 
Pausanias lifted up his eyes to the temple of Here 
at Plataeae and called on the goddess, praying that 
they might nowise be disappointed of their hope. 

62. While he yet prayed, the men of Tegea leapt 
out before the rest and charged the foreigners; and 
immediately after Pausanias' prayer the sacrifices of 


233 


HERODOTUS 


μετὰ τὴν εὐχὴν τὴν, Παυσανίεω ἐγίνετο θυομένοισι 
τὰ σφάγια χρηστά: ὡς δὲ χρόνῳ κοτὲ ἐγένετο, 
ἐχώρεον καὶ οὗτοι ἐπὶ τοὺς Πέρσας, καὶ οἱ Πέρσαι 
ἀντίοι τὰ τόξα μετέντες. ἐγίνετο δὲ πρῶτον περὶ 
Tà yéppa μάχη. ὡς δὲ ταῦτα ἐπεπτώκεε, ἤδη 
ἐγίνετο, 7) μάχη ἰσχυρὴ παρ᾽ αὐτὸ τὸ Δημήτριον 
καὶ χρόνον ἐπὶ πολλόν, ἐς ὃ ἀπίκοντο ἐς ὠθισμόν: 
τὰ γὰρ δόρατα ἐπιλαμβανόμενοι κατέκλων οἱ 
βάρβαροι. λήματι μέν νυν καὶ ῥώμῃ οὐκ ἥσσονες 
ἦσαν οὗ Πέρσαι, ἄνοπλοι δὲ ἐόντες καὶ πρὸς 
ἀνεπιστήμονες ἦσαν καὶ οὐκ ὅμοιοι τοῖσι ἐναν- 
τίοισι σοφίην, προεξαΐσσοντες δὲ κατ ἕνα καὶ 
δέκα, καὶ πλεῦνές τε καὶ ἐλάσσονες συστρεφό- 
μενοι, ἐσέπιπτον ἐς τοὺς Σπαρτιήτας καὶ διε- 
φθείροντο. 

63. Τῇ δὲ ἐτύγχανε αὐτὸς ἐὼν Μαρδόνιος, d ἀπ᾽ 
ἵππου τε μαχόμενος λευκοῦ ἔχων τε περὶ ἑωυτὸν 
λογάδας Περσέων τοὺς ἀρίστους. χιλίους, ταύτῃ 
δὲ καὶ μάλιστα τοὺς ἐναντίους ἐπίεσαν. ὅσον μέν 
νυν χρόνον Μαρδόνιος περιῆν, οἳ δὲ ἀντεῖχον καὶ 
ἀμυνόμενοι κατέβαλλον πολλοὺς τῶν Λακεδαιμο- 
vicv' ὡς δὲ Μαρδόνιος: ἀπέθανε καὶ τὸ περὶ ἐκεῖνον 
τετάγμενον ἐὸν ἰσχυρότατον ἔπεσε, οὕτω δὴ καὶ 
οἱ ἄλλοι ἐτράποντο καὶ εἶξαν τοῖσι Λακεδαιμο- 
νίοισι. πλεῖστον γὰρ σφέας ἐδηλέετο 7) ἐσθὴς 
ἔρημος ἐοῦσα ὅπλων: πρὸς γὰρ ὁπλίτας ἐόντες 
γυμνῆτες ἀγῶνα ἐποιεῦντο. 

64. ᾿Ενθαῦτα ἥ τε δίκη τοῦ Λεωνίδεω κατὰ τὸ 
χρηστήριον τοῖσι Σπαρτιήτῃσι ἐκ Μαρδονίου 
ἐπετελέετο, καὶ νίκην ἀναιρέεται καλλίστην TA- 
σέων τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν Παυσανίης Ó Κλεομβρότου 
τοῦ ᾿Αναξανδρίδεω' τῶν δὲ κατύπερθέ οἱ προγό- 
234 


ΒΟΟΚ ΙΧ. 62-64 


the Lacedaemonians grew to be favourable ; which 
being at last vouchsafed to them, they too charged 
the Persians, and the Persians met them, throwing 
away their bows. And first they fought for the 
fence of shields ; and when that was down, there- 
after the battle waxed fierce and long about the 
temple of Demeter itself, till they grappled and 
thrust; for the foreigners laid hold of the spears 
and broke them short. Now the Persians were 
neither the less valorous nor the weaker; but they 
had no armour, and moreover they were unskilled 
and no match for their adversaries in craft; they 
would rush out singly and in tens or in groups great 
or small, hurling themselves on the Spartans and so 
perishing. 

63. Where Mardonius was himself, riding a white 
horse in the battle and surrounded by a thousand 
picked men who were the flower of the Persians, 
there they pressed their adversaries hardest. So 
long as Mardonius was alive the Persians stood their 
ground and defended themselves, overthrowing 
many Lacedaemonians; but when Mardonius was 
slain and his guards, who were the strongest part 
of the army, fallen likewise, then the rest too yielded 
and gave ground before the men of Lacedaemon. 
For what chiefly wrought them harm was that they 
wore no armour over their raiment, and fought as it 
were naked against men fully armed. 

64. On that day the Spartans gained from Mar- 
donius their full measure of vengeance for the 
slaying of Leonidas, according to the oracle, and 
the most glorious of victories ever known to men 
was won by Pausanias, the son of Cleombrotus, who 
was the son of Anaxandrides. (I have named the 


235 


HERODOTUS 


νων τὰ οὐνόματα εἴρηται ἐς Λεωνίδην: ὡντοὶ γάρ 
σφι τυγχάνουσι ἐόντες. ἀποθνήσκει δὲ Mapé6o- 
νιος ὑπὸ ᾿Αειμνήστου ἀνδρὸς ἐν Σπάρτῃ λογίμου, 
ὃς χρόνῳ ὕστερον μετὰ τὰ Μηδικὰ ἔχων ἄνδρας 
τριηκοσίους συνέβαλε ἐν Στενυκλήρῳ πολέμου 
ἐόντος Μεσσηνίοισι πᾶσι, καὶ αὐτός τε ἀπέθανε 
καὶ οἱ τριηκόσιοι. 

65. Ἐν δὲ Πλαταιῆσι οἱ Πέρσαι ὡς ἐτράποντο 
ὑπὸ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων, ἔφευγον οὐδένα κόσμον 
ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον τὸ ἑωυτῶν καὶ ἐς τὸ τεῖχος τὸ 
ξύλινον τὸ ἐποιήσαντο ἐν μοίρῃ τῇ Θηβαΐδι. 
θῶμα δέ μοι ὅκως παρὰ τῆς Δήμητρος τὸ ἄλσος 
μαχομένων οὐδὲ εἷς ἐφάνη τῶν Περσέων οὔτε 
ἐσελθὼν ἐς τὸ τέμενος οὔτε ἐναποθανών, περί τε 
τὸ ἱρὸν οἱ πλεῖστοι ἐν τῷ βεβήλῳ ἔπεσον. δοκέω 
δέ, εἴ τι περὶ τῶν θείων πρηγμάτων δοκέειν δεῖ, ἡ 
θεὸς αὐτή σφεας οὐκ ἐδέκετο ἐμπρήσαντας τὸ ἱρὸν 
τὸ ἐν ᾿Ελευσῖνι ἀνάκτορον. 

66. Αὕτη μέν νυν ἡ μάχη ἐπὶ τοσοῦτο ἐγένετο. 
᾿Αρτάβαξος δὲ ὁ Φαρνάκεος αὐτίκα τε οὐκ 

ἠρέσκετο κατ᾽ ἀρχὰς λειπομένου Μαρδονίου ἀπὸ 
βασιλέος, καὶ τότε πολλὰ ἀπαγορεύων οὐδὲν ἤνυε, 
συμβάλλειν οὐκ ἐῶν" ἐποίησέ τε αὐτὸς τοιάδε ὡς 
οὐκ ἀρεσκόμενος τοῖσι πρήγμασι. τοῖσι ἐκ Μαρ- 
δονίου ποιευμένοισι. τῶν ἐστρατήγεε ὁ ᾿Αρτάβα- 
ξος (εἶχε δὲ δύναμιν οὐκ ὀλίγην ἀλλὰ καὶ ἐς 
τέσσερας μυριάδας ἀνθρώπων περὶ ἑωυτόν), τού- 
τους, ὅκως ἡ συμβολὴ ἐγίνετο, εὖ -ἐξεπιστάμενος 
τὰ ἔμελλε ἀποβήσεσθαι ἀπὸ τῆς μάχης, ἦγε 
κατηρτημένως, παραγγείλας κατὰ τὠυτὸ ἰέναι 
πάντας τῇ ἂν αὐτὸς ἐξηγέηται, ὅκως ἂν αὐτὸν 
ὁρῶσι σπουδῆς ἔχοντα. ταῦτα παραγγείλας ὡς 
230 


BOOK ΙΧ. 64-66 


rest of Pausanias ancestors in the lineage of 
Leonidas; for they are the same for both.) As for 
Mardonius, he was slain by Aeimnestus, a Spartan 
of note; who long after the Persian business did in 
time of war lead three hundred men to battle at 
Stenyclerus against the whole army of Messenia, 
and was there slain, he and his three hundred. 

65. But at Plataeae, the Persians being routed by 
the Lacedaemonians fled in disorder to their own 
camp and within the wooden walls that they had 
made in the lands of Thebes. And herein is a 
marvellous thing, that though the battle was hard 
by the grove of Demeter there was no sign that any 
Persian had been slain in the precinct, or entered 
into it; most of them fell near the temple in uncon- 
secrated ground ; and I judge—if it be not a sin to 
judge of the ways of heaven—that the goddess 
herself denied them entry, for that they had burnt 
her temple, the shrine at Eleusis. 

66. Thus far then went this battle. But Arta- 
bazus son of Pharnaces had from the very first 
misliked the king's leaving Mardonius, and now all 
his counselling not to join battle had been of no 
avail; and in his displeasure at what Mardonius was 
doing he himself did as I will show. He had with 
him a great army, even as many as forty thousand 
men; knowing well what would be the event of the 
battle, no sooner had the Greeks and Persians met 
than he led these with purpose fixed, bidding them 
follow him all together whither he should lead them, 
according to whatsoever they should see to be his 
intent; and with that command he made pretence 


237 


HERODOTUS 


ἐς μάχην ἦγε δῆθεν τὸν στρατόν. προτερέων δὲ 
τῆς ὁδοῦ ὥρα καὶ δὴ φεύγοντας τοὺς IIépcas: 
οὕτω δὴ οὐκέτι τὸν αὐτὸν κόσμον κατηγέετο, ἀλλὰ 
τὴν ταχίστην ἐτρόχαξε φεύγων οὔτε es. τὸ ξύλινον 
οὔτε ἐς τὸ Θηβαίων τεῖχος ἀλλ᾽ ἐς Φωκέας, 
ἐθέλων ὡς τάχιστα ἐπὶ τὸν “Ελλήσποντον 
ἀπικέσθαι. 

67. Καὶ δὴ οὗτοι μὲν ταύτῃ ἐτράποντο' τῶν 
δὲ ἄλλων Ελλήνων τῶν μετὰ βασιλέος ἐθελοκα- 
κεόντων Βοιωτοὶ ᾿Αθηναίοισι ἐμαχέσαντο χρόνον 
ἐπὶ συχνόν. οἱ γὰρ μηδίξοντες τῶν Θηβαίων, 
οὗτοι εἶχον προθυμίην οὐκ ὀλίγην μαχόμενοί τε 
καὶ οὐκ. ἐθελοκακέοντες, οὕτω ὥστε τριηκόσιοι 
αὐτῶν οἱ πρῶτοι καὶ ἄριστοι ἐνθαῦτα ἔπεσον ὑπὸ 
᾿Αθηναίων. ὡς δὲ ἐτράποντο καὶ οὗτοι, ἔφευγον 
ἐς τὰς Θήβας, οὐ τῇ περ οἱ Πέρσαι καὶ τῶν 
ἄλλων συμμάχων ὁ πᾶς ὅμιλος, οὔτε διαµαχεσά- 
μενος οὐδενὶ οὔτε τι ἀποδεξάμενος, ἔφευγον. 

68. Δηλοῖ τέ μοι. ὅτι πάντα τὰ πρήγματα τῶν 
βαρβάρων i ἤρτητο ἐκ Περσέων, εἰ καὶ τότε οὗτοι 
πρὶν ) καὶ συμμῖξαι τοῖσι πολεμίοισι ἔφευγον, ὃ ὅτι 
καὶ τοὺς Πέρσας ὥρων. οὕτω τε πάντες ἔφευγον 
πλὴν τῆς ἵππου τῆς τε ἄλλης καὶ τῆς Βοιωτίης' 
αὕτη δὲ τοσαῦτα προσωφέλεε τοὺς φεύγοντας, 
αἰεί τε πρὸς τῶν πολεμίων ἄγχιστα ἐοῦσα 
ἀπέργουσά τε τοὺς φιλίους φεύγοντας ἀπὸ τῶν 
Ἑλλήνων. 

69. Oi μὲν δὴ νικῶντες εἵποντο τοὺς Ξέρξεω 
διώκοντές τε καὶ φονεύοντες. ἐν δὲ τούτῳ τῷ 
γινομένῳ φόβῳ ἀγγέλλεται τοῖσι ἄλλοισι΄ ΄Ελλησι 
τοῖσι πεταγμένοισι. περὶ τὸ “Πραιον καὶ ἀπο- 
γενομένοισι τῆς μάχης, ὅτι μάχη τε γέγονε καὶ 
238 


BOOK IX. 66-69 


of leading them to battle. But as he came farther 
on his way he saw the Persians already fleeing; 
whereat he led his men no longer in the same 
array, but took to his heels and fled with all speed 
not to the wooden fort nor to the walled city of 
Thebes, but to Phocis, that so he might make his 
way with all despatch to the Hellespont. 

67. So Artabazus and his army turned that way. 
All the rest of the Greeks that were on the king’s 
side fought of set purpose ill; but not so the 
Boeotians; they fought for a long time against the 
Athenians. For those Thebans that took the Persian 
part showed no small zeal in the battle, and had 
no will to fight slackly, insomuch that three hundred 
of their first and best were there slain by the 
Athenians. But at last the Boeotians too yielded ; 
and they fled to Thebes, not by the way that the 
Persians had fled and all the multitude of the allies, 
a multitude that had fought no fight to the end nor 
achieved any feat of arms. 

68. This flight of theirs ere they had even closed, 
because they saw the Persians flee, proves to me 
that it was on the Persians that all the fortune of 
the foreigners hung. Thus they all fled, save only 
the cavalry, Boeotian and other; which did in so far 
advantage the fleeing men as it kept ever between 
them and their enemies, and shielded its friends 
from the Greeks in their flight. 

69. So the Greeks followed in victory after Xerxes’ 
men, pursuing and slaying. In this rout that grew 
apace there came a message to the rest of the 
Greeks, who lay at the temple of Here and had 
kept away from the fight, that there had been a 


239 


HERODOTUS 


νικῶεν οἱ μετὰ Παυσανίεω' οἳ δὲ ἀκούσαντεν 
ταῦτα, οὐδένα κόσμον ταχθέντες, οἱ μὲν ἀμφὶ 
Κορινθίους ἐτράποντο διὰ τῆς ὑπωρέης καὶ τῶν 
κολωνῶν τὴν φέρουσαν ἄνω ἰθὺ τοῦ ἱροῦ τῆς 
Δήμητρος, οἱ δὲ ἀμφὶ Μεγαρέας τε καὶ Φλειασίους 
διὰ τοῦ πεδίου τὴν λειοτάτην τῶν ὁδῶν. ἐπείτε 
δὲ ἀγχοῦ τῶν πολεμίων ἐγίνοντο οἱ Μεγαρέες καὶ 
Φλειάσιοι, ἀπιδόντες σφέας οἱ τῶν Θηβαίων 
ἱππόται ἐπειγομένους οὐδένα κόσμον ἤλαυνον ἐπ᾽ 
αὐτοὺς τοὺς ἵππους, τῶν ἱππάρχεε ᾿Ἀσωπόδωρος 
ὁ Τιμάνδρου, ἐσπεσόντες δὲ κατεστύρεσαν αὐτῶν 
ἑξακοσίους, τοὺς δὲ λοιποὺς κατήραξαν διώκοντες 
ἐς τὸν Κιθαιρῶνα. 

70. Οὗτοι μὲν δὴ ἐν οὐδενὶ λόγῳ ἀπώλοντο" οἱ 
δὲ Πέρσαι καὶ ὁ ἄλλος ὅμιλος, ὡς κατέφυγον ἐς 
τὸ ξύλινον τεῖχος, ἔφθησαν ἐπὶ τοὺς πύργους 
ἀναβάντες πρὶν ἢ τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἀπικέσθαι, 
ἀναβάντες δὲ ἐφράξαντο ὡς ἠδυνέατο ἄριστα τὸ 
τεῖχος" προσελθόντων δὲ τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων 
κατεστήκεέ σφι τειχομαχίη ἐρρωμενεστέρη. ἕως 
μὲν γὰρ ἀπῆσαν οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι, ot Ò ἠμύνοντο καὶ 
πολλῷ πλέον εἶχον τῶν Λακεδαιμονίων ἆ ὥστε οὐκ 
ἐπισταμένων τειχομαχέειν' ὡς δέ σφι ᾿Αθηναῖοι 
προσῆλθον, οὕτω δὴ ἰσχυρὴ ἐγίνετο τειχομαχίη 
καὶ χρόνον ἐπὶ πολλόν. τέλος δὲ ἀρετῇ τε καὶ 
Ἀυπαρίῃ ἐπέβησαν ᾿Αθηναῖοι τοῦ τείχεος καὶ 
ἤριπον' τῇ δὴ ἐσεχέοντο οἱ Ἕλληνες. πρῶτοι δὲ 
ἐσῆλθον Τεγεῆται ἐς τὸ τεῖχος, καὶ τὴν σκηνὴν 
τὴν Μαρδονίου οὗτοι ἦσαν οἱ διαρπάσαντες, τά τε 
ἄλλα ἐξ αὐτῆς καὶ τὴν φάτνην τῶν ἵππων ἐοῦσαν 
χαλκέην πᾶσαν καὶ θέης ἀξίην. τὴν μέν νυν 


240 


BOOK IX. 69-70 


battle and that Pausanias men were victorious; 
which when they heard, they set forth in no ordered 
array, they that were with the Corinthians keeping 
to the spurs of the mountain and the hill country, 
by the road that led upward straight to the temple 
of Demeter, and they that were with the Megarians 
and Phliasians following the levelest way over the 
plain. But when the Megarians and _ Phliasians 
were come near to the enemy, the Theban horsemen 
(whose captain was Asopodorus son of ‘Timander) 
espied them approaching in haste and disorder, and 
rode at them ; by which onfall they laid six hundred 
of them low, and pursued and swept the rest to 
Cithaeron. 

70. So these perished, none regarding them. But 
when the Persians and the rest of the multitude had 
fled within the wooden wall, they made a shift to 
get them up on the towers before the coming of the 
Lacedaemonians, which done they strengthened the 
wall as best they could; and when the Athenians 
were now arrived there began a stiff battle for the 
wall. For as long as the Athenians were not there, 
the foreigners defended themselves, and had greatly 
the advantage of the Lacedaemonians, they having 
no skill in the assault of walls; but when the 
Athenians came up, the fight for the wall waxed 
hot and continued long. But at the last the 
Athenians did by valour and steadfast endeavour 
scale the wall and breach it, by which breach the 
Greeks poured in; the first to enter were the 
Tegeans, and it was they who plundered the tent 
of Mardonius, taking from it beside all else the 
manger of his horses, that was all of bronze and a 
thing worth the beholding. The Tegeans dedicated 


241 


HERODOTUS 


φάτνην ταύτην τὴν Μαρδονίου ἀνέθεσαν ἐς τὸν 
νηὸν τῆς ᾿Αλέης ᾿Αθηναίης Τεγεῆται, τὰ δὲ ἄλλα 
ἐς T@UTO, ὅσα περ ἔλαβον, ἐσήνεικαν τοῖσι 
"Ἕλλησι. οἱ δὲ βάρβαροι οὐδὲν ἔτι στῖφος 
ἐποιήσαντο πεσόντος τοῦ τείχεος, οὐδέ τις αὐτῶν 
ἀλκῆς ἐμέμνητο, ἀλύκταζον τε οἷα ἐν ὀλίγῳ χώρῳ 
πεφοβημένοι τε καὶ πολλαὶ μυριάδες κατειλη- 
μέναι ἀνθρώπων: παρῆν τε τοῖσι "Ελλησι 
φονεύειν οὕτω ὥστε τριήκοντα μυριάδων στρατοῦ, 
καταδεουσέων τεσσέρων τὰς ἔχων ᾿Αρτάβαξος 
ἔφευγε, τῶν λοιπέων μηδὲ τρεῖς χιλιάδας περι- 
γενέσθαι. Λακεδαιμονίων δὲ τῶν ἐκ Σπάρτης 
ἀπέθανον οἱ πάντες ἐν τῇ συμβολῇ εἷς καὶ 
ἐνενήκοντα, Γεγεητέων δὲ ἑκκαίδεκα, ᾿Αθηναίων 
δὲ δύο καὶ πεντήκοντα. 

᾿Ηρίστευσε δὲ τῶν βαρβάρων πεξὸς μὲν ὁ 
Περσέων, ἵππος δὲ ἡ Σακέων, ἀνὴρ δὲ λέγεται 
Μαρδόνιος" Ἑλλήνων δέ, ἀγαθῶν γενοµένων καὶ 
Τεγεητέων καὶ ᾿Αθηναίων, ὑπερεβάλοντο ἀρετῇ 
Λακεδαιμόνιοι. ἄλλῳ μὲν οὐδενὶ ἔχω ἀποση- 
μήνασθαι (ἅπαντες γὰρ οὗτοι τοὺς κατ᾽ ἑωυτοὺς 
ἐνίκων), ὅτι δὲ κατὰ τὸ ἰσχυρότερον ,Tpoc- 
ἠνείχθησαν καὶ τούτων ἐκράτησαν. καὶ ἄριστος 
ἐγένετο μακρῷ ᾿Αριστόδημος κατὰ γνώμας τὰς 
ἡμετέρας, ὃς ἐς Θερμοπυλέων μοῦνος τῶν τριη- 
κοσίων σωθεὶς εἶχε ὄνειδος καὶ ἀτιμίην. μετὰ δὲ 
τοῦτον ἠρίστευσαν Ποσειδώνιός τε καὶ Φιλοκύων 
καὶ ᾿Αμομφάρετος ὁ Σπαρτιήτης. καίτοι γενο- 
μένης λέσχης ὃς γένοιτο αὐτῶν ἄριστος, ἔγνωσαν 


! These figures must refer to the ὁπλῖται alone, leaving out 
of account the Laconian περίοικοι and the rest of the light- 


242 


BOOK ΙΧ. 7o-71 


this manger of Mardonius in the temple of Athene 
Alea; all else that they took they brought into the 
common stock, as did the rest of the Greeks. Ας 
for the foreigners, they drew no more to a head 
once the wall was down, but they were crazed with 
panic fear, as men hunted down in a narrow space 
where many myriads were herded together; and 
such a slaughter were the Greeks able to make, that 
of two hundred and sixty thousand, that remained 
after Artabazus had fled with his forty thousand, 
scarce three thousand were left alive. Of the 
Lacedaemonians from Sparta there were slain in 
the battle ninety-one in all; of the Tegeans, 
seventeen ; and of the Athenians, fifty-two.1 

71. Among the foreigners they that fought best 
were the Persian foot and the horse of the Sacae, 
and of men, it is said, the bravest was Mardonius ; 
among the Greeks, the Tegeans and Athenians bore 
themselves gallantly, but the Lacedaemonians ex- 
celled all in valour. Of this my only clear proof 
is (for all these vanquished the foes opposed to 
them) that the Lacedaemonians met the strongest 
part of the army, and overcame it. According to 
my judgment, he that bore himself by far the best 
was Aristodemus, who had been reviled and dis- 
honoured for being the only man of the three 
hundred that came alive from Thermopylae ;? and 
the next after him in valour were Posidonius and 
Philocyon and Amompharetus. Nevertheless when 
there was talk, and question who had borne himself 


armed troops. Plutarch says that 60,300 Greeks fell at 
Plataea, 
2 Op. vii. 231. 


243 


HERODOTUS 


£ 
οἱ παραγενόμενοι Σπαρτιητέων ᾿Αριστόδημον μὲν 
^ ^ ^ ΄ 
βουλόμενον φανερῶς ἀποθανεῖν ἐκ τῆς παρεούσης 
39. ^ / 
οἱ αἰτίης, λυσσῶντά τε καὶ ἐκλείποντα τὴν τάξιν 
ἔργα ἀποδέξασθαι μεγάλα, ΠἩοσειδώνιον δὲ οὐ 
’ 
βουλόμενον ἀποθνήσκειν ἄνδρα γενέσθαι ἀγαθόν' 
7 ^ 5 / ~ ^ 
τοσούτῳ τοῦτον εἶναι ἀμείνω. ' ἀλλὰ ταῦτα μὲν 
N , ^ v "e N ` / 
καὶ φθόνῳ ἂν εἴποιεν: οὗτοι δὲ τοὺς κατέλεξα 
^ ’ 
πάντες, πλὴν ᾿Αριστοδήμου, τῶν ἀποθανόντων ἐν 
΄ - / / , κ ` 
ταύτῃ τῇ μάχη τίμιοι ἐγένοντο' ᾿Αριστόδημος δὲ 
/ ^ / 
βουλόμενος ἀποθανεῖν διὰ τὴν προειρημένην αἰτίην 
οὐκ ἐτιμήθη. 
72. Οὗτοι μὲν τῶν ἐν Ι]λαταιῆσι ὀνομαστότατοι 
» / bd / κ 3 ^ [ή 
ἐγένοντο. Ιαλλικράτης γὰρ ἔξω τῆς μάχης 
3 / 3 A 3 N / 3 ~ 7 
ἀπέθανε, ἐλθὼν ἀνὴρ κάλλιστος ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον 
^ ’ [4 / 9 ^ ᾽ ^ 
τῶν τότε ἱὀλλήνων, οὐ μοῦνον αὐτῶν Λακεδαι- 
μονίων ἀλλὰ καὶ τῶν ἄλλων Ελλήνων, ὅς, 
, M , / / / , ^ 
ἐπειδὴ ἐσφαγιάζετο Παυσανίης, κατήµενος ἐν τῇ 
4 3 / z \ ΄ ` N 
τάξι ἐτρωματίσθη τοξεύματι τὰ πλευρά. καὶ δὴ 
^ ` 3 f a > , / , ΄ / 
ot μὲν ἐμάχοντο, ὃ δ᾽ ἐξενηνειγμένος ἐδυσθανάτεέ 
. » A > / » / 
τε καὶ ἔλεγε πρὸς ᾿Αρίμνηστον ἄνδρα llXaratéa 
9 / € er x A € / , / 
οὐ μέλειν οἱ ὅτι πρὸ τῆς Ελλάδος ἀποθνήσκει, 
DUX er > , ^ ^ . Ne δέ , / 
ἀλλ ὅτι οὐκ ἐχρήσατο τῇ χειρὶ καὶ ὅτι οὐδέν ἐστί 
ε ^ 
οἱ ἀποδεδεγμένον ἔργον ἑωυτοῦ ἄξιον προθυμευ- 
μένου ἀποδέξασθαι. 
3 - 
13. ᾿Αθηναίων δὲ λέγεται εὐδοκιμῆσαι Σωφάνης 
ὁ Εὐτυχίδεω, ἐκ δήμου Δεκελεῆθεν, Δεκελέων δὲ 
^ N 
τῶν κοτὲ ἐργασαμένων ἔργον χρήσιμον ἐς τὸν 
πάντα χρόνον, ὡς αὐτοὶ ᾿Αθηναῖοι λέγουσι. ὡς 
γὰρ δὴ τὸ πάλαι κατὰ Ελένης κομιδὴν Τυνδαρίδαι 
244 


BOOK IX. 71-73 


most bravely, those Spartans that were there judged 
that Aristodemus had achieved great feats because 
by reason of the reproach under which he lay he 
plainly wished to die, and so pressed forward in 
frenzy from his post, whereas Posidonius had borne 
himself well with no desire to die, and must in so 
far be held the better man. This they may have 
said of mere jealousy ; but all the aforesaid who 
were slain in that fight received honour, save only 
Aristodemus; he, because he desired death by 
reason of the reproach afore-mentioned, received 
none. 

12. These won the most renown of all that fought 
at Plataeae. Callicrates is not among them ; for he 
died away from the battle, he that, when he came 
to the army, was the goodliest Lacedaemonian, aye, 
or Greek, in the Hellas of that day. He, when 
Pausanias was offering sacrifice, was wounded in 
the side by an arrow where he sat in his place; 
and while his comrades were fighting, he was carried 
out of the battle and died a lingering death, saying 
to Arimnestus, a Plataean, that it was no grief to 
him to die for Hellas’ sake; his sorrow was rather 
that he had struck no blow and achieved no deed 
worthy of his merit, for all his eager desire so to do. 

73. Of the Athenians, Sophanes son of Euty- 
chides is said to have won renown, a man of the 
township of Decelea; that Decelea whose people 
once did a deed that was for all time serviceable, 
as the Athenians themselves say. For of old when 
the sons of Tyndarus strove to win Helen? back and 


1 According to legend, the Dioscuri came to recover their 
sister Helen, who had been carried off to Aphidnae in Attica 
by Theseus and P'irithous. 


245 


HERODOTUS 


^ > ^ 
ἐσέβαλον ἐς γῆν τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν σὺν στρατοῦ 
LA τ C ee ` S > py 
πλήθεϊ καὶ ἀνίστασαν τοὺς δήμους, οὐκ εἰδότες 
e7 e / e € / 7 / A 
iva ὑπεξέκειτο ἡ “Ελένη, τοτε λέγουσι τοὺς 
e / , / / ^ 
Δεκελέας, où δὲ αὐτὸν Δέκελον ἀχθόμενόν τε τῇ 
ε ΄ \ / ^ 
Onoéos ὕβρι καὶ δειμαίνοντα περὶ πάσῃ τῇ 
"AG ’ /, , , [4 X ^ 
ηναίων χώρῃ, ἐξηγησάμενον σφι τὸ πᾶν 
- ’ ΘΝ \ > / s N 
πρῆγμα κατηγήσασθαι ἐπὶ τὰς ᾿Ἀφίδνας, τὰς δὴ 
Τιτακὸς ἐὼν αὐτόχθων καταπροδιδοῖ Γυνδαρίδῃσι. 
As ΑΝ ^ ~ A 
τοῖσι δὲ Δεκελεῦσι ἐν Σπάρτῃ ἀπὸ τούτου τοῦ 
5 5 / A / / 2 / 
ἔργου ἀτελείη τε καὶ προεδρίη διατελέει ἐς τόδε 
e^ \ 
αἰεὶ ἔτι ἐοῦσα, οὕτω ὥστε καὶ ἐς τὸν πόλεμον 
^ / 
τὸν ὕστερον πολλοῖσι ἔτεσι τούτων γενόμενον 
> / / N / z 
Αθηναίοισί τε καὶ Πελοποννησίοισι, σινοµένων 
A / / 
τὴν ἄλλην ᾿Αττικὴν Λακεδαιμονίων, Δεκελέης 
ἀπέχεσθαι. 
14. Τούτου τοῦ δήμου ἐὼν ὁ Σωφάνης καὶ 


ἀριστεύσας τότε ᾿Αθηναίων διξοὺς λόγους Xeyo- * 


μένους ἔχει, τὸν μὲν ὡς ἐκ τοῦ ζωστῆρος τοῦ 
θώρηκος ἐφόρεε χαλκέῃ ἁλύσι δεδεμένην ἄγκυραν 
σιδηρέην, τὴν ὅκως πελάσειε ἀπικνεόμενος τοῖσι 
πολεμίοισι βαλλέσκετο, ἵνα δή μιν οἱ πολέμιοι 
ἐκπίπτοντες ἐκ τῆς τάξιος μετακινῆσαι μὴ Òu- 
ναίατο' γινομένης δὲ φυγῆς τῶν ἐναντίων δέδοκτο 
τὴν ἄγκυραν ἀναλαβόντα οὕτω διώκειν. οὗτος 
μὲν οὕτω λέγεται, ὁ Ò ἕτερος τῶν λόγων TO 
πρότερον λεχθέντι ἀμφισβατέων λέγεται, ὡς ἐπ᾿ 
ἀσπίδος αἰεὶ περιθεούσης καὶ οὐδαμὰ ἀτρεμιζούσης 
ἐφόρεε ἄγκυραν, καὶ οὐκ ἐκ τοῦ θώρηκος δεδεμένην 
σιδηρέην. 

246 


BOOK IX. 73-74 


broke with a great host into Attica, and were 
turning the townships upside down because they 
knew not where Helen had been hidden, then (it is 
said) the Deceleans (and, as some say, Decelus him- 
self, because he was angered by the pride of Theseus 
and feared for the whole land of Attica) revealed the 
whole matter to the sons of Tyndarus, and guided 
them to Aphidnae, which Titacus, one of the 
country's oldest stock, betrayed to the Tyndaridae. 
For that deed the Deceleans have ever had and still 
have at Sparta freedom from all dues and chief 
places at feasts, insomuch that even as late as in 
the war that was waged many years after this time 
between the Athenians and Peloponnesians, the 
Lacedaemonians laid no hand on Decelea when they 
harried the rest of Attica.! 

14. Of that township was Sophanes, who now was 
the best Athenian fighter in the battle; concerning 
which, two tales are told. By the first, he bore an 
anchor of iron made fast to the girdle of his cuirass 
with a chain of bronze; which anchor he would 
ever cast whenever he drew nigh to his enemies in 
onset, that so the enemies as they left their ranks 
might not avail to move him from his place; and 
when they were put to flight, it was his plan that he 
would weigh his anchor and so pursue them. So 
runs this tale; but the second that is told is at 
variance with the first, and relates that he bore no 
anchor of iron made fast to his cuirass, but that his 
shield, which he ever whirled round and never kept 
stil], had on it an anchor for device. 


1 But in the later part of the Pelopennesian war the 
Lacedaemonians established themselves at Decelea and held 
it as a menace to Athens (413 B.c.). 


247 


HERODOTUS 


15. "Eo: δὲ καὶ ἕτερον Σωφάνεϊ λαμπρὸν ἔργον 
τ 3 , 
ἐξεργασμένον, ὅτι περικατημένων ᾿Αθηναίων 
Αἴγιναν Εὐρυβάτην τὸν ' A pyetov ἄνδρα πεντάεθλον 
3 / Σ d SN δὲ IS / 
ἐκ προκλήσιος ἐφόνευσε. avTov δὲ Σωφάνεα 
/ e / / » / 
χρόνῳ ὕστερον τούτων κατέλαβε ἄνδρα γενόμενον 
3 / 3 ’ ’ e / 
ἀγαθόν, ᾿Αθηναίων στρατηγέοντα ἅμα Λεάγρῳ 
- Ji 3 ^ ε \ 3 ^ 3 if 
τῷ Γλαύκωνος, ἀποθανεῖν ὑπὸ ᾿Ηδωνῶν ἐν Δάτῳ 
^ ^ / 
περὶ τῶν μετάλλων τῶν χρυσέων μαχόμενον. 
^ / ^ 
716. Ὡς δὲ τοῖσι "Ελλησι ἐν Πλαταιῆσι κατέ- 
στρωντο οἱ βάρβαροι, ἐνθαῦτά σφι ἐπῆλθε γυνὴ 
, , «^ 3 Ν » 3 ’ ` 
αὐτόμολος: Ù ἐπειδὴ ἔμαθε ἀπολωλότας τοὺς 
^ 7 ^ 
Πέρσας καὶ νικῶντας τοὺς "Ελληνας, ἐοῦσα 
παλλακὴ Φαρανδάτεος τοῦ Τεάσπιος ἀνδρὸς 
Πέρσεω, κοσμησαμένη χρυσῷ πολλῷ καὶ αὐτὴ 
M , / . 3 ^ ^ ’ - 
καὶ ἀμφίπολοι καὶ ἐσθῆτι τῇ καλλίστῃ τῶν 
παρεουσέων, κειταβᾶσα ἐκ τῆς ἁρμαμάξης ἐχώρεε 
ἐς τοὺς Λακεδαιμονίους ἔτι ἐν τῆσι φονῇσι ἐόντας, 
ὁρῶσα δὲ πάντα ἐκεῖνα διέποντα Παυσανίην, 
’ . 
πρότερον τε τὸ οὔνομα ἐξεπισταμένη καὶ τὴν 
/ » 
πάτρην ὥστε πολλάκις ἀκούσασα, ἔγνω τε τὸν 
[4 / ^ 
Παυσανίην καὶ λαβομένη τῶν γουνάτων ἔλεγε 
3 ^ ^ 
τάδε. “OQ βασιλεῦ Σπάρτης, ῥῦσαί µε τὴν ἱκέτιν 
> ΄ / N N . 3 / 
αἰχμαλώτου δουλοσύνης. σὺ γὰρ καὶ ἐς τόδε 
ὤνησας, τούσδε ἀπολέσας τοὺς οὔτε δαιμόνων 
οὔτε θεῶν ὄπιν ἔχοντας. εἰμὶ δὲ γέ ev Ko 
xovras. εἰμὶ δὲ γένος μὲν Kom, 
? NV € / ^ [4 , 
θυγάτηρ δὲ ᾿Ηγητορίδεω τοῦ 'Avra'yópeo: βίη δέ 
µε λαβὼν ἐν Kô εἶχε ὁ Πέρσης. ὃ δὲ ἀμείβεται 
S ε Τι’ ΄ οτι Vu NS 
τοῖσιδε. Γνύναι, θάρσεε καὶ ὡς ἱκέτις καὶ εἰ δὴ 
` i? ΄ 
πρὸς τούτῳ τυγχάνεις ἀληθέα λέγουσα καὶ εἷς 
248 


BOOK ΙΧ. 75-76 


75. Another famous feat of arms Sophanes 
achieved: when the Athenians were beleaguering 
Aegina, he challenged and slew Eurybates the 
Argive, a victor in the Five Contests. But long 
after this Sophanes, who had borne himself thus 
gallantly, came by his death ; being general of the 
Athenians with Leagrus, son of Glaucon, he was 
slain at Datus! by the Edonians in a battle for the 
gold-mines. 

76. Immediately after the Greeks had laid low 
the foreigners at Plataeae, there came to them a 
woman, deserting from the enemy, who was the 
concubine of Pharandates, a Persian, son of Teaspis. 
She, learning that the Persians were destroyed and 
the Greeks victorious, decked herself (as did also 
her attendants) with many gold ornaments and the 
fairest raiment that she had, and so lighting from 
her carriage came to the Lacedaemonians while they 
were yet at the slaughtering ; and seeing Pausanias 
ordering all that business, whose name and country 
she knew from her often hearing of it, she knew 
that it was he, and thus besought him, clasping his 
knees: “Save me, your suppliant, O king of Sparta ' 
from captive slavery; for you have done me good 
service till this hour, by making an end of yonder 
men, that regard not aught that is divine in heaven 
or earth. Coan am I by birth, daughter to Hege- 
torides, son of Antagoras; in Cos the Persian laid 
violent hands on me and held me prisoner." “ Be of 
good cheer, lady," Pausanias answered, “ for that 
you are my suppliant, and for your tale withal, if 


1 Τη the attempt to establish an Athenian settlement at 
Amphipolis in 465 (Thucyd. i. 100, v. 102). Datus was on the 
Thracian seaboard opposite Thasos, 


249 


HERODOTUS 


θυγάτηρ “Ηγητορίδεω τοῦ Kov, ὃς ἐμοὶ ξεῖνος 
μάλιστα τυγχάνει ἐὼν τῶν περὶ ἐκείνους τοὺς 
χώρους οἰκημένων," ταῦτα δὲ εἴπας τότε μὲν 
ἐπέτρεψε τῶν ἐφόρων τοῖσι παρεοῦσι, ὕστερον 
δὲ ἀπέπεμψε ἐς Αἴγιναν, ἐς τὴν αὐτὴ ἤθελε 
ἀπικέσθαι. 

71. Μετὰ δὲ τὴν ἄπιξιν τῆς γυναικός, αὐτίκα 
μετὰ ταῦτα ἀπίκοντο Μαντινέες ἐπ᾿ ἐξεργα- 
σμένοισι' μαθόντες δὲ ὅτι ὕστεροι. ἥκουσι τῆς 
συμβολῆς, συμφορὴν ἐποιεῦντο μεγάλην, ἄξιοί τε 
ἔφασαν εἶναι σφέας ζημιῶσαι. πυνθανόμενοι δὲ 
τοὺς Μήδους τοὺς μετὰ ᾿Αρταβάξου φεύγοντας, 
τούτους ἐδίωκον μέχρι Θεσσαλίης" ΔΔακεδαιμόνιοι 
δὲ οὐκ ἔων «φεύγοντας διώκειν. ob δὲ ἀναχωρή- 
σαντες ἐς τὴν ἑωυτῶν τοὺς ἡγεμόνας τῆς στρατιῆς 
ἐδίωξαν ἐκ τῆς γῆς. μετὰ δὲ Μαντινέας ἧκον 
᾿Ηλεῖοι, καὶ ὡσαύτως οἱ ᾿Ηλεῖοι τοῖσι Μαντινεῦσι 
συμφορὴν ποιησάμενοι ἀπαλλάσσοντο' ἀπελ- 
θόντες δὲ καὶ οὗτοι τοὺς ἡγεμόνας ἐδίωξαν. τὰ 
κατὰ Μαντινέας μὲν καὶ ᾿Ηλείους τοσαῦτα. 

78. ᾿Εν δὲ Ἡλαταιῇσι ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τῶν 
Αἰγινητέων ἣν Λάμπων Πυθέω, Αἰγινητέων ἐὼν 
τὰ πρῶτα: ὃς ἀνοσιώτατον ἔχων λόγον ἵετο πρὸς 
Παυσανίην, ἀπικόμενος δὲ σπουδῇ ἔλεγε τάδε. 
ο πα Κλεομβρότου, ἔργον ἔργασταί τοι 
ὑπερφυὲς μέγαθὸς τε καὶ κάλλος, καί τοι θεὸς 
παρέδωκε ῥυσάμενον τὴν “Ελλάδα κλέος kara- 
θέσθαι μέγιστον Ἑλλήνων τῶν ἡμεῖς ἴδμεν. σὺ 
δὲ καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ τὰ ἐπὶ τούτοισι ποίησον, ὅκως 
λόγος τε σὲ ἔχῃ ἔτι μέζων καί, τις ὕστερον 
φυλάσσηται τῶν Βαρβάρων μὴ ὑπάρχειν ἔργα 
ἀτάσθαλα ποιέων ἐς τοὺς "Ελληνας. Λεωνίδεω 
250 


BOOK IX. 76-78 


you be verily daughter to Hegetorides of Cos, for he 
is my closest friend, of all that dwell in those 
lands.” Thus saying, he gave her for the nonce in 
charge to those of the ephors who were present, and 
thereafter sent her to Aegina, whither she herself 
desired to go. 

ΤΊ. Immediately after the coming of this woman, 
came the men of Mantinea, when all was over; who, 
learning that they were come too late for the battle, 
were greatly distressed, and said that they deserved 
to punish themselves therefor. Hearing that the 
Medes with Artabazus were fleeing, they would have 
pursued after them as far as Thessaly ; but the Lace- 
daemonians would not suffer them to pursue fleeing 
men; and returning to their own land the Man- 
tineans banished the leaders of their army from the 
country. Afterthe Mantineans came the men of Elis, 
who also went away sorrowful in like manner as the 
Mantineans, and after their departure banished 
their leaders likewise. Such were the doings of the 
Mantineans and Eleans. 

78. Now there was at Plataeae in the army of the 
Aeginetans one Lampon, son of Pytheas, a leading 
man of Aegina; he sought Pausanias with most un- 
righteous counsel, and having made haste to come 
said to him: ** Son of Cleombrotus, you have done a 
deed of surpassing greatness and glory; by heaven's 
favour you have saved Hellas, and thereby won 
greater renown than any Greek known to men. But 
now you must finish what remains to do, that your 
fame may be yet the greater, and that no foreigner 
may hereafter make bold unprovoked to wreak his 
mad and wicked will on the Greeks. When Leonidas 


251 


HERODOTUS 


yàp ἀποθανόντος ἐν Θερμοπύλῃσι Μαρδόνιός τε 
καὶ Ξέρξης ἀποταμόντες τὴν κεφαλὴν ἀνεσταύ- 
porav’ τῷ σὺ τὴν ὁμοίην ἀποδιδοὺς ë ἔπαινον ἕξεις 
πρῶτα μὲν ὑπὸ πάντων Σπαρτιητέων, αὖτις δὲ 
καὶ πρὸς τῶν ἄλλων Ἑλλήνων! Μαρδόνιον γὰρ 
ἀνασκολοπίσας τετιµωρήσεαι ἐς πάτρων τὸν σὸν 
Λεωνίδην. 

Ὃ μὲν δοκέων χαρίξεσθαι ἔλεγε τάδε, ὃ δ᾽ 
ἀνταμείβετο τοῖσιδε. “OQ ξεῖνε Λἰγινῆτα, τὸ μὲν 
εὐνοέειν τε καὶ προορᾶν ἄγαμαί σευ, γνώμης 
μέντοι ἡμάρτηκας χρηστῆς ἐξαείρας γάρ µε ὑψοῦ 
καὶ τὴν πάτρην καὶ τὸ ἔργον, ἐς τὸ μηδὲν κατέ- 
βαλες παραινέων νεκρῷ λυμαίνεσθαι, καὶ ἣν 
ταῦτα ποιέω, φὰς ἄμεινόν µε ἀκούσεσθαι: τὰ 

πρέπει μᾶλλον βαρβάροισι ποιέειν Ù περ 
"p λλησι; καὶ ἐκείνοισι δὲ ἐπιφθονέομεν. ἐγὼ 
Ò ὧν τούτου εἵνεκα μήτε Αἰγινήτῃσι ἄδοιμι μήτε 
τοῖσι ταῦτα -ἀρέσκεται, ἀποχρᾷ δέ μοι Σπαρτιή- 
τῇσι ἀρεσκόμενον ὅσια μὲν ποιέειν, ὅσια δὲ καὶ 
λέγειν. Λεωνίδῃ δέ, τῷ µε κελεύεις τιμωρῆσαι, 
φημὶ μεγάλως τετιμωρῆσθαι, Ὑυχῇσί τε τῇσι 
τῶνδε ἀναριθμήτοισι τετίμηται αὐτός τε καὶ οἱ 
ἄλλοι οἱ ἐν Θερμοπύλῃσι τελευτήσαντες. σὺ 
μέντοι ἔτι ἔχων λόγον τοιόνδε «μήτε προσέλθῃς 
ἔμοιγε μήτε συμβουλεύσῃς, χάριν τε ἴσθι ἐὼν 
ἀπαθής." 

80. Ὃ μὲν ταῦτα ἀκούσας ἀπαλλάσσετο. 
Παυσανίης δὲ κήρυγμα ποιησάμενος μηδένα 
ἅπτεσθαι τῆς ληίης, συγκομίξειν ἐκέλευε τοὺς 
εἵλωτας τὰ χρήματα. οἳ δὲ ἀνὰ τὸ στρατόπεδον 
σκιδνάμενοι εὕρισκον σκηνὰς κατεσκευασμένας 
χρυσῷ καὶ ἀργύρῳ, κλίνας τε ἐπιχρύσους καὶ 
252 


BOOK ΙΧ. 78-80 


was slain at Thermopylae, Mardonius and Xerxes 
cut off his head and set it on a pole; make them a 
like return, and you will win praise from all Spartans, 
and the rest of Hellas besides; for if you impale 
Mardonius you will be avenged for your father's 
brother Leonidas." 

79. So said Lampon, thinking to please. But 
Pausanias answered him thus: * Sir Aeginetan, I 
thank you for your goodwill and forethought ; but 
you have missed the mark of right judgment ; for 
first you exalt me on high and my fatherland and 
my deeds withal, yet next you cast ine down to 
mere nothingness when you counsel me to insult the 
dead, and say that I shall win more praise if I so do; 
but that were an act more proper for foreigners than 
for Greeks, and one that we deem matter of blame 
even in foreigners. Nay, for myself, I would fain in 
this business find no favour either with the people of 
Aegina or whoso else is pleased by such acts; it is 
enough for me if I please the Spartans by righteous 
deed and righteous speech. Ας for Leonidas, whom 
you would have me avenge, I hold that he has had 
full measure of vengeance; the uncounted souls of 
these that you see have done honour to him and the 
rest of those who died at Thermopylae. But to you 
this is my warning, that you come not again to me 
with words like these nor give me such counsel; 
and be thankful now that you go unpunished.” 

80. With that answer Lampon departed. Then 
Pausanias made a proclamation, that no man should 
touch the spoil, and bade the helots gather all the 
stuff together. They, scattering all about the camp, 
found there tents adorned with gold and silver, and 
couches gilded and silver-plated, and golden bowls 


253 


HERODOTUS 


ἐπαργύρους, κρητῆράς τε χρυσέους καὶ φιάλας. τε 
καὶ ἄλλα ἐκπώματα" σάκκους τε ἐπ᾽ ἁμαξέων 
εὕρισκον, ἐν τοῖσι λέβητες ἐφαίνοντο ἐνεόντες 
χρύσεοί τε καὶ ἀργύρεοι: ἀπό τε τῶν κειμένων 
νεκρῶν ἐσκύλευον ψέλιά τε καὶ στρεπτοὺς καὶ 
τοὺς ἀκινάκας ἐόντας χρυσέους, ἐπεὶ ἐσθῆτός ye 
ποικίλης λόγος ἐγίνετο οὐδείς. ἐνθαῦτα πολλὰ 
μὲν κλέπτοντες ἐπώλεον πρὸς τοὺς Αἰγινήτας οἱ 
εἴλωτες, πολλὰ δὲ καὶ ἀπεδείκνυσαν, ὅσα αὐτῶν 
οὐκ οἷά τε ἣν κρύψαι: ὥστε Αἰγινήτησι οἱ 
μεγάλοι πλοῦτοι ἀρχὴν ἐνθεῦτεν ἐγένοντο, οἳ τὸν 
χρυσὸν ἅτε ἐόντα χαλκὸν δῆθεν παρὰ τῶν εἱλώτων 
3 / 

ὠνέοντο. 

81. Συμφορήσαντες δὲ τὰ χρήματα καὶ δεκάτην 
ἐξελόντες τῷ ἐν Δελφοῖσι θεῷ, ἀπ as ὁ τρίπους ὁ 
χρύσεος ἀνετέθη ὁ ὁ ἐπὶ τοῦ τρικαρήνου ὄφιος τοῦ 

αλκέου ἐπεστεὼς ἄγχιστα τοῦ βωμοῦ, καὶ τῷ 
ἐν Ὀλυμπίῃ θεῷ ἐξελόντες, aT ἧς δεκάπηχυν 
χάλκεον Δία ἀνέθηκαν, καὶ τῷ ἐν ᾿Ισθμῷ θεῷ, 
ἀπ᾽ ἧς ἑπτάπηχυς χάλκεος Ποσειδέων ἐξεγένετο, 
ταῦτα ἐξελόντες τὰ λοιπὰ διαιρέοντο, καὶ ἔλαβον 
ἕκαστοι τῶν ἄξιοι ἦσαν, καὶ τὰς παλλακὰς τῶν 
Περσέων καὶ τὸν χρυσὸν καὶ ἄργυρον καὶ ἄλλα 
χρήματα τε καὶ ὑποζύγια. ὅσα μέν νυν ἐξαίρετα 
τοῖσι ἀριστεύσασι αὐτῶν ἐν Πλαταιῇσι ἐδόθη, ov 
λέγεται πρὸς οὐδαμῶν, δοκέω Ò ἔγωγε καὶ τού- 
τοισι δοθῆναι: Παυσανίῃ δὲ πάντα δέκα ἐξαιρέθη 
τε καὶ ἐδόθη, γυναῖκες ἵπποι τάλαντα κάμηλοι, 
ὣς δὲ αὕτως καὶ τἆλλα χρήματα. 


1 The bronze three-headed serpent supporting the cauldron 
was intended apparently to commemorate the whole Greek 
alliance against Persia. The serpent pedestal still exists, 


254 


BOOK ΙΧ. 80-81 


and cups and other drinking-vessels ; and sacks they 
found on wains, wherein were seen cauldrons of 
gold and silver; and they stripped from the dead 
that lay there their armlets and torques, and daggers 
of gold ; asfor many-coloured raiment, it was nothing 
regarded. Much of all this the helots showed, as 
much as they could not conceal; but much they 
stole and sold to the Aeginetans ; insomuch that the 
Aeginetans thereby laid the foundation of their 
great fortunes, by buying gold from the helots as 
though it were bronze. 

81. Having brought all the stuff together they set 
apart a tithe for the god of Delphi, whereof was 
made and dedicated that tripod that rests upon the 
bronze three-headed serpent,! nearest to the altar ; 
another they set apart for the god of Olympia, 
whereof was made and dedicated a bronze figure of 
Zeus, ten cubits high; and another for the god of 
the Isthmus, whereof came a bronze Poseidon seven 
cubits high ; all which having set apart they divided 
the remnant, and each received according to his 
desert of the concubines of the Persians, and the 
gold and silver, and all the rest of the stuff, and the 
beasts of burden. How much was set apart and 
given to those who had fought best at Plataeae, no 
man says ; but I think that they also received gifts; 
but tenfold of every kind, women, horses, talents, 
camels, and all other things likewise, was set apart 
and given to Pausanias. 


in the Atmeidan (formerly Hippodrome) at Constantinople, 
whither it was transported by Constantine ; it has been fully 
exposed and its inscription deciphered since 1856. The names 
of thirty-one Greek states are incised on eleven spirals, from 
the third to the thirteenth. For a fuller account see How 
and Wells’ note ad loc. 


255 


HERODOTUS 


82. Λέγεται δὲ καὶ τάδε γενέσθαι, ὡς Ξέρξης 
φεύγων ἐκ τῆς Ἱλλάδος Μαρδονίῳ τὴν κατα- 
σκευὴν καταλίποι τὴν ἑωυτοῦ: Παυσανίην ὧν 
ὀρῶντα τὴν Μαρδονίου κατασκευὴν χρυσῷ τε kai 
ἀργύρῳ καὶ παραπετάσµασι ποικίλοισι KATE- 
σκευασμένην, κελεῦσαι τούς τε ἀρτοκόπους καὶ 
τοὺς ὀψοποιοὺς κατὰ ταὐτὰ καθὼς Μαρδονίῳ 
δεῖπνον παρασκευάξειν. ὡς δὲ κελευόμενοι οὗτοι 
ἐποίευν ταῦτα, ἐνθαῦτα τὸν Παυσανίην ἰδόντα 
κλίνας τε χρυσέας καὶ ἀργυρέας εὖ ἐστρωμένας 
καὶ τραπέξας τε χρυσέας καὶ ἀργυρέας καὶ παρα- 
σκευὴν μεγαλοπρεπέα τοῦ δείπνου, ἐκπλαγέντα τὰ 
προκείμενα ἀγαθὰ κελεῦσαι ἐ ἐπὶ γέλωτι τοὺς ἑωυτοῦ 
διηκόνους παρασκευάσαι Λακωνικὸν δεῖπνον. ὡς 
δὲ τῆς θοίνης ποιηθείσης ἦν πολλὸν τὸ μέσον, 
τὸν Παυσανίην γελάσαντα μεταπέμψασθαι τῶν 
Ἑλλήνων τοὺς στρατηγούς, συνελθόντων. δὲ τού- 
των εἰπεῖν τὸν Παυσανίην, δεικνύντα ἐς .ἑκατέρην 
τοῦ δείπνου παρασκευήν, "Ανδρες "[ῦλληρνες, 
τῶνδε εἵνεκα ἐγὼ ὑμέας συνήγαγον, βουλόμενος 
ὑμῖν τοῦδε τοῦ Μήδων ἡγεμόνος τὴν ἀφροσύνην 
δέξαι, ὃς τοιήνδε δίαιταν ἔχων ἦλθε ἐς ἡμέας 
οὕτω ὀϊζυρὴν ἔχοντας ἀπαιρησόμενος. ταῦτα 
μὲν Παυσανίην λέγεται εἰπεῖν πρὸς τοὺς στρατη- 
yous τῶν Ἑλλήνων. 

83. “Γστέρῳ μέντοι χρόνῳ μετὰ ταῦτα καὶ τῶν 
Πλαταιέων εὗρον συχνοὶ θήκας χρυσοῦ καὶ 
ἀργύρου καὶ τῶν ἄλλων χρημάτων. ἐφάνη δὲ 
καὶ τόδε ὕστερον τούτων ἐπὶ τῶν νεκρῶν. περι- 
ψιλωθέντων τὰς σάρκας" -συνεφόρεον γὰρ τὰ 
ὀστέα οἱ Πλαταιέες ἐς ἕνα χῶρον". εὑρέθη, κεφαλὴ 
οὐκ ἔχουσα ῥαφὴν οὐδεμίαν ἀλλ᾽ ἐξ ἑνὸς ἐοῦσα 


2 50 


BOOK IX 82-83 


82. This other story is also told. Xerxes in his 
flight from Hellas, having left to Mardonius his own 
establishment, Pausanias, seeing Mardonius' estab- 
lishment with its display of gold and silver and gaily- 
coloured tapestry, bade the bakers and the cooks to 
prepare a dinner in such wise as they were wont to 
do for Mardonius. They did his bidding; whereat 
Pausanias, when he saw golden and silvern couches 
richly covered, and tables of gold and silver, and all 
the magnificent service of the banquet, was amazed 
at the splendour before him, and for a jest bade his 
own servants prepare a dinner after Laconian fashion. 
When that meal was ready and was far different 
from the other, Pausanias fell a-laughing, and sent 
for the generals of the Greeks. They being assem- 
bled, Pausanias pointed to the fashion after which 
either dinner was served, and said : “ Men of Hellas, 
I have brought you hither because I desired to show 
you the foolishness of the leader of the Medes; who, 
with such provision for life as you see, came hither 
to take away from us ours, that is so pitiful." Thus, 
it is said, Pausanias spoke to the generals of the 
Greeks. 

83. But in later days many of the Plataeans also 
found chests full of gold and silver and all else. 
Moreover there were sights to see among these 
dead, when their bones (which the  Plataeans 
gathered into one place) were laid bare of flesh: 
there was found a skull whereof the bone was all 

257 

VOL. Iv. K 


HERODOTUS 


ὀστέου, ἐφάνη δὲ καὶ γνάθος κατὰ τὸ dvo! τῆς 
γνάθου ἔχουσα ὀδόντας μουνοφυέας ἐξ ἑνὸς 
ὀστέου πάντας τούς τε προσθίους καὶ γομφίους, 
καὶ πενταπήχεος ἀνδρὸς ὀστέα ἐφάνη. 

84. Ἐπείτε δὲ” Μαρ δονίου δευτέρῃ ἡμέρῃ ὁ 
νεκρὸς ἠφάνιστο, ὑπὸ ὅτευ μὲν ἀνθρώπων τὸ 
ἀτρεκὲς οὐκ ἔχω εἰπεῖν, πολλοὺς δὲ τινὰς ἤδη 
καὶ παντοδαποὺς ἤκουσα θάψαι Μαρδόνιον, καὶ 
δῶρα. μεγάλα οἶδα λαβόντας πολλοὺς παρὰ 
᾿Αρτόντεω τοῦ , Μαρδονίου. παιδὸς διὰ τοῦτο τὸ 
ἔργον' ὅστις μέντοι ἦν αὐτῶν ὁ ὑπελόμενός τε καὶ 
θάψας τὸν νεκρὸν τὸν Μαρδονίου, οὐ δύναμαι 
ἀτρεκέως πυθέσθαι, ἔχει δὲ τινὰ φάτιν καὶ 
Διονυσοφάνης ἀνὴρ ᾿Εφέσιος θάψαι Μαρδόνιον. 
ἀλλ᾽ ὃ μὲν τρόπῳ τοιούτῳ ἐτάφη. 

85. Οἱ δὲ Ελληνες ὡς ἐν Πλαταιῇσι τὴν ληίην 
διείλοντο, ἔθαπτον τοὺς ἑωυτῶν χωρὶς ἕκαστοι. 
Λακεδαιμόνιοι μὲν τριξὰς ἐποιήσαντο θήκας" ἔνθα 
μὲν τοὺς ἐρένας ἔθαψαν, τῶν καὶ Π]οσειδώνιος καὶ 
᾽Αμομϕάρετος ἦσαν καὶ Φιλοκύων τε καὶ Καλ- 
λικράτης. ἐν μὲν δὴ ἑνὶ τῶν τάφων ἦσαν οἱ 
ὀρένες, ἐν δὲ τῷ ἑτέρῳ οἱ ἄλλοι Σπαρτιῆται, ἐν 
δὲ τῷ τρίτῳ οἱ εἵλωτες. οὗτοι μὲν οὕτω ἔθαπτον, 
Γεγεῆται δὲ χωρὶς πάντας ἁλέας, καὶ ᾿Αθηναῖοι 
τοὺς ἑωυτῶν ὁμοῦ, καὶ Meyapées τε καὶ Φλειάσιοι 
τοὺς ὑπὸ τῆς ἵππου διαφθαρέντας. τούτων μὲν 
δὴ πάντων πλήρεες ἐγένοντο οἱ τάφοι τῶν δὲ 
ἄλλων ὅσοι καὶ φαίνονται ἐν Πλαταιῇσι ἐόντες 


1 MS. καὶ τὸ ἄνω; Stein suggests κατά, which is here 
adopted. 
? MS. ἔπειτε δέ, introducing a protasis which has no 
apodosis ; Stein's suggested ἐπεί γε δή (— for as to Mardonius, 
etc.) seems preferable. 


258 


BOOK ΙΧ. 83-85 


one without suture, and a jawbone wherein the 
teeth of the upper jaw were one whole, a single 
bone, front teeth and grinders; and there were 
to be seen the bones of a man of five cubits’ 
stature. 

84. As for the body of Mardonius, it was made 
away with on the day after the battle; by whom, 1 
cannot with exactness say ; but I have heard of very 
many of all countries that buried Mardonius, and I 
know of many that were richly rewarded for that 
act by Mardonius' son Artontes; but which of them 
it was that stole away and buried the body of 
Mardonius I cannot learn for a certainty, albeit 
some report that it was buried by Dionysophanes, 
an Ephesian. Such was the manner of Mardonius' 
burial. 

85. But the Greeks, when they had divided the 
spoil at Plataeae, buried their dead each severally in 
their place. The Lacedaemonians made three vaults ; 
there they buried their “irens,” t among whom were 
Posidonius and Amompharetus and Philocyon and 
Callierates. In one of the tombs, then, were the 
*jrens," in the second the rest of the Spartans, 
and in the third the helots. Thus the Lacedae- 
monians buried their dead; the Tegeans buried all 
theirs together in a place apart, and the Athenians 
did likewise with their own dead; and so did the 
Megarians and Phliasians with those who had been 
slain by the horsemen. All the tombs of these 
peoples were filled with dead; but as for the rest of 
the states whose tombs are to be seen at Plataeae, 


1 Spartan young men between the ages of twenty and 
thirty. 


259 


HERODOTUS 


τάφοι, τούτους δέ, ὡς ἐγὼ πυνθάνομαι, ἐπαισχυνο- 
μένους τῇ ἀπεστοῖ τῆς μάχης ἑκάστους χώματα 
χῶσαι κεινὰ τῶν ἐπιγινομένων εἵνεκεν ἀνθρώπων, 
ἐπεὶ καὶ Αἰγινητέων ἐστὶ αὐτόθι καλεόμενος τάφος, 
N / N ^ 
τὸν ἐγὼ ἀκούω καὶ δέκα ἔτεσι ὕστερον μετὰ ταῦτα 
δεηθέντων τῶν Αἰγινητέων χῶσαι Κλεάδην τὸν 
Αὐτοδίκου ἄνδρα Πλαταιέα, πρόξεινον ἐόντα 
αὐτῶν. 

80. Ὡς δ᾽ ἄρα ἔθαψαν τοὺς νεκροὺς ἐν Ia- 
^ £-ej , / / ’ 
ταιῆσι οἱ “Ελληνες, αὐτίκα βουλενομένοισί σφι 

, [/ / , ~ N / . 3 7 
ἐδόκεε στρατεύειν ἐπὶ τὰς Θήβας καὶ ἐξαιτέειν 
αὐτῶν τοὺς μηδίσαντας, ἐν πρώτοισι δὲ αὐτῶν 
Τιμηγενίδην καὶ ᾿Ατταγῖνον, οἳ ἀρχηγέται ἀνὰ 
πρώτους ἦσαν" ἣν δὲ μὴ ἐκδιδῶσι, μὴ ἀπανί- 
στασθαι ἀπὸ τῆς πόλιος πρότερον ἢ ἐξέλωσι. 
e / ^ » e ~ e / e / 
ὡς δέ σφι ταῦτα ἔδοξε, οὕτω δὴ ἑνδεκάτῃ ἡμέρη 
ἀπὸ τῆς συμβολῆς ἀπικόμενοι ἐπολιόρκεον Θη- 
/ y 
βαίους, κελεύοντες ἐκδιδόναι τοὺς ἄνδρας: οὐ 
/ . ^ / » , , 
βουλομένων δὲ τῶν Θηβαίων ἐκδιδόναι, τήν τε 
γῆν αὐτῶν ἔταμνον καὶ προσέβαλλον πρὸς τὸ 
ος rN > ` , , , , A 
Kai οὐ γὰρ ἐπαύοντο σινόμενοι, εἰκοστῇ 
ἡμέρη ἔλεξε τοῖσι Θηβαίοισι Τιμηγενίδης τάδε, 
"Άνδρες Θηβαῖοι, ἐπειδὴ οὕτω δέδοκται τοῖσι 
"Ἕλλησι, μὴ πρότερον ἀπαναστῆναι πολιορκέοντας 
^ > / 7 A e 4 > ^ δῶ ^ 
ἢ ἐξέλωσι Θήβας ἢ ἡμέας αὐτοῖσι παραδῶτε, νῦν 
ὧν ἡμέων εἵνεκα γῆ καὶ Βοιωτίη πλέω μὴ ἀναπλήσῃ, 
ἀλλ᾽ εἰ μὲν χρημάτων XT OE πρόσχημα 
ἡμέας ἐξαιτέονται, χρήματά σφι δῶμεν ἐκ τοῦ 
κοινοῦ (σὺν yàp τῷ κοινῷ καὶ ἐμηδίσαμεν οὐδὲ 
μοῦνοι ἡμεῖς), εἰ δὲ ἡμέων ἀληθέως δεόμενοι 
πολιορκέουσι, ἡμεῖς ἡμέας αὐτοὺς ἐς ἀντιλογίην 
260 


BOOK IX. 85-87 


their tombs are but empty barrows that they built 
for the sake of men that should come after, because 
they were ashamed to have been absent from the 
battle. In truth there is one there that is called 
the tomb of the Aeginetans, which, as I have been 
told, was built as late as ten years after, at the 
Aeginetans' desire, by their patron and protector 
Cleades son of Autodicus, a Plataean. 

86. As soon as the Greeks had buried their dead 
at Plataeae, they resolved in council that they would 
march against Thebes and demand surrender of 
those who had taken the Persian part, but specially 
of Timagenidas and Attaginus, who were chief among 
their foremost men; and that, if these men were 
not delivered to them, they would not withdraw 
from before the city till they should have taken it. 
Being thus resolved, they came with this intent on 
the eleventh day after the battle and laid siege to 
the Thebans, demanding the surrender of the men; 
and the Thebans refusing this surrender, they laid 
their lands waste and assaulted the walls. 

87. Seeing that the Greeks would not cease from 
their harrying, when nineteen days were past, 
Timagenidas thus spoke to the Thebans: * Men ot 
Thebes, since the Greeks have so resolved that they 
will not raise the siege till Thebes be taken or we 
be delivered to them, now let not the land of Boeotia 
increase the measure of its ills for our sake ; nay, if 
it is money they desire and their demand for our 
surrender is but a pretext, let us give them money 
out of our common treasury (for it was by the 
common will and not ours alone that we took the 
Persian part); but if they be besieging the town for 
no other cause save to have us, then we will give 


261 


HERODOTUS 


παρέξομεν.” κάρτα τε ἔδοξε εὖ λέγειν καὶ ἐς 
καιρόν, αὐτίκα τε ἐπεκηρυκεύοντο πρὸς Παυσανίην 
οἱ Θηβαῖοι θέλοντες ἐκδιδόναι τοὺς ἄνδρας. 

88. Ὡς δὲ ὡμολόγησαν ἐπὶ τούτοισι, ATTA- 
yivos. μὲν ἐκδιδρήσκει ἐκ τοῦ ἄστεος, παῖδας δὲ 
αὐτοῦ ἀπαχθέντας Παυσανίης ἀπέλυσε τῆς αὐτίης, 
φὰς τοῦ μηδισμοῦ παΐδας οὐδὲν εἶναι μεταυτίους. 
τοὺς δὲ ἄλλους ἄνδρας τοὺς ἐξέδοσαν. ot Θηβαῖοι, 
οἳ μὲν ἐδόκεον ἀντιλογίης τε κυρήσειν καὶ δὴ 
χρήμασι ἐπεποίθεσαν διωθέεσθαι" ὃ δὲ ὡς Tapé- 
λαβε, αὐτὰ ταῦτα ὑπονοέων τὴν στρατιὴν τὴν 
τῶν συμμάχων ἅπασαν ἀπῆκε καὶ ἐκείνους aya- 
you ἐς Κόρινθον διέφθειρε. ταῦτα μὲν τὰ ἐν 
Πλαταιῇσι καὶ Θήβησι γενόμενα. 

89. ᾿Ἀρτάβαξος δὲ ὁ Φαρνάκεος φεύγων ἐκ 
Πλαταιέων καὶ δὴ πρόσω ἐγίνετο. ἀπικόμενον 
δὲ μιν οἱ Θεσσαλοὶ παρὰ σφέας ἐπί τε ξείνια 
ἐκάλεον καὶ ἀνειρώτων περὶ τῆς στρατιῆς τῆς 
ἄλλης, οὐδὲν ἐπιστάμενοι τῶν ἐν Πλαταιῇσι γενο- 
μένων. ὁ δὲ Αρτάβαξος γνοὺς ὅτι εἰ ἐθέλει σφι 
πᾶσαν τὴν ἀληθείην τῶν ἀγώνων εἰπεῖν, αὐτός 
τε κινδυνεύσει ἀπολέσθαι καὶ ὁ μετ᾽ αὐτοῦ στρα- 
τός' ἐπιθήσεσθαι γάρ οἱ πάντα τινὰ οἴετο πυν- 
θανόμενον τὰ γεγονότα. ταῦτα ἐκλοηγιζόμενος οὔτε 
πρὸς τοὺς Φωκέας ἐξηγορευε οὐδὲν πρός τε τοὺς 
Θεσσαλοὺς ἔλεγε τάδε. “᾿Εγὼ μὲν ὦ ἄνδρες 
Θεσσαλοί, ὡς ὁρᾶτε, ἐπείγομαί τε κατὰ τάχος 
ἑλῶν ἐς Θρηίκην καὶ σπουδὴν ἔχω, πεμφθεὶς 
κατά τι πρῆγμα ἐκ τοῦ στρατοπέδου μετὰ τῶνδς' 
αὐτὸς δὲ ὑμῖν Μαρδόνιος καὶ ὁ στρατὸς αὐτοῦ, 
οὗτος κατὰ πόδας ἐμεῦ ἐλαύνων προσδόκιµος ἐστί. 


262 


BOOK ΙΧ. 87-89 


ourselves up to be tried by them." This seeming to 
be very well and seasonably said, the Thebans im- 
mediately sent a herald to Pausanias, offering to 
surrender the men. 

88. On these terms they made an agreement; but 
Attaginus escaped out of the town; his sons were 
seized, but Pausanias held them free of guilt, saying 
that the sons were nowise accessory to the treason. 
As for the rest of the men whom the Thebans sur- 
rendered, they supposed that they would be put on 
their trial, and were confident that they would 
defeat the impeachment by bribery; but Pausanias 
had that very suspicion of them, and when they 
were put into his hands he sent away the whole allied 
army, and carried the men to Corinth, where he put 
them to death. Such were the doings at Plataeae 
and Thebes. 

89. Artabazus the son of Pharnaces was by now 
far on his way in his flight from Plataeae. The 
Thessalians, when he came among them, entertained 
him hospitably and inquired of him concerning the 
rest of the army, knowing nothing of what had been 
done at Plataeae. Artabazus understood that if he 
told them the whole truth about the fighting, he 
would imperil his own life and the lives of all that 
were with him; for he thought that every man 
would set upon him if they heard the story ; where- 
fore, thus reasoning, even as he had revealed nothing 
to the Phocians so he spoke thus to the Thessalians : 
* [ myself, men of Thessaly, am pressing on with all 
speed and diligence to march into Thrace, being 
despatched from the army for a certain purpose with 
these whom you see; and you may look to see 
Mardonius and that host of his yonder, marching 


263 


HERODOTUS 


τοῦτον καὶ ξεινίζετε καὶ εὖ ποιεῦντες φαίνεσθε' 
οὐ γὰρ ὑμῖν ἐς χρόνον ταῦτα ποιεῦσι µεταµε- 
λήσει. ταῦτα δὲ εἴπας ἀπήλαυνε σπουδῇ τὴν 
στρατιὴν διὰ Θεσσαλίης τε καὶ Μακεδονίης ἰθὺ 
τῆς Θρηίκης, ὡς ἀληθέως ἐπειγόμενος, καὶ τὴν 
μεσόγαιαν τάμνων τῆς ὁδοῦ. καὶ ἀπικνέεται ἐς 
Ῥυξάντιον, καταλιπὼν τοῦ στρατοῦ τοῦ ἑωυτοῦ 
συχνοὺς ὑπὸ Θρηίκων κατακοπέντας κατ᾽ ὁδὸν 
Kab λιμῷ συστάντας καὶ καμάτῳ' ἐκ Βυξαντίου 
δὲ διέβη πλοίοισι. οὗτος μὲν οὕτω ἀπενόστησε 
ἐς τὴν ᾿Ασίην. 

90. Tijs δὲ αὐτῆς ἡμέρης τῆς περ ἐν Ἡλαταιῇσι 
τὸ τρῶμα ἐγένετο, συνεκύρησε γενέσθαι καὶ ἐν 
Μυκάλῃ τῆς ᾿Ιωνίης. ἐπεὶ γὰρ δη ἐν τῇ Δήλῳ 
κατέατο οἱ EXXqves οἱ ἐν τῇσι νηυσὶ ἅμα Λευτυ- 
χίδῃ τῷ Λακεδαιμονίῳ ἀπικόμενοι, ἦλθόν σφι 
ἄγγελοι. ἀπὸ Σάμου Λάμπων τε Θρασυκλέος καὶ 
᾿Λθηναγόρης ᾿Αρχεστρατίδεω καὶ Ἡγησίστρατος 
᾿Αρισταγόρεω, πεμφθέντες ὑπὸ Σαμίων λάθρῃ 
τῶν τε Περσέων καὶ τοῦ τυράννου Θεομήστορος 
τοῦ ᾿Ανδροδάμαντος, τὸν κατέστησαν Σάμου 
τύραννον οἱ Πέρσαι. ἐπελθόντων δὲ σφέων ἐπὶ 
τοὺς στρατηγούς ἔλεγε ᾿Ἠγησίστρατος πολλὰ καὶ 
παντοῖα, ὡς ἦν μοῦνον ἴδωνται αὐτοὺς οἱ "Ίωνες 
ἀποστήσονται ἀπὸ | Περσέων, καὶ ὡς οἱ βάρβαροι 
οὐκ ὑπομενέουσι' ἣν δὲ καὶ ἄρα ὑπομείνωσι, οὐκ 
ἑτέρην ἄγρην τοιαύτην εὑρεῖν ἂν αὐτούς᾽ θεούς τε 
κοινοὺς ἀνακαλέων προέτραπε αὐτοὺς ῥύσασθαι 
ἄνδρας" Ελληνας € ἐκ δουλοσύνης καὶ ἀπαμῦναι τὸν 
βάρβαρον' εὐπετές τε αὐτοῖσι ἔφη ταῦτα γίνεσθαι" 
TUS T€ γὰρ νέας αὐτῶν κακῶς πλέειν καὶ οὐκ ἀξι- 
ομάχους κείνοισι εἶναι. αὐτοί τε, εἴτι ὑποπτεύουσι 
264 


BOOK IX. 89-9o 


close after me. It is for you to entertain him, and 
show that you do him good service ; for if you so do, 
you will not afterwards repent of it." So saying, he 
used all diligence to lead his army away straight 
towards Thrace through Thessaly and Macedonia, 
brooking in good sooth no delay and following the 
shortest inland road. So he came to Byzantium, but 
he left behind many of his army, cut down by the 
Thracians or overcome by hunger and weariness; 
and from Byzantium he crossed over in boats. In 
such case Artabazus returned into Asia. 

90. Now on the selfsame day when the Persians 
were so stricken at Plataeae, it so fell out that they 
suffered a like fate at Mycale in Ionia. For the 
Greeks who had come in their ships with Leutychides 
the Lacedaemonian being then in quarters at Delos, 
there came to them certain messengers from Samos, 
to wit, Lampon son of Thrasycles, Athenagoras son of 
Archestratides, and Hegesistratus son of Aristagoras ; 
these the Samians had sent, keeping their despatch 
secret from the Persians and the despot Theomestor 
son of Androdamas, whom the Persians had made 
despot of Samos. When they came before the 
generals, Hegesistratus spoke long and vehemently : 
“If the Ionians but see you," said he, “they will 
revolt from the Persians; and the foreigners will 
not stand; but if perchance they do stand, you 
will have such a prey as never again"; and he 
prayed them in the name of the gods of their 
common worship to deliver Greeks from slavery and 
drive the foreigner away. That, said he, would be 
an easy matter for them; ‘for the Persian ships are 
unseaworthy and no match for yours; and if you 


265 


HERODOTUS 


μὴ δόλῳ αὐτοὺς προάγοιεν, ἕτοιμοι εἶναι ἐν τῆσι 
νηυσὶ τῇσι ἐκείνων ἀγόμενοι ὅμηροι εἶναι. 

91. Ὡς δὲ πολλὸς ἦν λισσόμενος ὁ ξεῖνος ὁ 
Σάμιος, εἴρετο Λευτυχίδης, εἴτε κληδόνος εἵνεκεν 
θέλων πυθέσθαι εἴτε καὶ κατὰ συντυχίην θεοῦ 
ποιεῦντος, PORC) ξεῖνε Lape, τί TOL τὸ οὔνομα ; 7 i 

ὃ δὲ εἶπε “ “Ηγησίστρατος. δ δει ὑπαρπάσας τὸν 
ο ο λόγον, εἴ τινα ὅρμητο λέγειν ὁ Ηγησί- 
στρατος, εἶπε E Δέκομαι τὸν οἰωνὸν τὸν Ἥγησι. 
στράτου, a) ξεῖνε Σάμιε. σὺ δὲ ἡμῖν ποίεε ὅκως 
αὐτός τε δοὺς πίστιν ἀποπλεύσεαι καὶ οἱ σὺν σοὶ 
2 e ^ WS / e ^ / » 
ἐόντες οἶδε, ἢ μὲν Σαμίους ἡμῖν προθύμους ἔσεσθαι 
συμμάχους." 

92, Ταῦτά τε ἅμα ἠγόρευε καὶ τὸ ἔργον 
προσῆγε: αὐτίκα γὰρ οἱ Σάμιοι πίστιν τε καὶ 
ὅρκια ἐποιεῦντο συμμαχίης πέρι. πρὸς τοὺς " EA- 
Ἄηνας. ταῦτα δὲ ποιῆσαντες οἳ μὲν. ἀπέπλεον' 
μετὰ σφέων γὰρ ἐκέλευε πλέειν τὸν ‘Hynot- 
στρατον, οἰωνὸν τὸ οὔνομα ποιεύμενος. 

93. Οἱ δὲ "Ελληνες ἐπισχόντες ταύτην τὴν 
ἡμέρην τῇ ὑστεραίη ἐκαλλιερέοντο, μαντευομένου 
σφι Δηιφόνου τοῦ Εὐηνίου ἀνδρὸς ᾿Απολλωνιήτεω, 
᾿Απολλωνίης δὲ τῆς ἐν τῷ ᾿Ιονίῳ κόλπῳ. τούτου 
τὸν πατέρα Εὐήνιον κατέλαβε πρῆγμα τοιόνδε. 
ἔστι ἐν τῇ ᾿Απολλωνίῃ ταύτῃ ἱρὰ ἡλίου πρόβατα, 
τὰ τὰς μὲν ἡμέρας βόσκεται παρὰ Κῶνα ποταμόν, 
ὃς ἐκ Λάκμονος ὄρεος ῥέει. διὰ τῆς ᾿Απολλωνίης 
χώρης ἐς θάλασσαν παρ᾽ Ὥρικον λιμένα, τὰς 
δὲ νύκτας ἀραιρημένοι ἄνδρες οἱ πλούτῳ τε καὶ 
γένεϊ δοκιμώτατοι τῶν ἀστῶν, οὗτοι φυλάσσουσι 
ἐνιαυτὸν ἕκαστος' περὶ πολλοῦ γὰρ δὴ ποιεῦνται 


266 


BOOK IX. 9o-93 


have any suspicion that we may be tempting you 
guilefully, we are ready to be carried in your ships 
as hostages." 

91. This Samian stranger being so earnest in 
entreaty, Leutychides asked him (whether it was 
that he desired to know for the sake of a presage, or 
that heaven happily prompted him thereto), * Sir 
Samian, what is your name?” * Hegesistratus," 1 
said he. Then Leutychides cut short whatever else 
Hegesistratus had begun to say, and cried: “I 
accept the omen of your name, Sir Samian ; now do 
you see to it that ere you sail hence you and these 
that are with you pledge yourselves that the 
Samians will be our zealous allies." 

92. Thus he spoke, and then and there added the 
deed thereto; for straightway the Samians bound 
themselves by pledge and oath to alliance with the 
Greeks. This done, the rest sailed away, but 
Leutychides bade Hegesistratus take ship with the 
Greeks, for the good omen of his name. 

93. The Greeks waited through that day, and on 
the next they sought and won favourable augury ; 
their diviner was Deiphonus son of Evenius, a 
man of that Apollonia which is in the Ionian gulf. 
This man's father Evenius had once fared as I 
will now relate. There is at the aforesaid Apollonia 
a certain flock sacred to the Sun, which in the day- 
time is pastured beside the river Chon, which flows 
from the mountain called Lacmon through the lands 
of Apollonia and issues into the sea by the haven of 
Oricum; by night, those townsmen who are most 
notable for wealth or lineage are chosen to watch it, 
each man serving for a year; for the people of 


1 Hegesistratus = Army-leader. 


267 


HERODOTUS 


^ M Ü ^ 
᾿Απολλωγνιῆται τὰ πρὀβατα ταῦτα ἐκ θεοπροπίου 
τινός" ἐν δὲ ἄντρῳ αὐλίζονται ἀπὸ τῆς πόλιος ἑκάς. 
» . / e 3 7 ks 3 2 > ΄ 
ἔνθα δὴ τότε ὁ Εὐήνιος οὗτος ἀραιρημένος ἐφύ- 
N N ^ 
λασσε. καὶ κοτὲ αὐτοῦ κατακοιμήσαντος φυλακὴν 
παρελθόντες. λύκοι ἐς τὸ ἄντρον διέφθειραν τῶν 
προβάτων ὡς ἑξήκοντα. ὃ δὲ ὡς ἐπήισε, εἶχε 
σιγῇ καὶ ἔφραξε οὐδενί, ἐν νόῳ ἔχων ἀντικατα- 
στήσειν ἄλλα πριάμενος. καὶ οὐ γὰρ ἔλαθε τοὺς 
᾿Απολλωνιήτας ταῦτα γενόμενα, GAN ὡς ἐπύ- 
/ 
θοντο, ὑπαγαγόντες μιν ὑπὸ δικαστήριον κατέ- 
κριναν, ὡς τὴν φυλακὴν κατακοιμήσαντα, τῆς 
ὄψιος στερηθῆναι. ἐπείτε δὲ τὸν Εὐήνιον ἐξετύ- 
φλωσαν, αὐτίκα μετὰ ταῦτα οὔτε πρὀβατά σφι 
» - ’ 
ἔτικτε οὔτε γῆ ἔφερε ὁμοίως καρπόν. πρόφαντα 

’ » , N 3 ^ 3 / 
δέ σφι èv τε Δωδώνῃ καὶ ἐν Δελφοῖσι ἐγίνετο, 
ἐπείτε ἐπειρώτων τοὺς προφήτας τὸ αἴτιον τοῦ 
παρεόντος κακοῦ, οἳ δὲ αὐτοῖσι ἔφραξον ὅτι 
3 / N r ^ € ^ ’ 37 
ἀδίκως τὸν φύλακον τῶν ἱρῶν προβάτων Εὐήνιον 

^ p / \ ^ 
τῆς ὄψιος ἐστέρησαν αὐτοὶ γᾶρ ἐπορμῆσαι TOUS 

’ 
λύκους, οὐ πρότερόν τε παύσεσθαι τιμωρέοντες 
ἐκείνῳ πρὶν ἢ δίκας δῶσι τῶν ἐποίησαν ταύτας 
τὰς ἂν αὐτὸς ἕληται καὶ δικαιοῖ τούτων δὲ 
[4 , N , ALS) ’ / ΄ 
τελεομένων αὐτοὶ δώσειν Ιὑὐηνίῳ δόσιν τοιαύτην 
τὴν πολλούς μιν μακαριεῖν ἀνθρώπων € ἔχοντα. 

94. Ta μὲν χρηστήρια ταῦτά σφι ἐχρήσθη, οἱ 
δὲ ᾿Απολλωνιῆται ἀπόρρητα ποιησάμενοι προ- 
έθεσαν τῶν ἀστῶν ἀνδράσι διαπρῆξαι. οἳ δέ 

’ 
σφι διέπρηξαν woe’ κατημένου Εὐηνίου ἐν θώκῳ 
3 ’ € / N 7 5 3 
ἐλθόντες οἱ παρίζοντο καὶ λόγους ἄλλους ἐποι- 
εῦντο, ἐς ὃ κατέβαινον συλλυπεύμενοι τῷ malet 

, ’ / 3 
ταύτῃ δὲ ὑπάγοντες εἰρώτων τίνα δίκην ἂν ἕλοιτο, 


268 


BOOK IX. 93-94 


Apollonia set great store by this flock, being so 
taught by a certain oracle. It is folded in a cave 
far distant from the town. Nowat the time whereof 
I speak, Evenius was the chosen watchman. But 
one night he fell asleep, and wolves came past his 
guard into the cave, killing about sixty of the flock. 
When Evenius was aware of it, he held his peace 
and told no man, being minded to restore what was 
lost by buying others. But this matter was not hid 
from the people of Apollonia ; and when it came to 
their knowledge they haled him to judgment and 
condemned him to lose his eyesight for sleeping at 
his watch. So they blinded Evenius; but from the 
day of their so doing their flocks bore no offspring, 
nor did their land yield her fruits as aforetime ; and 
a declaration was given to them at Dodona and 
Delphi, when they inquired of the prophets what 
might be the cause of their present ill: the gods 
told them by their prophets that they had done 
unjustly in blinding Evenius, the guardian of the 
sacred flock, “for we ourselves" (said they) “sent 
those wolves, and we will not cease from avenging 
him ere you make him such restitution for what vou 
did as he himself chooses and approves; when that 
is fully done, we will ourselves give Evenius such a 
gift as will make many men to deem him happy." 
94. This was the oracle given to the people of 
Apollonia. They kept it secret, and charged certain 
of their townsmen to carry the business through ; 
who did so as I will now show. Coming and sitting 
down by Evenius at the place where he sat, they 
spoke of other matters, till at last they fell to com- 
miserating his misfortune; and thus guiding the 
discourse they asked him what requital he would 


269 


HERODOTUS 


εἰ ἐθέλοιεν ᾿Απολλωνιῆται δίκας ὑποστῆναι 
δώσειν τῶν ἐποίησαν. ὃ δὲ οὐκ ἀκηκοὼς τὸ 
θεοπρόπιον εἵλετο εἴπας εἴ τις οἱ δοίη ἀγρούς, 
τῶν ἀστῶν ὀνομάσας τοῖσι ἠπίστατο εἶναι καλ- 
λίστους δύο κλήρους τῶν ἐν τῇ ᾿Απολλωνίῃ, καὶ 
οἴκησιν πρὸς 1 τούτοισι τὴν ᾖδεε καλλίστην ἐοῦσαν 
τῶν ἐν πόλι' τούτων δὲ ἔφη ἐπήβολος γενόμενος 
τοῦ λοιποῦ ἀμήνιτος εἶναι, καὶ δίκην οἱ ταύτην 
ἀποχρᾶν γενομένην. καὶ ὃ μὲν ταῦτα ἔλεγε, οἳ 
δὲ πάρεδροι εἶπαν ὑπολαβόντες τ Eùe, ταύτην 
δίκην ᾿Απολλωνιῆται τῆς ἐκτυφλώσιος ἐκτίνουσί 
τοι κατὰ θεοπρὀπια τὰ γενόμενα.” ὃ μὲν δὴ 
πρὸς ταῦτα δεινὰ ἐποίεε, τὸ ἐνθεῦτεν πυθόμενος 
τὸν πάντα λόγον, ὡς ἐξαπατηθείς' οἱ > δὲ πριάμενοι 
παρὰ τῶν ἐκτημένων διδοῦσί οἱ τὰ εἵλετο. καὶ 
μετὰ ταῦτα αὐτίκα ἔμφυτον μαντικὴν εἶχε, ὥστε 
καὶ ὀνομαστὸς γενέσθαι. 

95. Τούτου δὴ ὁ Δηίφονος ἐὼν παῖς τοῦ Eogviov 
ἀγόντων Κορινθίων ἐμαντεύετο τῇ στρατιῆ. ἤδη 
δὲ καὶ τόδε ἤκουσα, ὡς ὁ Δηίφονος ἐπιβατεύων 
τοῦ Πὐηνίου οὐνόματος ἐξελάμβανε ἐπὶ τὴν 'EX- 
λάδα ἔργα, οὐκ ἐὼν Βὐηνίου παῖς. 

96. Τοῖσι δὲ “Ελλησι ὡς ἐκαλλιέρησε, ἀνῆγον 
τὰς νέας ἐκ τῆς Δήλου πρὸς τὴν Σάμον. ἐπεὶ 
δὲ ἐγένοντο τῆς Σαμίης πρὸς Καλαμίσοισι, ot 
μὲν αὐτοῦ ὁρμισάμενοι κατὰ TO” Hpatov τὸ ταύτῃ 
παρεσκευάζοντο ἐς ναυμαχίην, οἳ δὲ Πέρσαι 
πυθόμενοι σφέας προσπλέειν ἀνῆγον καὶ αὐτοὶ 
πρὸς τὴν Sjmetpov τὰς νέας τὰς ἄλλας, τὰς δὲ 
Φοινίκων ἀπῆκαν ἀποπλέειν. βουλενομένοισι γάρ 
σφι ἐδόκεε ναυμαχίην μὴ ποιέεσθαι οὐ γὰρ ὧν 


270 


BOOK ΙΧ. 94-96 


choose, if the people of Apollonia should promise to 
requite him for what they had done. He, knowing 
nought of the oracle, said he would choose for a gift 
the lands of certain named townsmen whom he 
deemed to have the two fairest estates in Apollonia, 
and a house. besides which he knew to be the fairest 
in the town; let him (he said) have possession of 
these, and he would forgo his wrath, and be satisfied 
with that by way of restitution. They that sat by 
him waited for no further word than that, and said : 
* Evenius, the people of Apollonia hereby make you 
that restitution for the loss of your sight, obeying 
the oracle given to them." At that he was very 
angry,for he learnt thereby the whole story and saw 
that they had cheated him; but they bought from 
the possessors and gave him what he had chosen; 
and from that day he had a natural gift of divination, 
so that he won fame thereby. 

95. Deiphonus, the son of this Evenius, had been 
brought by the Corinthians, and practised divination 
for the army. But I have heard it said ere now, 
that Deiphonus was no son of Evenius, but made a 
wrongful use of that name, and wrought for wages 
up and down Hellas. 

96. Having won favourable omens, the Greeks 
stood out to sea from Delos for Samos. When they 
were now near Calamisa in the Samian territory, 
they anchored there hard by the temple of Here 
that is in those parts, and prepared for a sea-fight ; 
the Persians, learning of their approach, stood like- 
wise out to sea and made for the mainland, with all 
their ships save the Phoenicians, whom they sent 
sailing away. It was determined by them in council 
that they would not do battle by sea; for they 


271 


HERODOTUS 


ἐδόκεον ὅμοιοι εἶναι. ἐς δὲ τὴν ἤπειρον ἀπέπλεον, 
ὅκως ἔωσι ὑπὸ τὸν πεξὸν στρατὸν τὸν σφέτερον 
ἐόντα ἐν τῇ Μυκάλῃ, ὃς κελεύσαντος Ξέρξεω 
καταλελειμμένος τοῦ ἄλλου στρατοῦ Ἰωνίην ἐφύ- 
λασσε' τοῦ πλῆθος μὲν ἦν ἓξ μυριάδες, ἐ ἐστρατήγεε 
δὲ αὐτοῦ Τιγράνης κάλλεϊ καὶ μεγάθεϊ ὑπερ- 
φέρων Περσέων. ὑπὸ τοῦτον μὲν δὴ τὸν στρατὸν 
ἐβουλεύσαντο καταφυγόντες οἱ τοῦ ναυτικοῦ 
στρατηγοὶ ἀνειρύσαι. τὰς νέας καὶ περιβαλέσθαι 
ἕρκος ἔρυμά τε τῶν νεῶν καὶ σφέων αὐτῶν 
κρησφύγετον. 

97. Ῥαῦτα βουλευσάμενοι ἀνήγοντο. ἀπικὸ- 
μενοι δὲ παρὰ τὸ τῶν Ποτνιέων ἱρὸν τῆς Μυκάλης 
ἐς Γαίσωνώ τε καὶ Σκολοπόεντα, τῇ Δήμητρος 
᾿Ελευσινίης ἱρόν, τὸ Φίλιστος ὁ Πασικλέος ἱδρύ- 
σατο Νείλεῳ τῷ Κόδρου ἐπισπόμενος ἐπὶ ἵν ἡ 
κτιστύν, ἐνθαῦτα τάς τε νέας ἀνείρυσαν καὶ περι- 
εβάλοντο ἕρκος καὶ λίθων καὶ ξύλων, δένδρεα 
ἐκκόψαντες ἥμερα, καὶ σκόλοπας περὶ τὸ ἕρκος 
κατέπηξαν, καὶ παρεσκευάδατο ὡς πολιορκη- 
σόμενοι καὶ ὡς νικήσόντες, ἐπ᾽ ἀμφότερα ἐπιλε- 
γόμενοι γὰρ παρεσκευάξοντο, 

98. Οἱ δὲ “Ελληνες ὡς ἐπύθοντο οἰχωκότας 
τοὺς βαρβάρους ἐς τὴν ἤπειρον, ἤχθοντο ὡς 
ἐκπεφευγότων ἀπορίῃ τε εἴχοντο ὅ τι ποιέωσι, 
εἴτε ἀπαλλάσσωνται ὀπίσω εἴτε καταπλέωσι 
ἐπ᾽ Ἑλλησπόντου. τέλος δὲ ἔδοξε τούτων μὲν 
μηδέτερα ποιέειν, ἐπιπλέειν δὲ ἐπὶ τὴν ἤπειρον. 
παρασκευασάμενοι ὧν ἐς ναυμαχίην καὶ ἀπο- 
BáÜpas καὶ ἄλλα ὅσων ἔδεε, ἔπλεον ἐπὶ τῆς 


272 


BOOK IX. 96-98 


deemed themselves overmatched ; and the reason of 
their making for the mainland was, that they might 
lie under the shelter of their army at Mycale, which 
had been left by Xerxes' command behind the rest 
of his host to hold Ionia; there were sixty thousand 
men in it, and Tigranes, the goodliest and tallest 
man in Persia, was their general. It was the design 
of the Persian admirals to flee to the shelter of that 
army, and there to beach their ships and build a 
fence round them which should be a protection for 
the ships and a refuge for themselves. 

97. With this design they put to sea. So when 
they came past the temple of the Goddesses! at 
Mycale to the Gaeson and Scolopois,? where is a 
temple of Eleusinian Demeter (which was built 
by Philistus son of Pasicles, when he went with 
Nileus son of Codrus to the founding of Miletus), 
there they beached their ships and fenced them 
round with stones and trunks of orchard trees 
that they cut down; and they drove in stakes round 
the fence, and prepared for siege or victory, making 
ready of deliberate purpose for either event. 

98. When the Greeks learnt that the foreigners 
were off and away to the mainland, they were ill- 
pleased to think that their enemy had escaped 
them, and doubted whether to return back or make 
sail for the Hellespont. At the last they resolved 
that they would do neither, but sail to the main- 
land; and equipping themselves therefore with 
gangways and all else needful for a sea-fight, they 


! Demeter and Persephone. 

1 The Gaeson was probably a stream running south of the 
hill called Mycale; Scolopois, a place on its east bank (How 
and Wells). 


273 


HERODOTUS 


Μυκάλης. ἐπεὶ δὲ ἀγχοῦ τε ἐγίνοντο τοῦ στρα- 
τοπέδου καὶ οὐδεὶς ἐφαίνετό σφι ἐπαναγόμενος, 
ἀλλ᾽ ὥρων νέας ἀνελκυσμένας ἔσω τοῦ τείχεος, 
πολλὸν δὲ πεξὸν παρακεκριμένον παρὰ τὸν ai- 
γιαλόν, ἐνθαῦτα πρῶτον μὲν ἐν τῇ νηὶ παραπλέων, 
ἐγχρίμψας τῷ αἰγιαλῷ τὰ μάλιστα, Λευτυχίδης 
ὑπὸ κήρυκος προηγόρευε τοῖσι Ἴωσι λέγων 
««"Ανδρες ' loves, ot ὑμέων τυγχάνουσι ἐπακούοντες, 
μάθετε τὰ λέγω" πάντως γὰρ οὐδὲν συνήσουσι 
Πέρσαι τῶν ἐγὼ ὑμῖν ἐντέλλομαι. ἐπεὰν συμ- 
μίσγωμεν, μεμνῆσθαι τινὰ Xp) ἐλευθερίης μὲν 
πάντων πρῶτον, μετὰ δὲ τοῦ συνθήματος | Ἠβης. 
καὶ τάδε ἴστω καὶ ὁ μὴ ἀκούσας ὑμέων πρὸς τοῦ 
ἀκούσαντος." ὡυτὸς δὲ οὗτος ἐὼν τυγχάνει 
νόος τοῦ πρήγματος καὶ ὁ Θεμιστοκλέος ὁ ἐπ᾽ 
᾿Αρτεμισίῳ' ἣ yàp δὴ. λαθόντα τὰ ῥήματα τοὺς 
βαρβάρους ἔμελλε TOUS "Ἴωνας πείσειν, ὴ ἔπειτα 
ἀνενειχθέντα, ἐς τοὺς βαρβάρους ποιήσειν ari- 
στους τοῖσι "[ζλλησι. 

99. Λευτυχίδεω δὲ ταῦτα ὑποθεμένου δεύτερα 
δὴ τάδε ἐποίευν οἱ Ἕλληνες" προσσχόντες τὰς 
νέας ἀπέβησαν ἐς τὸν αἰγιαλόν. καὶ οὗτοι μὲν 
ἐτάσσοντο, οἱ δὲ Πέρσαι ὡς εἶδον τοὺς "Ἕλληνας 
παρασκευαξομένους ἐς μάχην͵ καὶ τοῖσι Ioct ma- 
ραινέσαντας, τοῦτο μὲν ὑπονοήσαντες τοὺς Σαμίους 
τὰ Ἑλλήνων φρονέειν ἀπαιρέονται τὰ ὅπλα. οἱ 
γὰρ ὧν Σάμιοι ἀπικομένων ᾿Αθηναίων αἰχμαλώ- 
των ἐν τῇσι νηυσὶ τῶν Βαρβάρων, τοὺς ἔλαβον 
ἀνὰ τὴν ᾿Αττικὴν λελειμμένους οἱ Ἐϊέρξεω, τού- 
τους λυσάμενοι πάντας ἀποπέμπουσι ἐποδιά- 
σαντες ἐς ᾿Αθήνας" τῶν εἵνεκεν οὐκ ἥκιστα ὑπο- 
ψίην εἶχον, πεντακοσίας κεφαλὰς τῶν Ξέρξεω 
274 


BOOK ΙΧ. 98-99 


held their course for Mycale. When they came 
near to the camp and found none putting out to 
meet them, and saw the ships beached within the 
wall and a great host of men drawn up in array 
along the strand, Leutychides thereupon first coasted 
along in his ship, keeping as near to the shore as he 
could, and made this proclamation to the Ionians by 
the voice of a herald: “ Men of Ionia, you that hear 
us, take heed of what I say! for in no case will the 
Persians understand aught of my charge to you: 
when we join battle, let a man remember first his 
freedom, and next the battle-cry * Hebe’: and let him 
that hears me not be told of this by him that hears." 
The purpose of this act was the same as Themis- 
tocles' purpose at Artemisium}; either the message 
would be unknown to the foreigners and would 
prevail with the Ionians, or if it were thereafter 
reported to the foreigners it would make them to 
mistrust their Greek allies. 

99. After this counsel of Leutychides', the Greeks 
next brought their ships to land and disembarked 
on the beach, where they put themselves in array. 
But the Persians, seeing the Greeks prepare for 
battle and exhort the Ionians, first of all took away 
the Samians’ armour, suspecting that they favoured 
the Greeks; for indeed when the foreigners’ ships 
brought certain Athenian captives, who had been 
left in Attica and taken by Xerxes’ army, the 
Samians had set them all free and sent them away 
to Athens with provision for the way; for which 
cause in especial they were held suspect, as having 
set free five hundred souls of Xerxes’ enemies. 


1 Op. viii. 22, 
275 


HERODOTUS 


πολεμίων λυσάμενοι. τοῦτο δὲ τὰς διόδους τὰς ἐς 
τὰς κορυφὰ as τῆς, Μυκάλης φερούσας προστάσσουσι 
τοῖσι Μιλησίοισι φυλάσσειν ὡς ἐπισταμένοισι 
δῆθεν μάλιστα τὴν χώρην. ἐποίευν δὲ τοῦτο 
τοῦδε εἴνεκεν, ἵνα ἐκτὸς τοῦ στρατοπέδου ἔωσι. 
τούτους μὲν Ἰώνων, τοῖσι καὶ κατεδόκεον νεοχμὸν 
ἄν τι ποιέειν δυνάμιος ἐπιλαβομένοισι, τρόποισι 
τοιούτοισι προεφυλάσσοντο οἱ Πέρσαι, αὐτοὶ δὲ 
συνεφόρησαν τὰ γέρρα ἕρκος εἶναι σφίσι. 

100. Ὡς δὲ ὁ ἄρα παρεσκευάδατο τοῖσι “ΟΌλλησι, 
προσήισαν πρὸς τοὺς βαρβάρους: ἰοῦσι δέ σφι 
φήμη τε ἐσέπτατο ἐς τὸ στρατόπεδον πᾶν καὶ 
κηρυκήιον ἐφάνη ἐπὶ τῆς κυματώγης κεύμενον' η 
δὲ φήμη διῆλθέ σφι ὧδε, ὡς οἱ "[Όλληνες τὴν 
Μαρδονίου στρατιὴν νικῷεν ἐν Βοιωτοῖσι μαχό- 
μενοι. δῆλα δὴ πολλοῖσι τεκμηρίοισι ἐστὶ τὰ 
θεῖα τῶν πρηγμάτων, εἰ καὶ τότε, τῆς αὐτῆς 
ἡμέρης συμπιπτούσης τοῦ τε ἐν Ἡλαταιῇσι καὶ 
τοῦ ἐν Μυκάλῃ μέλλοντος ἔσεσθαι «τρώματος, 
φήμη τοῖσι ἝἛλλησι τοῖσι ταύτῃ ἐσαπίκετο, ὥστε 
θαρσῆσαί τε τὴν στρατιὴν πολλῷ μᾶλλον καὶ 
ἐθέλειν προθυμότερον κινδυνεύειν. 

101. Καὶ τόδε ἕτερον συνέπεσε γενόμενον, 
Δήμητρος τεμένεα ᾿Ελευσινίης παρὰ ἀμφοτέρας 
τὰς συμβολὰς εἶναι" καὶ γὰρ δὴ ἐν τῇ Ἡλαταιίδι 
παρ αὐτὸ τὸ Δημήτριον ἐγίνετο, ὡς καὶ πρότερόν 
μοι εἴρηται, ἡ μάχη, καὶ ἐν Μυκάλῃ ἔμελλε 
ὡσαύτως ἔσεσθαι. γεγονέναι δὲ νίκην τῶν μετὰ 
Παυσανίεω Ἑλλήνων ὀρθῶς σφι ἡ φήμη συνέ- 
βαινε ἐλθοῦσα" τὸ μὲν γὰρ ἐν Ἡλαταιῇσι πρωὶ 
ἔτι τῆς ἡμέρης ἐγίνετο, τὸ δὲ ἐν Μυκάλῃ περὶ 
δείλην: ὅτι δὲ τῆς αὐτῆς ἡμέρης συνέβαινε 
276 


BOOK IX. 99-1or 


Furthermore, they appointed the Milesians to guard 
the passes leading to the heights of Mycale, alleging 
that they were best acquainted with the country; 
but their true reason for so doing was, that the 
Milesians should be away from the rest of their 
army. In such manner did the Persians safeguard 
themselves from those Ionians who (they supposed) 
might turn against them if opportunity were given ; 
for themselves, they set their shields close to make 
a barricade. 

100. The Greeks, having made all preparation, 
advanced their line against the foreigners. Ας they 
went, a rumour sped all about the army, and a 
herald's wand was seen lying by the water-line; 
and the rumour that ran was to the effect that the 
Greeks were victors over Mardonius’ army at a 
battle in Bocotia. Now there are many clear proofs 
of the divine ordering of things; seeing that at this 
time, the Persians’ disaster at Plataeae falling on 
the same day as that other which was to befall them 
at Mycale, the rumour came to the Greeks at that 
place, whereby their army was greatly heartened 
and the readier to face danger. 

101. Moreover there was this other coincidence, 
that there were precincts of Eleusinian Demeter on 
both battlefields; for at Plataeae the fight was hard 
by the temple of Demeter, as I have already said, 
and so it was to be at Mycale likewise. It so fell 
out that the rumour of victory won by the Greeks 
with Pausanias spoke truth; for the defeat οι 
Plataeae happened while it was yet early in the 
day, and the defeat of Mycale in the afternoon. 
That the two fell on the same day of the same 


277 


HERODOTUS 


γίνεσθαι μηνός τε τοῦ αὐτοῦ, χρόνῳ οὐ πολλῷ 
σφι ὕστερον δῆλα ἀναμανθάνουσι ἐγίνετο. ἦν δὲ 
ἀρρωδίη σφι, πρὶν τὴν φήμην ἐσαπικέσθαι, οὔτι 
περὶ σφέων αὐτῶν οὕτω ὡς τών Ἑλλήνων, μὴ 
περὶ Μαρδονίῳ πταίσῃ ἡ [λλάς. ὡς μέντοι 7 
κληδὼν αὕτη σφι ἐσέπτατο, μᾶλλόν τι καὶ ταχύ- 
τερον τὴν πρόσοδον ἐποιεῦντο. οἱ μὲν δὴ" Ἕλληνες 
καὶ οἱ βάρβαροι | ἔσπευδον ἐς τὴν μάχην, ὥς σφι 
καί αἱ νῆσοι καὶ ὁ Ἑλλήσποντος ἄεθλα προέκειτο. 

102. Τοῖσι μέν νυν ᾿Αθηναίοισι καὶ τοῖσι προσ- 
εχέσι τούτοισι τεταγμένοισι, μέχρι κου τῶν 
ἡμισέων, ἡ 060g -ἐγίνετο κατ αἰγιαλόν τε καὶ 
ἄπεδον χῶρον, τοῖσι δὲ Λακεδαιμονίοισι καὶ τοῖσι 
ἐπεξῆς τούτοισι. τεταγμένοισι κατά τε χαράδραν 
καὶ ὄρεα. ἐν ὦ δὲ οἱ Λακεδαιμόνιοι περιήισαν, 
οὗτοι οἱ ἐπὶ τῷ ἑτέρῳ κέρεϊ ἔτι καὶ δὴ ἐμάχοντο. 
ἕως μέν νυν τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι ὀρθὰ ἡ ἦν. τὰ γέρρα, ἡμύ- 
νοντό τε καὶ οὐδὲν ἔλασσον εἶχον τῇ μάχῃ" ἐπεὶ ὲ 
τῶν ᾿Αθηναίων καὶ τῶν προσεχέων ὁ στρατός, ὅκως 
ἑωυτῶν γένηται τὸ ἔργον καὶ μὴ Λακεδαιμονίων, 
παρακελευσάμενοι ἔργου εἴχοντο προθυμότερον, 
ἐνθεῦτεν ἤδη ἑτεροιοῦτο τὸ πρῆγμα. διωσάμενοι 
γὰρ τὰ γέρρα οὗτοι φερόμενοι ἐσέπεσον ἁλέες ἐς 
τοὺς Πέρσας, οἳ δὲ δεξάμενοι. καὶ χρόνον συχνὸν 
ἀμυνόμενοι τέλος ἔφευγον ἐς τὸ τεῖχος. ᾿Αθηναῖοι 
δὲ καὶ Κορίνθιοι καὶ Σικυώνιοι καὶ Τροιζήνιοι 
(οὕτω γὰρ ἦσαν ἐπεξῆς τεταγμένοι) συνεπισπό- 
μενοι συνεσέπιπτον ἐς τὸ τεῖχος. ὡς δὲ καὶ τὸ 
τεῖχος ἀραίρητο, οὔτ᾽ ἔτι πρὸς ἀλκὴν ἐτράποντο 
οἱ βάρβαροι" πρὸς φυγήν τε ὁρμέατο οἱ ἄλλοι πλὴν 

ερσέων' οὗτοι δὲ κατ᾽ ὀλίγους γινόμενοι ἐμά- 


218 


BOOK ΙΧ. 101-102 


month was proved to the Greeks when they examined 
the matter not long afterwards. Now before this 
rumour came they had been faint-hearted, fearing 
less for themselves than for the Greeks with Pau- 
sanias, lest Mardonius should be the stumbling- 
block of Hellas; but when the report sped among 
them they grew stronger and swifter in their onset. 
So Greeks and foreigners alike were eager for 
battle, seeing that the islands and the Hellespont 
were the prizes of victory. 

102. As for the Athenians and those whose place 
was nearest them, that is, for about half of the line, 
their way lay over the beach and level ground ; for 
the Lacedaemonians and those that were next to 
them, through a ravine and among hills; and while 
the Lacedaemonians were making a circuit, those 
others on the other wing were already fighting. 
While the Persians’ shields stood upright, they 
defended themselves and held their own in the 
battle; but when the Athenians and their neigh- 
bours in the line passed the word and went more 
zealously to work, that they and not the Lacedae- 
monians might win the victory, immediately the 
face of the fight was changed. Breaking down the 
shields they charged all together into the midst of 
the Persians, who received the onset and stood their 
ground for a long time, but at the last fled within 
their wall; and the Athenians and Corinthians and 
Sicyonians and Troezenians, who were next to each 
other in the line, followed hard after and rushed in 
together likewise. But when the walled place was 
won, the foreigners made no further defence, but 
took to flight, all save the Persians, who gathered 
themselves into bands of a few men and fought 


279 


HERODOTUS 


XOVTO 3 τοῖσι αἰεὶ ἐς τὸ τεῖχος ἐσπίπτουσι Ἑλλήνων. 
καὶ τῶν στρατηγῶν τῶν Ἡερσικῶν δύο μὲν ἀπο- 
φεύγουσι, δύο δὲ τελευτῶσι" ᾿Αρταὔντης μὲν καὶ 
Ἰθαμίτρης τοῦ ναυτικοῦ στρατηγέοντες ἆπο- 
φεύγουσι, Μαρδόντης δὲ καὶ ὁ τοῦ πεζοῦ στρα- 
τηγὸς Τιγράνης μαχόμενοι τελευτῶσι. 

103. "τι δὲ μαχομένων. τῶν [Περσέων ἀπίκοντο 
Λακεδαιμόνιοι καὶ oL μετ᾽ αὐτῶν, καὶ τὰ λοιπὰ 
συνδιεχείριξον. ἔπεσον δὲ καὶ αὐτῶν τῶν 'EA- 
λήνων συχνοὶ ἐνθαῦτα ἄλλοι τε καὶ Συκυώνιοι 
καὶ στρατηγὸς .Περίλεως- τῶν τε Σαμίων οἱ 
στρατευόμενοι ἐόντες τε ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ τῷ 
Μηδικῷ καὶ ἀπαραιρημένοι τὰ ὅπλα, ὡς εἶδον 
αὐτίκα κατ ἀρχὰς γινομένην ἑτεραλκέα τὴν μά- 
χην, ἔρδον ὅ ὅσον ἐδυνέατο προσωφελέειν ἐθέλοντες 
τοῖσι "Ελλησι. Σαμίους δὲ ἰδόντες οἱ ἄλλοι 
Ἴωνες ἄρξαντας οὕτω δὴ καὶ αὐτοὶ ἀποστάντες 
ἀπὸ Περσέων ἐπέθεντο τοῖσι βαρβάροισι. 

104. Μιλησίοισι δὲ προσετέτακτο μὲν ἐκ τῶν 
Περσέων τὰς διόδους τηρέειν σωτηρίης εἶνεκά σφι, 
ὡς ἣν ἄρα σφέας καταλαμβάνῃ οἷά περ κατέλαβε, 
ἔχοντες ἡγεμόνας σώξωνται ἐς τὰς κορυφὰς τῆς 
Μυκάλης. ἐτάχθησαν μέν νυν ἐπὶ τοῦτο τὸ 

πρῆγμα οἱ Μιλήσιοι τούτου τε εἵνεκεν καὶ ἵνα μὴ 
παρεόντες ἐν τῷ στρατοπέδῳ qp νεοχμὸν ποιέοιεν' 
οἳ δὲ πᾶν τοὐναντίον τοῦ προστεταγµένου ἐποίεον, 
ἄλλας τε κατηγεόμενοί σφι ὁδοὺς φεύγουσι, αἳ 
δὴ ἔφερον ἐς τοὺς πολεμίους, καὶ τέλος αὐτοί σφι 
ἐγίνοντο κτείνοντες πολεμιώτατοι. οὕτω δὴ τὸ 
δεύτερον 'lovig ἀπὸ Περσέων ἀπέστη. 


280 


BOOK ΙΧ. ro2-104 


with whatever Greeks came rushing within the walls. 
Of the Persian leaders two escaped by flight and two 
were slain; Artayntes and Ithamitres, who were 
admirals of the fleet, escaped; Mardontes and 
Tigranes, the general of the land army, were slain 
fighting. 

103. While the Persians still fought, the Lacedae- 
monians and their comrades came up, and finished 
what was left of the business. The Greeks too lost 
many men there, notably the men of Sicyon and 
their general Perilaus. As for the Samians who 
served in the Median army, and had been disarmed, 
they, seeing from the first that victory hung in the 
balance,! did what they could in their desire to aid 
the Greeks; and when the other Ionians saw the 
Samians set the example, they also thereupon de- 
serted the Persians and attacked the foreigners. 

104. The Persians had for their own safety 
appointed the Milesians to watch the passes, so 
that if haply aught should befall the Persian army 
such as did befall it, they might have guides 
to bring them safe to the heights of Mycale. 
This was the task to which the Milesians were 
appointed, for the aforesaid reason, and that they 
might not be present with the army and so turn 
against it. But they did wholly contrariwise to the 
charge laid upon them ; they misguided the fleeing 
Persians by ways that led them among their 
enemies, and at last themselves became their worst 
enemies and slew them. Thus did Ionia for the 
second time revolt from the Persians. 


1 ἑτεραλκὴς here probably means ** doubtful,” giving victory 
to one side or other; cp. vii. 11; in Homer it means '' de- 
cisive," giving victory to one as opposed to the other. 


281 


HERODOTUS 


^ [4 4 
105. Ἐν δὲ ταύτη τῇ μάχη ᾿Βλλήνων ἠρίσ- 
3 ^ / € 
τευσαν ᾿Αθηναῖοι καὶ ᾿Αθηναίων 'EpuóXvxos ὁ 
Εὐθοίνου, ἀνὴρ παγκράτιον ἐπασκήσας. τοῦτον 
, ” 
. N € [4 / e * 
δὲ τὸν 'EpuóAvkov κατέλαβε ὕστερον τούτων, 
/ 34. 3 / / N / 
πολέμου ἐόντος Αθηναίοισί τε καὶ Καρυστίοισι, 
4 m^ [4 L4 » ’ 
ἐν Κύρνῳ τῆς Καρυστίης χώρης ἀποθανόντα ἐν 
’ ^ P AN ^ . \ 3 / 
μάχῃ κεῖσθαι ἐπὶ Γεραιστῷ. μετὰ δὲ ᾿Αθηναίους 
Κορίνθιοι καὶ Τροιζήνιοι καὶ Σικυώνιοι ἠρίστευσαν. 
(d 
106. ᾿Επείτε δὲ κατεργάσαντο ot" EXXqves τοὺς 
\ A . / X λ \ / 
πολλοὺς TOUS μὲν μαχομένους τοὺς δὲ καὶ φεύγον- 
- N , / N 
τας τῶν βαρβάρων, τᾶς νέας ἐνέπρησαν καὶ TO 
^ ε N / / 
τεῖχος ἅπαν, τὴν ληΐην προεξαγαγόντες ἐς τὸν 
f / 
αἰγιαλόν, καὶ θησαυρούς τινας χρημάτων εὗρον' 
^ \ / 
ἐμπρήσαντες δὲ τὸ τεῖχος καὶ τὰς νέας ἀπέπλεον. 
\ / 
ἀπικόμενοι δὲ ἐς Σάμον οἱ "Ελληνες ἐβουλεύοντο 
/ ^ / e ^ 
περὶ ἀναστάσιος τῆς ᾿Ιωνίης, καὶ ὅκη χρεὸν εἴη τῆς 
ε ’ / ^ , NC 4 9 \ 
Ελλάδος κατοικίσαι τῆς αὐτοὶ ἐγκρατέες ἦσαν, τὴν 
7 ^ m^ 
δὲ Ἰωνίην ἀπεῖναι τοῖσι βαρβάροισι" ἀδύνατον γὰρ 
΄ ^ 
ἐφαίνετό σφι εἶναι ἑωυτούς τε Ιώνων προκατῆσθαι 
[4 8 ^ 
ουρέοντας τὸν πάντα χρόνον, καὶ ἑωυτῶν μὴ Tr po- 
ρ μὴ πρ 
/ / 
κατηµένων lavas οὐδεμίαν ἐλπίδα εἶχον χαίροντας 
N ^ / , / A A 
προς τῶν Περσέων ἀπαλλάξειν. πρὸς ταῦτα Lle- 
λοποννησίων μὲν τοῖσι ἐν τέλεϊ ἐοῦσι ἐδόκεε τῶν 
΄ 5 / ^ e ^ Me Ὁ ^ 
μηδισάντων ἐθνέων τῶν Ελληνικῶν τὰ ἐμπολαῖα 
^ M y 
ἐξαναστήσαντας δοῦναι τὴν χώρην Ἴωσι ἐνοι- 
^ , / δὲ 3 280 2 A 5 / 
κῆσαι, ᾿Αθηναίοισι δὲ οὐκ ἐδόκεε ἀρχὴν ᾿Ιωνίην 
/ 
γενέσθαι ἀνάστατον οὐδὲ Πελοποννησίοισι περὶ 
τῶν σφετερέων ἀποικιέων βουλεύειν' ἀντιτεινόν- 
A / ^ 3 e / 
των δὲ τούτων προθύμως, εἶξαν οἱ Πελοποννήσιοι. 
292 


BOOK IX. 105-106 


105. In that battle those of the Greeks that 
fought best were the Athenians, and the Athenian 
that fought best was one who practised the pancra- 
tium,! Hermolycus son of Euthoenus. This Hermo- 
lycus on a later day met his death in battle at Cyrnus 
in Carystus during a war between the Athenians 
and Carystians, and lay dead on Geraestus. Those 
that fought best next after the Athenians were the 
men of Corinth and Troezen and Sicyon. 

106. When the Greeks had made an end of most 
of the foreigners, either in battle or in flight, they 
brought out their booty on to the beach, and 
found certain stores of wealth; then they burnt the 
ships and the whole of the wall, which having 
burnt they sailed away. When they were arrived at 
Samos, they debated in council whether they should 
dispeople lonia, and in what Greek lands under their 
dominion it were best to plant the Ionians, leaving 
the country itself to the foreigners; for it seemed 
to them impossible to stand on guard between 
the Ionians and their enemies for ever; yet if they 
should not so stand, they had no hope that the 
Persians would suffer the Ionians to go unpunished. 
In this matter the Peloponnesians that were in 
authority were for removing the people from the 
marts of those Greek nations that had sided with 
the Persians, and giving their land to the Ionians 
to dwell in; but the Athenians misliked the whole 
design of dispeopling lonia, or suffering the Pelopon- 
nesians to determine the lot of Athenian colonies ; 
and as they resisted hotly, the Peloponnesians 


* The “pancratium” was a mixture of boxing and 
wrestling. 


283 


HERODOTUS 


καὶ οὕτω δὴ Σαμίους τε καὶ Χίους καὶ Λεσβίους 
καὶ τοὺς ἄλλους νησιώτας, οἳ ἔτυχον συστρα- 
τευόμενοι. τοῖσι"Ελλησι, ἐς τὸ συμμαχικὸν ἐποιή- 
σαντο, πίστι Te καταλαβόντες καὶ ὁρκίοισι ἐμ- 
μενέειν τε καὶ μὴ ἀποστήσεσθαι. τούτους δὲ 
καταλαβόντες ὁρκίοισι ἔπλεον τὰς γεφύρας λύ- 
σοντες' ἔτι γὰρ ἐδόκεον ἐντεταμένας εὑρήσειν. 
οὗτοι μὲν δὴ ἐπ᾽ “Ελλησπόντου ἔπλεον. 

107. Τῶν δὲ ἀποφυγόντων βαρβάρων ἐς τὰ 
ἄκρα τῆς Μυκάλης κατειληθέντων, ἐόντων οὐ 
πολλῶν, ἐγίνετο κομιδὴ ἐς Σάρδις. πορευομένων 
δὲ κατ᾽ ὁδὸν Μασίστης ὁ Δαρείου παρατυχὼν τῷ 
malei τῷ γεγονότι τὸν στρατηγὸν ᾿Αρταὔντην 
ἔλεγε πολλά τε καὶ κακά, ἄλλα τε καὶ γυναικὸς 
κακίω φὰς αὐτὸν εἶναι τοιαῦτα στρατηγήσαντα, 
καὶ ἄξιον εἶναι παντὸς κακοῦ τὸν βασιλέος οἶκον 
κακώσαντα. παρὰ δὲ τοῖσι Πέρσῃσι γυναικὸς 
κακίω ἀκοῦσαι δέννος μέγιστος ἐστι. ὃ δὲ ἐπεὶ 
πολλὰ ἤκουσε, δεινὰ ποιεύμενος σπᾶται ἐπὶ τὸν 
Μασίστην τὸν ἀκινάκην, ἀποκτεῖναι θέλων. καί 
μιν ἐπιθέοντα φρασθεὶς Ξειναγόρης ὁ Πρηξίλεω 
ἀνὴρ “Αλικαρνησσεὺς ὄπισθε ἑστεὼς αὐτοῦ Ap- 
ταὔντεω ἁρπάξει μέσον καὶ ἐξαείρας παίει ἐς 
τὴν γῆν' καὶ ἐν τούτῳ οἱ δορυφόροι οἱ Μασίστεω 
προέστησαν. 0 δὲ Ξειναγόρης ταῦτα ἐργάσατο 
χάριτα αὐτῷ τε Μασίστῃ τιθέμενος καὶ Ξέρξη, 
ἐκσώξων τὸν ἀδελφεὸν τὸν ἐκείνου: καὶ διὰ τοῦτο 
τὸ ἔργον Ξειναγόρης Κιλικίης πάσης Ίρξε δόντος 
Βασιλέος. τῶν δὲ κατ᾽ ὁδὸν πορευομένων οὐδὲν 
ἐπὶ πλέον τούτων ἐγένετο, ἀλλ᾽ ἀπικνέονται ἐς 
Σάρδις. 

108. ᾿Εν δὲ τῆσι Σάρδισι ἐτύγχανε ἐὼν Bacı- 
254 


BOOK IX. τού-ιοῦ 


yielded. Thus it came about that they admitted 
to their alliance the Samians, Chians, Lesbians, and 
all other islanders who had served with their arma- 
ments, and bound them by pledge and oaths to 
remain faithful and not desert their allies; who 
being thus sworn, the Greeks set sail to break the 
bridges, supposing that these still held fast. So 
they laid their course for the Hellespont. 

107. The few foreigners who escaped were driven 
to the heights of Mycale, and made their way thence 
to Sardis. While they were journeying on the road, 
Masistes son of Darius, who had chanced to be 
present at the Persian disaster, reviled the admiral 
Artayntes very bitterly, telling him (with much 
beside) that such generalship as his proved him 
worse than a woman, and that no punishment was 
too bad for the hurt he had wrought to the king's 
house. Nowit is the greatest of all taunts in Persia 
to be called worse than a woman. These many 
insults so angered Artayntes, that he drew his sword 
upon Masistes to kill him; but Xenagoras son of 
Praxilaus of Halicarnassus, who stood behind 
Artayntes himself, saw him run at Masistes, and 
caught him round the middle and lifted and hurled 
him to the ground; meanwhile Masistes' guards 
came between them. By so doing Xenagoras won 
the gratitude of Masistes himself and Xerxes, for 
saving the king's brother; for which deed he was 
made ruler of all Cilicia by the king's gift. They 
went then on their way without any outcome of the 
matter, and came to Sardis. 

108. Now it chanced that the king had been at 


285 


HERODOTUS 


λεὺς ἐξ ἐκείνου τοῦ χρόνου, ἐπείτε ἐξ ᾿Αθηνέων 
προσπταίσας τῇ ναυμαχίῃ φυγὼν ἀπίκετο. τότε 
δὴ ἐν τῇσι Σάρδισι ἐὼν ἄρα ἤρα τῆς Μασίστεω 
γυναικός, ἐούσης καὶ ταύτης ἐνθαῦτα. ὡς δέ οἱ 
προσπέμποντι οὐκ ἐδύνατο κατεργασθῆναι, οὐδὲ 
βίην προσεφέρετο προμηθεόµενος τὸν ἀδελφεὸν 
Μασίστην: τὠυτὸ δὲ τοῦτο εἶχε καὶ τὴν γυναῖκα: 
εὖ γὰρ ἐπίστατο βίης οὐ τευξομένη: ἐνθαῦτα δὴ 
Ξέρξης ἐργόμενος τῶν ἄλλων πρήσσει τὸν γάμον 
τοῦτον τῷ παιδὶ τῷ ἑωυτοῦ Δαρείω, θυγατέρα τῆς 
γυναικὸς ταύτης καὶ Μασίστεω, δοκέων αὐτὴν 
μᾶλλον λάμψεσθαι ἣν ταῦτα ποιήσῃ. ἁρμόσας 
δὲ καὶ τὰ νομιζόμενα ποιήσας ἀπήλαυνε ἐς Σοῦσα' 
ἐπεὶ δὲ ἐκεῖ τε ἀπίκετο καὶ ἠγάγετο ἐς ἑωυτοῦ 
Δαρείῳ τὴν γυναῖκα, οὕτω δὴ τῆς Μασίστεω μὲν 
γυναικὸς ἐπέπαυτο, ὃ δὲ διαμειγ-άμενος ἤρα τε 
καὶ ἐτύγχανε τῆς Δαρείου μὲν γυναικὸς Μασίστεω 
δὲ θυγατρός" οὔνομα δὲ τῇ γυναικὶ ταύτῃ ἣν 
Αρταῦντη. 

105. Χρόνου δὲ προϊόντος ἀνάπυστα γίνεται 
τρόπῳ τοιῷδε. ἐξυφήνασα "Άμηστρις ἡ ) Ξέρξεω 
γυνὴ φᾶρος μέγα τε καὶ ποικίλον καὶ dis ἄξιον 
διδοῦ Ξέρξη. ὃ δὲ ἡσθεὶς περιβάλλεταί τε καὶ 
ἔρχεται παρὰ τὴν ᾿Αρταὔντην' ἡσθεὶς δὲ καὶ 
ταύτῃ ἐκέλευσε αὐτὴν αἰτῆσαι ὅ τι ,Bosxerat οἱ 
γενέσθαι ἀντὶ τῶν αὐτῷ ὑπουργημένων' πάντα 
γὰρ τεύξεσθαι αἰτήσασαν. TH δὲ κακῶς γὰρ ἔδεε 
πανοικίῃ γενέσθαι, πρὸς ταῦτα εἶπε Ξέρξη “ Aw- 
σεις μοι τὸ ἄν σε αἰτήσω ; ὃ δὲ πᾶν μᾶλλον 
δοκέων κείνην αἰτῆσαι ὑπισχνέετο καὶ ὤμοσε. 
δὲ ὡς ὤμοσε ἀδεῶς αἰτέει τὸ φᾶρος. Ἑέρξης δὲ 
παντοῖος ἐγίνετο οὐ βουλόμενος δοῦναι, κατ᾽ ἄλλο 
256 


BOOK ΙΧ. 108-109 


Sardis ever since he came thither in flight from 
Athens after his overthrow in the sea-fight. Being 
then at Sardis he became enamoured of Masistes' 
wife, who was also at that place. But as all his 
messages could not bring her to yield to him, and 
he would not force her to his will, out of regard for 
his brother Masistes (which indeed wrought with 
the woman also, for she knew well that no force 
would be used with her), Xerxes found no other 
way to his purpose than that he should make a 
marriage between his own son Darius and the 
daughter of this woman and Masistes; for he 
thought that by so doing he would be likeliest 
to get her. So he betrothed them with all due 
ceremony, and rode away to Susa. But when he 
was come thither and had taken Darius' bride into 
his house, he thought no more of Masistes' wife, 
but changed about, and wooed and won this girl 
Artaynte, Darius' wife and Masistes' daughter. 
109. But as time went on the truth came to light, 
and in such manner as I will show. Xerxes’ wife, 
Amestris, wove and gave to him a great gaily- 
coloured mantle, wondrous to behold. Xerxes was 
pleased with it, and went wearing it to Artaynte ; 
and being pleased with her too, he bade her ask for 
what she would have in return for her favours, for 
he would deny nothing at her asking. Thereat— 
for she and all her house were doomed to evil—she 
said to Xerxes, * Will you give me whatever I ask 
of you?" and he promised and swore it, supposing 
that she would ask anything but that; but when 
he had sworn, she asked boldly for his mantle. 
Xerxes strove hard to refuse her, for no cause save 


287 


HERODOTUS 


μὲν οὐδέν, φοβεόμενος δὲ "Αμηστρι», μὴ καὶ πρὶν 
κατεικαξούσῃ τὰ γινόμενα οὕτω ἐπευρεθῇ, πρήσ- 
σων' ἀλλὰ πόλις τε ἐδίδου καὶ χρυσὸν ἄπλετον 
καὶ. στρατόν, τοῦ ἔμελλε οὐδεὶς ἄρξειν ἀλλ ἢ 
ἐκείνη. Περσικὸν δὲ κάρτα o στρατὸς δῶρον. 
ἀλλ. οὐ γὰρ ἔπειθε, διδοῖ τὸ φᾶρος. ἣ δὲ περιχαρὴς 
ἐοῦσα τῷ δώρῳ ἐφόρεέ τε καὶ ἀγάλλετο. 

110. Καὶ ἡ 7) "A paja Tpis πυνθάνεταί μιν ἔχουσαν: 
μαθοῦσα δὲ τὸ ποιεύμενον τῇ μὲν γυναικὶ ταύτῃ 
οὐκ εἶχε ἔγκοτον, ἣ δὲ ἐλπίζουσα τὴν μητέρα 
αὐτῆς εἶναι αἰτίην καὶ ταῦτα ἐκείνην πρήσσειν, 
τῇ Μασίστεω γυναικὶ ἐβούλευε ὄλεθρον. φυλά- 
ἕασα δὲ τὸν ἄνδρα τὸν ἑωυτῆς Ξέρξην βασιλήιον 
δεῖπνον προτιθέµενον' τοῦτο δὲ τὸ δεῖπνον Tapa- 
σκευάζεται ἅπαξ τοῦ ἐνιαυτοῦ ἡμέρῃ τῇ ἐγένετο 
Βασιλεύς. οὔνομα δὲ τῷ δείπνῳ τούτῳ περσιστὶ 
μὲν τυκτά, κατὰ δὲ τὴν Ἑλλήνων γλῶσσαν τέλει- 
ov τότε καὶ τὴν κεφαλὴν σμᾶται μοῦνον Pası- 
λεὺς καὶ Πέρσας δωρέεται' ταύτην δὴ τὴν ἡμέρην 
φυλάξασα ἡ ΄Άμηστρις χρηίξει τοῦ Ξέρξεω δο- 
θῆναί οἱ τὴν Μασίστεω γυναῖκα. ὃ δὲ δεινόν τε 
καὶ ἀνάρσιον ἐποιέετο τοῦτο μὲν ἀδελφεοῦ γυναῖκα 
παραδοῦναι, τοῦτο δὲ ἀναιτίην ἐοῦσαν τοῦ πρήγ- 
ματος τούτου' συνῆκε γὰρ τοῦ εἵνεκεν ἐδέετο. 

111. Τέλος μέντοι ἐκείνης τε λιπαρεούσης καὶ 
ὑπὸ τοῦ νόμου ἐξεργόμενος, ὅτι ἀτυχῆσαι τὸν 
χρηίζοντα οὔ σφι δυνατόν ἐστι βασιληίου δείπνου 
προκειμένου, κάρτα δὴ ἀέκων κατανεύει, καὶ 
παραδοὺς ποιέει ὧδε" τὴν μὲν κελεύει ποιέειν τὰ 
βούλεται, ὃ δὲ μεταπεμψάμενος τὸν ἀδελφεὸν 
λέγει τάδε. “ Μασίστα, σὺ εἷς Δαρείου τε παῖς 
καὶ ἐμὸς ἀδελφεός, πρὸς ὃ ἔτι τούτοισι καὶ εἷς 
288 


BOOK IX. 109-111 


that he feared lest Amestris might have plain proof 
of his doing what she already guessed; and he 
offered her cities instead, and gold in abundance, 
and an army for none but herself to command. 
Armies are the properest of gifts in Persia. But as 
he could not move her, he gave her the mantle; and 
she, rejoicing greatly in the gift, went flaunting her 
finery. 

110. Amestris heard that she had the mantle; 
but when she learnt the truth her anger was not 
with the girl ; she supposed rather that the girl's 
mother was guilty and that this was her doing, and 
so it was Masistes’ wife that she plotted to destroy. 
She waited therefore till Xerxes her husband should 
be giving his royal feast. ‘This banquet is served once 
a year,on the king’s birthday; the Persian name for 
it is *tukta," which is in the Greek language 
* perfect” ; on that day (and none other) the king 
anoints his head, and makes gifts to the Persians. 
Waiting for that day, Amestris then desired of 
Xerxes that Masistes' wife should be given to her. 
Xerxes held it a terrible and wicked act to give up 
his brother's wife, and that too when she was guilt- 
less of the deed supposed ; for he knew the purpose 
of the request. 

111. Nevertheless, Amestris being instant, and 
the law constraining him (for at this royal banquet 
in Persia every boon asked must of necessity be 
granted), he did very unwillingly consent, and 
delivered the woman to Amestris; then, bidding 
her do what she would, he sent for his brother and 
thus spoke: “ Masistes, you are Darius’ son and my 
brother, yea, and a right good man; hear me then ; 


289 
VOL. UV. L 


HERODOTUS 


ἀνὴρ ἀγαθός" γυναικὶ δὴ ταύτῃ τῇ νῦν συνοικξεις 
μὴ συνοίκεε, ἀλλά του ἀντ᾽ αὐτῆς ἐγὼ δίδωμι θυγα- 
τέρα. τὴν ἐμήν. ταύτῃ συνοίκεε" τὴν δὲ νῦν ἔχεις, 
οὗ γὰρ δοκέει ἐμοί, μ μὴ ἔχε γυναῖκα. ὁ δὲ Μασί- 
στης ἀποθωμάσας τὰ λεγόμενα. λέγει τάδε. “Ὢ 
δέσποτα, τίνα μοι λόγον λέγεις ἄχρηστον, κελεύων 
µε γυναῖκα, ἐκ τῆς μοι παῖδές τε νεηνίαι εἰσὶ καὶ 
θυγατέρες, τῶν καὶ σὺ μίαν τῷ παιδὶ τῷ σεωυτοῦ 
ἠγάγεο γυναῖκα, αὐτή τέ μοι κατὰ νόον τυγχάνει 
κάρτα ἐοῦσα" ταύτην με κελεύεις μετέντα θυγα- 
τέρα τὴν σὴν γῆμαι ; ἐγὼ δὲ βασιλεῦ μεγάλα μὲν 
ποιεῦμαι ἀξιεύμενος θυγατρὸς τῆς σῆς, ποιήσω 
μέντοι τούτων οὐδέτερα. σὺ δὲ μηδαμῶς βιῶ 
πρήγματος τοιοῦδε δέοµενος" ἀλλὰ τῇ τε σῇ θυ- 
γατρὶ ἀνὴρ ἄλλος φανήσεται ἐμεῦ οὐδὲν ἥσσων, 
ἐμέ τε ἔα γυναικὶ τῇ ἐμῇ συνοικέειν.᾽ ὃ μὲν δὴ 
τοιούτοισι ἀμείβεται, Ξέρξης δὲ θυμωθεὶς λέγει 
τάδε. «Οὕτω τοι, Μασίστα, πέπρηκται’ οὔτε 
γὰρ ἄν τοι δοίην θυγατέρα τὴν ἐμὴν. γῆμαι, οὔτε 
ἐκείνῃ πλεῦνα χρόνον. συνοικήσεις, ὡς μάθῃς τὰ 
διδόμενα δέκεσθαι." ὃ δὲ ὡς ταῦτα ἤκουσε, εἴπας 
τοσόνδε ἐχώρεε ἔξω “Δέσποτα, οὐ δή κὠ µε 
ἀπώλεσας.” 

112. ᾿Εν δὲ τούτῳ τῷ διὰ μέσου χρόνῳ, ἐν τῷ 
Ξέρξης τῷ ἀδελφεῷ διελέγετο, ἡ ἡ "Αμηστρις μετα- 
πεμψαμένη. τοὺς δορυφόρους τοῦ Hépfeo δι jau- 
μαίνεται τὴν γυναῖκα τοῦ Μασίστεω: τούς τε 
μαζοὺς ἀποταμοῦσα κυσὶ προέβαλε καὶ ῥῖνα καὶ 
ὦτα καὶ χείλεα καὶ γλῶσσαν ἐκταμοῦσα ἐς οἶκόν 
μιν ἀποπέμπει διαλελυμασμένην. 

113. Ὁ δὲ Μασίστης οὐδέν κω ἀκηκοὼς τούτων, 
ἐλπόμενος δέ τί οἱ κακὸν εἶναι, ἐσπίπτει δρόμῳ ἐς 
290 


BOOK 1X. 111-113 


you must live no longer with her who is now your 
wife. I give you my daughter in her place; take 
her for your own; but put away the wife that you 
have, for it is not my will that you should have her." 
At that Masistes was amazed; “Sire,” he said, 
“ what is this evil command that you lay upon me, 
bidding me deal thus with my wife? I have by her 
young sons and daughters, of whom you have taken 
a wife for your own son ; and I am exceeding well 
content with herself; yetdo you bid me put her away 
and wed your daughter? Truly, O king, I deem it a 
high honour to be accounted worthy of your daughter ; 
but I will do neither the one nor the other. Nay, 
constrain me not to consent to such a desire; you 
will find another husband for your daughter as good 
as I; but suffer me to keep my own wife." Thus 
answered Masistes ; but Xerxes was very angry, and 
said : ** To this pass you are come, Masistes ; I will 
give you no daughter of mine to wife, nor shall you 
longer live with her that you now have; thus shall 
you learn to accept that which is offered you." 
Hearing that, Masistes said nought but this: “ Nay, 
sire, you have not destroyed me yet!” and so 
departed. 

112. But in the meantime, while Xerxes talked 
with his brother, Amestris sent for Xerxes’ guards 
and used Masistes’ wife very cruelly; she cut off the 
woman’s breasts and threw them to dogs, and her 
nose and ears and lips likewise, and cut out her 
tongue, and sent her home thus cruelly used. 

113. Knowing nought as yet of this, but fearing 
evil, Masistes ran speedily to his house. Seeing the 


291 


HERODOTUS 


τὰ οἰκία. ἰδὼν δὲ διεφθαρμένην τὴν γυναῖκα, 
αὐτίκα μετὰ ταῦτα συμβουλευσάμενος τοῖσι παισὶ 
ἐπορεύετο ἐς Βάκτρα σύν τε τοῖσι ἑωυτοῦ υἱοῖσι 
καὶ δή κου τισὶ καὶ ἄλλοισι ὡς ἀποστήσων νομὸν 
τὸν Ῥάκτριον καὶ ποιήσων. τὰ μέγιστα κακῶν 
βασιλέα: τά περ ἂν καὶ ἐγένετο, ὡς ἐμοὶ δοκέειν, 
εἴ περ ἔφθη ἀναβὰς ἐς τοὺς Βακτρίους καὶ τοὺς 
Σάκας" καὶ γὰρ ἔστεργόν μιν καὶ ἦν ὕπαρχος τῶν 
Βακτρίων. ἀλλὰ γὰρ Ἐέρξης πυθόμενος ταῦτα 
ἐκεῖνον πρήσσοντα, πέμψας ἐπ αὐτὸν στρατιὴν 
ἐν τῇ ὁδῷ κατέκτεινε αὐτόν τε ἐκεῖνον καὶ τοὺς 
παῖδας αὐτοῦ καὶ τὴν στρατιὴν τὴν ἐκείνου. κατὰ 
μὲν τὸν ἔρωτα τὸν Ἐέρξεω καὶ τὸν Μασίστεω 
θάνατον τοσαῦτα ἐγένετο. 

114. Οἱ δὲ ἐκ Μυκάλης ὁρμηθέντες " IEXXqves 
ἐπ᾽ “Ελλησπόντου πρῶτον μὲν περὶ Λεκτὸν 
ὅρμεον, ὑπὸ ἀνέμων ἀπολαμφθέντες, ἐνθεῦτεν δὲ 
ἀπίκοντο ἐς "A Budov Kal Tas γεφύρας εὗρον δια- 
λελυμένας, τὰς ἐδόκεον εὑρήσειν ἔτι ἐντεταμένας, 
καὶ τούτων οὐκ ἥκιστα εἵνεκεν ἐς τὸν ᾿Ελλήσ- 
ποντον ἀπίκοντο. τοῖσι μέν νυν ἀμφὶ Λευτυχίδην 
Πελοποννησίοισι ἔδοξε ἀποπλέειν ἐς τὴν Ἑλλάδα, 
᾿Αθηναίοισι δὲ καὶ Ξανθίππῳ τῷ στρατηγῷ αὐτοῦ 
ὑπομείναντας πειρᾶσθαι τῆς Χερσονήσου. οἳ 
μὲν δὴ ἀπέπλεον, ᾿Αθηναῖοι δὲ ἐκ τῆς A Busou 
διαβάντες ἐς τὴν Χερσόνησον Σηστὸν ἐπολιόρκεον. 

115. 'Es δὲ τὴν Σηστὸν ταύτην, ὡς ἐόντος ἰσχυ- 
ροτάτου τείχεος τῶν ταύτη, συνῆλθον, ὡς ἤκουσαν 
παρεῖναι τοὺς "Ελληνας ἐς τὸν Ἑλλήσποντον, Ex 
τε τῶν ἀλλέων τῶν περιοικίδων, καὶ δὴ καὶ ἐκ 
Καρδίης πόλιος Οἰόβαξος ἀνὴρ Πέρσης, ὃς τὰ ἐκ 
τῶν γεφυρέων ὅπλα ἐνθαῦτα ἦν κεκομικώς. εἶχον 
202 


BOOK ΙΧ. 113-115 


havoc made of his wife, straightway he took counsel 
with his children and set forth to journey to Bactra 
with his own sons (and others too, belike), purposing 
to raise the province of Bactra in revolt and work 
the king the greatest of harm ; which he would have 
done, to my thinking, had he escaped up into the 
country of the Bactrians and Sacae; for they loved 
him well, and he was viceroy over the Bactrians. 
But it was of no avail; for Xerxes learnt his intent, 
and sent against him an army that slew him on his 
way, and his sons and his army withal Such is 
the story of Xerxes’ love and Masistes’ death. 

114. The Greeks that had set out from Mycale for 
the Hellespont first lay to off Lectum ! under stress 
of weather, and thence came to Abydos, where they 
found the bridges broken which they thought would 
be still holding fast, and indeed these were the chief 
cause of their coming to the Hellespont. The 
Peloponnesians then who were with Leutychides 
thus resolved that they would sail away to Hellas, 
but the Athenians, with Xanthippus their general, 
that they would remain there and attack the 
Chersonesus. So the rest sailed away, but the 
Athenians crossed over to the Chersonesus and laid 
siege to Sestus. 

115. Now when the Persians heard that the Greeks 
were at the Hellespont, they had come in from the 
neighbouring towns and assembled at this same 
Sestus, seeing that it was the strongest walled place 
in that region; among them there was come from 
Cardia a Persian named Oeobazus, and he had carried 
thither the tackle of the bridges. Sestus was held 


! At the western end of the bay of Adramyttium. 
293 


HERODOTUS 


δὲ ταύτην ἐπιχώριοι Αἰολέες, συνῆσαν δὲ Πέρσαι 
τε καὶ τῶν ἄλλων συμμάχων συχνὸς ὅμιλος. 

116. ᾿Βτυράννευε δὲ τούτου τοῦ νομοῦ Ξέρξεω 
ὕπαρχος ᾿Αρταΐκτης, ἀνὴρ μὲν Πέρσης, δεινὸς δὲ 
καὶ ἀτάσθαλος, ὃς καὶ βασιλέα ἐλαύνοντα ἐπ᾽ 
᾿Αθήνας ἐξηπάτησε, τὰ Πρωτεσίλεω τοῦ ᾿Ἰφίκλου 
χρήματα ἐξ ᾿Ελαιοῦντος ὑπελόμενος. ἐν γὰρ 
᾿Ελαιοῦντι τῆς Χερσονήσου, ἐστὶ Πρωτεσίλεω 
τάφος τε καὶ τέμενος περὶ αὐτόν, ἔνθα ἢ ἣν Χρήματα 
πολλὰ καὶ φιάλαι χρύσεαι καὶ ἀργύρεαι καὶ 
χαλκὸς καὶ ἐσθὴς καὶ ἄλλα ἀναθήματα, τὰ 
᾿Αρταὔκτης ἐσύλησε βασιλέος δόντος. λέγων δὲ 
τοιάδε Ξέρξην διεβάλετο. “ Δέσποτα, ἔστι οἶκος 
ἀνδρὸς" ᾿Ελληνος ἐνθαῦτα, ὃ ὃς ἐπὶ γῆν σὴν στρατευ- 
σάμενος δίκης κυρήσας ἀπέθανε τούτου μοι δὸς 
τὸν οἶκον, ἵνα καί τις μάθῃ ἐπὶ γῆν τὴν σὴν μὴ 
στρατεύεσθαι.᾽ ταῦτα λέγων εὐπετέως ἔμελλε 
ἀναπείσειν Ξέρξην δοῦναι ἀνδρὸς οἶκον, οὐδὲν 
ὑποτοπηθέντα τῶν ἐκεῖνος ἐφρόνεε. ἐπὶ γῆν δὲ 
τὴν βασιλέος στρατεύεσθαι ὨΠρωτεσίλεων ἔλεγε 
νοέων τοιάδε" τὴν ᾿Ασίην πᾶσαν νομίξουσι ἑωυτῶν 
εἶναι Πέρσαι καὶ τοῦ αἰεὶ Βασιλεύοντος. ἐπεὶ δὲ 
ἐδόθη, τὰ χρήματα ἐξ ᾿Ελαιοῦντος ἐς Σηστὸν 
ἐξεφόρησε, καὶ τὸ τέμενος ἔσπειρε καὶ ἐνέμετο, 
αὐτὸς τε ὅκως ἀπίκοιτο ἐς ᾿Πλαιοῦντα ἐν τῷ 
ἀδύτῳ γυναιξὶ ἐμίσγετο. τότε δὲ ἐπολιορκέετο 
ὑπὸ ᾿Αθηναίων οὔτε παρεσκευασμένος ἐς πολιορ- 
«iiv οὔτε προσδεκόµενος τοὺς Έλληνας, ἀφύκτως 
δέ κως αὐτῷ ἐπέπεσον. 

111. ᾿Επεὶ δὲ πολιορκεομένοισί σφι φθινόπωρον 
ἐπεγίνετο, καὶ ἤσχαλλον οἱ ᾿Αθηναῖοι ἀπὸ τε τῆς 


294 


BOOK ΙΧ. 115-117 


by the Aeolians of the country, but with him were 
Persians and a great multitude of their allies withal. 

116. This province was ruled by Xerxes' viceroy 
Artayctes, a cunning man and a wicked ; witness the 
deceit that he practised on the king in his march to 
Athens, how he stole away from Elaeus the treasure 
of Protesilaus! son of Iphiclus. This was the way of 
it: there is at Elaeus in the Chersonesus the tomb 
of Protesilaus, and a precinct about it, where was 
much treasure, with vessels of gold and silver, 
bronze, raiment, and other dedicated offerings ; all 
of which Artajctes carried off, by the king's gift. 
* Sire," he said deceitfully to Xerxes, “there is here 
the house of a certain Greek, who met a just death 
for invading your territory with an army; give me 
this man's house, whereby all may be taught not to 
invade your territory." It was to be thought that 
this plea would easily persuade Xerxes to give him 
a man's house, having no suspicion of Artayctes' 
meaning; whose reason for saying that Protesilaus 
had invaded the king's territory was, that the 
Persians believe all Asia to belong to themselves and 
whosoever is their king. So when the treasure was 
given him, he carried it away from Elaeus to Sestus, 
and planted and farmed the precinct; and he would 
come from Elaeus and have intercourse with women 
in the shrine. Now, when the Athenians laid siege 
to him, he had made no preparation for it, nor 
thought that the Greeks would come, and he had no 
way of escape from their attack, 

117. But the siege continuing into the late 
autumn, the Athenians grew weary of their absence 


1 The first Greek to fall in the Trojan war, νηὺς ἀποθρώσκων 
(Hom. Z}. ii. 701). 


205 


HERODOTUS 


ἑωυτῶν ἀποδημέοντες καὶ οὐ δυνάμενοι ἐξελεῖν 
τὸ τεῖχος, ἐδέοντό τε τῶν στρατηγῶν ὅκως ἀπά- 
γοιεν σφέας ὀπίσω, o? δὲ οὐκ ἔφασαν πρὶν ἡ 
ἐξέλωσι ἢ τὸ ᾿Αθηναίων κοινόν σφεας μεταπέμ- 
ψηται' οὕτω δὴ ἔστεργον τὰ παρεόντα. 

118. Οἱ δὲ ἐν τῷ τείχεϊ ἐς πᾶν ἤδη κακοῦ 
ἀπιγμένοι ἦσαν, οὕτω ὥστε τοὺς τόνους ἕψοντες 
τῶν κλινέων ἐσιτέοντο. ἐπείτε δὲ οὐδὲ ταῦτα ἔτι 
εἶχον, οὕτω δὴ ὑπὸ νύκτα οἴχοντο ἀποδράντες οἳ 
τε Ἱ]έρσαι καὶ o ᾿ΑἈρταὔκτης καὶ ὁ Οἰόβαξος, 
ὄπισθε τοῦ τείχεος καταβάντες, τῇ ἣν ἐρημότατον 
τῶν πολεμίων. ὡς δὲ ἡμέρη ἐγένετο, οἱ Χερσονη- 
σῖται ἀπὸ τῶν πύργων ἐσήμηναν τοῖσι ΑἈθηναίοισι 
τὸ γεγονὸς καὶ τὰς πύλας ἄνοιξαν. τῶν δὲ οἱ μὲν 
πλεῦνες ἐδίωκον, οἳ δὲ τὴν πόλιν εἶχον. 

119. Oiofatov μέν νυν ἐκφεύγοντα ἐς τὴν 
Θρηίκην Θρήικες ᾿Αψίνθιοι λαβόντες ἔθυσαν 
Ηλειστώρῳ ἐπιχωρίῳ θεῷ τρόπῳ τῷ σφετέρῳ, 
τοὺς δὲ μετ᾽ ἐκείνου ἄλλῳ τρόπῳ ἐφόνευσαν. οἱ 
δὲ ἀμφὶ τὸν ᾿Αρταῦκτην ὕστεροι ὁρμηθέντες φεύ- 
yeu, καὶ ὡς κατελαμβάνοντο ὀλίγον ἐόντες ὑπὲρ 
Αἰγὸς ποταμῶν, ἀλεξόμενοι χρόνον ἐπὶ συχνὸν 
οἳ μὲν ἀπέθανον οἳ δὲ ζῶντες ἐλάμφθησαν. καὶ 
συνδήσαντες σφέας οἱ Ἕλληνες ἦγον ἐς Σηστόν, 
μετ᾽ αὐτῶν δὲ καὶ ᾿Αρταὕκτην δεδεμένον αὐτόν τε 
καὶ τὸν παῖδα αὐτοῦ. 

120. Kaí reo τῶν φυλασσόντων λέγεται ὑπὸ 
Χερσονησιτέων ταρίχους ὀπτῶντι τέρας γενέσθαι 


206 


BOOK ΙΧ. 117-120 


from home and their ill success at taking the 
fortress, and entreated their generals to lead them 
away again; but the generals refused to do that, 
till they should take the place or be recalled by the 
Athenian state. Thereat the men endured their 
plight patiently. 

118. But they that were within the walls were by 
now brought to the last extremity, insomuch that 
they boiled the thongs of their beds for food ; but 
at the last even these failed them, and Artáyctes 
and Oeobazus and all the Persians made their way 
down from the back part of the fortress, where their 
enemies were scarcest, and fled away at nightfall. 
When morning came, the people of the Chersonesus 
signified from their towers to the Athenians what 
had happened, and opened their gates; and the 
greater part of the Athenians going in pursuit, the 
rest stayed to hold the town. 

119. Oeobazus made to escape into Thrace; but 
the Apsinthians of that country caught and sacrificed 
him after their fashion to Plistorus the god of their 
land; as for his companions, they slew them in 
another manner. Artajctes and his company had 
begun their flight later, and were overtaken a little 
way beyond the Goat's Rivers,! where after they had 
defended themselves a long time some of them were 
slain and the rest taken alive. The Greeks bound 
and carried them to Sestus, and Artayctes and his 
son likewise with them in bonds. 

120. It is told by the people of the Chersonesus 
that a marvellous thing befell one of them that 


! A roadstead opposite Lampsacus; the rivers were 
probably two small streams that flow into the sea there (How 
and Wells). 


207 


HERODOTUS 


τοιόνδε' οἱ τάριχοι ἐπὶ τῷ πυρὶ κείμενοι ἐπάλ- 
λοντό τε καὶ ἤσπαιρον ὅκως περ ἰχθύες νεοάλωτοι. 
καὶ où μὲν περιχυθέντες ἐθώμαζον, ὁ δὲ ᾿Αρταῦ- 
κτης ὡς εἶδε τὸ τέρας, καλέσας τὸν ὀπτῶντα τοὺς 
ταρίχους ἔφη “Ξεῖνε ᾿Αθηναῖε, μηδὲν φοβέο τὸ 
τέρας | τοῦτο" οὐ γὰρ σοὶ πέφηνε, ἀλλ) ἐμοὶ σημαί- 
νει. ὁ ἐν ᾿Ελαιοῦντι Πρωτεσίλεως ὅτι καὶ τεθνεὼς 
καὶ τάριχος ἐὼν δύναμιν πρὸς θεῶν ἔχει τὸν 
ἀδικέοντα τίνεσθαι. νῦν ὧν ἄποινά μοι τάδε 
ἐθέλω ἐπιθεῖναι, ἀντὶ μὲν χρημάτων τῶν ἔλαβον 
ἐκ τοῦ ἱροῦ ἑκατὸν τάλαντα καταθεῖναι τῷ θεῷ, 
ἀντὶ ὃ ἐμεωυτοῦ καὶ τοῦ παιδὸς ἀποδώσω τάλαντα 
διηκόσια ᾿Αθηναίοισι περιγενόμενος. ταῦτα 
ὑπισχόμενος τὸν στρατηγὸν Ξάνθιππον οὐκ 
ἔπειθε" οἱ γὰρ ᾿Βλαιούσιοι τῷ Πρωτεσίλεῳ τιμω- 
ρέοντες ἐδέοντό μιν καταχρησθῆναι, καὶ αὐτοῦ 
τοῦ στρατηγοῦ ταύτῃ νόος ἔφερε. ἀπαγαγόντες 
δὲ αὐτὸν ἐς τὴν ἀκτὴν ἐς τὴν Ξέρξης ἔξευξε τὸν 
πόρον, οἳ δὲ λέγουσι ἐπὶ τὸν κολωνὸν τὸν ὑπὲρ 
Μαδύτου πόλιος, πρὸς σανίδας προσπασσαλεύ- 
σαντες ἀνεκρέμασαν' τὸν δὲ παῖδα ἐν ὀφθαλμοῖσι 
τοῦ ᾿Ἀρταὔκτεω κατέλευσαν. 

121. Taba δὲ ποιήσαντες ἀπέπλεον ἐς τὴν 

Ἑλλάδα, τά τε ἄλλα χρήματα ἄγοντες καὶ δὴ 
καὶ τὰ ὅπλα τῶν γεφυρέων ὡς ἀναθήσοντες € ἐς τὰ 
ἱρά. καὶ κατὰ το ἔτος τοῦτο οὐδὲν ἐπὶ πλέον 

/ , 7. 
τούτων ἐγένετο. 

122, Τούτου δὲ τοῦ ᾿Αρταὔκτεω. τοῦ ἀνακρεμα- 
σθέντος προπάτωρ ᾿Αρτεμβάρης ἐστὶ ὁ Πέρσῃσι 
ἐξηγησάμενος λόγον τὸν ἐκεῖνοι ὑπολαβόντες 


208 


BOOK ΙΧ. 120-122 


guarded Artayctes: he was frying dried fishes, and 
these as they lay over the fire began to leap and 
writhe as though they were fishes newly caught. 
The rest gathered round, amazed at the sight; but 
when Artajctes saw the strange thing, he called 
him that was frying the fishes and said to him: “' Sir 
Athenian, be not afraid of this portent ; it is not to you 
that it is sent ; it is to me that Protesilaus of Elaeus 
would signify that though he be dead and dry he has 
power given him by heaven to take vengeance on me 
that wronged him. Now therefore I offer a ransom, 
to wit, payment of a hundred talents to the god for 
the treasure that I took from his temple; and I will 
pay to the Athenians two hundred talents for myself 
and my son, if they spare us." But Xanthippus the 
general was unmoved by this promise; for the 
people of Elaeus entreated that Artayctes should 
be put to death in justice to Protesilaus, and the 
general himself likewise was so minded. So they 
carried Artayctes away to the headland where 
Xerxes had bridged the strait (or, by another story, 
to the hill above the town of Madytus), and there 
nailed him to boards and hanged him aloft; and as 
for his son, they stoned him to death before his 
father's eyes. 

121. This done, they sailed away to Hellas, 
carrying with them the tackle of the bridges to be 
dedicated in their temples, and the rest of the stuff 
withal. And in that year nothing further was done. 

122. This Artayctes who was crucified was grand- 
son to that Artembares! who instructed the Persians 
in a design which they took from him and laid 


1 There is an Artembares in i. 114 ; but he is à Mede, and 
so can hardly be meant here. 


299 


HERODOTUS 


Κύρῳ προσήνεικαν λέγοντα τάδε. “᾿Επεὶ Ζεὺς 
Πέρσῃσι ἡγεμονίην διδοῖ, ἀνδρῶν δὲ σοὶ Kópe, 
κατελὼν ᾿Αστυάγην, φέρε, γῆν γὰρ ἐκτήμεθα 
ὀλίγην καὶ ταύτην τρηχέαν, μεταναστάντες ἐκ 
ταύτης ἄλλην σχῶμεν ἀμείνω. εἰσὶ δὲ πολλαὶ 
μὲν ἀστυγείτονες πολλαὶ δὲ καὶ ἑκαστέρω, τῶν 
μίαν σχόντες πλέοσι ἐσόμεθα θωμαστότεροι. 
οἰκὸς δὲ ἄνδρας ἄρχοντας τοιαῦτα ποιέειν" KÖTE 
γὰρ δὴ καὶ παρέξει κάλλιον 3) ὅτε γε ἀνθρώπων 
τε πολλῶν ἄρχομεν πάσης τε τῆς ᾿Ασίης ; Νῦρος 
δὲ ταῦτα ἀκούσας καὶ οὐ θωμάσας τὸν λόγον 
ἐκέλευε ποιέειν ταῦτα, οὕτω δὲ αὐτοῖσι παραίνεε 
κελεύων παρασκευάζεσθαι ὡς οὐκέτι ἄρξοντας 
ἀλλ᾽ ἀρξομένους' φιλέειν γὰρ ἐς TOV μαλακῶν 
χώρων μαλακοὺς γίνεσθαι" οὐ γάρ τί τῆς αὐτῆς 
γῆς εἶναι καρπόν τε θωμαστὸν φύειν καὶ ἄνδρας 
ἀγαθοὺς τὰ πολέμια. ὥστε συγγνόντες Πέρσαι 
οἴχοντο ἀποστάντες, ἑσσωθέντες τῇ γνώμῃ πρὸς 
Κύρου, ἄρχειν τε εἵλοντο λυπρὴν οἰκέοντες μᾶλλον 
ἢ πεδιάδα σπείροντες ἄλλοισι δουλεύειν, 


300 


BOOK IX. 122 


before Cyrus; this was its purport: “Secing that 
Zeus grants lordship to the Persian people, and to 
you, Cyrus, among them, by bringing Astyages 
low, let us now remove out of the little and 
rugged land that we possess and take to ourselves 
one that is better. There be many such on our 
borders, and many further distant; if we take one 
of these we shall have more reasons for renown. It 
is but reasonable that a ruling people should act 
thus; for when shall we have a fairer occasion than 
now, when we are lords of so many men and of all 
Asia?" Cyrus heard them, and found nought to 
marvel at in their design; “ Do so,” said he; “but 
if you do, make ready to be no longer rulers, but 
subjects. Soft lands breed soft men; wondrous 
fruits of the earth and valiant warriors grow not 
from the same soil." Thereat the Persians saw that 
Cyrus reasoned better than they, and they departed 
from before him, choosing rather to be rulers on a 
barren mountain side than slaves dwelling in tilled 
valleys. 


301 


INDEX 


(** Xerxes’ march” and '' Xerxes’ army" refer always to the 
invasion of Greece in 480 B.C.) 


Abae, an oracular shrine in Phocis, τ. 46, vim. 27, 33, 134 

Abantes, an Euboean tribe, 1. 146 

Abaris, a legendary Hyperborean, 1v. 36 

Abdera, a town of Thrace on the Nestus, 1. 168, vr. 46, viz. 109, 
120, 126; Xerxes' first halt in his flight, virr. 120. 

Abrocomas, son of Darius, killed at Thermopylae, vu. 224 

Abronichus, an Athenian, ΥἹΠΙ. 21. S 

Abydos, a town on the Hellespont, v. 117; Xcrxes’ bridge there, 
vir. 33 foll, 43, 44, 45, 95, 147, 174, vir. 117, 130, 1x. 114 

Acanthus, in Chalcidice, on the isthmus of Mt. Athos, one of 
Xerxes’ chief halting-places on his march, vt. 44, ΥΠ. 115-117, 
121, 124 

Acarnania, in N.W. Greece, 1. 10, vir. 126 

Aceratus, a Delphian prophet, vir. 37 

Aces, a river alleged to be E. of the Caspian, ΤΙ. 117 

Achaeans, their expulsion of Ionians from Greece, 1. 145; in 
the Trojan war, ΙΙ. 120; at Croton, vir. 47; the only stock 
which has never left the Peloponnese, virt. 73. Achaeans of 
Phthiotis, vri. 132, 173, 185-197. Achaea in the Peloponnese, 
ΥΠ. 94, vri. 36 

Achaemenes, (1) son of Darius; governor of Egypt under Xerxes, 
Vir. 7; one of Xerxes’ admirals, vir. 97; his advice to Xerxes 
to keep the fleet together, vir. 236; his death, πι. 12. 
(2) Farthest ancestor of Cyrus, rr. 75, vir. 11 

Achaemenid, dynasty in Persia, 1. 125, 111. 65 

Achaeus, a legendary eponymous hero, 11. 98 

Acheloüs, a river of N.W. Greece, vir. 126; compared with the 
Nile, 11. 10 

Acheron, a river of N.W. Greece, vin. 47; its glen supposed to 
be a passage to the world of the dead, v. 92 


393 


INDEX 


Achilleium, a town in Asia Minor near the mouth of the Seaman- 
der, v. 94 

Achilles, ** Race” of, a strip of land on the Pontie coast, rv. 
55, 76 

Acraephia, a town near the Copaie lake in Boeotia, vir. 135 

Acragas (Agrigentum), vri. 165, 170 

Acrisius, father of Danaë, vr. 53 

Acrothoum, a town on the promontory of Athos, vir. 22 

Adeimantus, Corinthian admiral at Salamis, vir. 137, vir. 5, 59, 
61, 94 

Adicran, a Libyan king, 1v. 159 

Adrastus, (1) son of Gordias, a Phrygian refugee at Croesus’ court, 
I. 35-45. (2) Son of Talaus, an Argive hero, v. 67 foll. 

Adriatic sea, 1. 163, Iv. 33, v. 9 

Adyrmachidae, a Libyan tribe, 1v. 168 

Aea, in Colchis, τ. 2, vir. 193, 197 

Acaces, of Samos, (1) father of Polycrates, rr. 182, rrr. 39, 139, 
vi. 19. (2) Son of Syloson, vi. 13; confirmed as despot of 
Samos by the Persians, vi. 22, 25 

Aeacus and Aeacidae, local heroes worshipped in Aegina, v. 80, 
v. 89, vi. 35, vir. 64, 83 

Aegae, in Argolis, 1. 145 

Aegaeae, Aeolian town in Achaea, I. 149 

Aegaean sea, II. 97, 113, 1v. 85, ντι. 36, 55 

Aegaleos, the hill in Attica whence Xerxes saw the battle of 
Salamis, VIII. 90 

Aege, a town in Pallene, vir. 123 

Aegeus, (1) son of Oeolyeus, a Spartan, Iv. 149. (2) Son of 
Pandion, king of Athens, r. 173 

Aegialeans, a “ Pelasgian " people, Υπ. 94; of Sicyon, v. 68 

Aegialeus, son of Adrastus of Sicyon, v. 68 

Aegicores, a legendary Athenian, son of Ion, v. 66 

Aegidae, a Spartan clan, 1v. 149 

Aegilea, a district of Euboca, vi. 101 

Aegina, island in the Saronic gulf, ΙΠ. 59, 131, vir. 147, viir. 41, 
60; feuds with Athens, v. 84-89, vr. 88-92, vir. 144; Cleo- 
menes in Aegina, vi. 50, 61; Aeginetan hostages, vi. 85; 
Fleet, vir. 46; Aeginetans in battle of Salamis, vir. 84, 
91-93; offerings at Delphi, vim. 122; Aeginetans at Plataea, 
1x. 28, 78, 85 

Aegina, legendary daughter of Asopus, v. 80 

Aegira, in Argolis, 1. 145 


304 


INDEX 


Aegiroessa, Aeolian town in Asia Minor, 1. 149 

Aegium, in Argolis, 1. 145 

Aeglea, an island in the Aegean, vi. 107 

Aegli, a tribe in the Persian empire, near Bactria, ur. 92 

Aegospotami, on the Thracian coast near the Hellespont, rx. 119 

Aeimnestus, a Spartan, combatant at Plataea, ΙΧ. 54 

Aenea, a town on the Thermaic gulf, vir. 123 

Aenesidemus, an officer of Gelos in Sicily, vir. 154, 165 

Aenus, a town at the mouth of the Hebrus, 1v. 90, vir. 58 

Aenyra, a place in Thasos, vri. 47 

Aeolians, their conquest by Croesus, 1. 6, 26; resistance to Cyrus, 
1. 141, 152; their settlements in Asia, 1. 149-152; in the 
armies of Harpagus, 1. 171; part of a Persian province, III. 
90; in Darius’ Scythian expedition, 1v. 89, 138; reconquest 
by Persians, v. 122; in Ionian revolt, vr. 8, 28; part of 
Xerxes’ fleet, vir. 95; Sestus an Aeolian town, ΙΧ. 115; 
Thessaly originally Acolian, vri. 176; (often mentioned with 
Ionians, to denote Greek colonists in Asia.) 

Aeolidae, a town in Phocis, vir. 35 

Aeolus, father of Athamas, ΥΠ. 197 

Aéropus, (1) a descendant of Temenus, ΥΠΙ, 137. (2) Son of 
Philippus, king of Macedonia, vii. 139 

Aesanius, a man of Thera, ry. 150 

Aeschines, a leading Eretrian, ντ. 100 

Aeschraeus, an Athenian, VIII. 11 

Aeschrionians, a Samian clan, 117. 26 

Aeschylus, the Athenian poet, reference to one of his plays, 11. 156 

Aesopus, the chronicler, 11. 134 

Aetolians, vi. 127, vim. 73 (Elis the only Aetolian part of the 
Peloponnese). 

Agaeus, of Elis, vi. 127 

Agamemnon, king of Mycenae, 1. 67, Iv. 103, νι. 159 

Agariste, (1) daughter of Cleisthenes of Sicyon, v1. 126, 130 foll. 
(2) Daughter of Hippocrates of Athens, vi. 131 

Agasicles, of Halicarnassus, I. 144 

Agathyrsi, a tribe on the Scythian borders, 1v. 49, 100, 102, 118, 
125; their customs, Iv. 104 

Agathyrsus, son of Heracles, 1v. 10 

Agbalus, an Aradian, ΥΠ. 98 

Agbatana, (1) Persian capital in Media, 1. 110, 153, τα. 64, 92; 
plan of, 1. 98. (2) In Syria, Cambyses’ death there, 111. 64 

Agenor, father of Cadmus, 1v. 147, vir. 91 


995 


INDEX 


Agetus, a Spartan, vi. 61 

Agis, king of Sparta, vr. 65 

Aglaurus, daughter of Cecrops, her shrine at Athens, ΥἹΠ. 53 

Aglomachus, his tower at Cyrene, rv. 164 

Agora, a town in the Chersonese of Thrace, ΥΠ. 58 

Agrianes, (1) à Paeonian tribe, v. 16. (2) Α tributary of the 
Hebrus, Iv. 90 

Agron, king of Sardis, 1. 7 

Agyllaei, an Etruscan tribe, 1. 167 

Aias, son of Aeacus, a hero of the Trojan war, v. 66, vr. 35, VIII. 
64, 121 

Alabanda, a town in Caria, ΥΠ. 195; another alleged to be in 
Phrygia, vir. 136. 

Alalia, à town in Corsica inhabited by the Phocaeans, 1. 165 

Alarodii, a tribe in the Persian empire, E. of Armenia, ΤΠ. 94, 
vir. 79 

Alazir, king of Barca, rv. 164 

Alazones, a tribe in or adjacent to Scythia, Iv. 17, 52 

Alcaeus, (1) son of Heracles, 1. 7. (2) Tho lyric poet, his poem 
on a battle between Athenians and Mytilenaeans, v. 95 

Alcamenes, a Spartan king, son of Teleclus, ντι. 204 

Alcenor, an Argive, one of three survivors of a battle between 
Argos and Lacedaemon, 1. 82 

Alcetes, king of Macedonia, son of Aéropus, ΥΠΙ. 139 

Alcibiades, an Athenian, father of Clinias, virr. 17 

Alcides, a Spartan, vi. 61 

Alcimachus, an Eretrian, vr. 101 

Alemene, mother of Heracles, rr. 43, 145 

Alemeon, an Athenian, 1. 59; enriched by Croesus, vi. 125. 
His son and descendants, enemies of Pisistratus, 1. 61, 64, 
v. 62; under a curse for killing Cylon, v. 70; suspected of 
collusion with Persians after Marathon, vi. 115, 121-124; 
Megacles, the successful suitor for the daughter of Cleisthenes 
of Sicyon, vi. 125, 131 

Alcon, a Molossian suitor for Cleisthenes’ daughter, ντ. 127 

Alea, local name of Athene at Tegea, 1. 66, 1x. 70 

Aleian plain in Cilicia, the rendezvous for Datis’ army, vr. 95 

Aleuadae, the ruling family in Thessaly, vir. 6, 130, 172, rx. 58 

Alexander, (1) son of Priam (Paris), 1.3; in Egypt, rr. 113-120. 
(2) King of Macedonia, son of Amyntas; his treatment of 
Persian envoys, v. 19-21; claim to be a Greek, v. 22; advice 
{ο Greeks, ΥΠ. 173; his ancestors, vir. 137-139; an inter- 


306 


INDEX 


mediary between Persia and Athens, vir. 140-144; infor. 
mation given by him to the Greeks before Plataea, rx. 44—46 

Alilat, an Arabian deity identified with Aphrodite, rrr. 8 

Alopecae, a deme of Attica, v. 63 

Alpeni or Alpenus, a village behind the Greek position at 
Thermopylae, vir. 176, 216, 229 

Alpheus, a Spartan, distinguished at Thermopylae, vir. 227 

Alpis, a tributary of the Danube, flowing apparently from the 
eastern Alps, rv. 40 

Alus, in Achaea, vir. 173; tradition and ceremonial there, vir. 
197 

Alyattes, king of Lydia, father of Croesus, his war with Miletus, 
1. 16-25; protection of Scythians against Media, r. 73; his 
tomb, r. 93 

Amasis, (1) king of Egypt, visited by Solon, 1. 30; alliance with 
Croesus, I. 77; place in Egyptian chronology, rr. 43, 145; 
his Greek guard, τι. 154; his revolt against Apries, τι. 162, 
169; his death, rr. 10; Cambyses’ treatment of his body, 
Hr. 16; friendship of Amasis and Polyerates, 111. 39-43. (2) A 
Maraphian, commander of Persian army against Barca, Iv. 
167, 201, 203 

Amathus, a town in Cyprus, its refusal to revolt against Persia, 
v. 104 

Amazons, their intermarriage with Scythians, rv. 110-117; 
story of Athenian victory over them, 1x. 27 

Amestris, wife of Xerxes, ΥΠ. 61, 114; her revenge on a rival, 
IX. 109-112. 

Amiantus of Trapezus, an Arcadian suitor for Cleisthenes’ 
daughter, vr. 127 

Amilcas, king of Carthage, defeated by Gelon, ντι. 165—167 

Aminias of Pallene, an Athenian, distinguished at Salamis, vI. 
84—93 

Aminocles of Magnesia, enriched by Persian shipwreck at Sepias, 
vir. 190 

Ammon (or Amoun), an oracular deity in Libya, identified with 
Zeus, I. 46, Π. 32, 55 

Ammonians, a colony from Egypt and Ethiopia, τι. 42; on the 
route from Egypt to N.W. Africa, rv. 181; Cambyses' expedi- 
tion against them, 111. 25, 26 

Amompharetus, Spartan commander of the “ Pitanate battal- 
ion," his refusal to quit his post at Plataea, rx. 53-57 

Amorges, a Persian general, v. 121 


397 


INDEX 


Ampe, a town on the Persian gulf, near the mouth of the Tigris, 
vi. 20 

Ampelus, à promontory in Chalcidice, vir. 122 

Amphiaraus, a legendary Greek hero, 111. 91; his oracular shrine, 
I. 46, 49, 52, 92, VIIL 134 

Amphicaea, a Phocian town, vir. 33 

Amphicrates, king of Samos, ΙΙ. 59 

Amphictyones, council of a confederacy of states in N.E. Greece, 
IL. 180, v. 62, vir. 200, 218, 228. An eponymous hero Am- 
phietyon, ΥΠ. 200 

Amphilochus, a legendary hero, son of Amphiaraus, 111. 91, vir. 
91 

Amphilytus, an Acarnanian diviner, 1. 62 

Amphimnestus of Epidamnus, a suitor for Cleisthenes’ daughter, 
vi. 127 

Amphissa, a town in Locris, a refuge for some Delphians when 
threatened by Xerxes, vill. 32, 36 

Amphion, a Corinthian of the Bacchiad clan, grandfather of the 
despot Cypselus, v. 92 

Amphitryon, alleged father of Heracles, 11. 43, 146, v. 59, vr. 53 

Ampraciots, in N.W. Greece, part of the Greek fleet, vin. 45; 
in Pausanias’ army, 1x. 28 

Amyntas, (1) king of Macedonia, father of Alexander, v. 94, vir. 
173, ντι. 136, 139, rx. 44; Persian envoys sent to him, v. 
17-19. (2) A Persian, son of Bubares and grandson of Amyntas 
of Macedonia, vii. 136 

Amyrgii, a tribe of the Sacae, ΥΠ. 64 

Amyris, a man of Siris, vI. 127 

Amyrtaeus, one of the later kings of lgypt, 1r. 140, τι. 15 

Amytheon, father of the seer Melampus, 11. 49 

Anacharsis, a Scythian phil-Hellene, rv. 46, 76 

Anacreon of Teos, the poet, 111. 121 

Anactorians, a people of N.W. Greece, 1x. 28 

Anagyrus, a deme of Attica, viri. 93 

Anaphes, a Persian officer in Xerxes’ army, VII. 62 

Anaphlystus, a deme of Attica, Iv. 99 

Anaua, a townin Phrygia, vir. 30 

Anaxandrides, (1) a Spartan, son of Theopompus, ancestor of 
Leutychides, vit. 131. (2) King of Sparta, son of Leon; 
contemporary with Croesus, i. 67; father of Cleomenes, 
Dorieus, Leonidas, and Cleombrotus, v. 39, vir 158, 204, 
vil. 71 


308 


INDEX 


Anaxandrus, a king of Sparta, vir. 204 S 

Anaxilaus, (1) a Spartan, son of Archidemus, ancestor of Leuty- 
chides, vir. 131. (2) Despot of Rhegium, son of Creticus, 
vi. 23; an ally of the Carthaginians in Sicily, ΥΠ. 165 

Anchimolius, à Spartan general, v. 63 

Andreas of Sicyon, a suitor for Cleisthencs’ daughter, v1. 126 

Androbulus, a Delphian, ΥΠ. 141 

Androcrates, a local hero worshipped at Plataea, 1x. 25 

Androdamas, a Samian, VIII. δῦ, 1x. 90 

Andromeda, daughter of Cepheus and wife of Perseus, ΥΠ. 61, 
150 

Androphagi, a people adjacent to Scythia, 1v. 18, 100, 102, 119. 
125; their customs, rv. 106 

Andros, in the Aegean, rv. 33, v. 31, vin. 108; besieged by 
Themistocles, vir. 111; Andrians in the Persian fleet, VIn. 
66 

Aneristus, (1) a Spartan, father of Sperthias, vir. 197. (2) Grand- 
son of (1), Herodotus' theory that his death was caused by 
the wrath of Talthybius, ντι. 137 

Angites, a tributary of the Strymon, vir. 113 

Angrus, à river in Illyria, Iv. 49 

Annon, a Carthaginian, father of Amileas, vir. 165. 

Anopaea, the mountain pass which turned the Greek position 
at Thermopylae, vir. 216 

Antagoras, a man of Cos, ΙΧ. 76 

Antandrus, a town in the Troad, v. 26, vir. 42 

Anthele, a village near the pass of Thermopylae, ΥΠ. 176 

Anthemus, a town in Macedonia, v. 94 

Anthylla, a town in the Delta, τι. 97 

Antichares, a man of Eleon, v. 43 

Anticyra, a town in Malis, on the Spercheus, ΥΠ. 198, 213 

Antidorus, à Lemnian deserter to the Greeks from the Persian 
fleet, vim. 11 

Antiochus, an Elean, ΙΧ. 33 

Antipatrus, è Thasian, chosen by his countrymen to provide for 
Xerxes' reception, ΥΠ. 118 

Antiphemus, of Lindus, founder of Gela in Sicily, vir. 153 

Anysis, (1) (and Anysian province of Egypt), inhabited by one 
of the warrior tribes, 11. 137, 166. (2) A blind king of Egypt, 
his expulsion by Ethiopians, 11. 137, 140 

Aparytae (possibly the modern Afridi) a tribe in the eastern 
part of the Persian empire, 111. 91 


399 


INDEX 


Apaturia, an Athenian festival celebrated in the month Pyan- 
epsion, r. 147 

Aphetae, in Magnesia, on the Pagasaean gulf, station of Xerxes' 
fleet, vir. 193, 196; storm and shipwreck there, viri. 12 

Aphidnae, a deme of Attica, 1x. 73 

Aphrodisias, an island off the coast of Libya, 1v. 169 

Aphrodite, worshipped in Cyprus and Cythera, 1. 105; in Cyrene, 
I. 181; in Egypt (Hathor), rr. 41, 112; other local cults under 
various names, I. 105, 131, 199, m1. 8, Iv. 59, 67 

Aphthite province of Egypt, inhabited by one of the warrior 
clans, 11. 166 

Apia, a Scythian goddess, Iv. 59 

Apidanus, a river of Thessaly, vir. 129, 196 

Apis, (1) the sacred calf of Egypt, 11. 38, 153; Cambyses’ sacri- 
legious treatment of Apis, πι. 27-29. (2) An Egyptian town, 
τ 18 

Apollo, 1. 87, vir. 26; cult at Delos and Delphi, 1. 50, 91, Iv. 
163, 155, νι. 80, 118; other local cults, ι. 52, 69, 92, 144, τι. 
83, 144, 155 (Horus), 11. 159, 178, 111. 52, Iv. 59, 158, v. 59-61, 
virt. 33, 134 

Apollonia, (1) a town on the Euxine sea, rv. 90, 93. (2) A town 
on the Ionic gulf, rx. 90 

Apollophanes, a man of Abydos, vr. 26 

Apries, a king of Egypt, deposed by Amasis, 11. 161-163; his 
death, rr. 169; marriage of his daughter to Cambyses, 111. l; 
his expedition against Cyrene, Iv. 159 

Apsinthii, a tribe near the Chersonese (promontory of Gallipoli), 
vi. 34, 36, rx. 119 

Arabia, its customs, 1. 131, 198, rrr. 8; invasion of Egypt by 
Arabians and Assyrians, II. 141; geography, rr. 8, 11, 15, 
19, ur. 7; home of the phoenix and flying serpents, rr. 73, 
75; natural history, ir. 107-113; part of Persian empire, 
ΠΙ. 91, 97 

Arabian gulf (Red Sea), 11. 11, 102, 158, rv. 39, 42. Arabians 
in Xerxes’ forces, vir. 69, 86, 184 i 

Aradians, of the island Aradus, off the Phoenician coast, vir. 98 

Ararus, an alleged tributary of the Danube, 1v. 48 

Araxes, a river flowing from the west into the Caspian (but 
apparently confused by Herodotus with other rivers), r. 202, 
205, ται. 36, rv. 11, 40; crossed by Cyrus when invading the 
Massagetae, 1. 209-211 

Arcadia, its relations with Sparta, 1. 66; a Pelasgian people, 1. 


310 


INDEX 


146; preservation of the cult of Demeter, Π. 171; Cleomenes 
in Arcadia, vi. 74; Arcadian settlements iu Cyprus, vir. 90; 
Areadians at Thermopylae, ΥΠ. 202; Arcadian deserters to 
Xerxes, VIII. 26; Arcadians in the Greek army on the Isthmus, 
viri. 72 (other unimportant reff.) 

Arcesilaus, name of three kings of Cyrene. (1) Son of Battus, Iv. 
159. (2) Son of another Battus, rv. 160. (3) Son of a third 
Battus, his treatment of political enemies, 1v. 162-164; his 
death, Iv. 164 

Archandrus, son-in-law of Danaus, an Egyptian town called 
after him, 11. 98 

Archelai, a Sicyonian tribe so named by Cleisthenes of Sicyon, 
v. 68 

Archelaus, a king of Sparta, Υπ. 204 

Archestratides, a Samian, 1x. 90 

Archias, (1) a Spartan, his exploit in the Lacedaemonian attack 
on Polycrates of Samos, 111. 55. (2) Grandson of the above, 
honour paid him by the Samians, ΙΙΙ. 55. 

Archidemus, (1) a Spartan, one of Leutychides’ ancestors, son 
of Anaxandrides, vi. 131. (2) A king of Sparta, son of 
Zeuxidemus, vi. 71 

Archidice, a courtesan of Naucratis, rr. 135 

Archilochus of Paros, inventor of the iambic metre, I. 12 

Ardericca, (1) a village in Assyria, 1. 185. (2) A place near Susa, 
vi. 119. 

Ardys, king of Lydia, son of Gyges, 1. 15 

Arei, a tribe of the Persian empire, their tribute, 111. 93 

Areopagus at Athens, vri. 52 

Ares, ΥΠ. 140, νιπ. 77; local cults, in Egypt, 11. 36, 59, 83; in 
Scythia, rv. 59-62; in Thrace, v. 7, vil. 76 

Argades, son of Ion, his name given to one of the four ancient 
Athenian tribes, v. 66 

Argaeus, a king of Macedonia, son of Perdiccas, vii. 139 

Arganthonius, king of Tartessus (at the mouth of the Guadal- 
quivir), his friendship with the Phocaeans, 1. 162, 165 

Arge and Opis, two maidens fabled to have come from the 
Hyperboreans to Delos, Iv. 35 

Argea, wife of Aristodemus, king of Sparta, vi. 52 

Argilus, a town west of the Strymon, vir. 115 

Argimpasa, a Scythian goddess identified with Aphrodite, Iv. 
59, 67 

Argiopium, a place near Plataea, ΙΧ. 57 


311 


INDEX 


Argippaei, a primitive people adjacent to Scythia, said to be 
bald, 1v. 23 

Argo, voyage of the ship to Libya, 1v. 179; to Colchis, ντι. 192 

Argos and Argives, Io carried off from Argos, I. 1, 5; war 
between Sparta and Argos, 1. 82; Argive musicians, rir. 131; 
Cadmeans expelled from Doeotia by Argives, v. 57, 61; war 
with Sicyon, v. 67; Argive tribes, v. 68; alliance with Aegina 
against Athens, v. 86-89; war against Sparta, VI. 75-84; 
quarrel with Aegina, vr. 92; Argive neutrality in the Persian 
war, ΥΠ. 148-152; good offices to Mardonius, 1x. 12; madness 
of Argive women, IX. 24 

Argus, a local hero, his temple violated by Cleomenes, v1. 75-82 

Ariabignes, a Persian general, son of Darius, vir. 97; killed at 
Salamis, virt. 89 

Ariantas, a king of Scythia, 1v. 81 

Ariapithes, a king of Scythia, 1v. 78 

Ariaramnes, (1) a Persian, viir. 90. (2) Son of Teispes, an ancestor 
of Xerxes, VII. ll. 

Ariazus, a Persian, vir. 82 

Aridolis, despot of Alabanda in Caria, vri. 195 

Arii, a Median people, vir. 62 

Arimaspi, a fabled northern people, said to be one-eyed, 111. 116, 
IV. 13, 14; 27 

Arimnestus, a Plataean, ΙΧ. 72 

Ariomardus, (1) a Persian officer in Xerxes’ army, son of Arta- 
banus, vir. 67. (2) A Persian officer in Xerxes’ army, son of 
Darius, vir. 78 

Arion, a minstrel of Methymna, story of his rescue from death 
by a dolphin, 1. 23, 24 

Ariphron, an Athenian, Pericles’ grandfather, vi. 131, vir. 33, 
virt. 191 

Arisba, a town of Lesbos, 1. 151 

Aristagoras, (1) despot of Cyzicus, rv. 138. (2) A Samian, rx. 
90. (3) Despot of Cyme, rv. 138, v.37. (4) A Milesian, organiser 
of the Ionic revolt against Darius, v. 30-38, vr. 1, 5, 9, 13, 18; 
his appeal to Sparta, v. 49-55; to Athens, v. 65, 97-100; his 
flight and death, v. 124-126. 

Aristeas, (1) a Corinthian, son of Adeimantus, ΥΠ. 137. (2) A 
Proconnesian poet, son of Caystrobius, his travels in the north, 
disappearance and subsequent reappearance after 340 years, 
Iv. 13-16 

Aristides, an Athenian, ostracised by the people, his conference 


EI 


INDEX 


with Themistocles bcfore Salamis, vir. 79-82; his part in 
the battle, vii. 95; at Plataea, 1x. 28 

Aristocrates, an Aeginetan, vi. 73 

Aristocyprus, king of the Solii, a leader in the Cyprian revolt 
against Persia, v. 113 

Aristodemus, (1) sole survivor of the Lacedaemonians at Thermo- 
pylae, vir. 229-231; his death at Plataea, 1x. 71. (2) A king 
of Sparta, vi. 52, vir. 204, vir. 131 

Aristodicus of Cyme, r. 158 

Aristogiton, one of the murderers of Hipparchus, v. 55, vr. 109 
123 

Aristolaidas, an Athenian, 1. 59 

Aristomachus, a king of Sparta, νι. 52, vir. 204, vir. 131 

Ariston, (1) king of Sparta temp. Croesus, r. 67, v. 75, νι. 51, 
61-69. (2) Despot of Byzantium, rv. 138 

Aristonice, Pythian priestess temp. Xerxes’ invasion, vir. 140 

Aristonymus of Sicyon, a suitor for Cleisthenes’ daughter, vr. 
126 

Aristophantus, a Delphian, νι. 66 

Aristophilides, king of Taras (Tarentum), rrr. 136 

Arizanti, one of the six Median E I. 101 

Armenia, source of the Halys, 1. 72; of the Euphrates, 1. 180, 
199; adjacent to Cilicia, v. 49, 52: ' part of the Persian empire, 
II. 93; Armenians in Xerxes' army, vil. 73 

Arpoxais, one of the sons of Targitäus the legendary founder 
of the Scythian people, tv. 5 

Arsamenes, a Persian officer in Xerxes’ army, son of Darius, 
vu. 68 

Arsames, (1) a Persian, father of Hystaspes, first mentioned, 
1. 209. (2) A Persian officer in Xerxes’ army, son of Darius, 
vit. 69 

Artabanus, Xerxes' uncle, son of Hystaspes, dissuades Darius 
from the Scythian expedition, Iv. 83; a conversation with 
Darius, Iv. 143; advice to Xerxes against his expedition to 
Greece, VII. 10-12; his vision and change of mind, vir. 15- 
18; his dialogue with Xerxes at Abydos, vit. 46-52. Else- 
where as a patronymic. 

Artabates, a Persian, vtr. 65 

Artabazus, a Persian general in Xerxes’ army, vir. 66; his 
siege of towns in Chalcidice, viri. 126-129; disagreement 
with Mardonius before Plataea, rx. 41, 58; ‘flight "with his 
army from Plataea, 1x. 66; return to Asia, ix. 89 


ο 


INDEX 


Artace, a town near Cyzicus, Iv. 14, νι. 33 

Artachaees, the Persian engineer of Xerxes' canal through Athos, 
vir. 22; his death, ΥΠ. 117. Elsewhere a patronymic. 

Artaei, an old name for the Persians, vir. 61 

Artaeus, two Persians of the name, vit. 22 and vir. 66 

Artanes, (1) a brother of Darius, vir. 224. (2) A Thracian tributary 
of the Danube, tv. 49 

Artaphrenes, (1) Darius’ brother, the Persian governor of Sardis, 
v. 25; his alliance with Aristagoras, and its rupture, v. 30-33; 
negotiation with Athenians, v. 73, 96; at Sardis when taken 
by Athenians and Ionians, v. 100; his operations in Ionia, 
v. 123; charge against Histiaeus, v1. 1; punishment of con- 
spirators at Sardis, vi. 4; execution of Histiaeus, vi. 30; 
taxation of Ionia, vi. 42. (2) Son of the above, colleague of 
Datis in the invasion of Attica, vr. 94, 119, vir. 8, 10, 74 

Artayetes, a Persian general under Xerxes, and governor of 
Sestus, captured and erucified by the Greeks for his violation 
of a temple, ΥΠ. 33, 78, ΙΧ. 116-120 

Artaynte, daughter of Xerxes’ brother Masistes, Xerxes’ intrigue 
with her, 1x. 108-112 

Artayntes, (1) à Persian general in Xerxes’ army, son of Arta- 
chaees, vir. 130; his escape after Mycale, 1x. 102, 107. (2) A 
Persian general in Xerxes’ army, son of Ithamitres, vir. 67 

Artembares, (1) a Mede, his complaint to Astyages of Cyrus’ 
treatment of Artembares’ son, 1. 114-116. (2) A Persian, 
ancestor of Artayctes, his proposal to Cyrus, Ix. 122 

Artemis, her worship in the Greek world, 1. 26, 111. 48, rv. 35, 
87, νι. 138, vir. 176, vir. 77; in Thrace and Scythia, Iv. 33, 
V. 7; in Egypt (as Bubastis), 11. 59, 83, 137, 155, 156 

Artemisia, queen of Halicarnassus, with Xerxes’ fleet, vir. 99; 
her advice to Xerxes before Salamis, virt. 68; conduct in the 
battle, viri. 87; advice to Xerxes after Salamis, vrr. 101-103 

Artemisium, in northern Euboea, described, vir 176; station 
of the Greek fleet, vir. 182, 192, 194, ντ. 4-6; battles with 
Xerxes’ fleet, vir. 8-23; abandoned by the Greeks, vin. 40 

Artescus, a river in Thrace, crossed by Darius on his way to 
Scythia, rv. 92 

Artobazanes, eldest son of Darius, his candidature for the throne 
of Persia, vir. 2 

Artochmos, a Persian officer under Xerxes, vir. 73 

Artontes, (1) a Persian, 1. 128. (2) A Persian, son of Mardonius, 
IX. 81 


314 


INDEX 


Artoxerxes, king of Persia, son of Xerxes, vir. 106; his friendly 
relations with Argos, vir. 151 

Artozostre, daughter of Darius and wife of Mardonius, vi. 43 

Artybius, a Persian general in Cyprus, v. 108-112 

Artyphius, a Persian officer in Xerxes’ army, son of Artabanus, 
vit. 66 

Artystone, Cyrus’ daughter, wife of Darius, rrr. 88 

Aryandes, Persian satrap of Egypt under Darius, his silver 
coinage, IV. 166; his forces sent to reinstate Pheretime in 
Barca, rv. 167, 200 

Aryenis, daughter of Alyattes king of Lydia, married to Astyages 
the Mede, 1. 74 

Asbystae, a tribe of Libya, 1v. 170 

Ascalon, à town in Syria, 1. 105 

Asia: beginning of troubles between Asia and Greece, r. 4. 
Croesus’ conquest of Asiatic Greeks, 1. 6; division of Upper 
and Lower Asia by the Halys, 1. 72; Assyrian rule of Upper 
Asia, 1. 95; Asia ruled by Medes, 1. 102; by Scythians, 1. 
103-106, τν. 4, vu. 20; by Persians, 1. 130; Ionians of 
Asia, 1. 142; Median conquest of Lower, Persian of Upper 
Asia, 1. 177; wealth of Assyria a third of entire wealth of 
Asia, 1. 192; division of Asia and Libya, τι. 16, 17; Darius’ 
Asiatic empire, ΠΙ. 88-04; extremities of Asia (e.g. Arabia), 
πι. 115; prosperity of Asia under Darius, Iv. 1; mistake 
of those who think Europe no bigger than Asia, Iv. 36; 
geography of the world, rv. 37-42; name of Asia, Iv. 45; 
Asia and Libya compared, rv. 198; Aristagoras' map of Asia, 
v. 49; the “royal road” in Asia, v. 52; Asia “shaken for 
three years" by Darius' preparations against Greece, vir. 1; 
every nation of Asia in Xerxes’ armament, vil. 21, 157; 
numbers of Asiatie contingents, vii. 184; Persian belief that 
all Asia is theirs, 1x. 116 (many other unimportant reff.) 

Asia, wife of Prometheus, 1v. 45 

Asias, (1) son of Cotys, a legendary Lydian, 1v. 45. (2) A clan 
at Sardis, iv. 45 

Asine, a town in Laconia, virt. 73 

Asmach, name of a people in Ethiopia, rr. 30 

Asonides, captain of an Aeginetan ship captured by Xerxes’ 
fleet near Sciathus, vri. 181 

Asopii, inhabitants of the Asopus valley, 1x. 15 

Asopodorus, a Theban cavalry leader under Mardonius at Plataea, 
IX. 69 


315 


INDEX 


Asopus, (1) a river in Trachis near Thermopylae, ΥΠ. 199, 216, 
217. (2) A river in Doeotia, made the boundary between 
Theban and Plataean territory, vi. 108; frequently referred 
to in connection with the Plataean campaign of Mardonius, 
who encamped on its bank, 1x. 15-59 

Aspathines, one of the seven conspirators against the Magians, 
I1. 70, 78 

Assa, a town in the Singitic gulf west of Athos, vir. 122 

Assesus, à town with a local cult of Athene, in the lands of 
Miletus, 1. 19, 22 

Assyria: Assyrian rule of Upper Asia, 1. 95; resistance to 
Medes, r. 102; Median conquest of all Assyria but Babylonia, 
I 106; Cyrus’ invasion, 1. 178, 188; Herodotus’ proposed 
Assyrian history, 1. 183; some account of Assyria, 1. 192— 
194; Sanacharibus’ invasion of Egypt with Arabians and 
Assyrians, 11. 141; Assyrian script, Iv. 87; Perseus an 
Assyrian, VI. 54; Assyrians in Xerxes’ army, VII. 63 

Astacus, a legendary Theban, v. 67 

Aster, a Spartan, v. 63 

Astrabacus, a Spartan hero or demigod, vi. 69 

Astyages, a Median king, son of Cyaxares and son-in-law of 
Croesus, I. 73-75; his treatment of Cyrus as a child and as 
a youth, and his dealings with Harpagus, 1. 107-125; deposed 
by Cyrus, 1. 127-130 

Asychis, king of Egypt, builder of a brick pyramid, 11. 136 

Atarantes, a people in Libya, Iv. 184 

Atarbechis, a town in Egypt with a temple of ** Aphrodite," 11. 41 

Atarneus, a district of Mysia, τ. 160, γι. 28, 29, νπι. 106; on 
Xerxes’ line of march, ΥΠ. 42 

Athamas, a legendary Greek hero, vir. 58; ritual of human 
sacrifice connected with his family, vir. 197 

Athenades, of Trachis, vir. 213 

Athenagoras, of Samos, 1x. 90 

Athene (and Pallas), Libyan tradition of, rv. 180; cult at Athens, 
I. 60, v. 77, 82, ντ. 141, vit. 37, 39, 55; elsewhere, 1. 19, 22, 
62, 66, 92, 160, 175, 11. 28, 59, 83, 169, 175, 182, 111. 59, ιν. 180, 
188, v. 45, 95, VII. 43, ΥἈΠΙ. 94, 104, 1x. 70 

Athens and Athenians, passim in Bks. v-1x; Solon’s legislation 
at Athens, 1. 29; Athenians the leading Ionian people, 1. 
56, 146; Pisistratus’ usurpation of power, 1. 59-64; Ionian 
appeal to Athens, v. 55, 97; murder of Hipparchus, v. 56; 
expulsion of Hippias with help from Sparta, v. 62 foll.; legis- 


316 


INDEX 


lation of Cleisthenes, v. 66 foll.; his expulsion attempted by 
Cleomenes of Sparta, v. 72, 73; Dorian invasion of Aítica, 
v. 74-76; wars of Athens against Boeotia and Aegina, v. 
77-89; decision of Peloponnesian congress not to restore 
Hippias, v. 93; Athens an open enemy of Persia, v. 96; 
Athenians support lonian revolt, v. 97; Miltiades (the elder) 
at Athens, vr. 35; hostages for Aeginetan good faith sent 
to Athens, vi. 73; Athenian refusal to restore them (story 
of Glaucus), vr. 85 foll.; war between Athens and Aegina, 
vI. 87-93; Persian invasion of Attica and battle of Marathon, 
vi. 102-117; alleged treachery of the Aicmeonidae disproved, 
vi. 121-124; reception of Darius’ envoys at Athens, ΥΠ. 
133; Athens the saviour of Greece, vir. 139; oracles given 
to Athenians at Delphi, vir. 140-142; additions to Athenian 
fleet on Themistocles’ advice, vir. 143, 144; Athenian envoy 
at Syracuse, vir. 161; Athenian ships at! Artemisium, VIII. 
l, 10, 14, 17, 18; Athenian migration to Salamis, vir. 40, 
41; origin of the name “ Athenian,” vit. 44; siege and 
capture of Athens, vit. 52, 53, 54; Athenians before the 
battle of Salamis, vu. 57 foll.; in the battle itself, ΥΠ. 
83-96; their pursuit of Xerxes’ fleet, 108 foll.; Athenian 
refusal to make terms with Persia, vir. 140-144; occupation 
of Athens by Mardonius, 1x. 3; renewed refusal to make 
terms, IX. 4, 5; Athenian demands at Sparta for help, ix. 
7-11; Mardonius’ departure from Attica, Ix. 13; Athenian 
exploits in the campaign of Plataea, 1x. 21, 22; their claim 
of the place of honour in the army, 1x. 26-28; movements 
of Athenians before the battle of Plataea, rx. 44-47, 54, 55, 
56; their part in the battle, 1x. 60, 61, 70, 73; Athenians 
in the battle of Mycale, 1x. 102; their policy for Ionia, rx. 
106; siege and capture of Sestus by Athenians, rx. 114-118. 
(See also Pisistratus, Cleisthenes, Miltiades, Themistocles) 

Athos, promontory in Chaleidice, Persian shipwreck there, v1. 
44, 95, vir. 189; Xerxes’ canal across it, vir. 22, 37, 122 

Athribite, province in Egypt, 11. 166 

Athrys, a river in Thrace, Iv. 49 

Atlantes, a people in Libya, Iv. 184 

Atlantic sea, ** outside the Pillars of Heracles," united with the 
Greek sea and the Persian gulf, 1. 203 

Atlas, (1) the mountain in Libya, rv. 184. (2) A river flowing 
from the Balkan range into the Danube, tv. 49 

Atossa, daughter of Cyrus, wife first of Cambyses, then of tho 


317 


INDEX 


Magian, then of Darius, m1. 68, 88; her desire that Darius 
should invade Greece, 111. 133-134; her influence with Darius, 
vit. 2 

Atramyttium, a town on Xerxes' route through W. Asia Minor, 
vu. 42 

Atridae, Agamemnon and Menelaus, Υπ. 20 

Attaginus, a leading Theban friendly to Mardonius, 1x. 15; 
Greek demand for his surrender, 1x. 86; his escape, 1x. 88 

Attica: Attic language, γι. 138; Attic weights and measures, 
I. 192; Attic dance movements, vr. 129. (See Athens.) 

Atys, (1) son of Croesus, accidentally killed by Adrastus, r. 
34-45; father of Pythius, vri. 27. (2) Earliest mentioned 
king of Lydia, son of Manes, 1. 7, ΥΠ. 74; a dearth in his 
reign, 1. 04 

Auchatae, one of the earliest Scythian tribes, Iv. 6 

Augila, a date-growing place in Libya, on the caravan route 
from Egypt to the west, 1v. 172, 182-184 

Auras, a river flowing from the Balkan range into the Danube, 
Iv. 49 

Auschisae, à Libyan people on the sea coast, near Barca, 1v. 171 

Ausees, à Libyan people on the sea coast, 1v. 180, 191 

Autesion, a Theban, descended from Polynices, 1v. 147, vr. 52 

Autodicus, à Plataean, 1x. 85 

Autonous, a hero worshipped at Delphi, his alleged aid against 
the Persians, virr. 39 

Auxesia, a goddess of fertility worshipped in Aegina and Epi- 
daurus, v. 82-83 

Axius (Vardar), a river in Macedonia, vir. 123 

Azanes, a Persian officer in Xerxes’ army, VII. 66 

Aziris, a place in Libya, a Greek settlement there, rv. 157, 169 

Azotus, a town in Syria, 11. 157 


Babylon, the capital of Assyria; alliance with Croesus, I. 77; 
description of the city, 1. 178-183; Nitocris and navigation 
of the Euphrates, 1. 184-186; her tomb, 1. 187; Cyrus’ siege 
and capture of Babylon, r. 188-191; details of Babylonian 
life, 1. 93, 192—200, τι. 109, rrr. 89, 95, τν. 198; tribute paid to 
Persia, 111. 92; siege and capture by Darius, ir. 150-160 

Bacchiadae, a powerful clan at Corinth, v. 92 

Bacchic mysteries, 11. 81 

Dacis, reputed author or compiler of oracles, viu. 20, 77, 96, 
IX. 43 


318 


INDEX 


Bactra, in the eastern part of the Persian cmpire, still to be 
subdued by Cyrus, τ. 153; tribute paid to Persia, mr. 92; 
conquered peoples exiled thither, rv. 204, νι. 9; Bactrians 
in Xerxes’ army, vil. 64, 66, 86; with Mardonius, vu. 113; 
Masistes' plan for a Bactrian revolt, 1x. 113 

Badres, (1) a Persian commander in the expedition against 
Cyrene, Iv. 167, 203. (2) A Persian officer in Xerxes’ army, 
son of Hystanes, vir. 77 

Bagaeus, a Persian, employed by Darius against Oroctes, 11. 
128; father of Mardontes, vir. 80, vir. 130 

Barca, a town of northern Libya, a colony from Cyrene, tv. 160; 
its tribute to Persia, ΙΠ. 91; submission to Cambyses, mI. 
13; troubles with Cyrene, Iv. 164, 167; captured and en- 
slaved by Persians, 200-205 

Basileides, an Ionian, father of Herodotus the historian’s name- 
sake, ΥἹΠ. 132 

Bassaces, a Persian officer in Xerxes’ army, son of Artabanus, 
ΥΠ. 75 

Battiadae, descendants of Battus, rv. 202 

Battus; three of this name, all kings of Cyrene (see Arcesilaus). 
(1) A man of Thera, son of Polymnestus, and first colonist of 
Cyrene, Iv. 150-159. (2) Grandson of the above, called “ the 
fortunate "; his defeat of an Egyptian army, 1v. 159. 
(3) Grandson of the last; curtailment of his royal power at 
Cyrene, 1v. 161. (** Battus " said to be a Libyan word meaning 
“ king,” τν. 155.) 

Belbinite, an inhabitant of the islet of Belbina off Attica, used 
by Themistocles as an instance of an insignificant place, vir. 
125 

Belian gates of Babylon, opened to admit Darius’ besieging 
army, ΠΠ. 155, 158 

Belus, a legendary descendant of Heracles, 1. 7, and perhaps, 
vil. 61, apparently = the Asiatie god Bel, who has affinities 
with Heracles; the Babylonian form of “ Bel" (Baal); 
identified with Zeus, 1. 181 (the temple of Zeus Belus). 

Bermius, a mountain range in Macedonia, virr. 138 

Bessi, a priestly clan among the Satrae of Thrace, ντι. 111 

Bias, (1) brother of the seer Melampus, ix. 34. (2) Bias of 
Priene, one of the ‘“‘ Seven Sages,” his advice to Croesus, I. 
27: to the Ionians, 1. 170 

Bisaltae, a Thracian tribe, vi. 116; their country Bisaltia, 
vir. 115 


319 


INDEX 


Bisaltes, a man of Abydos, vr. 26 

Bisanthe, a town on the Hellespont, vir. 137 

Bistones, a Thracian tribe, viz. 109, 110 

Bithynians, in Xerxes’ army, originally ‘Thracians, ΥΠ. 75; 
cp. 1. 28 

Biton, of Argos, brother of Cleobis, story of their filial devotion, 
I, 31 

Boebean lake, in Thessaly, ΥΠ. 129 

Boeotia: Phoenician immigration, Π. 49, v. 57; war with 
Athens, v. 74-81; alliance with Aegina, v. 89; “sacred 
road " through Boeotia, γι. 34; strife of Athens and Boeotia, 
vI. 108; submission to Xerxes, ΥΠ. 132; Boeotians at Thermo- 
pylae, Υπ. 202, 233; nearly all Boeotia on Persian side, vin. 
34, 66; Mardonius established in Boeotia, ΙΧ. 15, 17, 19; 
Boeotians in his army, 1x. 31, 46; their courage, 1x. 67 

Boges, Persian governor of Eion, his desperate defence of the 
place, vir. 107 

Bolbitine mouth of the Nile artificial, rr. 17 

Boreas, the personified north wind, invoked by the Athenians 
before the Persian shipwreck, ντι. 189 

Borysthenes, (1) a Scythian river, the Dnieper, tv. 5, 18, 24, 47, 
53-50, 81, 101. (2) A Greek port at the river's mouth, Iv. 
17, 53, 74, 78; said to be a colony from Miletus, 1v. 78 

Bosporus, (1) Thracian, bridged by Darius, rv. 83-89, 118, vir. 
10. (2) Cimmerian (entrance to the Palus Maeotis), Iv. 12, 
28, 100 

Bottiaea, a district on the Thracian sea-board, vir. 185, VIII. 
127 

Branchidae, an oracular shrine near Miletus, 1. 46, rr. 159; 
Croesus’ offerings there, 1. 92, v. 36; answer of the oracle 
about the surrender of a suppliant, 1. 157-159 

Brauron, in Attica, Athenian women carried off thence by 
Pelasgians, 1v. 145, v1. 138 

Brentesium (mod. Brindisi), rv. 99 

Briantic country, on the Thracian sea-board, ΥΠ. 108 

Briges, old name of the Phrygians, vir. 73 

Brongus, a tributary of the Danube, 1v. 49 

Brygi Thracian tribesmen, their attack on Mardonius’ first 
expedition, vr. 45; part of Xerxes' army, ΥΠ. 185 

Bubares, a Persian, son of Megabazus, married to the sister of 
Alexander of Macedonia, v. 21, vir. 136; one of the engineers 
of the Athos canal, vir. 22 


320 


INDEX 


Bubastis, (1) an Egyptian goddess identified with Artemis, rr. 
59, 83, 137, 156. (2) An Egyptian town, rr. 59, 67, 137, 154, 
158, 166. (Bubastite province, rr. 166) 

Bucolic mouth of the Nile artificial, 11. 17 

Budii, a Median tribe, 1. 101 

Budini, a people adjacent to Scythia, rv. 21, 102, 105, 119, 122, 
136; their town of wood, and their Greek customs, tv. 108 

Bulis, à Spartan, his offer to expiate the Spartan killing of 
Persian envoys by surrendering himself to Xerxes, vir. 134-137 

Bura, à town in Argolis, r. 145 

Busae, a Median tribe, r. 101 

Busiris, à town in the Delta with a temple of Isis, rr. 59, 61; 
Busirite province, ΙΙ. 165 

Butacides, a man of Croton, v. 47 

Buto, a town in the Delta, with a cult of Apollo and Artemis, 
and an oracular slirine of Leto (Uat), 11. 59, 63, 67, 75, 83, 111, 
133, 152, 111. 64; description of the temple, rr. 155 

Bybassia, a peninsula in Caria, 1. 174 

Byzantium, Iv. 87, vi. 33; beauty of its site, rv. 144; taken 
by Otanes, v. 26; annexed by Ionian rebels, v. 103; occupied 
by Histiaeus, νι. 5, 26; Artabazus there in return to Asia, 
Ix. 89 


Cabales, a small tribe in northern Libya, near Barca, Iv. 171 

Cabalees, a people on the Lycian border, their tribute to Persia, 
ΠΠ. 90; in Xerxes’ army, vit. 77 

Cabiri, minor deities worshipped in many places, in Samothrace 
and Memphis, 11. 51, 111. 37 

Cadmeans, alleged Phoenician immigrants into Greece with 
Cadmus, 1. 56, 146, v. 57; a Cadmean script, v. 59; once 
settled at Thebes, rx. 27; a “ Cadmean victory " one where 
victors are no better off than vanquished, 1. 166 

Cadmus, (1) a Tyrian, son of Agenor, in Boeotia, rr 49; 
chronology, 1. 145 (cp. Cadmeans) (2) A Coan, son of 
Scythes; an emissary from Gelon of Sicily, vir. 163 

Cadytis, a town in Syria (Gaza), 111.5; taken by Necos, 11. 159 

Caicus, a river between Lydia and Mysia, νι. 28, ντι. 42 

Caeneus, a Corinthian, father of Eétion, v. 92 

Calamisa (or Calama), in Samos, ΙΧ. 96 

Calasiries, one of the Egyptian warrior tribes, 11. 164; some 
account of them, 1. 166, 168; in Mardonius’ army at Plataea, 
IX. 32 


321 


VOL, IV, (HERODOTUS) M 


INDEX 


Callantiae, an Indian people, rrr. 97; perhaps the same as the 
Callatiae, q.v. 

Callatebus, a town in Lydia on Xerxes’ line of march, vu. 31 

Callatiae, Indian cannibals, rrr. 38 

Calchas, the legendary seer, ΥΠ. 51 

Calchedon (or Chalcedon), on the Hellespont, τν. 85; its site 
compared with that of Byzantium, 1v. 144; taken by Otanes, 
v. 26; burnt by Phoenicians, vr. 33 

Calliades, archon at Athens in 480 B.C., vit. 51 

Callias, (1) an Elean seer, acting with Croton in its war with 
Sybaris, v. 44. (2) An Athenian, son of Hipponicus; an 
envoy to Xerxes’ son Artoxerxes in 448 B.C., vir. 151. (3) 
Grandfather of the above, a noted Athenian champion of 
freedom and enemy of Pisistratus, vi. 121 

Callierates, a Spartan killed (but not in actual fighting) at Plataea, 
IX. 72 

Callimachus of Aphidnae, the Athenian polemarch, with the 
army at Marathon, his vote for battle, νι. 109, 110; his death, 
vi. 114 

Calliphon, a man of Croton, rrr. 125 

Callipidae, “Greek Scythians" near the town of Borysthenes, 
IV. 17 

Callipolitae, settlers in Sicily from the adjacent town of Naxos 
vit. 154 

Calliste, old name of the island of Thera, rv. 147 

Calydnians, islanders in Xerxes’ fleet, vir. 99 

Calynda, on the frontier of Lycia, 1. 172; Calyndians in Xerxes' 
fleet, vill. 87 

Camarina, in Sicily, ΥΠ. 154; its citizens transferred to Syracuse 
by Gelon, vir. 156 

Cambyses, (1) a Persian, son of Teispes, son-in-law of Astyages 
and father of Cyrus, 1. 107; elsewhere mostly a patronymic 
of Cyrus. (2) King of Persia, son of Cyrus, his accession, 
I. 208, τι. 1; conquest of Egypt, τ. 1-4, 9-16; expeditions to 
Ethiopia and Libya, 19-26; his sacrilegious and criminal acts 
while in Egypt, especially the murder of his brother, rm. 97-- 
38; Magian usurpation of the Persian throne, and Cambyses’ 
death, πι. 61-66; Greeks in Egypt during Cambyses’ occupa- 
tion, rr. 139; Cambyses’ punishment of an unjust judge, 
v. 25 (other unimportant reff.) 

Camicus, a town in Sicily, scene of Minos’ death, vir. 169 

Camirus, a Dorian town in Rhodes, 1. 144 


322 


INDEX 


Campsa, a town adjacent to the Thermaic gulf, ντι, 123 

Canastraean promontory at the extremity of Pallene, vrr. 123 

Candaules, (1) called Myrsilus by the Greeks, despot of Sardis, 
1. 7; murdered by his wife and Gyges, 1. 10-13. (2) A Carian, 
vit. 98 

Canobus, à town in Egypt, giving its name to the adjacent 
mouth of the Nile, rr. 15, 17, 97, 113, 179 

Caphereus, a promontory in Euboea, virt. 7 

Cappadocia, its situation, r. 72, v. 49, 52; attacked and con- 
quered by Cyrus, 1. 71, 73, 76; on Xerxes’ line of march, 
ΥΠ. 26; Cappadocians in his army, vil. 72 

Carchedon (Carthage); Carchedonian and Italian attack on 
Phocaeans in Corsica, 1. 166; Cambyses' proposed conquest of 
Carchedon, ΙΙ. 17-19; Carchedonian story of the island 
Cyrauis, Iv. 195; expulsion of a Greek colony in Libya by 
Carchedonians, v. 42; successes of Gelon against them in 
Sicily, vir. 158, 165-167 

Carcinitis, at the mouth of the Hypacyris, on the eastern frontier 
of “ old ” Scythia, rv. 55, 99 

Cardamyle, a town in Laconia, ΥΠΙ, 73 

Cardia, a town in the Thracian Chersonese (peninsula of Gallipoli), 
vi. 33, 36, 1x. 115; on Xerxes’ line of march, vir. 58 

Carene, a town in Mysia, on Xerxes’ route, vil. 42 

Carenus, a Spartan, vil. 173 

Carians, islanders originally, the chief people in the Minoan 
empire, 1. 171; their inventions of armour, ib.; attacked by 
the Persians, 7b.; subdued, 1. 174; Carian settlers in Egypt, 
II. 61, 152, 154; Apries’ Carian guard, rr. 163, 11. 11; Carian 
tribute to Persia, rr. 90; a Carian warrior in the Cyprian 
revolt, v. 111; Carian revolt against Darius, v. 117-121; 
subdued, νι. 25; Carians in Xerxes’ fleet, vir. 93, 97, VIIL 22; 
Carian language not understood by Greeks, vir. 135; so-called 
* Ionian " dress really Carian, v. 88 

Carnea, a Lacedaemonian festival in honour of Apollo, held in 
early August, ΥΠ. 206, VIII. 72 

Carpathus, an island S.W. of the Peloponnese, 111. 45 

Carpis, a western tributary of the Danube, τν. 49 

Carystus, on the south coast of Euboea, Iv. 33; subdued by 
Persians, vri. 99; in Xerxes’ army, vur. 66; attacked by 
Greeks, vir. 112, 121; war between Athens and Carystus, rx. 105 

Casambus, one of the Aeginetan hostages handed over to Athens 
by Cleomenes, vi. 73 


323 


INDEX 


Casian mountain, low sandhills on the eastern frontier of Egypt, 
II. 6, IIL 5 

Casmena, a town in Sicily, vir. 155 

Caspatyrus, a town probably on the Indus, mi. 102, τν. 44 

Caspian Sea, its size, r. 203; northern boundary of the Persian 
empire, IV. 40; Caspian tribute paid to Persia, 111. 92; Caspii 
in Xerxes’ army, vit. 67, 86 

Cassandane, mother of Cambyses, r1. 1, m1. 2 

Cassiterides (tin-produeing) islands, perhaps Britain, their exist- 
ence questioned by Herodotus, 11. 115 

Castalian spring at Delphi, νι. 39 

Casthanaea, a town in Magnesia, ΥΠ. 183, 188 

Catadupa, the first or Assuan cataract of the Nile, source of the 
river, according to Herodotus, 11. 17 

Catarrhactes, a tributary of the Maeander, rising at Celaenae, 
VII. 26 

Catiari, one of the oldest Scythian tribes, Iv. 6 

Caucasa, on the S. E. coast of Chios, v. 33 

Caucasus range, I. 104, 203, 111. 97, Iv. 12 

Caucones, an Arcadian people, one of the most ancient of Greek 
races, I. 147, 1v. 148 

Caunus, near Caria and Lycia, origin of its people, 1. 172; attacked 
and subdued by the Medes, 1. 171, 176; participation in Ionian 
revolt against Darius, v. 103 

Caystrius, a river near Sardis, v. 100 

Caystrobius, a Proconnesian, father of Aristeas, Iv. 13 

Ceans, natives of Ceos in the Aegean, 1v. 35; in the Greek fleet, 
vill. 1, 46 

Cecrops, king of Athens, vir. 141, vm. 53; Athenians called 
Cecropidae, vIr. 44 

Celaenae, a town in Phrygia at the junction of the Marsyas and 
Maeander, on Xerxes’ route, ΥΠ. 26 

Celeas, a Spartan companion of Dorieus’ voyage to Italy, v. 
46 


Celti, the farthest west (but one) of all European nations, beyond 
the Pillars of Heracles, 11. 33; source of the Danube in their 
eountry, Iv. 49 

Ceos, apparently a place in Salamis (but not identified), virt. 76; 
clearly not the island in the Aegean. 

Cephallenia, an island west of Greece, its contingent at Plataea, 
IX 29 

Cephenes, an old name for the Persians, vir. 61 


324 


INDEX 


Cepheus, son of Belus (ᾳ.υ.) and father of Andromeda, wife of 
Perseus, vir. 61, 150 

Cephisus, a river in Phocis, vir. 178, vir. 33 

Ceramicus, a gulf in Caria, 1. 174 

Cercasorus, a town in Egypt, where the Nile first divides to 
form the Delta, τι. 15, 17, 97 

Cercopes, legendary dwarfs whose name is preserved by tho 
* seats of the Cercopes," rocks on the mountain side near 
Thermopylae, vir. 216 

Cercyra (Corcyra), subject to Corinth under Periander, 111. 48, 
52, 53; hesitating policy of Coreyra when invited to join the 
Greeks against Xerxes, vIr. 168 

Chaldaeans, a priestly caste at Babylon, 1. 181, 182 

Chalcis, in Euboea, at war with Athens, v. 74, 77, 91; station 
of the Greek fleet, vir. 182, 189; Chalcidians in the fleet, 
ΥΠ. 1, 46; at Plataea, 1x. 28, 31 

Chalcidians of Thrace, in Xerxes’ army, ΥΠ. 185; their capture 
of Olynthus, vii. 127 

Chalestra, a town on Xerxes’ route in Maeedonia, vir. 123 

Chalybes, a people of Asia Minor eonquered by Croesus, 1. 28 
(if the mention is genuine). 

Charadra, a town in Phocis, vir. 33 

Charaxus, a Mytilenaean, brother of Sappho, rr. 135 

Charilaus, (1) brother of Polyerates' viceroy of Samos, Maean- 
drius, his attack on the Persians in Samos, 111. 145, 146. (2) A 
king of Sparta, ΥἹΠ. 131 

Charites, the Graces, worshipped in Greece but not in Egypt, 
Il. 50; a hill in Libya called “the Graces’ hill," rv. 175 

Charopinus, brother of Aristagoras of Miletus, v. 99 

Chemmis, (1) a town of Upper Egypt, with a temple of Perseus, 
Π. 91. (2) An island alleged to float, in the Delta, τι. 156. 
Province of Chemmis, 11. 165, inhabited by one of the warrior 
clans. 

Cheops, king of Egypt, the first pyramid-builder (at the modern 
Gizeh), τ. 124-127 

Chephren, Cheops’ successor, also a pyramid-builder, τι. 127 

Cherasmis, a Persian, father of Artayctes, ντι. 78 

Chersis, a king of Cyprus, father of Onesilus, v. 104, 113 

Chersonese (= peninsula), used (1) (oftenest) of the modern 
peninsula c? Gallipoli; ruled by Miltiades the elder, rv. 137; 
overrun by P'ersians, vr. 33; under Miltiades, the elder and the 
younger, vi. 33—40, 103, 104; part of the Athenian empire, 


325 


INDEX 


ψι. 140; Xerxes' bridge there, vir. 33; his route through the 
Chersonese, vir. 58; Greek forces there after Mycale, 1x. 
114—120. (2) The Tauric Chersonese (the Crimea), 1v. 99 

Chileus, à Tegean, his warning to the Spartans, 1x. 9 

Chilon, (1) à Spartan, temp. Pisistratus, 1. 59; his saying about 
Cythera, vir. 235. (2) A Spartan, son of Demarmenus and 
father-in-law of Demaratus, vi. 65 

Chios, its alliance with Miletus, r. 18; Ionian, r. 142, rr. 178; 
its surrender of a suppliant, 1. 160; a Chian altar at Delphi, 
II. 135; Paeonian refugees in Chios, v. 98; Chians and 
Histiaeus, vr. 2, 5; their valour in the Ionian revolt, vi. 15, 
16; conquered by the Persians, vi. 31; plot against the 
despot of Chios, vir 132; Chians admitted to the Greek 
confederacy after Mycale, rx. 106 (a few other unimportant 
reff.) 

Choaspes, a river flowing past Susa, 1. 188, v. 49, 52 

Choereae, a place on the coast of Euboea near Eretria, vr. 101 

Choereatae, the name given by Cleisthenes to a Sicyonian tribe, 
v. 68 

Choerus, à man of Rhegium, vir. 170 

Chon (if the reading is admitted), a river in N.W. Greece, 1x. 93 

Chorasmii, a tribe N.E. of the Parthians, on the Oxus, 11. 93, 
117; in Xerxes’ army, vir. 66 

Chromius, an Argive, one of three survivors of a battle between 
Argos and Lacedaemon, I. 82 

Cicones, a Thracian tribe, on Xerxes’ route, vir. 59, 108, 110 

Cilicia, traversed by the Halys, 1. 72; opposite Egypt, τι. 34; 
tribute to Persia, 111. 90; on the “‘ royal road," v. 52; Persian 
crossing from Cilicia to Cyprus, v. 108; sailing thence of 
Datis' expedition, vr. 95; Cilicians in Xerxes’ army, vir. 77, 91, 
98, vi. 14; disparaged by Artemisia, viri. 68; by Mardonius, 
viu. 100; governed by Xenagoras, ΙΧ. 107 

Cilix, son of Agenor, eponymous hero of Cilicia, vrr. 91 

Cilla, an Aeolian town in Asia Minor, 1. 149 

Cimmerians, their invasion of Ionia, 1. 6, 15; originally in Scythia, 
driven thence by the Scythians into Asia, rv. 11-13, vi. 20; 
their memory preserved by place-names, Iv. 12 

Cimon, (1) son of Stesagoras and father of Miltiades the younger, 
VI. 34, 38; a victor at Olympia, vr. 103; killed by the Pisis- 
tratids, 7b. (2) Son of Miltiades, νι. 136; his capture οἱ 
Eion, vir. 107 

Cindya, a town in Caria, v. 118 


326 


INDEX 


Cineas, a Thessalian prince, ally of the Pisistratids against 
Sparta, v. 63 

Cinyps, a river in Libya, Iv. 175; attempt to make a Greck 
settlement there, v. 42; fertility of the Cinyps valley, τν. 198 

Cissians, at the head of the Persian Gulf, tributaries of Persia, 
nr. 91; Cissian gates of Babylon, 1m. 155, 158; the country 
on Aristagoras’ map of Asia, v. 49; on the “royal road," 
v. 52; Cissian fighters at Thermopylae, Υπ. 210 

Cithaeron, the mountain range between Attica and Boeotia, 
vir. 141; northern foothills of Cithaeron and passes over the 
range held by the Greeks against Mardonius, rx. 19, 25, 38, 
51, 56, 69 

Cius, (1) a town in Mysia, v. 122. (2) (Or Seius?), a tributary 
of the Ister, Iv. 49 

Clazomenae, in Lydia, an Ionian town, 1. 142, 11. 178; its resist- 
ance to Alyattes, 1. 16; Clazomenian treasury at Delphi, 
I. 51; taking of the town by Persians, v. 123 

Cleades, a Plataean, rx. 85 

Cleandrus, (1) despot of Gela in Sicily, vu. 154. (2) An 
Arcadian seer and fomenter of civil strife in Argolis, vr. 83 

Cleinias, an Athenian, son of Alcibiades, his distinction at Artemi- 
sium, VIII. 17 

Cleisthenes, (1) despot of Sicyon, son of Aristonymus, his re- 
forms at Sicyon, v. 67, 69; competition for his daughter's 
hand, vi. 126-31. (2) An Athenian, grandson of the above, 
vi. 131; his reforms at Athens, v. 66, 69; his expulsion from 
Athens and return, v. 72, 73 

Cleobis, an Argive, story of his filial devotion, r. 31 

Cleodaeus, son of Hyllus, an ancestor of the Spartan kings, 
νι. 52, vir. 204, vir. 131 

Cleombrotus, youngest son of Anaxandrides, king of Sparta, 
v. 32, ντι. 205; in command of a Peloponnesian force at the 
Isthmus, vin. 71, 1x. 10; father of Pausanias, 1X. 78 εἰ al. 

Cleomenes, king of Sparta, son of Anaxandrides; his refusal to 
accept a bribe, 11. 148 (from Maeandrius of Samos), v. 48-51 
(from Aristagoras); his madness, v. 42, vr. 75; invasions of 
Attica, v. 64, 70; oracles carried off by him from Athens, 
v. 90; quarrel with Aegina, vi. 50; feud with Demaratus, 
vi. 61-66; invasion of Argos, vi. 76-82, vir. 148; advice to 
the Plataeans, νι. 108; his death, vi. 75 

Cleonae, a town on Athos, vir. 22 

Clytiadae, an Elean priestly clan, 1x. 33 (but see note ad loc.). 


327 


INDEX 


Cnidus, in Caria, on the Triopian promontory, 1. 174; a Dorian 
town, 1. 144, 1r. 178; attempted restoration by Cnidians of a 
Tarentine exile, 111. 138 

Cnoethus, an Aeginetan, vi. 88 

Cnosus, in Crete, the capital city of Minos’ empire, rr. 122 

Cobon, a Delphian, his corruption of the oracle in Cleomenes' 
interest, v1. 66 

Codrus, an ancient king of Athens, anoestor of the Caucones 
(q.v.), 1. 147; of Pisistratus, v. 65; Dorian invasion of Attica 
during his rule, v. 76; father of the founder of Miletus, 1x. 97 

Coenyra, a place in Thasos, vi. 47 

Coes, of Mytilene, his advice to Darius to leave Ionians guarding 
the bridge of the Ister, rv. 97; made despot of Mytilene, v. 11; 
his death, v. 38 

Colaeus, a Samian shipmaster, rv. 152 

Colaxais, the youngest of the three brothers who founded the 
Scythian race, Iv. 5, 7 

Colchis, on the Euxine, its situation, r. 104, 1v. 37, 40; Egyptian 
origin of Colchians, 11. 104; tribute to Persia, 1. 97; in 
Xerxes' army, vil. 79 

Colias, adjective of an Attic promontory where wrecks were 
driven ashore after Salamis, vir. 96 

Colophon, an Ionian town in Lydia, r. 142; taken by Gyges, 
I. 14; Apaturia not celebrated at Colophon, 1. 147; civil strife 
there, 1. 150 

Colossae, a town in Phrygia, on Xerxes’ route, vir. 30 

Combrea, a town in Chalcidice, vir. 123 

Compsantus, a river in Thrace, vir. 109 

Coniaean, of Conium in Phrygia, v. 63 (but * Gonnaean " should 
probably be read). 

Contadesdus, a river in Thrace, rv. 90 

Copais lake in Boeotia, vin. J35 

Coresus, near Ephesus, on the coast, v. 100 

Corinth, its treasury at Delphi, r. 14, 1v. 162; despotism of 
Periander and his eruelty, r. 23, v. 92; his troubles with his 
son, and with Corcyra, rrr. 48—54; Corinthian estimation of 
artificers, 11. 107; story of Cypselus, v. 92; Corinthian reluct- 
ance to invade Attica, v. 75; friendship with Athens, ντ. 89; 
adjustment by Corinth of a quarrel between Athens and 
Thebes, vi. 108; Corinthians at Thermopylae, Υπ. 202; in 
the Greek fleet, vri. 1, 21, 43; in the army at the Isthmus, 
vin. 72; dispute between "lhemistoeles and Adeimantus, 


328 


INDEX 


vill. 61; Corinthians’ alleged descrtion of the Greeks at 
Salamis, ΥΠΙ. 94; Corinthians at Plataea, ΙΧ. 28, 31, 69; at 
Mycale, 1x. 102, 105 

Corobius, a Cretan merchant, employed by Greeks to guide 
them to Libya, Iv. 151-153 

Coronea, a town in Boeotia, v. 79 

Corycian cave on Parnassus, a refuge for the Delphians, vim. 36 

Corydallus, a man of Anticyra, ΥΠ. 214 

Corys, a river in Arabia, 111. 9 

Cos, an island off Caria, colonized by Dorians, r. 144; abdication 
of its despot Cadmus, Υπ. 164; Coans in Xerxes’ fleet, vir. 99 

Cotys, a legendary Lydian, 1v. 45 

Cranai, old name for Athenians, vir. 44 

Cranaspes, a Persian, 111. 126 

Crannon, in Thessaly, vr. 128 

Crathis, (1) a river in Achaea, 1. 145. (2) A river by Sybaris, 
v. 45 

Cremni (cliffs), name of a port in Scythia, on the “' Maeetian 
lake," rv. 20, 110 

Crestonian country, in Thrace, v. 3, 5, vir. 124, 127, vir. 116. 
The reading Creston in 1. 57 is doubtful; Croton is suggested 
(not the town in Magna Graecia, but Cortona in Umbria). 

Crete, Cretan origin of Lycurgus' Spartan laws, r. 65; beginning 
of Minos’ rule, 1. 173; Samian settlers in Crete, IH. 59; con- 
nexion of Crete with the settlement of Cyrene, Iv. 151, 154, 
161; Cretan reason for not joining the Greeks against Xerxes, 
vir. 169-171; Lycians originally Cretan, vu. 92 

Cretines, (1) à man of Magnesia in Greece, vrr. 190. (2) A man 
of Rhegium, ΥΠ. 165 

Crinippus, à man of Himera, ΥΠ. 165 

Crisaean plain, in Locris, vrrr. 32 

Critalla, a town on Xerxes' route in Cappadocia, ΥΠ. 26 

Critobulus, (1) a man of Cyrene, 11. 181. (2) A man of Torone, 
made governor of Olynthus by the Persians, ντ. 127 

Crius, a leading Aeginetan, sent to Athens as hostage for Aeginetan 
good faith, vi. - B0, 73; his meeting with Themistocles at 
Salamis, vii. 99 

Crobyzi, a Thracian tribe, 1v. 49 

* Crocodiles’ town," near Lake Mocris in Egypt; labyrinth 
there, 11. 148 

Croesus, king of Lydia, son of Alyattes, extent of his rule, 1. 6, 
26-28; Solons’ visit to him, 1. 28-33; story of his son Atys, 


329 


INDEX 


I. 34-45; gifts to Delphi and preparations for war with Persia, 
I. 46-56, vir. 35; negotiations with Athens and Sparta, 1. 65, 
69; story of the campaign, and Cyrus’ capture of Sardis, τ. 76— 
84; Croesus' escape from death, and his treatment by Cyrus, 
I. 85-92; advice to Cyrus as to government of Lydia, 1. 155, 
156; as to the Massagetae, r. 207; Croesus at Cambyses' 
court, 111. 14, 36; friendship with the elder Miltiades, ντ. 37; 
gift of gold to Alemeon, vr. 125 (other unimportant reff.) 

Crophi, one of two hills (Mophi the other) alleged to be near the 
source of the Nile, rr. 28 

Crossaean country, in Macedonia, vir. 123 

Croton, in Magna Graecia; reputation of its physicians, rrr. 131; 
story of Democedes at the Persian court and his return to 
Croton, 11. 131-138; war between Croton and Sybaris, v. 
44; capture of Sybaris by Crotoniats, vr. 21; help sent by 
Croton (but by no other western colony) to Greeks against 
Xerxes, VII. 47 

Cuphagoras, an Athenian, vr. 117 

Curium, in Cyprus, its desertion to the Persians in the Cyprian 
revolt, v. 113 

Cyanean (Dark) islands, in the Euxine near the Bosporus, iv. 

Cyaxares, king of Media, 1. 16; Scythian offences against him, 
I 73; his victories over Scythians and Assyrians and capture 
of Ninus, 1. 103, 106 

Cy bebe, a Phrygian goddess, her temple at Sardis burnt, v. 102 

Cyberniscus, a Lycian officer in Xerxes’ army, vir. 98 

Cyclades islands, none of them part of Darius’ empire before the 
second Ionian revolt, v. 30; Aristagoras’ promise to win them 
for him, v. 31 

Cydippe, daughter of Terillus of Himera, vir. 165 

Cydonia, a town in Crete founded by Samians, 111. 44, 59 

Cydrara, a town on the frontier of Lydia and Phrygia, vu. 30 

Cyllyrii, a slave class at Syracuse, ΥΠ. 155 

Cylon, an Athenian murdered by the Alemeonidae for aiming 
at despotic power, v. 71 

Cyme, in Mysia, an Aeolian town, 1. 149; its consultation of an 
oracle as to surrender of a refugee, 1.57; Cyme taken by the 
Persians, v. 123; station of Xerxes’ fleet after Salamis, vu. 
130 

Cynegirus, an Athenian killed at Marathon, brother of Aeschylus, 
vi. 114 


339 


INDEX 


Cynesii, the most westerly people of Europe, rr 33 (called 
Cynetes, 1v. 40) 

Cyneus, an Eretrian, vr. 101 

Cyniscus, alternative name for Zeuxidemus, son of Leutychides, 
king of Sparta, vr. 71 

Cyno, Cyrus’ Median foster-mother, 1. 110, 122 

Cynosarges, a place in Attica with a shrine of Heracles, v. 63, 
vr. 116 

Cynosura, a promontory of Salamis, vin. 76 

Cynurii, a Peloponnesian people alleged to be aboriginal, vri. 73 

Cyprus; worship of Aphrodite, 1. 105, 199; “ Linus " song there, 
I. 79; Cyprus subdued by Amasis, 11. 182; under Persians, 
πι. 19, 91; Cyprian revolt and its suppression, v. 104—115, v1. 6; 
Cyprians in Xerxes' fleet, vir. 90, 98; disparaged by Artemisia, 
viu. 68, by Mardonius, vir. 100. ‘“‘ Cyprian poems," n. 117 

Cypselus, (1) despot of Corinth, son of Eétion, 1. 14, 20; his 
career, v. 92 (elsewhere a patronymic of Periander) (2) An 
Athenian, father of the elder Miltiades, v1. 35 

Cyrauis, an island off Libya in the Mediterranean (perhaps the 
modern Cercina), 1v. 195 

Cyrene; “lotus” grown there, n. 96; Cyrenaeans' visit to the 
oracle of Ammon, 11. 32; Egyptian attack on Cyrene, ΙΙ. 161, 
IV. 159; alliance with Amasis, rr. 181; tribute to Persia, ΙΙ. 
90; early history of Cyrene and its kings, rv. 159-165; fertility 
of Cyrenaean country, Iv. 199 

Cyrmianae, a Thracian tribe, 1v. 93 

Cyrnus, (1) a legendary hero, son of Heracles, 1. 167. (2) The 
modern Corsica; colonized by Phocaeans, 1. 165, 167; attack 
on Gelon of Sicily, vu. 165. (3) A place near Carystus in 
Euboea, rx. 105 

Cyrus, (1) king of Persia; his campaign against Lydia, capture 
of Sardis, and clemency to Croesus, 1. 75-92; story of Cyrus, 
his attempted murder by Astyages, adventures of his child- 
hood and youth, and return to Astyages, 1. 107-122; revolt 
of Persians under Cyrus against Medes, 1. 123-130; Cyrus 
king of all Asia, 1. 130; beginning of Ionian revolt against 
him, 1. 141; conquest of Assyria and capture of Babylon, 
I 188-191; Cyrus’ campaign against the Massagetae and 
death in battle, 1. 201-214; comparison of Cyrus with his 
son Cambyses, rri. 34; Croesus charged by Cyrus to advise 
Cambyses, rri. 36; different treatment of Babylon by Cyrus 
and Darius, rr. 159; Cyrus’ advice to the Persians not to 


33% 


INDEX 


live in a fertile country, 1x. 122 (many other reff., mostly 
where the name is used as a patronymic). (2) Paternal 
grandfather of the above, 1. 111 

Cytissorus, a Colchian, custom respecting his descendants at 
Alus in Achaca, vir. 197 


Dadicae, a people in the N.E. of the Persian empire; their 
tribute, rr. 91; in Xerxes’ army, ΥΠ. 66 

Daedalus, sought by Minos, vir. 170 

Dai, a nomad Persian tribe, 1. 125 

Damasithymus, (1) king of the Calyndians, in Xerxes' fleet at 
Salamis, vi. 87. (2) A Carian officer in Xerxes’ fleet, son 
of Candaules, ΥΠ. 98 

Damasus of Siris, a suitor for Cleisthenes’ daughter, vI. 127 

Damia, a deity worshipped in Aegina and Epidaurus, v. 82, 83 

Danaë, mother of Perseus, daughter of Acrisius, 11. 91, vr. 50) 
vil. 61, 150 

Danaus, his legendary migration to Greece from Chemmis in 
Egypt, rr. 91, vii. 94; his daughters, 1. 171, 182 

Daphnae, near Pelusium, on the Egyptian frontier, 11. 30, 107 

Daphnis, despot of Abydos, Iv. 138 

Dardaneans, an Assyrian people, apparently, 1. 189 

Dardanus, a town on the Hellespont, v. 117, vir. 43 

Darius, (1) king of Persia, son of Hystaspes; suspected by Cyrus, 
1. 209; story of his part in the conspiracy against the Magians, 
and his accession io the throne, ΠΠ. 73-87; canal made by 
him in Egypt, 11. 158, iv. 39; inquiry into varieties of custom, 
Hr. 38; tribvte paid by his empire, ΠΙ. 89-97; called “the 
huxter,” m. 89; severity of his rule, 111. 118, 119; punish- 
ment of Oroctes, ΤΙ. 127, 128; Democedes at Darius’ court, 
nr. 129-132; plans against Greece, ΤΙ. 134, 135; conquest 
of Samos, 111. 139-149; reduction of Babylon, xm. 150—160; 
Scythian expedition planned, rv. 1; Darius’ passage of the 
Bosporus, march to the Ister, and invasion of Scythia, Iv. 
83-98; Scythian campaign and return to Asia, Iv. 118-143; 
Cyrenaean expedition, Iv. 200-204; transportation of Paeon- 
ians to Asia, v. 12-15; Histiaeus summoned by Darius to 
Susa, v. 24; Darius’ anger against Athens for the burning 
of Sardis, and his dispatch of Histiaeus to Ionia, v. 105- 
107; reception of Scythes, vr. 24; estimation of Histiaeus, 
vr. 30; demand of earth and water from Greek states, VI. 
48, 49; Demaratus at Darius’ court, vr. 70; reasons for 


94 


INDEX 


attack on Greece, vi. 94; meaning of the name Darius, vi. 
98; Darius’ clemency to the Eretrians, vr. 119; his prepara- 
tions for a Greek campaign, ΥΠ. 1; appointment of a suc- 
cessor, vil. 2, 3; his death, Υπ. 4; Darius’ treatment of an 
unjust judge, ΥΠ. 194. Gold coins called “ Daric,” vir. 28; 
(other reff. of little importance). (2) Xerxes’ son, 1x. 108 

Daritae, a tribe in the Persian empire, rr. 92 

Dascyleum, in Mysia, on the Propontis, the seat of a Persian 
governor, ΙΠ. 120, 126, vr. 33 

Dascylus, a Lydian, father of Gyges, I. 8 

Datis, a Mede, in command with Artaphrenes of the expedition 
of 490 against Athens, vi. 94, 97, 118; his sons in Xerxes’ 
army, VII. 88 

Datum, in Paeonia, battle there between Athenians and Edonians, 
IX. 15 

Daulians, in Phocis, ΥΠΙ. 35 

Daurises, a general employed by Darius against the insurgent 
Ionians, v. 116-118, 121 

Decelea, a deme of Attica, ΙΧ. 15; its privileges at Sparta, ΙΧ. 73 

Decelus, eponymous hero of Decelea, ΙΧ. Τὸ 

Deioces, first king of Media, his rise to power, building of a 
palace at Agbatana, and conquest of Persia, 1. 96-99, 101- 
103 

Deiphonus, a seer, from Apollonia in N.W. Greece, 1x. 92, 95 

Delium, in Boeotia, v1. 118 

Delos, its purification by Pisistratus, τ. 64; lake in Delos, rr. 
170; visit of the Hyperborean virgins, 1v. 33-35; sanctity 
of Delos respected by Persians, vr. 97, 118; station of Greek 
fleet before Mycale, ΥἹΠ. 133, rx. 90, 96 

Delphi, its oracles, 1. 13, 19, 47, 55, 65-67, 85, 167, 174, xr. 134, 
πι 57, Iv. 15, 150, 155, 161, v. 67, 82, 89, 02, vr. 19, 34, 52, 
77, 86, 135, 139, νπ. 140, 148, 178, 220, vrir. 114, ΙΧ. 33, 93; 
its treasures, I. 14, 25, 50-55, 92, vir. 27, 35, 82, 121, Ix. 81; 
repulse of the Persian attack on Delphi, vir. 36-39; corrup- 
tion of the oracle, vr. 66 

Delta of Egypt, π. 13, 15-18, 41, 59, 97, 179 

Demaratus, king of Sparta, his feud with Cleomenes, v. 75, 
vi. 51; story of his birth and loss of his kingship, v1. 61-66; 
his flight to Persia, vr. 67-70; support of Xerxes’ accession, 
ΥΠ. 3; warnings to Xerxes as to Greek resistance, vu. 101- 
104, 209; advice to Xerxes on his strategy, virt. 234-237; 
information to Greeks of Xerxes' planned campaign, vir. 239 


333 


INDEX 


Demarmenus, a Spartan, v. 41, vr. 65 

Demeter, worshipped at Eleusis in Attica, vr. 75, vim. 65; other 
places of her cult, rr. 171, rv. 53, v. 61, vr. 91, 134, vir. 200, 
IX. 57, 63, 65, 69, 101; identified with the Egyptian Isis, rr. 
122, 156 

Democedes, of Croton, a physician, brought to Darius from 
Samos, ΙΙ. 125, 131; his reputation, rr. 132; devices for 
return to Croton, nr. 134—137 

Democritus, of Naxos; his transference of Naxian ships from 
Persian to Greek fleet, vir. 46 

Demonax, of Mantinea, his settlement of troubles at Cyrene, 
IV. 161 

Demonous, of Paphos, ΥΠ. 195 

Demophilus, commanding Thespian force at Thermopylae, ΥΠ. 
222 

Dersaei, a Thracian tribe on Xerxes’ route, vir. 110 

Derusiaei, a tribe in Persia, 1. 125 

Deucalion, legendary king of the Hellenes in Phthiotis, 1. 56 

Diaetorides, (1) à man of Crannon, a suitor for Cleisthenes’ 
daughter, vi. 127. (2) A Spartan, father-in-law of Leuty- 
chides, vi. 71 

Diadromes, a Thespian, vir. 222 

Dicaea, a Greek town on Xerxes’ route in Thrace, vu. 109 

Dicaeus, an Athenian; his vision in Attica before Salamis, vii. 
65 


Dictyna, a Cretan goddess, 111. 59 (if the text is genuine). 

Didyma, a Milesian temple, apparently identical with Branchidae, 
vi. 19 

Dieneces, a Spartan, his saying about Persian arrows at Thermo- 
pylae, vir. 226 

Dindymene, à name for the goddess Cybele; her sacred hill in 
Lydia, 1. 80 

Dinomenes, father of Gelon of Sicily, vir. 145 

Diomedes, a Greek hero of the Trojan war, 11. 116 

Dionysius, à Phocaean, his attempt to train the Jonian fleet, 
Viste 10 

Dionysophanes, an Ephesian, said to have buried Mardonius’ 
body, 1x. 84 

Dionysus, 11. 111; his cult in Greece, rr. 49, 52, 145; in par- 
ticular localities and under various names, I. 150, 11. 29, τῃ. 
8, 97, 1v. 79, 87, 108, v. 7, 67, vn. 111; identified with the 
Egyptian Osiris, 11. 42, 47, 123, 144, 156 


334 


INDEX 


Dioscuri, their worship unknown in Egypt, 1. 43, 50; enter- 
tained by Euphorion, an Arcadian, vr. 127 

Dipaea, in Arcadia, scene of a battle about 470 B.c. between 
Spartans and Arcadians, 1x. 35 

Dium, a town on Athos, vir. 22 

Doberes, a Paeonian tribe, v. 16 (if the reading be right), vit. 
113 

Dodona, an oracle in N.W. Greece, consulted, 1. 46, rr. 52, ΙΧ. 
93; story suggesting a connexion between Egypt and Dodona, 
n. 53—57; Hyperborean offerings at Dodona, Iv. 33 

Dolonci, a Thracian tribe, vr. 34, 40 

Dolopes, a Thessalian people, in Xerxes’ army, vir. 132, 185 

Dorians, τ. 57; Dorians of Epidaurus, 1. 146; Dorian alphabet, 
I. 139; four Dorian invasions of Attica, v. 76; their women’s 
dress, v. 87; names of tribes, v. 68; Dorian leaders of Egyptian 
origin, vi. 53; Dorians in Peloponnese, vur. 73; Doris in 
N. Greece, 1x. 31, 66; Asiatic Dorians, 1. 6, 144, 178, vir. 
93, 99 

Doriscus, on the Thracian coast, v. 98; an important halting 
place on Xerxes’ route, vir. 25, 59, 108, 121; its defence by 
its Persian governor, vit. 106 

Dorus, son of Hellen, eponymous ancestor of Dorians, I. 56 

Doryssus, a king of Sparta, ΥΠ. 204 

Dotus, a Persian officer in Xerxes’ army, VII. 72 

Dropici, a Persian tribe, 1. 125 

Drymus, a town in Phocis, ΥΠΙ. 33 

Dryopes, an ancient race in N. Greece, 1. 146, vir. 43, 46; their 
settlements in the Peloponnese, vir. 73 

Dryoscephalae, name of a pass in the Cithaeron range, Ix. 39 

Dymanatae, a Dorian tribe at Sicyon, v. 68 

Dyme, a town in Achaea, 1. 145 

Dyras, a stream west of Thermopylae, vir. 198 

Dysorum, a mountain range on the N.E. frontier of Macedonia, 
v.17 


Echecrates, a Corinthian, father of Eétion, v. 92 
Echemus, king of Tegea, his victory over Hyllus, rx. 26 
Echestratus, a king of Sparta, vir. 204 
Echidorus, a river in Thrace, vir. 124, 127 
Echinades islands, off the mouth of the Achelous, τι. 10 
Edoni, à Thracian tribe, on the Strymon, v. 124, vir. 110, 114, 
IX. 75 
$ 


i 335 


INDEX 


Eéropus, a king of Tegea, 1x. 26 

Eétion, a Corinthian, father of Cypselus, v. 92 

Egesta, a town in Sicily, allied with Phoenicians against Greeks, 
v. 46, vir. 158 

Egis, a Spartan king, ΥΠ. 204 

Egypt, its extent, 11. 5-19; course of the Nile, τι. 19-34; 
Egyptian custom and religion, 1. 140, 182, 193, 198, τι. 4, 35- 
98, Iv. 168, 180, 186; kings of Egypt, rr. 99-182; eschatology, 
π. 123; chronology, 1. 142-146; the pyramids, rr. 124-128; 
Egyptian origin of Dorian heroes, vr. 53-55; Solon in Egypt, 
I. 30; Scythian invasion, 1. 105; alliance with Croesus, 1. 77; 
Cambyses’ invasion, 111. 1-16; his sacrilege, 111. 27, 28; Egypt 
a Persian province, ΠΠ. 91; Athenian campaign in Egypt, 
111. 160; Darius’ canal from the Nile, rv. 39; cireumnavigation 
of Africa from Egypt, 1v. 42, 43; Egypt and Cyrene, tv. 159; 
revolt of Egypt against Persia, vir. 1, 7; Egyptian bridge 
over the Hellespont, ΥΠ. 34; Egyptian marines in Persian 
fleet, vir. 89, virt. 68, 100, 1x. 32; their exploits at Artemisium, 
vill. 17 

Eion, a town on the Strymon, vir. 25; its defence, and capture 
by the Greeks, ΥΠ. 107, 113; Xerxes said to have embarked 
there for Asia, vi. 118 

Elaeus, a town in the Thracian Chersonese, vr. 140, vir. 22; 
profanation of its shrine of Protesilaus, ΥΠ. 33, 1x. 116, 120 

Elatea, a town in Phocis, vu. 33 

Elbo, an island in the Delta, the refuge of the deposed king 
Anysis, 11. 140 

Eleon, a town in Boeotia, v. 43 

Elephantine, on the Nile opposite Assuan, 11. 9; the southern limit 
of Egypt, 1. 17; close to the source of the Nile, τι. 28; a 
Persian frontier guard there, 11. 30; stone-quarries of Ele- 
phantine, ΙΙ. 175; tribe of “ Fish-eaters ” there, 11. 19 

Eleusis, in Attica, scene of a battle, 1. 30; the first objective of 
Cleomenes’ invasion, v. 74, vr. 75; mysteries of Demeter- 
worship there and the vision of Dicaeus, vir. 65; Greek 
forces there before Plataea, 1x. 19; burning of the temple 
of Demeter by Persians, ΙΧ. 65 

Elis; Klean management of Olympic games, rr. 160; no mules 
in Elis, τν. 30; destruction of neighbouring towns, Iv. 148; 
Elis the only Aetolian part of Peloponnese, vir. 73; Eleans 
in the Greek force on the Isthmus, vi. 72; too late at Plataea, 
Ix. G7 


336 


INDEX 


Elisyci, probably Ligurians; Gelon of Sicily attacked by them 
and others, vit. 165 

Ellopian district of Euboea, vir. 23 

Elorus, a river in Sicily, Syracusans defeated on it by Corinthians, 
ΥΠ. 154 

Enarees, Scythians suffering from the so-called “ female disease,” 
I. 105, ιν. 67 

Enchelees, an Illyrian tribe, claiming descent from Cadmus, 
v. 61; their incursion into Greece, 1x. 43 

Eneti, a people at the head of the Adriatic, 1. 196, v. 9 

Enienes, a people living at the headwaters of the Spercheus, 
vir. 132, 185, 198 

Enipeus, a river in Thessaly, vir. 129 

Enneaerunus, ^ Nine Springs" fountain outside Athens, v1. 
137 

Ennea Hodoi, “ Nine Ways," a town on the Strymon, vir. 114 

Fordi, a people living between the Strymon and the Axius, vir. 
185 

Epaphus, Greek name for the Egyptian Apis, q.v. 

Ephesus, in Lydia, of Ionian origin, 1. 142; Croesus’ offerings 
in the temple of Artemis there, 1. 92; one of the most remark- 
able temples known to Herodotus, r. 148; Ephesus besieged 
by Croesus, 1. 126; Ionians defeated there by Persians, v. 
102; terminus of “ royal road," v. 54; Xerxes’ sons sent 
there after Salamis, vir. 103 

Epialtes of Malis, his guidance of the Persians over the pass at 
Thermopylae, vir. 213—218 

Epicydes, α Spartan, father of Glaucus, vr. 86 

Epidanus, see Apidanus. 

Epidaurus, in Argolis; Dorian, 1. 146; taken by Periander, 
1. 52; quarrel with Athens, v. 82; its colonies, vir. 99; 
Epidaurians in the Greek forces against Xerxes and Mardonius, 
ΝΠ, l, 43, 12, Ix. 28, 31 

Epigoni, a poem attributed by some to Homer, reference therein 
to Hyperboreans, 1v. 32 

Epistrophus, a man of Epidamnus, v1. 127 

Epium, a town in the western Peloponnese, founded by the 
Minyae, 1v. 148 

Epizelus, an Athenian combatant at Marathon, vi. 117 

Enizephyrian Locrians, Locrian colonists in Sicily, vr. 23 

Erasinus, a river in Argolis alleged to be partly subtcrranean, 
τι. 76 


337 


INDEX 


Erechtheus, a legendary Attic hero; sacrifice offered to him by 
Epidaurians in return for Attic olive trees, v. 82; father of 
Orithyia, ντι. 189; name of Athenians first used in his time, 
vii. 44; his shrine on the Acropolis, vim. 55 

Eretria, in Euboea, Pisistratus in exile there, r. 61; native 
place of Gephyraei, v. 57; objective of Mardonius' campaign 
under Darius, vi. 43; of Datis, vi. 94, 98; subdued by 
Persians, vr. 100-102; Eretrian captives in Persia, vi. 119; 
contingent in Greek fleet, vir. 1, 46; at Plataea, ΙΧ. 28, 31 

Eridanus, a river in Europe, its existence doubted by Herodotus, 
πι. 115 

Erineus, a place in Doris, ΥἹΠ. 43 

Erinyes, avenging deities (of Laius and Oedipus), rv. 149 

Erochus, a town in Phocis, burnt by the Persians, vir. 33 

Erxandrus, à Mytilenaean, tv. 97, v. 37 

Erythea, an island alleged to be outside the Pillars of Heracles, 
IV. 8 

Erythrae, (1) a town in Boeotia, near Plataea, 1x. 15, 19, 22. 
(2) An Ionian town in Asia Minor, 1. 18, 142, vi. 8 

Erythre bolos, “ Red Earth," a town in Egypt, 11. 111 

Erythre thalassa, the Persian Gulf and the nearer part of the 
Indian Ocean ; Phoenicians coming from it, 1. 1, ΥΠ. 89; mouth 
of the Euphrates and the Tigris in the Red Sea, r. 180, 189; 
united with the Mediterranean, r. 203; Arabian mountains in 
the direction of the Red Sea, rr. 8; our “ Red Sea” (᾿Αράβιος 
κόλπος) an offshoot from it, rr. 11; identical with the “Southern 
Sea," 11. 158; captives settled by Persians in islands of the 
Red Sea, mr. 93, vit. 80; Persia extends to its shores, Iv. 37; 
Phoenician circumnavigation of Africa starting from the Red 
Sea, rV. 42; Ampe on the Red Sea, vi. 20 

Eryx, in western Sicily, v. 43, 45 

Eryxo, wife of the second Arcesilaus of Cyrene, 1v. 160 

Etearchus, (1) king of the Ammonians; visit of Cyrenaeans to 
him, n. 32. (2) King of Oaxus in Crete, 1v. 154 

Eteocles, son of Oedipus, v. 61 

Ethiopians, of Meroé, rr. 20; Ethiopian kings of Egypt, τι. 100, 
137-140; cireumcision in Ethiopia, rr. 104; Cambyses' mission 
to the “long-lived ” Ethiopians, 11. 17-26, 97; Ethiopia in 
relation to Egypt, rr. 11, 28, 30, 110, 139, 146, 161; “ Trog- 
lodyte? Ethiopians, rv. 183; “' Ethiopians” of Asia, their 
tribute to Persia, m1. 94; in Xerxes’ army, vir. 70; Ethiopians 
in Cyprus, vir. 90 


338 


INDEX 


Evaenetus, commander of a Lacedaemonian force in ‘Thessaly 
before Thermopylae, vir. 173 

Evagoras, a Spartan, winner of three chariot-races at Olympia, 
νι. 103 

Evaleides, an Eretrian leader killed in the second [Ionian revolt, 
v. 102 

Euboea, desirable object for Persian attack, v. 31; Chalcidians 
in Euboea defeated by Athenians, v. 77; Persians under Datis 
there, vr. 100; Athenian ships off Euboea, vir. 189; naval 
operations in Euboean waters, vir. 4-20;  Euboic coinage, 
1. $9, 95; Euboeans in Sicily, their treatment by Gelon, 
ΥΠ. 156 

Euclides, son of Hippocrates, despot of Gela, vir. 155 

Evelthon, king of Salamis in Cyprus, 1v. 162- v. 104 

Evenius, à man of Apollonia, 1x. 92 

Euhesperides, a Libyan town near Barca, Iv. 171, 204; fertility 
of its land, 1v. 198 

Eumenes, an Athenian, distinguished in the battle of Salamis, 
Vill. 93 

Eunomus, a king of Sparta, vir. 131 

Eupalinus, a Megarian, builder of the Samian aqueduct, 111. 60 

Euphemides, the family designation of the first Battus of Cyrene, 
ιν. 150. (Al. Euthymides.) 

Euphorbus, an Eretrian, his betrayal of Eretria to Datis, vr. 101 

Euphorion, (1) an Athenian, father of Aeschylus and Cynegirus, 
II. 156, vr. 114. (2) An Azanian, vi. 127 

Euphrates, its source in Armenia, I. 180; course altered by 
Nitocris, queen of Babylon, 1. 185; made fordable by Cyrus, 
1. 191; passage of the river on the “royal road," v. 52 

Euripus, channel between Boeotia and Euboea, part played by 
it in naval operations before Salamis, ΥΠ. 173, 182, vit. 7, 15, 
66 

Europe, tripartite division of the world, Europe, Asia, Libya, 
H. 16, τν. 36; speculations on the sun's passage over Europe, 
11. 26; Europe bisected by the Ister, 11. 33, rv. 49; general 
ignorance of the farthest regions of Europe, mi. 115, Iv. 45; 
absurdity of supposing the three continents equal in size, 
IV. 96; Cynetes on the western limit of Europe, 1v. 49; Europe 
and Asia both more fertile than Libya, τν. 198; desirability 
of Europe to Persians, vir. 5; Xerxes’ aim of subduing all 
Europe, vir. 50; region of Europe infested by lions, vir. 126; 
European part of Xerxes’ army, vir. 185; Megara the western 


339 


INDEX 


limit of Persian advance in Europe, ΙΧ. 14 (many other 
unimportant reff.) 

Europa, daughter of Agenor of Tyre; carried off by Cretans, 
1. 2; her sons Minos and Sarpedon, 1. 173; alleged origin of 
the name of the continent, 1v. 45; search made for her by 
Cadmus, Iv. 147 

Europus, a town perhaps in Caria, VIII. 133 

Euryanax, a Spartan, joint commander with Pausanias at 
Piataea, 1x. 10, 53, 55 

Eurybates, an Argive commander killed in battle with the 
Athenians, vi. 92, 1x. 75 

Eurybiades, Spartan admiral of the fleet at Artemisium and 
Salamis, vu. 2, 42, 49; part played by him in the councils of 
war before Salamis, virt. 57—64; deeision not to pursue Xerxes, 
vil. 108; prize for chief merit awarded him by Greeks, 
vii. 124 

Euryclides, a Spartan, father of Eurybiades, vin. 2 

Eurycrates, a king of Sparta, ΥΠ. 204 

Eurycratides, a king of Sparta, vir. 204 

Eurydame, second wife of Leutychides, king of Sparta, v1. 71 

Eurydemus, a Malian, vir. 213 

Euryleon, a Spartan colonist in Sicily, v. 46 

Eurymachus, (1) a Theban, vir 205. (2) Grandson of the 
above, killed in a Theban attack on Plataea, vir. 233 

Eurypon, a king of Sparta, vir. 131 

Eurypylus, an Aleucid, of Larissa in Thessaly, 1x. 53 

Eurysthenes, king of Sparta, founder of the senior of the two 
royal families, 1v. 147, v. 39, νι. 51, vir. 204 

Eurystheus, legendary king of Mycenae, 1x. 26 

Eurytus, a Spartan, his determination to fight at 'l'hermopylae, 
VII. 229 

Euthoenus, an Athenian, ΙΧ. 105 

Eutyehides, an Athenian, 1x. 73 

Euxine Sea, 1. 6; part of Media nearest to it, 1. 110; Sinope on 
the Euxine, Π. 34; provinees of the Persian empire on its 
coast, 111. 93; character of inhabitants of its northern shores, 
IV. 46; its length and breadth, rv. 85, 86; islands in it, Iv. 
89; Tauric peninsula, rv. 99; relation of Euxine to Xerxes’ 
bridge over the Hellespont, vu. 36; corn-ships from the 
Euxine, ΥΠ. 147 

Exampaeus, a stream and district in Scythia between the Borys- 
thenes and the Hypanis, Iv. 52, 81 


340 


INDEX 


Gadira, a town “outside the Pillars of Heracles,” identified 
with Cadiz, 1v. 8 

Gaeson, a stream near Mycale in Asia Minor, 1x. 97 

Galepsus, a town on the promontory of Sithonia, in Chalcidice, 
vir. 122 

Gallaie country (or Briantic), in Thrace, on Xerxes’ route, 
vi. 108 

Gandarii, an Indian tribe in the Persian Empire, their tribute, 
mt. 91; in Xerxes’ army, vir. 66 

Garamantes, a Libyan tribe on the route from Egypt to the 
Atlas, 1v. 174, 183 

Gargaphian spring, on the battlefield of Plataea, rx. 25, 49, 51 

Gauanes, one of three brothers, ancestors of the Temenid dynasty 
in Macedonia, their adventures, vin. 137 

Ge (Earth), worshipped in Seythia as Apia, 1v. 59 

Gebeleizis, a Thracian deity, otherwise called Zalmoxis, Iv. 94 

Gela, in Sicily, a Rhodian colony, vu. 153; Hippocrates its 
despot, vr. 23, ντι. 154; usurpation of Gelon, vir. 155 

Geleon, eponymous hero of one of the four ancient Athenian 
tribes, v. 66 

Gelon, despot of Syracuse, his rise to power, ΥΠ. 154-156; reply 
to Greek request for help against Persia, vir. 145, 157—163; 
victory over Carthaginians and nations of the western Mediter- 
ranean (said to be contemporary with the battle of Salamis), 
vir. 165, 166 

Geloni, neighbours of the Scythians, said to be of Greek origin, 
Iv. 108; their part in the campaign against Darius, 1Υ. 102, 
119, 136 

Gelonus, (1) son of Heraeles, by Seythian legend, 1v. 10. (2) The 
chief town of the Budini (neighbours of the Geloni), built of 
wood, Iv. 108 

Gephyraei, the elan to whieh Hipparchus’ murderers belonged, 
their alleged Phoenieian origin, v. 55, 57, 6l 

Geraestus, a town at the southern extremity of Euboea, vu. 7, 
IX. 105 

Gergis, a Persian general in Xerxes’ army, ΥΠ. 82 

Gergithes, a people of Mysia, near the Hellespont, descendants 
of the Teucri, v. 122, vir. 43 

Germanii, a Persian tribe, 1. 125° 

Gerrhus, a river and eountry in Seythia, 1v. 19, 47, 53, 56; burial 
of Seythian kings among the Gerrhi, rv. Τί 

Geryones, his oxen driven off by Heracles, Iv. 8 


341 


INDEX 


Getae, a Thracian tribe said to believe in immortality, 1v. 93, 
118, v.3 

Gigonus, a town in Chalcidice, ΥΠ. 123 

Giligamae, a Libyan tribe inland of Cyrene, rv. 169 

Gillus, a Tarentine refugee in Persia, 111. 138 

Gindanes, a Libyan tribe, 1v. 176 

Glaucon, an Athenian, Ix. 75 

Glaucus, (1) son of Hippolochus, ancestor of a Lycian dynasty, 
1.47. (2) Son of Epicydes, a Spartan; story of his attempted 
fraud told by Leutychides at Athens, vi. 86. (3) A Chian 
worker in metals, 1. 25 

Glisas, a town in Boeotia near Tanagra, 1x. 43 

Gnurus, a Scythian, father of Anacharsis, Iv. 76 

Gobryas, (1) son of Darius, an officer in Xerxes’ army, ΥΠ. 72. 
(2) One of the seven conspirators against the Magians, ΤΠ. 
70-79; his advice to Darius in Scythia, rv. 132, 134; father 
of Mardonius, vi. 43; his daughter married to Darius, vir. 2 
(elsewhere as a patronymic). 

Goetosyrus, a Scythian deity identified with Apollo, rv. 59 

Gonnus, a town in Thessaly, ΥΠ. 128, 173 

Gordias, (1) father of Midas, vir. 138. (2) King of Phrygia, 
son of Midas; father of Adrastus, 1. 35, 45 

Gorgo, daughter of Cleomenes, king of Sparta, v. 48; her advice 
to Cleomenes, v. 51; her interpretation of a message, vir. 239 

Gorgon's head, brought from Libya by Perseus, 11. 91 

Gorgus, king of Salamis in Cyprus, v. 104, 115, vi. 11; in 
Xerxes fleet, vir. 98 

Grinnus, king of Thera, his consultation of the Delphic oracle 
about a colony in Libya, 1v. 150 

Grynea, an Aeolian town in Asia Minor, r. 149 

Gygaea, daughter of Amyntas of Macedonia, married to Bubares, 
a Persian, v. 21, vix. 136 

Gygaean lake, in Lydia, 1. 93 

Gyges, (1) king of Lydia ; his accession after murdering Candaules, 
I 8-13; his gifts to Delphi, r. 14. (2) A Lydian, in. 122, 
v. 121 

Gyndes, a river in Assyria diverted by Cyrus from its course, 
I. 189, 202 

Gyzantes, a tribe in the western part of Libya, 1v. 194 


Haemus, a mountain range in Thrace (the Balkans), rivers 
flowing from it into the Danube, Iv. 49 


342 


INDEX 


Haliacmon, a Macedonian river (mod. Vistritza), vir. 127 

Halia, a town in Argolis, vir. 137 

Halicarnassus, in Caria, Herodotus’ birthplace, 1. 144, 175, 
Π. 178, vir. 99 

Halys, a river in Asia Minor, the eastern boundary of Croesus' 
empire, 1. 6, 28, 72, 103, 120; crossed by Croesus, r 75; its 
passage a part of the “ royal road," v. 52; crossed by Xerxes, 
vir. 26 

Harmamithres, a Median officer in Xerxes’ army, son of Datis, 
vir. 88 ; 

Harmatides, a Thespian, vir. 227 

Harmocydes, commander of Phocians in Mardonius’ army at 
Plataea, 1x. 17 

Harmodius, an Athenian, one of the murderers of Hipparchus, 
v. 55, vr. 109, 123 

Harpagus, (1) a Mede, in Cyrus’ expedition against Croesus, 
1. 80; charged by Astyages to make away with Cyrus, 1. 108- 
113; Astyages punishment of Harpagus, 1. 117-120; Har- 
pagus' services in placing Cyrus on the throne, 1. 123, 127, 129; 
in subduing the Ionians, 1. 164-177. (2) A Persian officer 
under Darius, vi. 28, 30 

Hebe, the name used as à watchword or battle-cry, rx. 98 

Hebrus, a river in Thrace, rv. 90; Doriscus on it, vir. 59 

Hecataeus of Miletus, the historian, his chronology, 1. 143; 
his advice to Ionian rebels, v. 36, 125; his story of Athenian 
dealings with Pelasgians, v1. 137 

Hector, son of Priam, probability of his surrendering Helen had 
she been in Troy, rr. 120 

Hegesandrus, of Miletus, father of Hecataeus, v. 125 

Hegesicles, a king of Sparta, colleague of Leon, 1. 65 

Hegesilaus, (1) king of Sparta, son of Doryssus, vir. 204. (2) A 
Spartan, ancestor of Leutychides, king of Sparta, vim. 131; 
son of Hippocratides. 

Hegesipyle, daughter of Olorus of Thrace, wife of Miltiades the 
younger, VI. 39 

Hegesistratus, (1) an Elean seer in Mardonius’ army; story of 
his escape from death, rx. 37. (2) An emissary from Samos 
to the Greeks before Mycale, rx. 90. (3) Despot of Sigeum, 
bastard son of Pisistratus, v. 94 

Hegetorides, of Cos; his daughter rescued after being carried off 
by Persians, 1x. 76 

Hegias, an Klean, brother of the seer Tisamenus, ΙΧ. 33 


343 


INDEX 


Helen, her abduction from Sparta, 1. 3; account of her voyage 
to Egypt, τι. 112-120; brought to Attica by Theseus, ΙΧ. 73; 
her temple at Therapne in Laconia, vIr. 61 

Helice, an Achaean town on the Gulf of Corinth, 1. 145 

Heliconius, the title of Poseidon at his temple in the Panionium 
near Mycale, 1. 148 

Heliopolis, in Egypt, sources of Egyptian history there, ir. 3; 
distances of various places from Heliopolis, 11. 7-9; ceremonial 
there, ΙΙ. 59, 63 

Hellas and Hellenes, passim in all Books. The following are 
among the principal reff. to what is distinctively Greek: 
language, 1. 110, τι. 30, 56, 59, 112, 137, 154, 111. 26, Iv. 52, 
110, 155, 192, νι. 98, vir. 135; dress, rv. 78, v. 88; horses, 
vir. 196; armour, ΙΙ. 41, rv. 180, ντι. 91, 93; religious gatherings, 
II. 58 

Helle, daughter of Athamas, her tomb in the Thracian Chersonese, 
vir. 58 

Hellen, an eponymous Greek hero, father of Dorus, 1. 56 

Hellespont, its length and breadth, rv. 85; despots of places 
by it with Darius’ Scythian expedition, tv. 137; Darius’ 
passage of it in his return, v. 11; Hellespontian towns sub- 
dued by Ionian rebels, v. 103; reconquered by Darius, v. 107, 
vi. 33; Hellespont scourged by Xerxes for the destruction of 
his bridge, vir. 35; bridged again, vir. 36; Xerxes’ passage, 
ΥΠ. 55; Hellespontians in his fleet, ΥΠ. 95; Persian governors 
of towns there, vir. 106; Greek decision not to sail to the 
Hellespont after Salamis, vir. 108; bridges there found 
broken, rx. 114 (many other unimportant reff.) 

Hephaestiae, a town in Lemnos, vi. 140 

Hephaestopolis, a Samian, rr. 134 

Hephaestus, his cult in Greece (the torch-race), vir. 98; temple 
of “ Hephaestus” (Ptah) at Memphis, τι. 3, 99, 101 and else- 
where in Bk. 11. 

Helots, the serf class in Laconia, vi. 58, 75, 80, ντ. 229, vin. 25, 
IX. 80, 85; a part of the Spartan army, 1x. 10, 28 

Heraclea, proposed foundation of in Sicily, v. 43 

Heracles, in Greek legend son of Amphitryon and father of 
Hyllus, τι. 43-45, 145, v. 43, vr. 53, vir. 193, 204, vir. 43; 
Greek cult, vir. 176, v. 63, vr. 108, 116; cults of deities iden- 
tified with Heracles in Egypt and elsewhere, τ. 7, τι. 42, 44, 
83, 113, 144, τν, 8, 10, 59, 82; Herodotus’ conclusion as to 
a "double Heracles,” ir 44; Pillars of Heracles (Straits of 


344 


INDEX 


Gibraltar) farthest western waters known to Herodotus, rr. 
33, Iv. 8, 42, 152, 181, 185, 196, vin. 132 

Heraclidae, ancestors of Spartan kings, v. 43, vir. 208, vur. 114, 
IX. 26, 33. Heraclid dynasty in Lydia, 1. 7, 13, 91 

Heraclides, (1) à man of Cyme, r. 158, v. 37. (2) A man of 
Mylasa, a Carian leader, v. 121 

Heraeum, a town near Perinthus, rv. 90 

Here, her temple at Samos, 1. 70, rr. 182, 11. 123, rv. 88, 152, 
IX. 96; at Argos, 1. 31, v1. 81, at Corinth, v. 92, at Naucratis, 
u. 178, at Plataea, 1x. 52, 61, 69 

Hermes, his cult in Greece, rr. 51, 145; identified with the 
Egyptian Thoth, at Bubastis, r1. 138; with a Thracian deity, v. 7 

Hermion or Hermione, in S.E. Argolis, 11. 59; of Dryopian 
origin, VIII. 43, 73; its contingent at Plataea, 1x. 28, 31 

Hermippus of Atarneus, an emissary from Histiaeus, v1. 4 

Hermolycus, an Athenian, distinguished in the battle of Mycale, 
IX. 105 

Hermophantus, a Milesian leader in the Ionian revolt, v. 99 

Hermopolis, in Upper Egypt, place of burial for ibises, 1. 67 

Hermotimus of Pedasa, story of his sufferings and revenge, VIII. 
104—106 

Hermotybies, one of the Egyptian warrior-tribes, rr. 164, 168, 
IX. 32 

Hermus, a river in Lydia, passing near Sardis, 1. 55, 80, v. 101 

Herodotus, (1) of Halicarnassus, the historian, 1. l. (2) An 
Ionian envoy, son of Basileides, vim. 132 

Herophantus, one of the Hellespontian despots in Darius’ 
Scythian expedition, Iv. 138 

Herpys, a man of Thebes in Boeotia, 1x. 38 

Hesiod, his date, τι. 53; his reference to Hyperboreans, Iv. 32. 

Hieron, brother of Gelon of Sicily, vrr. 156 

Hieronymus, of Andros, an Olympian prize-winner, 1x. 33 

Himera, a town in Sicily, vr. 24; its despot expelled, vir. 165 

Hipparchus, son of Pisistratus, his assassination, v. 55, vr. 123; 
his banishment of Onomacritus, vir. 6 

Hippias, son of Pisistratus, his advice to his father, 1. 01: 
expelled from Athens, v. 65; a refugee in Persia, v. 90; with 
Datis army in Attica, v1. 107 

Hippoclides, an Athenian suitor for Cleisthenes' daughter; his 
rejection, vi. 129 

Hippoclus, despot of Lampsacus, with Darius’ Scythian expedi. 
tion, Iv. 138 


345 


INDEX 


Hippocoón, a follower of Cadmus, v. 60 

Hippocrates, (1) an Athenian, father of Pisistratus, 1. 59, v. 65. 
(2) An Athenian, son of Megacles, vi. 131. (3) Despot of 
Gela, son of Pantares, vir. 154; his capture of Zancle, νι. 23. 
(4) A man of Sybaris, a suitor for Cleisthenes’ daughter, v1. 
127 

Hippocratides, a Spartan, ancestor of Leutychides, vur. 131 

Hippolaus’ promontory, in Scythia, between the Hypanis and 
the Borysthenes, tv. 53 

Hippolochus, ancestor of a Lycian line of Ionian kings, 1. 147 

Hippomachus, a Leucadian diviner with Mardonius’ army at 
Plataea, Ix. 38 

Hipponicus, (1) son of Pisistratus’ enemy Callias, an Athenian, 
vi. 121. (2) Father of Callias, Athenian envoy to Persia 
about 450 B.c., vir. 151 

Histia, goddess of the hearth, τι. 50; her name Tabiti in Scythia, 
Iv. 59, 127 

Histiaea, in northern Euboea, vir 175, vin. 23, 66; Histiaean 
country in Thessaly, formerly a Dorian possession, 1. 56 

Histiaeus, (1) despot of Miletus; his protection of Darius’ bridge 
over the Ister, rv. 137-139; enforced attendance on Darius, 
v. 23-25; instigation of Ionian revolt, v. 35; return to Ionia, 
v. 106-108; escape from the Persians, vr. 1-6; further ad- 
ventures and death, νι. 26-31. (2) A man of Termera, a 
Carian despot deposed by the Ionians, v. 37; in Xerxes’ fleet, 
vir. 98. (3) A Samian, vir. 85 

Homer, his theory of the ocean disbelieved, 11. 23; his probable 
date, rr. 53; quoted as to Paris and Helen, rr. 116, 117; as 
to Libya, Iv. 29; his alleged poem, “‘the Epigoni," rv. 32; his 
celebration of Argives, v. 67; of Athens, vir. 161 

Hoples, eponymous hero of an old Athenian tribe, son of Ion, 
v. 66 

Hyacinthia, à summer festival at Sparta in honour of Apollo and 
Hyacinthus, 1x. 7, 11 

Hyampea, one of the peaks of Parnassus, virt. 39 

Hyampolis, a town in Phocis, ΥΠΙ. 33; Thessalian disaster there, 
virt. 28 

Hyatae, one of the tribes at Sicyon, so named by Cleisthenes, 
v. 68 

Hybla, a town in Sicily, νπ. 155 

Hydarnes, (1) one of the seven Persian conspirators against the 
Magians, 111. 70; vir. 66, 83. (2) Son of the above, vr. 133; 


346 


ἘΞ 


INDEX 


commander of Xerxes’ “ Ten Thousand," vu. 83; governor 
of the scaboard of W. Asia Minor, vir. 135; his command at 
Thermopylae, vir. 211, 215, 218; with Xerxes in his flight 
after Salamis, viii. 113, 118 

H ydrea, an island S.E. of Argolis, 111. 59 

Hyela, an Italian town (Velia) colonised by Phocaeans, 1. 167 

Hylaea (Woodland), a distriet of Scythia, east of the Borysthenes, 
rv. 9, 18, 54, 76 

Hyllees, a Sicyonian tribe so named after Cleisthenes’ death, 
v. 68 

Hyllus, (1) son of Heracles, ancestor of the Spartan royal families, 
vi. 52, vir. 204, vir. 131; his death, rx. 26. (2) A tributary 
of the river Hermus in Lydia, 1. 80 

Hymaees, a Persian commander in the second Ionian revolt, 
v. 116, 122 

Hymessus (Hymettus), a hill outside Athens, vr. 137 

Hypachaei, an old name for Cilieians, ΥΠ. 91 

Hypacyris, a Scythian river, apparently east of the Borysthenes, 
Iv. 47, 55 

Hypanis, a Scythian river (Boug), 1v. 18, 47, 52, 81 

Hyperanthes, a son of Darius, killed at Thermopylae, ΥΠ. 224 

Hyperboreans, a people alleged to inhabit the farthest north of 
Europe, 1v. 13; story of their communication with Delos, 
IV. 32-36 

Hyperoche, one of two maidens alleged to have come to Delos 
from the Hyperboreans, 1v. 33 

Hyreanians, à people in the Persian empire, S. of the Caspian, 
Hr. 117; in Xerxes’ army, ΥΠ. 62 

Hyrgis (or Syrgis), a Scythian river (probably the Donetz), Iv. 57 

Hyria, a town in 5. Italy (Oria), alleged to be founded by Cretans, 
vu. 170 

Hyroeades, a Mardian, his discovery of a way into Sardis, 1. 84 

Hysiae, a village on the slopes of Cithaeron, in Attica; taken 
by Boeotians, v. 74; vi. 108; part played by it on the battle- 
field of Plataea, ΙΧ. 15, 25 

Hysseldomus, a Carian, Υπ. 98 

Hystanes, a Persian, vir. 77 

Hystaspes, (1) father of Darius; his pledge to Cyrus of Darius’ 
fidelity, 1. 209, 210; governor of the province of Persia, 111. 
70. (Elsewhere a patronymic.) (2) A son of Darius, vu. 64 

Hytennees, a Pisidian tribe; their tribute to the Persian empire, 
ΠΙ. 90 


347 


INDEX 


Iadmon, a Samian, his slaves Rhodopis and Aesopus, τ. 134 

Iamidae, a family of diviners in Elis, v. 44, 1x. 33 

Iapygia, in the heel of Italy, rrr. 138, Iv. 99, vir. 170 

Iardanus, a Lydian, I. 7 

Iason, his voyage in the Argo, 1v. 179, vir. 193 

Iatragoras, an agent of the Ionians in revolt against Darius, 
v. 37 

Ibanollis, à man of Mylasa, v. 37, 121 

Iberians, their traffic with Phocaea, 1. 163; attack on Gelon 
of Sicily, vir. 165 

Icarian sea, VI. 95 

Ichnae, a town in Macedonia, near the coast, vir. 123 

Ichthyophagi, a tribe inhabiting Elephantine, Cambyses’ inter- 
preters in his mission to the Ethiopians, 11. 19-23 

Ida, à mountain in the Troad, 1. 151; Xerxes' route past it, 
ναι. 42 

Idanthyrsus, a Scythian king, rv. 76; in command of Scythians 
against Darius, 1v. 120; his defiance of Darius, 1v. 127 

Idriad district in Caria, v. 118 

Ielysus, a Dorian town in Rhodes, 1. 144 

Ienysus, a town in Syria, near the Egyptian frontier, 11. 5. 

lliad, story of Paris and Helen in it, 11. 116 

Ilissus, a river in Attica; temple of Boreas built near it, ΥΠ. 
189 

Ilium, the Trojan war there, 1. 5, rr. 10, 117—120, vir. 20, 161; 
Troad subdued by Persians, v. 122; traversed by Xerxes, 
ΥΠ. 42 

Illyria, customs of the Eneti there, r. 196; river Angrus there, 
Iv. 49; flight to Illyria of the Temenid brothers, vir. 137; 
Illyrian invasion of Greece, 1x. 43 

Imbros, in the N.E. Aegean, v. 26, vr. 41, 104 

Inachus, father of Io, 1. 1. 

Inaros of Libya, his revolt against Persia in 460 B.c., m1. 12, 15, 
vir. 7 

Indians, their tribute to Persia, m1. 94; their customs, ΤΠ. 97— 
102, 104; conquest by Darius, Iv. 44; most numerous people 
in the world, v. 3; in Xerxes’ army, vir. 65, 86; with Mar- 
donius, vri. 113, 1x. 31. Indian dogs, 1. 192, vir. 187 

Indus, the river, Darius' exploration of it, 1v. 44 

Ino, wife of Athamas, ΥΠ. 197 

Intaphrenes, one of the seven conspirators against the Magians 
ni. 70, 78; his presumption and punishment, ΠΙ. 118 


348 


INDEX 


Inyx (or Inycus), a town in Sicily, probably near Acragas, vr. 
123 

Io, daughter of Inachus, her abduction, 1. 1, 5; depicted in the 
form of a cow, ΙΙ. 41 

Ioleus, a town offered by the Thessalians to the exiled Hippias, 
v. 94 

Ion, eponymous ancestral hero of the Ionians, v. 06, vir. 94, 
vill. 44 

Ionians, subdued by Croesus, 1. 6; Dorian and Jonian races, 
I. 56; threatened by Cyrus, 1. 141, 142; their settlements 
in Asia, 1. 143-153, rr. 178; conquest by Cyrus, 1. 159-171; 
Ionian beliefs about Egypt refuted, rr. 15, 16; Sesostris’ in- 
scriptions in Ionia, 11. 106; Ionian pirates in Egypt, 11. 152; 
Amasis’ Ionian guards, rr. 163; tribute paid by Ionians to 
Persia, 111. 90; Ionians with Darius’ Scythian expedition, 
IV. 89; left to guard the Ister bridge, Iv. 97, 128, 133, 136- 
142; Ionian revolt against Darius, v. 28-38; Ionian and 
Phoenician writing, v. 58, 59; Ionian tribes in Attica, v. 69; 
Ionian dress, v. 87; course of Ionian revolt, and burning of 
Sardis, v. 97-103, 108-115; reduction of Jonian towns, v. 
116-123; continuance of revolt and its final suppression, VI. 
1-32 passim; Persian organisation of Ionia, vi. 42; Ionia 
“exposed to many risks” (in story of Glaucus), vi. 86; 
Ionians in Xerxes’ fleet, vir. 94; Themistocles? appeal to 
them, vir. 22; Athenians called [onians, vir. 44; Jonians 
in Peloponnese, vii. 73; Ionian ships with Xerxes at Salamis, 
vir. 85, 90; appeals from Ionia to the Greeks for help, vin. 
132, rx. 90; Ionian desertion of Persians at Mycale, 1x. 98, 
103; revolt against Persia, rx. 104, 106 ; (other unimportant reff.) 

Ionian sea, ΥΠ. 20, ΙΧ. 92 

Iphiclus, father of Protesilaus, rx. 116 

Iphigenia, daughter of Agamemnon; human sacrifice offered 
to her in Scythia, 1v. 103 

Ipni (Ovens), name of rocks at the foot of Pelion, the scene of 
a Persian shipwreck, vir. 188 

Irasa, in Libya, the site of the founding of Cyrene, rv. 158 

Irens, Spartan young men between 20 and 30 years of age, 
IX. 85 

Is (Hit), a place eight days distant from Babylon, on a river 
of the same name, producing bitumen, 1. 179 

Isagoras, an Athenian, rival of Cleisthenes the reformer, and 
supported by Sparta, v. 66, 70-74 


319 


INDEX 


Ischenoiis, an Aeginetan, vil. 181 

Isis, an Egyptian deity, identified by Herodotus with Demeter, 
q.v.; represented with a cow's head, rr. 41, 1v. 186; her temple 
at Busiris, τι. 59 

Ismaris, lake in Thrace, on Xerxes’ route, ΥΠ. 109 

Ismenian, epithet of Apollo at Thebes, 1. 52, 92, v. 59, ντ. 
134 


Issedones, a people living north of the Caspian, probably, 1. 201, 
IV. 13, 16, 32; their customs, Iv. 26 

Isthmus of Corinth, Greek council of war there, ΥΠ. 172; decision 
to guard it, vir. 40; to withdraw the fleet thither from 
Salamis, vir. 56; decision reversed, vir. 63; fortification 
of the isthmus, vir. 71; Peloponnesian policy of holding it, 
ΙΧ. 7-10; Greek advance from the isthmus, ΙΧ. 19; dedication 
of spoils of war there, vir. 121, rx. 81 

Istria, a Milesian colony at the mouth of the Ister, r1. 33 

Istrus (Ister, Danube), compared to the Nile, τι. 26, 33; its 
course and tributaries, rv. 47—50; bridged by Darius, 1v. 89; 
Ister ten days’ journey from the Borysthenes, 1v. 101; Darius’ 
recrossing of the river, Iv. 141; unknown country N. of the 
Ister, v. 9 (some other unimportant reff.) 

Italia, river Crathis there, 1. 145; Democedes in Italy, rr. 136- 
138; Metapontium, rv. 15; adventures of Dorieus in Italy, 
v. 43, 44; Athenian threat to migrate to Siris in Italy, virt. 
62 

Itanus, a town in Crete, 1v. 151 

Ithome, a hill and town in Messenia, rx. 35 (but the reading is 
doubtful). 

Iyrcae, a Scythian hunting tribe, rv. 22 


Labda, mother of Cypselus, despot of Corinth, v. 92 

Labdacus of Thebes, father of Laius, v. 59 

Labraunda, in Caria; temple of a war-god there, v. 119 

Labynetus, (1) ruler of Babylon, 1. 74. (2) His son, also ruler 
of Babylon, temp. Cyrus, 1. 77, 188 

Lacedaemon (and Sparta); Lycurgus’ legislation, 1. 65, 66; 
Croesus’ friendship with Lacedaemon, 1. 69; Lacedaemon war 
with Argos, 1. 82; with Tegea, 1. 67, 68; attack on Samos, 
II. 44-41, 54-56; Theras’ colonising expedition from Lace- 
daemon, Iv. 147-149; state of Sparta under Cleomenes, v. 
39-43; Lacedaemonian invasion of Attica to expel the Pisis- 
tratids, v. 63-65, 70-76; feud between Spartan kings, and 


359 


INDEX 


origin of dual kingship, vr. 51, 52, 61—71; rights and duties 
of the kings, vr. 56-60; war with Argos, vr. 76-82; Spartan 
force too late for Marathon, vi. 120; claim to command 
against the Persians, vir. 159; Lacedaemonians under Leonidas 
at Thermopylae, vir. 204-232;  Lacedaemonian envoys at 
Athens to maintain Athenian alliance, vri. 142-144; dilatory 
policy of Lacedaemonians after Salamis, ΙΧ. 7-11; their ad- 
vance into Boeotia, Ix. 19; Spartan tactics before Plataea, 
and conduct in the battle, rx. 46-70; at Mycale, 1x. 102-104 
(many other incidental reff.; see also Cleomenes, Eurybiades, 
Demaratus, Leonidas, Pausanias.) 

Lacmon, a mountain in N.W. Greece, above Apollonia, rx. 93 

Lacrines, a Spartan envoy to Cyrus, I. 152 

Lade, an island off Miletus, headquarters of the Jonian fleet in 
the revolt against Darius, vr. 7, 11 

Ladice of Cyrene, wife of Amasis of Egypt, τι. 181 

Laius, son of Labdacus, and father of Oedipus, v. 59; his oracles, 
v. 43 

Lampito, daughter of Leutychides, king of Sparta, vi. 71 

Lampon, (1) à Samian envoy to the Greeks before Mycale, ΙΧ. 
90. (2) An Athenian, rx. 21. (3) An Aeginetan, his advice 
to Pausanias to impale the corpse of Mardonius, Ix. 78 

Lamponium, a Lesbian colony in Mysia, v. 26 

Lampsacus, in the Troad, on the Hellespont, v. 117; its hostility 
to Miltiades, γι. 37 

Laodamas, (1) son of Eteocles of Thebes, v. 61. (2) An Aegine- 
tan, rv. 152. (3) Despot of Phocaea, with Darius’ Scythian 
expedition, Iv. 138 

Laodice, one of the Hyperborean visitants at Delos, rv. 33 

Lapithae, a pre-Hellenic race; a Lapith at Corinth, v. 92 

Laphanes, an Azanian, a suitor for Cleisthenes' daughter, vI. 127 

Lasonii, a people on the borders of Lycia; their tribute to Persia, 
ΠΙ. 90; in Xerxes’ army, VII. 77 

Lasus of Hermione, his detection of a forgery, vir. 6 

Laurium, in Attica, Athenian revenue from its silver mines, 
vir. 144 

Laüs, a town on the W. coast of southern Italy, vr. 21 

Leagrus, an Athenian general in Thrace, 465 B.C., IX. 75 

Learchus, brother and murderer of the second Arcesilaus of 
Cyrene, 1v. 160 

Lebadea, in northern Greece, its oracular shrine of Trophonius, 
vir. 134 


351 


INDEX 


Lebaea, a town in Macedonia, vim. 137 

Lebedos, an Ionian town in Lydia, 1. 142 

Lectus, a promontory in the Troad, rx. 114 

Leleges, old name of the Carians, 1. 171 

Lemnos, off the Troad, colonised by the Minyae, rv. 145; its 
Pelasgian inhabitants, v. 26, νι. 138; their crime and penalty, 
vr. 138-140; Lemnians in Peloponnese, vir. 73 

Leobotes, a king of Sparta, Lycurgus’ ward, 1. 65, ντι. 204 

Leocedes, an Argive, one of the suitors for Cleisthenes' daughter, 
vi. 127 

Leon (1) of Troezen, captain of the first Greek ship captured 
by Xerxes’ flect, ντι. 180. (2) A king of Sparta, 1. 65, v. 39, 
vir. 204 

Leonidas, king of Sparta, son of Anaxandrides, v. 41; his com- 
mand and death at Thermopylae, ΥΠ. 204—238; atonement 
for his death demanded by Sparta, vir. 114; Pausanias’ 
refusal to avenge Leonidas on Mardonius’ dead body, 1x. 79 

Leontiades, commander of the Thebans at Thermopylae, vir. 
205, 233 

Leontini, a town in Sicily, vIr. 154 

Leoprepes, (1) a Spartan, v1. 85. (2) A Cean, father of Simonides, 
VII. 228 

Lepreum, a town in Elis, founded by the Minyae, Iv. 148; its 
contingent at Plataea, 1x. 28 

Lerisae, an Aeolian town in Asia Minor, 1. 149 

Leros, off the Carian coast, proposal that the Ionian rebels 
against Darius should take refuge there, v. 125 

Lesbos, Aeolian towns there, 1. 151; islands in the Araxes 
alleged to be as big as Lesbos, 1. 202; Lesbians defeated by 
Polyerates of Samos, ΠΠ. 39; their fleet in the Ionic revolt, 
vi. ὃ; Lesbos reconquered by Persians, vI. 31; received into 
Greek alliance after Mycale, 1x. 106 

Leto, identified with the Egyptian Uat; her oracular shrine at 
Buto, 11. 59, 152, 155 

Leucadians, in N.W. Greece; in the Greek fleet, vim. 45, 47; 
in Pausanias’ army at Plataea, ΙΧ. 28 

Leucae stelae (White Columns), a place on the river Marsyas 
in Caria, v. 118 

Leuce Acte (White Strand), in Thrace, a centre for Xerxes’ 
commissariat, ΥΠ. 25 

Leucon, a place in Libya, defeat of the second Arcesilaus by 
Libyans there, 1v. 160 


352 


INDEX 


Leucon teichos (White Fort) at Memphis, held by a Persian 
garrison, ΤΠ. 91 

Leutychides, (1) a Spartan, great-great-grandfather of Leuty- 
chides, king of Sparta, vim. 131. (2) King of Sparta; enemy 
and successor of Demaratus, vr. 65, 67; his family, vr. 71; 
his death (469 B.c.), vr. 72; his appeal to Athens to surrender 
Aeginetan hostages (story of Glaucus), vr. 86; his command 
of the Greek force before and at Mycale, rx. 90, 92, 98; return 
to Greece, 1x. 114 

Libya, part of it submerged by the Nile flood, rr. 18; extent 
of Libya, 11. 32; story of a crossing of the Libyan desert, ib.; 
Poseidon a Libyan deity, π. 50; Libya and Dodona, rr. 54— 
56; Libyans a healthy people, rr. 77; Libyan tribute to Persia, 
HI. 91; heat of Libya, iv. 29; Darius proposed conquest 
of Libya, 1v. 145, 167; list of Libyan tribes and description 
of their manners and customs, Iv. 168-199; circumnavigation 
of Libya, rv. 42-43; early history of Cyrene, rv. 150-164; 
Dorieus in Libya, v. 42; Ethiopians of Libya woolly haired, 
vil. 70; Libyans in Xerxes’ army, vir 71, 86; with the 
Carthaginians in the attack on Gelon, ΥΠ. 165 

Lichas, a Spartan, his discovery at Tegea, 1. 67 

Lide, a hill in Caria, defended against the Persians, 1. 174 

Ligyes, (1) an Asiatic contingent in Xerxes’ army, apparently 
from near the Halys, vu. 72. (2) Ligurians, v. 9; their part 
in the invasion of Sicily, ντι. 165 

Limeneium, a place near Miletus, defeat there of Milesians by 
Sardyattes, 1. 18 

Lindus, in Rhodes, temple of Athene there, τι. 182; Lindian 
founders of Gela in Sicily, vir. 153 

Linus, a youth lamented in Greek song, identified by Hero- 
dotus with the Egyptian Maneros, rr 79 (sce note ad 
loc.) 

Lipaxus, a town in Chalcidice, vir. 123 

Lipoxais, one of the three mythical ancestors of the Scythian 
nation, Iv. 5. 

Lipsydrium, probably on Mt. Parnes in Attica; fortified by the 
Alemeonidae, v. 62 

Lisae, a town in Chalcidice, vir. 123 

Lisus, a town in Thrace, on Xerxes’ route, vir. 108 

Locrians, in Italy (Epizephyrii) vr. 23; opposite to Euboea 
(Opuntians), ντι. 132; in the Persian armies, vii. 66, Ix. 31; 
with the Grecks at Thermopylae, vu. 203, 207; Locrian ships 


353 
VOL. IY, (HERODOTUS) N 


INDEX 


in the Greek fleet, vi. 1; Ozolian Locrians, flight of the 
Delphians thither, vim. 32 

Lotophagi, in the Cyrenaean part of northern Libya, on the 
sea coast, Iv. 177, 183 

Loxias, title of the Delphic Apollo, 1. 91, 1v. 163 

Lycaretus, a Samian, brother of Maeandrius, 111. 143; made 
governor of Lemnos by the Persians, v. 27 

Lycians, their kings of Ionia, 1. 147; Lycians originally Cretans, 
I. 173; their resistance to the Medes, 1. 176; tribute to Persia, 
II. 90; in Xerxes’ army, ΥΠ. 92 

Lycidas, an Athenian, put to death for advising negotiations 
with Persians, 1x. 5 

Lycomedes, an Athenian, distinguished in a sea-fight off Arte- 
misium, VIIL. ll 

Lycopas, a Spartan, distinguished in an attack on Samos, ri. 55 

Lycophron, son of Periander of Corinth; his quarrel with his 
father, rrr. 50—53 

Lycurgus, (1) the Spartan legislator, 1. 65, 66. (2) An Athenian, 
leader of the ‘‘ men of the plain," son of Aristolaidas, 1. 59. 
(3) An Arcadian, vr. 127 

Lycus, (1) an Athenian, son of Pandion; Lycia called after him, 
1. 173, υπ. 92. (2) A Scythian, 1v. 76. (3) A river in Scythia, 
flowing into the Maeétian lake, tv. 123. (4) A river in 
Phrygia, flowing by Colossae, vr. 30 

Lydians, passim 1. 6—56, 69-92 (but without any important 
mention of the name; see Sardis and Croesus); notable sights 
in Lydia, and its customs, 1. 93, 94; Ionians in Lydia, 1. 
142; Croesus’ advice as to Cyrus’ government of Lydia, 1. 
154-156; Lydian tribute to Persia, mr. 90; Lydian theory 
of the name Asia, Iv. 45; wealth of Lydia, v. 49; Alcmeon’s 
good offices to Lydians, vi. 125; Xerxes’ passage through 
Lydia, vu. 30-32; Lydians in his army, vu. 74 

Lydias, a river between Bottiaea and Macedonia, ΥΠ. 127 

Lydus, son of Atys, origin of the name Lydia, 1. 7, 171, vix. 74 

Lygdamis, (1) a Halicarnassian, father of Artemisia, vir. 99. 
(2) A Naxian, a friend and helper of Pisistratus, 1. 61, 64 

Lynceus, alleged to have come with his uncle Danatis from 
Chemmis in Egypt, 1. 91 

Lysagoras, (1) a Milesian, father of Histiaeus, v. 30. (2) A 
Parian, son of Tisias; enemy of the younger Miltiades, vi. 133 

Lysanias of Eretria, a suitor for Cleisthenes’ daughter, v1. 127 

Lysicles, an Athenian, vin. 21 


354 


INDEX 


Lysimachus, an Athenian, father of Aristides, vir. 79 
Lysistratus, an Athenian oracle-monger, vir. 96 


Macae, a tribe on the Libyan coast, 1v. 175, v. 42 

Macedonians, a name for Dorians in their early settlements near 
Mt. Pindus, 1. 56, vir. 43 

Macedonia, access to it from the east, v. 17; fate of Persian 
envoys there, v. 18-20; subdued by Mardonius, vr. 44; 
passes from Macedonia into Thessaly, vir. 128, 173; Mace- 
donians in Xerxes’ army, vil. 185, at Plataea, ΙΧ. 31; story 
of the beginnings of the Tcmenid dynasty, vir. 137-139; 
Macedonians governing Boeotia for Persians, vin. 34 (see 
also Alexander). 

Machlyes, a tribe on the Libyan coast, 1v. 178, 180 

Macistius, see Masistius. 

Macistus, a town in the west of the Peloponnese, founded by the 
Minyae, 1v. 148 

Maerones, a tribe S.E. of the Euxine, 1r. 104; their tribute to 
Persia, 111. 94; in Xerxes’ army, vit. 78 

Mactorium, 8 town near Gela in Sicily, vir. 153 

Madyes, a Scythian king; his invasion of Media and conquest 
of Asia, 1. 104 

Madytus, a town in the Thracian Chersonese, near Xerxes’ 
bridge, vir. 33, 1x. 120 

Maeander, a river between Lydia and Caria; its windings, rr. 
29; source at Celaenae, vir. 26; crossed by Xerxes, vir. 30 

Maeandrius, secretary to Polycrates of Samos, 11. 124; Poly- 
crates’ deputy, rii. 142; his death, ΙΙ. 143 

Maeétae, a tribe north of the Maeétian lake, rv. 123; the Tanais 
called Maeétian, Iv. 45 

Maeétian lake (Palus Maeotis, Sea of Azov), its distance from 
the Phasis, 1. 104; mouth of the Tanais there, rv. 57, 100; 
nearly as large as the Euxine, 1v. 86, 110, 116, 120, 123 

Magdolus (Migdol of O.T.), on the Egyptian and Syrian frontier; 
alleged scene of a battle (really fought not here but at Megiddo) 
between Egyptians and Syrians, 11. 159 

Magi, à Median tribe of magicians and interpreters of dreams, 
I. 101; their services in this respect, 1. 107, 120, 128, 132, 140, 
vir. 19, 37, 43, 113, 191; the Magian usurpation of royalty 
and its end, rrr. 61, 63—69, 71, 74—80 

Magnesia, (1) a district in Thessaly, Xerxes’ fleet there, vir. 
183, 193; Magnesians in Xerxes' army, vir. 132, 195. (2) A 


355 


INDEX 


town in Asia near the Macander, taken by Medes, 1. 161; 
Polyerates put to death there by Oroetes, 111. 125; Magnesian 
tribute to Persia, 111. 90 

Malea, the southernmost promontory of Peloponnese ; all western 
Greece as far as Malea once ruled by Argos, 1. 82; Iason’s 
voyage near it, Iv. 179; Corcyraeans’ pretext that they could 
not pass Malea, vir. 168 

Malene, near Atarneus in Mysia, scene of a battle in the Ionian 
revolt, vi. 29 

Males, an Aetolian suitor for Cleisthenes' daughter, v1. 127 

Mandane, daughter of Astyages and mother of Cyrus, 1. 107, 111 

Mandrocles, a Samian, constructor of Darius’ bridge over the 
Bosporus, Iv. 87, 88 

Maneros, son of Min, the first king of Egypt; lament for his 
early death identified with the Greek Linus-song, 11. 79 

Manes, an early Lydian king, 1. 94, Iv. 45 

Mantinea, in Arcadia; an arbitrator sent thence to settle the 
affairs of Cyrene, 1v. 161; Mantineans at Thermopylae, vir. 
202; their late arrival at Plataea, 1x. 77 

Mantyes, a Paeonian, his and his brother's proposal to the 
Persians to annex Paeonia, v. 12 

Maraphii, a Persian tribe, 1. 125 

Marathon, on the N.E. coast of Attica; Pisistratus landing 
there after exile, 1. 62; Persian landing under Datis, vr. 102; 
preliminaries to the battle, and the battle itself, νι. 107-117 
(a few more unimportant reff.) 

Mardi, a Persian tribe, 1. 125 

Mardonius, son of Gobryas, his expedition to Greece and ship- 
wreck off Athos, vi. 43-45; his warlike counsel to Xerxes, 
vir. 5, 9; one of the six generals in command of Xerxes’ army, 
vu. 82, 121; in Xerxes’ eonfidenee, vir. 97; proposal for 
operations in Greece after Salamis, vir. 100-102; Xerxes’ 
promise that Mardonius should give the Greeks satisfaction 
for the death of Leonidas, vim. 114; Mardonius in Thessaly, 
vil. 131; his consultation of oracles, virt. 135; proposal 
through Alexander for an Athenian alliance, vim. 140; his 
second capture of Athens, 1x. 3; retreat into Boeotia and 
position there, rx. 14, 15; operations near Plataea, ix. 17— 
25, 38-40; dispute between Mardonius and Artabazus, ΙΧ. 
41, 42; taunting message to Spartans, 1x. 48; his eavalry 
attack on the Greeks, rx. 49; final engagement, and death 
of Mardonius, Ix. 61-63; his burial, ΙΧ. 84 


350 


INDEX 


Mardontes, a Persian, one of Xerxes’ officers, ΥΠ. 80; in com- 
mand of Persian fleet after Salamis, vir. 130; his death at 
Myeale, 1x. 102 

Marea, a frontier post in western Egypt, τι. 18, 30 

Mares, a tribe apparently on the S.E. coast of the Luxine; 
tribute to Persia, 111. 91; in Xerxes’ army, vir. 79 

Mariandyni, a tribe in Paphlagonia; tribute to Persia, rm. 90; 
in Xerxes’ army, VII. 72 

Maris, a northern tributary of the Danube, according to Herodotus 
(but this is wrong, if Maris is modern Marosch), rv. 49 

Maron, a Spartan distinguished at Thermopylae, vir. 227 

Maronea, à Greek town in Thrace, on Xerxes’ route, vir. 109 

Marsyas, (1) the ' Silenus" according to legend worsted in a 
musical competition and flayed by Apollo, νη. 26. (2) A 
river in Caria, v. 118. (The better known Marsyas in Phrygia 
is called Catarrhactes by Herodotus, vir. 26.) 

Maseames, Persian governor of Doriscus in Thrace; his defence 
of the town, ΥΠ. 105 

Masistes, son of Darius, one of the six generals of Xerxes’ army, 
vi. 82, 121; his quarrel with Artayntes, 1x. 107; victim of 
Xerxes’ adultery and eruclty, rx. 110—113. 

Masistius, a Persian officer in Xerxes’ army, VII. 79; in com- 
mand of cavalry at Plataea, rx. 20; his death, and mourning 
for him, 1x. 22, 24 

Maspii, a Persian tribe, 1. 125 

Massages, a Persian officer in Xerxes’ army, vir. 71 

Massagetae, a people apparently N. of the Caspian; Cyrus’ 
campaign against them, 1. 201, 204-208, 211-214; their 
customs, I. 215, 216; Seythians driven from their country 
by Massagetae, 1V. 11 

Massalia (Massilia, Marseilles), v. 9 

Matieni, à people of doubtful locality; on the right of the Halys, 
I. 72; source of the Araxes, 1. 202; of the Gyndes, 1. 189; 
of the modern “ Greater Zab,’ v. 52; west of Armenia, v. 
49; tribute to Persia, rri. 94; in Xerxes’ army, ΥΠ. 72 

Matten, a Tyrian officer in Xerxes’ fleet, vrr. 98 

Mausolus, a man of Cindye in Caria, v. 118 

Mecisteus, brother of Adrastus according to legend, and slain 
by Melanippus, v. 67 

Mecyberna, a town on the Sithonian promontory of Chalcidice, 
ΥΠ. 122 

Medea, her abduetion by Iason, 1.2; Media called after her, vir. 62 


357 


INDEX 


Medians (as distinct from Persians), their war with Lydia, 1. 16: 
the Halys their frontier, 1. 72; Cyaxares' feud with Scythians, 
I 73; Medians' revolt from Assyria, and growth of their 
power, 1. 95-102; conquered by Scythians, 1. 104, τν. 1; 
their liberation, 1. 106, 1v. 4; subjection of Media to Persia 
by Cyrus, 1. 123-130; Median system of government, 1. 134; 
their dress, 1. 135, mr. 84, v. 9; Babylonians alarmed by 
Median power, r. 185; Median tribute to Persia, m1. 92; 
horses, ΙΙ. 106, vrr. 40; Media on the northern frontier of 
Persia, Iv. 37; Medians in Xerxes’ army, vır. 62; at Thermo- 
pylae, vir. 210; in Mardonius army, vir. 113, ΙΧ. 31, 40 

Megabates, a Persian general, Darius’ cousin, v. 32, 35 

Megabazus, (1) a Persian general, left by Darius in Thrace on 
his Scythian expedition, rv. 143; Darius’ estimation of him, 
1b.; his operations in Thrace, v. 1, 10, 12, 14, 17, 28. (2) One 
of Xerxes' admirals, son of Megabates, vir. 97 

Megabyzus, (1) a Persian, one of the seven conspirators against 
the Magians, ΙΠ. 70; advocate of oligarchy for Persia, ΙΙ. 81. 
(2) A Persian, father of Zopyrus, 11. 153. (3) Son of Zopyrus; 
one of the generals of Xerxes’ army, vir. 82, 121; in command 
subsequently in Egypt, 111. 160 

Megacles, (1) an Athenian, father of Alemeon, vi. 125. (2) Son 
of Alemeon 5 leader of the ** Men of the Coast," τ. 59; father- 
in-law of Pisistratus, 1. 61; married to the daughter of 
Cleisthenes of Sicyon, vr. 127, 130. (3) Grandson of Megacles 
(2), and grandfather of Pericles, v1. 131 

Megacreon, of Abdera, his saying about the feeding of Xerxes' 
army, vil. 120 

Megadostes, a Persian, vir. 105 

Megapanus, a Persian officer in Xerxes’ army, afterwards 
governor of Babylon, ΥΠ. 62 

Megara, a Dorian settlement, on the borders of Attica, v. 76; 
Megarians in the Greek fleet, vu. 1, 45; in Pausanias army, 
IX. 21, 28, 31; their disaster, ΙΧ, 69, 85. Megarians of Sicily, 
their treatment by Gelon, vir. 156 

Megasidrus, a Persian, ΥΠ. 72 

Megistias, an Acarnanian diviner, with Leonidas at Thermopylae, 
vu. 219, 221; his epitaph, vir. 228 

Meionians, old name of Lydians, 1. 7; in Xerxes’ army, vu. 74 

Melampus, a legendary hero and teacher; his introduction of 
the cult of Dionysus into Greece, 11.49; ancestor of Megistias, 
vir. 221; his demand of privileges at Argos, ΙΧ. 34 


358 


INDEX 


Melampygus, name of a rock on the mountain side above 
Thermopylae, vir. 216 

Melanchlaeni (Black-Cloaks), a tribe N. of Seythia, 1v. 20, 100; 
their customs, IV. 107; their part in the war with Darius, tv. 
119, 125 

Melanippus, (1) a legendary Theban hero; his cult introduced 
at Sicyon, v. 67. (2) A Mytilenaean, a friend of the poet 
Alcaeus, v. 95 

Melanthius, an Athenian commander sent to assist the Ionian 
rebels against Darius, v. 97 

Melanthus, father of Codrus, 1. 147, v. 65 

Melas (black), epithet of (1) a river in Thrace, crossed by Xerxes, 
ΥΠ. 58. (2) A bay into which the above flows, γι. 41, Υπ. 
58. (3) A river in Malis near Thermopylae, vir. 198 

Meles, king of Sardis, 1. 84 

Meliboea, near the coast of Magnesia; wreck of Xerxes’ fleet 
near it, vir. 188 

Melians (of Melis, or Malis), their submission to Xerxes, VII. 
132; mountains of Melis, ΥΠ. 198; Thermopylae in Melis, 
vir. 201; discovery of the Anopaea path, vir. 215; Melians 
in Persian armies, vir. 66, rx. 31; Melian gulf a stage on 
the way from the Hyperboreans to Delos, τν. 33 

Melians of Melos, colonists from Lacedaemon, in the Greek fleet, 
VIII. 46, 48 

Melissa, wife of Periander of Corinth, 111. 50, v. 92 

Membliarus, à Phoenician, founder of a settlement in the island 
of Calliste or Thera, 1v. 147 

Memnon, legendary king of Ethiopia; a rock figure in Ionia 
wrongly taken to represent him, n. 106; Susa called “ Mem- 
nonian," v. 53, vir. 151 

Memphis, in Egypt, its temple of “ Hephaestus,” rr. 3, 112, 153; 
pyramids there, n. 8; hills above it, rr. 12, 158; Nile flood 
below Memphis, τι. 97, 99; works of Min there, rr. 99; pre- 
cinct of Proteus, 11. 112; quarries of Memphis, 1. 175; water 
supply from Memphis, m1. 6; Memphis taken by Cambyses, 
ΤΠ. 13; his return thither from Ethiopia, rr. 25; his sacrilege 
there, in. 37; Persian garrison there, m1. 91; Darius and 
Syloson at Memphis, ΤΠ. 139 

Menares, a Spartan, father of Leutychides, νι. 65, 71, vrrr. 131 

Mende, à town on the promontory of Pallene in Chalcidice, ΥΠ. 
123 

Mendes, an Egyptian deity; identified with Pan, ΙΙ. 42, 46; 


359 


INDEX 


Mendesian province, Π. 42, 40; inhabited by one of the 
Egyptian warrior tribes, rr. 166; Mendesian mouth of the 
Nile, 11. 17 

Menelaus, (1) brother of Agamemnon; his visit to Egypt, 11. 
118, 119; Cretans reminded of their assistance of Menelaus 
before Troy, vir. 169, 171. (2) A harbour near Cyrene, iv. 
169 

Menius, a Spartan, brother-in-law of Leutychides, vr. 71 

Merbalus, an officer in Xerxes’ fleet, from the island of Aradus, 
Vil. 98 

Mermnadae, the reigning dynasty in Lydia from Gyges to Croesus, 
το τα 

Meroé, on the Nile, the capital of Ethiopia, n. 29 (probably 
Napata) 

Mesambria, a town on the Thracian coast of the Aegean, Iv. 93, 
VI. 33, ΥΠ. 108 

Messapii, a people near Tarentum, said to be of Cretan origin, 
vir. 170 

Messene, in Sicily (Messina), otherwise called Zancle; a Coin 
settlement there, vir. 164 

Messenia, its alliance with Samos, in. 47; wars with Sparta, 
v. 49, 1x. 35, 64 

Metapontium, near Croton in Italy, its story of the reincarna- 
tion of Aristeas, 1v. 15 

Metiochus, son of the younger Miltiades, his capture by Persians, 
v1. 41 

Metrodorus, one of the Hellespontian despots with Darius’ 
Scythian expedition, rv. 138 

Micythus, governor of Rhegium, his defeat by Messapians and 
his offerings at Olympia, ΥΠ. 170 

Midas, king of Phrygia, son of Gordias, his offerings at Delphi, 
I. 14; his gardens in Macedonia, vri. 138 

Miletus, in Caria, attacked by Gyges, 1. 14; war with Alyattes, 
1. 17-22; an Ionian town, 1. 142; agreement with Cyrus, 
I. 169; port of Borysthenes a Milesian settlement, Iv. 78; 
wealth and dissensions of Miletus, v. 28, 29; Aristagoras its 
governor, V. 30; Milesians defeated by Persians in Ionic 
revolt, v. 120; threatened attack of Miletus by Persians, v1. 
5-7; siege, capture, and depopulation of the town, vr. 18— 
22; Phrynichus' drama on the subject, vi. 22; Persian fleet 
off Miletus, vr. 31; story of the Milesian and Glaucus, vr. 86; 
Miletus’ foundation by Neleus, rx. 97; Milesians’ desertion 


360 


INDEX 


of the Persians at Mycale, 1x. 104 (other less important reff.; 
see also Aristagoras and Histiaeus). 

Milon of Croton, the wrestler, Democedes' alleged betrothal to 
his daughter, ΤΙ. 137 

Miltiades, (1) an Athenian, son of Cypselus, his rule in the Thracian 
Chersonese, vr. 34-38, 103 (temp. Croesus) (2) Nephew of 
the above, son of Cimon; also ruler of the Chersonese, vi. 
34; his advice to the Ionians to cut off Darius’ retreat from 
Scythia, rV. 137; his escape from the Scythians, v1. 40; from 
the Phoenicians, vi. 41; one of the ten generals at Marathon, 
vi. 103, 104; his decision to fight, vr. 109, 110; his attack 
on Paros, vi. 132; conquest of Lemnos, vi. 110; his impeach- 
ment and death, vr. 136 

Milyae, old inhabitants of Lycia, 1. 173; their tribute to Persia, 
HI. 90; in Xerxes’ army, vi. 77 

Min, the first human king of Egypt, Π. 4; his embankment of 
the Nile near Memphis, 11. 99 

Minoa, in Sicily, a colony from Selinus, v. 46 

Minos, king of Crete, expulsion of his brother Sarpedon, 1. 
173; his Carian auxiliaries, 1. 141; his death in Sicily, vir. 
169 

Minyae, a people from Orchomenus, their Asiatic settlements, 
I. 146; adventures of Minyan descendents of the Argonants 
in Lacedaemon and the western Peloponnese, Iv. 145-148; 
the first Battus of Cyrene a Minyan, 1v. 150 

Mitra, a Persian deity identified with Aphrodite, 1. 131 

Mitradates, Cyrus’ foster-father, 1. 110 

Mitrobates, a Persian governor at Dascyleum, killed by Oroetes, 
ni. 126 

Mnesarchus, a Samian, Iv. 95 

Mnesiphilus, an Athenian, his advice to Themistocles before 
Salamis, virt. 57 

Moeris, king of Egypt, 900 years before Herodotus, m. 13; his 
work at Memphis and elsewhere, Π. 101; lake of Moeris 
(in the Fayyum) and labyrinth adjacent described, π. 69, 
148, 149; revenue of Persia from it, xir. 91 

Molois, a stream on or near the battlefield of Plataea, 1x. 57 

Molossians, a people of Epirus, their alleged settlements in Asia, 
I. 146 

Molpagoras, a Milesian, father of Aristagoras, v. 30 

Momemphis, in Egypt, battle there between Apries and Amasis, 
ir. 163, 169 


361 


INDEX 


Mophi, one of two hills alleged to be near the source of the Nile 
(sce Crophi), 1. 28 

Moschi, à tribe at the E. end of the Euxine, their tribute to 
Persia, rr. 94; in Xerxes’ army, VIIL. 78 

Mossynoeci, a tribe between Armenia and the Euxine, their 
tribute to Persia, rrr. 94; in Xerxes’ army, VII. 78 

Munychia, on the Attic coast E. of the Piraeus, the eastern 
extremity of Xerxes’ line before Salamis, vir. 76 

Murychides, a Hellespontian envoy from Mardonius to the 
Athenians, rx. 4 

Musaeus, his oracles, vir. 6, ντ. 96, ΙΧ. 43 

Mycale, an Jonian promontory opposite Samos; Panionium 
there, 1. 148; flight of Chians thither after Lade, vi. 16; 
defeat of Persians by Greeks at Mycale, rx. 90, 96-101 

Mycenaeans, at Thermopylae, vir. 202; Heraclidae and Mycen- 
aeans, IX. 27; Mycenaeans in Pausanias’ army, ΙΧ. 31 

Mycerinus, king of Egypt, son of Cheops, his virtues and mis- 
fortunes, and his way of prolonging his life, 1. 129-132; his 
buildings, and economic state of Egypt in his time, rr. 136 

Myci, a tribe probably in the south of Persia, their tribute, 11. 
93; in Xerxes' army, vir. 98 

Myconus, an island in the Aegean, near Delos, vr. 118 

Myecphorite province of Egypt, inhabited by one of the warrior 
tribes, rr. 166 

Mygdonia, a district on the Thermaic gulf, vir. 123, 127 

Mylasa, a town in Caria; temple of Zeus there, 1. 171 

Mylitta, an Assyrian deity identified with Aphrodite, 1. 131, 199 

Myreinus, a town of the Edonians in Thrace, given to Histiaeus, 
v. 11, 23; Aristagoras’ retreat thither, v. 126 

Myriandric gulf, the bay of Issus in Asia Minor, rv. 38 

Myrina, (1) an Aeolian town in Mysia, 1. 149. (2) A town in 
Lemnos, taken by Miltiades, vr. 140 

Myrmex (the Ant), name of a reef between Magnesia and Sciathus, 
ΥΠ. 183 

Myron, grandfather of Cleisthenes of Sicyon, vi. 126 

Myrsilus, Greek name for Candaules, despot of Sardis, 1. 7 

Myrsus, (1) father of Candaules, 1. 7. (2) A Lydian emissary 
of Oroetes, 11. 122; his death in battle in Caria, v. 121 

Mys, a man of Europus sent by Mardonius to consult oracles, 
vir. 133-135 

Mysia, plagued by a wild boar, r 36; Mysians “‘ brothers " of 
the Carians, 1. 171; their tribute to Persia, m1. 90; legendary 


362 


INDEX 


Mysian and Teucrian invasion of Europe, Υπ. 20; Mysians 
in Xerxes’ army, vii. 74; with Mardonius at Plataea, ΙΧ. 32 
Mytilene, in Lesbos; a Lydian refugee there, 1. 160; an Aeolian 
town, 11. 178; Mytilenaeans killed by Egyptians, in war with 
Cambyses, Ιπ. 13; execution by Mytilenaeans of their despot 
Coés, v. 11, 38; Mytilene and Athens reconciled by Periander, 
v. 95; Histiaeus at Mytilene, vr. 5 

Myus, an Ionian town in Caria, r. 142; Ionian despots arrested 
at Myus, v. 36; its contingent in the Ionian fleet, v1. 8 


Naparis, a northern tributary of the Danube, 1v. 48 

Nasamones, à Libyan people near Cyrene, 11. 32; story of their 
passage of the Libyan desert, 1b.; their customs, Iv. 172, 
182, 190 

Nathos, an Egyptian province in the Delta, partly inhabited 
by one of the warrior tribes, rr. 165 

Naucratis, in the west of the Delta, near the sea, 1. 97; its 
courtesans, 11. 135; its importance as a port, and Greek settle- 
ment there, 11. 178-180 

Nauplia, a town on the sea-coast of Argolis, v1. 76 

Naustrophus, a Megarian, 111. 60 

Naxos, in the Aegean, subdued by Pisistratus, 1. 64; its wealth 
and civil dissensions, and proposed annexation by the Persians, 
v. 28-33; devastated by Datis, vr. 96; desertion of Naxian 
ships to the Greek fleet, vi. 46. Naxians of Sicily, annexed 
by Hippocrates of Gela, vir. 154 

Nea; a “new town," (1) in Upper Egypt, 11.91. (2) In Pallene, 
vir. 123 

Necos, (1) father of Psammetichus, king of Egypt, killed by 
Sabacos, Ἡ. 152. (2) Son of Psammetichus; his canal from 
the Nile to the Red Sea, rr. 158; despatch of Phoenicians to 
cireumnavigate Africa, 1v. 42 

Nelidae, descendants of Neleus of Pylus; the Pisistratids so 
described, v. 65 

Neocles, an Athenian, father of Themistocles, vir. 143 

Neon, a town below one of the peaks of Parnassus, ΥΠΙ. 32 

Neon teichos (New Fort), an Aeolian town in Asia Minor, 1. 149 

Nereids, worship of them unknown in Egypt, τι. 50; deities of 
the Sepias promontory, propitiated by the Magi to abate a 
storm, ΥΠ. 191 

Nesaean plain in Media, Υπ. 40; horses bred there, 111. 106, 
ridden in Xerxes’ army and at Plataea, vu. 40, 1x. 20 


363 


INDEX 


Nestor, of Pylus, the Homeric hero, ancestor of Pisistratus, 
v. 65 

Nestus, a river in Thrace flowing past Abdera, crossed by Xerxes, 
vir. 109; no lions in Europe E. of it, Υπ. 126 

Neuri, northern neighbours of the Scythians, rv. 17, 100; said 
to turn into wolves, rv. 105; their part in the war with Darius, 
TV 119, 125 

Nicandra, youngest of the priestesses of Dodona, Π. 55 

Nicandrus, a king of Sparta, virr. 131 

Nicodromus of Aegina, his attempted betrayal of Aegina to 
Athens, vr. 88, 90 

Nicolaus, (1) a Spartan, vir. 134. (2) Son of Bulis and grand- 
son of the above, a victim of the vengeance of Talthybius on 
the Spartans, ΥΠ. 137 

Nile; lower Egypt perhaps the deposit of the Nile, τι. 10; height 
of inundation, irr. 11; Delta and Nile mouths, τι. 17; theories 
of the Nile flood, τι. 19-27; known course of the river, ΙΙ. 
28-30; its upper waters, and comparison of Nile and Danube, 
π. 31-34; Nile flood and fish, τι. 93; flood below Memphis, 
11. 97; Min's embankment, 11. 99; Nile connected with the 
lake of Moeris, 11. 149; Necos’ canal from Nile to Red Sea, 
11. 158, nr. 42; Nile mouths all closed to trade except one, 
formerly, 11. 179; Nile one of the boundaries of the world, 
Iv. 45; Nile and Danube compared in respect of volume of 
water, IV. 50; source of the Nile unknown, rv. 53. A priest- 
hood of the Nile, τι. 90 

Nileus, son of Codrus, his foundation of Miletus, rx. 97 

Ninus, (1) son of Belus and king of Assyria, τ. 7, Π. 150. 
(2) Nineveh; taken by the Medes, r 106, 185; capital of 
Assyria, superseded by Babylon, 1. 178; on the Tigris, 1. 193; 
robbery of Sardanapalus’ treasures there, 11. 150 

Nipsaei, a Thracian tribe of Salmydessus, their submission to 
Darius, Iv. 93 

Nisaea, the port of Megara, taken by the Athenians, 1. 59 

Nisyros, an island 5. of Cos, its ships under Artemisia’s command, 
vir. 99 

Nitetis, daughter of Apries; one of Cambyses’ wives, rrr. 1 

Nitocris, (1) an Egyptian queen; her revenge for her brother’s 
death, rr. 100. (2) Queen of Babylon; her treatment of the 
Euphrates, 1. 185 

Noés, a Thracian tributary of the Danube, rv. 49 

Nonacris, a town in Arcadia, near the * water of Styx," γι. 74 


364 


INDEX 


Nothon, an Eretrian, vr. 100 

Notium, an Aeolian town in Asia Minor, r. 149 

Nudium, a town in the W. of the Peloponnese, founded by the 
Minyae, rv. 148 

Nymphodorus, of Abdera, his betrayal of Spartan envoys to 
the Athenians, vir. 137 

Nysa, in Ethiopia, ealled “ the sacred,” its cult of Dionysus, m. 
146, τι. 97 


Oarizus, a Persian, ΥΠ. 71 

Oarus, a river in Scythia running into the Palus Maeotis, rv. 
123 

Oasis, a town eight days west of the Egyptian Thebes (apparently 
the modern ** Great oasis " of Khargeh), inhabited by Samians ; 
reached by Cambyses’ force sent against the Ammonians, 
nr. 26 

Oaxus, a town in Crete, ruled by Etearehus, rv. 154 

Oceanus, the eirele of sea (or river) supposed to surround the 
whole world; this theory questioned by Herodotus, πι. 21, 
23, 1v. 8, 36 

Octamasades, a king of Scythia; his murder of his brother 
Seyles, rv. 80 

Oeytus, a Corinthian, father of Adimantus, viir. 5 

Odomanti, a Thracian or Paeonian tribe inhabiting the range 
of Pangaeum, v. 16 (if the reading be right), vir. 112 

Odrysae, a Thracian tribe on Darius’ route to the Danube, 
IV. 92 

Odyssey, quoted by Herodotus, 11. 116, τν. 29 

Oea, a place in Aegina; figures of Damia and Auxesia carried 
thither, v. 83 

Oebares, (1) Darius’ groom; his trick to ensure Darius’ election 
as king, 11. 85-88. (2) Persian governor at Dascyleum, son 
of Megabazus, γι. 33 

Oedipus, son of Laius of Thebes, his “ avenging deities,” Iv. 
149; v. 60 

Oenoe, a northern division of Attica, taken by the Bocotians, 
v. 74 

Oenone, ancient name of Aegina, VIII. 46 

Oenotria, the toe of Italy, τ. 167 

Oenussae, islands between Chios and Asia Minor; the Phocaeans' 
proposal to buy them from Chios, 1. 165 

Oeobazus, (1) a Persian, Darius’ cruel treatment of him, tv. 84. 


365 


INDEX 


(2) A Persian, father of Siromitres, vir 68. (3) A Persian 
fugitive from the Greeks in Thrace, his death there, rx. 115, 
119 

Oeolycus, son of Theras of Sparta; origin of his name, rv. 149 

Oéroé, a tributary of the Asopus, on or near the battlefield of 
Plataea, rx. 51 

Oeta, the mountain range S. of Thermopylae, vu. 176, 217 

Oetosyrus, a variant of Goetosyrus, q.v. 

Olbiopolitae, Greek name for the people of the Borysthenite 
port (Olbia) on the Euxine, Iv. 18 

Olen, a Lycian hymn-writer, Iv. 35 

Olenus, a town on the seacoast of Achaea, 1. 145 

Oliatus of Mylasa, his seizure by the Ionians, v. 37 

Olophyxus, a town on the promontory of Athos, vir. 22 

Olorus, a Thracian king, father-in-law of the younger Miltiades, 
vi. 39 

Olympia, offerings there, vir 170, 1x. 81; sacrifice to obtain 
oracles, VIII. 134 

Olympic games, 1. 59; before battle of Thermopylae, vu. 206; 
of Salamis, vim. 72; victories won by Philippus, v. 47; Cylon, 
v. 71; Miltiades the elder, vr. 36; Demaratus, vr. ΤΟ; Cimon, 
γι. 103; Callias, νι. 122; Alemeon, vi. 125; Cleisthenes, vi. 
126; Hieronymus, ΙΧ. 33; crown of olive given as the prize, 
vill. 26; management of games by Eleans, n. 160, vr. 127; 
competition limited to Greeks, v. 22 

Olympiodorus, an Athenian leader at Plataea, rx. 21 

Olympus, Mount, (1) in Thessaly, r. 56; northern boundary of 
Thessaly, ΥΠ. 129; pass between Olympus and Ossa, vir. 
173. (2) In Mysia; haunted by a wild boar, 1. 36, 43; 
Mysians called Olympians, vr. 74 

Olynthus, in Chalcidice, Υπ. 122; besieged and taken by Arta- 
bazus, vin. 127 

Ombrici, the people of central and northern Italy; Lydian 
settlement there, I. 94; source of a river Alpis in the country 
above the Ombriei, 1v. 49 

Oneatae, name given to a Sicyonian tribe by Cleisthenes, v. 68 

Onesilus, a leader in the Cyprian revolt against Darius, v. 104, 
108; his duel, and death in battle, v. 110-115 

Onetes of Carystus, Herodotus’ denial that he was the Persians’ 
guide over the Anopaea pass at Thermopylae, vir. 214 

Onochonus, a river in Thessaly alleged to have been drunk dry 
by Xerxes’ army, vil. 129, 196 


366 


INDEX 


Onomacritus, an Athenian purveyor or forger of oracles, at 
Xerxes' court, VII. 7 

Onomastus of Elis, a suitor for Cleisthenes' daughter, νι. 127 

Onuphite province of Egypt, inhabited by one of the warrior 
tribes, 11. 166 

Ophryneum, a town in the Troad, vir. 43 

Opis, (1) a town on the Tigris (at the highest point of navigation), 
I 189. (2) One of the Hyperborean pilgrims to Delos, 1v. 35 

Opoea, wife of Ariapithes and afterwards Scyles of Scythia, 
IV. 78 

Opuntians, see Locrians. 

Orbelus, à mountain in Thrace, in the neighbourhood of the 
lake-dwellers, v. 16 

Orchomenus, (1) in Arcadia; its contingent at Thermopylae, 
vir. 202; at Plataea, 1x. 28. (2) In Boeotia; Minyans there, 
I. 146; territory overrun by Persians, virt. 34 

Ordessus, à Scythian tributary of the Danube, 1v. 48 

Orestes, son of Agamemnon, discovery of his tomb at Tegea, 
I. 67 

Orestheum, apparently on the route from Sparta to Megalopolis, 
Ix. il 

Orgeus, a Thasian, vir. 118 

Oricus, son of Ariapithes, king of Scythia, 1v. 78 

Oricus, the port of Apollonia in N.W. Greece, rx. 93 

Orithyia, legendary daughter of Erechtheus and wife of Boreas, 
vir. 189 

Orneatae, inhabitants of Orneae in Argolis, of inferior status 
like the Spartan Perioeci, vrir. 73 

Oroetes, Persian governor of Sardis, his treacherous murder of 
Polyerates, 111. 120-125; his downfall and death, 11. 126-129 

Oromedon, a Cilician, ΥΠ. 98 

Oropus, on the Attic coast opposite Euboea, vi. 101 

Orotalt, an Arabian deity identified with Dionysus, ΙΠ. 8 

Orphic rites, their similarity to Egyptian, rr. 81 

Orsiphantus, a Spartan, vir. 227 

Orus, an Egyptian deity, identified with Apollo, q.v. 

Osiris, identified with Dionysus, q.v. 

Ossa, à mountain in Thessaly, 1. 56; separated from Olympus 
by the Peneus, ΥΠ. 128, 173 

Otanes, (1) a Persian, father of Xerxes’ wife Amestris, ΥΠ. 40, 
61, 82. (2) A Persian, made a judge in place of his father 
Sisamnes by Cambyses, v. 25; his command against the 


367 


INDEX 


Jonian rebels, v. 116, 123. (3) A Persian, son of Pharnaspes, 
originator of the conspiracy against the Magians, 11. 68-19: 
his advocacy of democracy for Persia, 111. 80; surrender of 
his claim to be king, ΤΠ. 83; Darius’ father-in-law, 11. 88; 
in command in Samos, ΙΙ. 144—147 

Otaspes, a Persian officer in Xerxes’ army, vir. 63 

Othryades, the one survivor of 300 Lacedaemonians in a battle 
with 300 Argives, 1. 82 

Othrys, the range forming the S. boundary of Thessaly, vr. 129 

Ozolae, see Locrians. 


Pactolus, a river flowing through Sardis, v. 101 

Pactya, a town at the head of the Thracian Chersonese, vi. 36 

Pactyes, a leader of a Lydian revolt against Cyrus, 1. 154; his 
surrender to the Persians, 1. 1601 

Pactyés, a people in the E. of the Persian empire, near India; 
Scylax’ voyage thence down the Indus, Iv. 44; in Xerxes’ 
army, ΥΠ. 67; another “‘ Pactyice " near Armenia, its tribute 
to Persia, rir. 93 

Padaei, an Indian tribe, said to be cannibals, 111. 99 

Paeanian deme of Attica, 1. 60 

Paeonia, (1) a country west of Thrace, 1v. 49; its war with 
Perinthus, v. 1; conquest and removal of Paeonians by 
Persians, v. 12-17, 23; their return, v. 98; on Xerxes’ 
route, vil. 113, 124; in Xerxes’ army, vir. 185, 1x. 32; their 
theft of Xerxes’ chariot, vi. 115; Paeonian sacrifices, Iv. 33. 
(2) A place in Attica at the foot of Mt. Parnes, v. 62 

Pacoplae, a Paeonian tribe, v. 15; on Xerxes’ route, vu. 113 

Paesus, a Hellespontian town taken by the Persians in the Ionic 
revolt, v. 117 

Paeti, a Thracian tribe on Xerxes’ route, vir. 110 

Paeum (or Paeus), a town in N.W. Arcadia, νι. 127 

Pagasae, at the head of the Pagasaean gulf in Magnesia, a station 
of Xerxes’ fleet, vir. 193 

Paleés, a people of Cephallenia; in Pausanias’ army, ΙΧ. 28 

Palestine, in Syria, 1. 105; circumcision practised there, τι. 104; 
pillars set up there by Sesostris, 11. 106; Syrians of Palestine 
in Xerxes’ fleet, vu. 89 

Pallas, see Athene; Libyan and “ Palladian " worship, rv. 189 

Pallene, one of the promontories of Chalcidice, vir 123; its 
people attacked by Artabazus, ΥΠ. 126-129 

Pamisus, a river in ‘Thessaly, ΥΠ. 129 


309 


INDEX 


Pammon of Scyros, his guidance of the Persian fleet to Mag- 
nesia, VII. 183 

Pamphyli, name assumed by a Dorian tribe at Sicyon, v. 68 

Pamphylia, in Asia Minor, subdued by Croesus, 1. 28; tribute 
to Persia, ru. 90; contingent in Xerxes’ army, vir. 91; dis- 
paraged by Artemisia, vir. 68 

Pan, one of the “ youngest" Greek gods, n. 145; his cult at 
Athens, vi. 105; identified with the Egyptian Mendes, mr. 
42, 46, 145 

Panaetius of Tenos, his news of the Persian encirclement of 
Salamis, vir. 82 

Panathenaea, a festival celebrated every fourth year at Athens; 
murder of Hipparchus at it, v. 56 

Pandion, a legendary Athenian, father of Lycus the hero of the 
Lycians, 1. 173 

Pangaeum, a mountain range in Thrace, v. 16, vi. 112 

Panionia, the festival of the Ionian stock, 1. 148 

Panionium, an Ionian place of meeting for council or ceremonial, 
near Mycale, t. 148, 170, v1. 7 

Panionius of Chios, his crime and punishment, vir. 105, 106 

Panites, a Messenian, his advice to the Spartans about the royal 
succession, vI. 52 

Panopeus, on the borders of Phocis and Boeotia, Xerxes' army 
there, vir. 34 

Panormus, a harbour near Miletus, 1. 157 

Pantagnotus, brother of, and put to death by Polycrates of Samos, 
nr. 39 

Pantaleon, half brother of Croesus, put to death by him for 
conspiracy, I. 92 

Pantares, a man of Gela, vir. 154 

Panthialaei, a Persian tribe, 1. 125 

Panticapes, a river in Scythia east of the Borystkenes, iv. 18, 
47, 54 

Pantimathi, a tribe in the Persian empire, S. of the Caspian, 
their tribute, 111. 92 

Pantites, said to have been sent as a messenger to Sparta from 
Thermopylae, vir. 232 

Papaeus, a Scythian deity identified with Zeus, rv. 59 

Paphlagonians, west of the Halys in N. Asia Minor, 1. 6, 72; 
their tribute to Persia, ΙΙ. 90; in Xerxes’ army, ΥΠ. 72 

Paphos, Paphian ships in Xerxes' fleet, vir. 195 

Papremis, a town in Egypt, its cult of Ares, 1r. 59; ceremonial 


369 


INDEX 


there, 11. 63; '"'river-horses" sacred in the province, Π. 71; 
inhabited by one of the warrior tribes, 11. 71; a battle there 
between Persians and Egyptians, ΙΙ. 12 

Paraebates, a Spartan with Dorieus in Sicily, v. 46 

Paralatae, a race of Scythian kings, Iv. 6 

Parapotamii, a town in Phocis burnt by the Persians, vri. 33 

Paretaceni, a Median tribe, 1. 101 

Paricanii, a people in the S.E. of the Persian empire, tribute 
to Persia, 111. 92, 94; in Xerxes’ army, vir. 68, 86 

Parium, a town on the Asiatic coast of the Hellespont, v. 117 

Parmys, daughter of Smerdis and wife of Darius, 111. 68, vir. 78 

Parnassus, the mountain above Delphi, à refuge for the Del- 
phians, vir. 27, 32, 1x. 31; repulse of Persians there, vir. 57 

Paroreatae, a people of the west of the Peloponnese, Iv. 148; 
of Lemnian origin, vii. 73 

Paros, one of the Cyclades, Parian settlement of the troubles 
of Miletus, v. 28, 29; Miltiades’ repulse from Paros, vi. 133- 
135; neutrality of Parians in the Persian war, ΥἹΠ. 67; their 
bribe to Themistocles, virr. 112; Parian marble, v. 62 

Parthenium, a mountain in Arcadia, vision of Pan seen there by 
Phidippides, v1. 105 

Parthenius, a river in the west of Paphlagonia, Syrians in its 
neighbourhood, 11. 104 

Parthians, S.E. of the Caspian, their tribute to Persia, ru. 93; 
in Xerxes’ army, VII. 66 

Pasargadae, a Persian tribe, 1. 125 

Pasicles, probably an Athenian, rx. 97 

Pataeci, Phoenician images of dwarfs, 111. 37 

Pataecus, a man of Acragas, vir. 154 

Patara, in Lycia, a custom of the temple there, 1. 182 

Patarbemis, an Egyptian, his message from Apries to Amasis, 
and cruel treatment by Apries, rr. 162 

Patiramphes, Xerxes' eharioteer, son of Otanes, vri. 40 

Patizeithes, brother of the pretended Smerdis, his plot to make 
his brother king, Im. 61 

Patrae, a town on the seacoast of Achaea, 1. 145 

Patumus, an “ Arabian ” town, a little way west of the modern 
Ismailia, canal from the Nile near it, rr. 158 

Pausanias, son of Cleombrotus and grandson of Anaxandrides 
king of Sparta, rx. 10; mentioned repeatedly as leader of the 
Greeks against Mardonius, rx. 10—82; (personal allusions) his 
proposal to the Athenians for a rearrangement of the battle 


379 


INDEX 


line, ΙΧ. 46; special appeal to Athenians, ΙΧ. 60; instance 
of his generosity and courtesy, 1x. 76, 79; bronze caldron 
dedicated by him on the Bosporus, tv. 81; his pride and 
ambition after the Persian war, v. 32, VIII. 3 

Pausicac, a tribe S. of the Caspian; their tribute to Persia, 
ΠΠ. 92 

Pausiris, an Egyptian, permitted by the Persians to succeed to 
the governorship of his rebel father Amyriaeus, 111. 15 

Pedasus (or Pedasa), a place in Caria, v. 121, vi. 20; singular 
story of a priestess there, 1. 175, vin. 104 

Pedieis, a Phocian town burnt by the Persians, vin. 33 

Pelasgian, a name applied by Herodotus to the oldest known 
inhabitants and remains in Greece, contrasted with ‘‘ Hellenic,” 
1.56; Pelasgian language probably non-Greek, 1.57; Pelasgian 
forts, τδ.; Arcadia Pelasgian, 1. 146; deities, 11. 50-52; Hellas 
formerly called Pelasgia, 11. 56; expulsion of Minyae by 
Pelasgians, iv. 145; Lemnos and Imbros Pelasgian, v. 26; 
expulsion of Pelasgi from Attica, vr. 137-139; cp. v. 64 and 
vii. 44 

Peleus, Thetis carried off by him from Magnesia, vir. 191 

Pelion, the Argo built there, rv. 179; Pelion and Ossa in the 
E. of Thessaly, vir. 129; wreck of Xerxes’ fleet near Pelion, 
vin. 8, 12 

Pella, a town in Macedonia, ΥΠ. 123 

Pellene, an Achaean town, near Sicyon, 1. 145 

Peloponnese, migration of Dorians thither, 1. 56, 11. 171; most 
of the Peloponnese subject to Sparta temp. Croesus, I. 68; 
Peloponnesian tale of Anacharsis, Iv. 77; Peloponnesian 
invasion of Attica, v. 74; Peloponnesian scale of ransom, 
vi. 79; security of property there, vr. 86; contingents at 
Thermopylae, vir. 202; Peloponnesians anxious to guard the 
Isthmus, vin. 40, 49, 71, 1x. 8; contingents at Salamis, VIII. 
43; Artemisia’s advice to Xerxes about the Peloponnese, vrn. 
68; various nations of Peloponnese, vill. 73; prophecy of 
expulsion of Dorians, vi. 141; Peloponnesian armies in 
antiquity, Ix. 26; Athenian jealousy of Peloponnesians, Ix. 
106; Peloponnesian return from Mycale, 1x. 114 (other reff. 
of less importance) 

Pelops, called by Xerxes a Phrygian settler in Greece, ΥΠ. 8, 11; 
Pelopides a title of Agamemnon, vir. 159 

Pelusium, at the E. mouth of the Nile, near the Arabian frontier 
of Egypt, 1r. 15, 141; Pelusian mouth, τι. 17; Greek settle- 


371 


INDEX 


ments there, 11. 151; Psammenitus’ encampment there in 
Cambyses’ invasion, 11. 10 

Penelope, Pan said to be her son, 11. 145, 146 

Penéus, a river in Thessaly, limit of the legendary Mysian and 
Teucrian invasion from Asia, vir. 20; its mouth viewed by 
Xerxes, vir. 128; pass into Thessaly along its banks, vit. 
173 

Penthylus, his command of Paphian ships in Xerxes' fleet, cap- 
tured by the Greeks, vir. 195 

Percalus, daughter of Chilon of Sparta, betrothed to Leuty- 
chides but carried off by Demaratus, vi. 65 

Percote, a town on the Hellespont taken by the Persians in the 
Ionic revolt against Darius, v. 117 

Perdiccas, Υ. 22; his escape from Lebaea and establishment of 
the Temenid dynasty in Macedonia, vir. 137-139 

Pergamum, the ancient citadel of Troy, Xerxes’ visit to it, 
vil. 43 

Pergamus, a Thracian fort, Xerxes’ route past it, ντ. 112 

Perialla, a Delphian priestess, deprived of her offiee for fraud, 
vi. 66 

Periander, despot of Corinth, son of Cypselus, his warning to 
Thrasybulus, 1. 20; reception of the minstrel Arion, 1. 23, 
24; his quarrel with his son, and revenge upon the Coreyraeans, 
IH. 48-53; his tyranny and cruelty, v. 92; his reconcilement 
of Athens and Mytilene, v. 95 

Pericles of Athens, his Alemeonid parentage, vi. 131 

Perilaus, a Sicyonian leader killed at Mycale, 1x. 103 

Perinthus, an European town on the Propontis, Iv. 90; its war 
with the Paeonians and conquest by the Persians, v. 1, 2; 
burnt by Phoenicians, vi. 33 

Perioeci, Laconians inferior in status to the Spartans, their 
attendance at royal funerals, vr. 58; their contingent in the 
Spartan army, ΙΧ, 1] 

Perphereés (= carriers), officials at Delos, their connection with 
the story of communication between Delos and the Hyper- 
boreans, 1v. 33 

Perrhacbi, a Thessalian tribe, Xerxes’ passage through their 
country from Macedonia, vir. 128, 131, 173; in Xerxes’ army, 
vir. 185 

Perses, son of Perseus, the eponymous hero of the Persians, ΥΠ. 
61, 150 

Perseus, son of Danaé, vir 61, 150; his supposed Egyptian 


372 


INDEX 


origin and temple at Chemmis, τι. 91; Persian belief that he 
was an Assyrian, VI. 53, 51; '' Perseus’ watchtower ” alleged 
to be in the west of the Delta, τι. 15 

Persians: their stories of Greek wrong-doing, 1. 1-5; conquest 
of Lydia, 1. 75-85; liberation from the Medes, 1. 123-130; 
Persian tribes, 1. 125; customs, 1. 131-140, νι. 58, 59, IX. 
110; hostilities against Ionians, 1. 154-177; capture of Baby- 
lon, 1. 188-191; campaign against Massagetae, 1. 201-214; 
against Egypt, 11. 1; Persians under Cambyses and Darius, 
see abstract of Book πι, specific reff.; Persian judges, rr. 
31; freedom of Persia from taxation, 111. 97; its geographical 
situation, Iv. 37; Persian eampaign in Scythia, tv. 1, 83-142; 
Persians in Libya, 1v. 200-205. General history of Persian 
doings in remaining Books, see abstracts in Introductions to 
Vols. HI and IV. Specific reff. in later books: origin of Persians, 
vi. 53, 54, vir. ΟΙ, 150; Persian council, vir. 8; armour, vir. 
61; Persian and Spartan customs compared, vr. 58, 59; 
Cyrus’ counsel to the Persians, 1x. 122 

Persidae, Achaemenid kings of Persia so called, 1. 125 

Petra, a deme or district of Corinth, v. 92 

Phaedyme, daughter of Otanes, her discovery about the pseudo- 
Smerdis, ΙΠ. 68, 69 

Phaenippus, an Athenian, father of Callias, v1. 121 

Phagres, a Pierian fort in Thrace, Xerxes’ route past it, vir. 112 

Phalerum, a port of Attica, v. 116; scene of a battle between 
the Pisistratids and the Spartans, v. 63; destroyed by Aegine- 
tans, v. 81; Xerxes’ fleet there, vir. 66, 1x. 32; flight of 
Persian ships thither, vin. 91 

Phanagoras, a man of Carystus, vi. 214 

Phanes, a Halicarnassian, his desertion from Amasis to Cambyses 
and its punishment, m1. 4, 11 

Pharae, a town in Achaea, 1. 145 

Pharandates, a Persian officer in Xerxes’ army, ΥΠ. 79; story 
of his Greek concubine, 1x. 76 

Pharbaithite province of Egypt, inhabited by one of the warrior 
tribes, rr. 166 

Pharnaees, a Persian, father of Artabazus, vir. 66 et al. 

Pharnaspes, a Persian, father of Otanes, and of Cyrus' wife 
Cassandane, ΙΙ. 1, 111. 2, 68 

Pharnazathres, a Persian officer in Xerxes’ army, vi. 65 

Pharnuches, a Persian officer in Xerxes’ army, his accident at 
Sardis, vir. SS 


373 


INDEX 


Phaselis, à Dorian town of Asia Minor, its part in the Greek 
settlement at Naucratis, rr. 178 

Phasis, a river in Colchis at the E. end of the Euxine, ιν. 37; 
the Argonauts there, r. 2; distance from the Palus Maeotis, 
1. 104; Sesostris army there, 11. 103; boundary of Europe 
and Asia, 1v. 46 

Phaj‘llus of Croton, a victor in the Pythian games, captain of 
the one ship from Sicily or Italy in the Greek fleet, vim. 47 

Phegeus, an ancestor of kings of Tegea, 1x. 26 

Pheneüs, a town in Arcadia near the “ water of Styx,” γι. 74 

Pherendates, a Persian officer in Xerxes’ army, vir. 67 

Pheretime, wife of Arcesilaus, her banishment from Cyrene and 
appeal to Cyprus, Iv. 162; to Persia, Iv. 165, 167; her revenge 
and death, τν. 202, 205 

Pheros, king of Egypt, son of Sesostris, his blindness and its 
cure, II. 111 

Phidippides, an Athenian messenger to Sparta, his vision of 
Pan, vi. 105 

Phidon, despot of Argos, father of Leocedes, vr. 127 

Phigalea, a town in Arcadia; a seer from it, vr. 83 

Philaeus, son of Aias, an Athenian, ancestor of Miltiades, vr. 35 

Philagrus of Eretria, his betrayal of that place to the Persians, 
vi. 101 

Philaon, a Cyprian in Xerxes’ fleet, his capture by the Greeks, 
vin. 11 

Philes, a Samian, ΙΙ. 60 

Philippus, (1) king of Macedonia, son of Argaeus, vir. 139. 
(2) A man of Croton, son of Butacides, his victory at Olympia, 
physieal beauty, and death with Dorieus in Sicily, v. 47 

Philistus, his foundation of a temple of Demeter near Mycale, 
IX. 97 

Philition, a shepherd alleged by the Egyptians to have built the 
Pyramids, 11. 128 

Philocyon, a Spartan distinguished in the battle of Plataea, 1x. 
11, 85 

Philocyprus, a Cyprian of Soli, a friend of Solon, v. 113 

Phla, an island in the Tritonis lake in Libya, 1v. 178 

Phlegra, ancient name of Pallene, vir. 123 

Phlius, a town in Argolis, its contingent at Thermopylae, vit. 
202; at Plataea, rx. 28, 31; losses in the latter battle, rx. 
69, 85 

Phocaea, an Ionian seaport in Lydia, 1. 142; Phocaean enter- 


374 


INDEX 


pure in the western Mediterranean, 1. 163; town captured 

y Persians, 1. 164; flight of Phocaeans to Corsica, and their 
adventures there, τ. 165, 166; Phocaeans at Naucratis, Π. 178; 
in the Ionian fleet against Darius, vi. 8 

Phocians, their fortification of Thermopylae, ΥΠ. 176; contin- 
gent with Leonidas, vir. 203; Phocian guard on the path 
Anopaea, vil. 217, 218; Phocian feud with Thessaly, ΥΠΙ. 
27-30; Phocis overrun by Persians, vin. 31-33; courage of 
a Phocian contingent in Mardonius’ army, ΙΧ. 17; Artabazus’ 
flight to Phocis, vir. 66 (other reff. not important) 

Phoebus, see Apollo. 

Phoenicians, their abduction of Io, 1. 1, 5; Phoenician cult of 
Aphrodite in Cythera, 1. 105; Phoenicians still independent 
temp. Croesus, I. 143; their temple of Heracles in Thasos, 
H. 44; abduction of priestesses from Egypt, 11. 54; circum- 
cision, rr. 104; settlement at Memphis, rr. 112; reliance of 
Persia on Phoenician ships, mr. 19; their images, ΙΙ. 37; 
tribute to Persia, nr. 91; trade between Arabia and Greece, 
ΠΠ. 107, 111; circumnavigation of Africa, 1v. 42; Phoenician 
writing in Greece, v. 57, 58, cp. 11. 49; ships in Cyprian 
revolt, v. 108, 112; in Ionian revolt, vr. 6, 14, 25, 28; attack 
on Hellespontian towns, vr. 33; pursuit of Miltiades, vi. 41; 
Phoenician mines in Thasos, vi. 47; work at the Athos canal, 
vir. 23; Phoenician bridge over the Hellespont, vu. 34; 
excellence of their ships, vi. 44, 96; their original home on 
the Persian gulf, vri. 89; Phoenicians’ blame of Ionians at 
Salamis, viri. 90; disparaged by Artemisia, vim. 100. Phoe- 
nicians of Libya, rr. 32, Iv. 197; defeat of Greek colonists 
in Sicily, v. 46; attack on Gelon there, ΥΠ. 165, 167 (other 
less important reff.) 

Phoenix, a stream near Thermopylae, vir. 176, 200 

Phormus, an Athenian trierarch, his escape from the Persians, 
vir. 182 

Phraortes, (1) a Median, father of Deioces, 1. 96. (2) King of 
Media, son of Deioces, τ. 73; his defeat and deat’ at the hands 
of the Assyrians, 1. 102 

Phratagune, one of Darius’ wives, vri. 224 

Phriconian, name of Cyme in Mysia, 1. 149 

Phrixae, a town in the west of the Peloponnese, founded by the 
Minyae, Iv. 148 

Phrixus, son of Athamas, the legend of his fate at Alus, vir. 
197 


379 


INDEX 


Phronime, daughter of Etearchus of Crete, the plot against her 
life, and her escape, 1v. 151, 155 

Phrygia, antiquity of the Phrygians proved by Psammetichus, 
Il. 2; their tribute to Persia, 11. 90; “ Royal road " through 
Phrygia, v. 52; exiled Paeonians settled there, v. 98; Xerxes' 
route through Phrygia, ΥΠ. 26, 30; Phrygians in Xerxes’ 
army, ΥΠ. 73; their European origin, r. 6; in Mardonius 
army, IX. 32 

Phrynon, a Theban, 1x. 16 

Phryrichus, the Athenian tragedian, his play ‘“‘ Capture of 
Miletus " suppressed, vı. 21 

Phthiotis, in northern Greece, earliest home of the Dorians, 
I. 56; its submission to Xerxes, vil. 132 

Phthius, a legendary personage, son of Achaeus, 11. 98 

Phya, an Athenian woman caused by Pisistratus to impersonate 
Athene, 1. 60 

Phylacus, (1) a Delphian hero, his supposed aid against the 
Persians, vir. 39. (2) A Samian trierarch on the Persian 
side at Salamis, vir. 85 

Phyllis, a district of Thrace, on the Strymon, vit. 113 

Pieres, a Thracian tribe, mines in their country, vir 112; in 
Xerxes’ army, vil. 185 

Pieria, a district of Macedonia, on Xerxes’ route, ΥΠ. 131, 177; 
pitch from thence, 1ν. 195 

Pigres, (1) brother of Mantyes, q.v., v. 12. (2) A Carian officer 
in Xerxes’ fleet, vir. 98 

Pilorus, a town on the Singitic gulf west of Athos, vir. 122 

Pindar, the poet, quoted (“Custom is the lord of all”), rm. 
38 

Pindus, (1) à Thessalian town, an early home of the Dorians, 
I. 56, vir. 93. (2) A mountain range on the W. frontier of 
Thessaly, vri. 129 

Piraeus, one of the ports of Athens, at the eastern end of 
Xerxes’ line at the battle of Salamis, viri. 85 

Pirene, à spring at Corinth, v. 92 

Pirus, à river in Achaea, 1. 145 

Pisa, a town in Elis, its distance from Athens, 11. 7 

Pisistratus, (1) the son of Nestor of Pylus, v. 65. (2) Despot 
of Athens; his seizure of power, 1. 59; expulsion and return, 
I. 60; second retirement and return, and use of his power, 
I. 61-64, vi. 35. (Elsewhere as a patronymic.) For the 
Pisistratidae, see Hippias and Hipparchus, also v. 63-65; 


370 


INDEX 


their expulsion from Athens, at Xerxes' court, vir. 6; their 
attempt to induce Athens to surrender, vri. 52 

Pistyrus, a town in Thrace, on Xerxes’ route, vir. 109 

Pitana, (1) an Aeolian town in Mysia, 1. 149. (2) A Spartan 
township, 111. 55; a *'Pitanate battalion" in the Lacedae- 
monian army at Plataea, ΙΧ. 53 (see Amompharetus) 

Pithagoras, despot of Selinus, deposed, v. 46 

Pittacus of Mytilene, one of the Seven Sages, his advice to 
Croesus, 1. 27 

Pixodarus of Cindya, his advice to the Carians on choice of a 
battlefield, v. 118 

Placia, à town of Pelasgian origin on the Hellespont, 1. 57 

Plataeae (or Plataea), burnt by the Persians, vrm. 50; passim 
in IX. in connection with military operations there (16-88). 
Plataeans, their first alliance with Athens, v1. 108; at Mara- 
thon, vi. 111, 113; refusal to “ medize," ντι. 132, ντι. 66; 
(later) Theban attack on their town, ΥΠ. 233; in the Greek 
fleet, vir. 1; but not at Salamis, vit. 44; their envoys to 
Sparta, IX. 7; in Pausanias’ army, Ix. 28, 31 

Platea, an island (modern Bomba) off Libya, occupied by the 
earliest colonists of Cyrene, rv. 151—153, 156, 169 

Pleistarchus, king of Sparta, Pausanias' ward and son of Leonidas, 
IX. 10 

Pleistorus, a god of the Thracian Apsinthians, sacrifice of a 
Persian to him, 1x. 119 

Plinthinete bay, on the coast of Egypt, near (the later) Alex- 
andria, rr. 6 

Plynus, a Libyan harbour (modern Gulf of Sollum), near the 
west of Egypt, 1v. 168 

Poeciles, a Phoenician, ancestor of the inhabitants of Thera, 
Iv. 147 

Pogon, the port of Troezen, rendezvous for Greek ships before 
Salamis, vir. 42 

Poliades, a Spartan, father of Amompharetus, 1x. 53 

Polichne, in Chios, a stronghold of Histiaeus, v1. 26 

Polichnitae, a people of Crete, ντι. 170 

Polyas of Anticyra, a messenger between the Greeks at Arte- 
misium and Leonidas, ΥἹΠΙ. 21 

Polybus, an ancient king of Sicyon, v. 67 

Polycrates, despot of Samos, son of Aeaces, his friendship with 
Amasis, 11. 182, rrr. 39, 40; his successes and alarming good 
luck, πι. 39-43; his war with Lacedaemon, m1. 44-46, 54-56; 


377 


INDEX 


induced to leave Samos, and murdered by Oroetes, 111. 120- 
125 

Polycritus, (1) an Aeginetan, v1.50. (2) Grandson of the above, 
his taunt to Themistocles at Salamis, ντι. 92 

Polydamna, wife of Thon of Egypt, her gifts to Helen mentioned 
in the Odyssey, 11. 116 

Polydectes, a king of Sparta, ΥἹΠ. 131 

Polydorus, (1) son of Cadmus, v. 59. (2) A king of Sparta, vir. 
204 


Polymnestus of Thera, father of the first Battus, 1v. 150, 155 

Polynices, son of Oedipus of Thebes, 1v. 147, vr. 52, 1x. 27 

Pontus, see Euxine. 

Porata (or Pyretus) a tributary of the Danube, probably the 
Pruth, 1v. 48 

Poseidon, unknown to the Egyptians, 11. 43, 50; the channel 
of the Peneus his work, ΥΠ. 129; his cult at Mycale, τ. 148; 
in Greece, vir 192, vin. 55, 123, 129, ΙΧ. 81; in Libya, rv. 
180, 188; in Scythia (as Thagimasadas), 1v. 59 

Poseidonia (Paestum, in Italy), information given by a man of 
that place to exiled Phocaeans, 1. 167 

Poseidonius, à Spartan distinguished at Plataea, 1x. 71 

Posideium, (1) a town on the borders of Syria and Cilicia, 111. 91. 
(2) A town in Thrace, vir. 115 

Potidaea, a town in Pallene, vır. 123; besieged by Artabazus 
but not taken, vin. 128, 129; Potidaeans in Pausanias’ army, 
Ix. 28, 31 

Praesii, a Cretan people, Υπ. 170 

Prasiad lake, in Paeonia, description of lake-dwellings there, 
v. 16 

Prexaspes, (1) à Persian, Cambyses' agent, employed by him to 
murder Smerdis, 111. 30, 34, 62-65; his confession and suicide, 
πι. 74, 75. (2) A Persian officer in Xerxes’ army, son of 
Aspathines, νη. 97 

Prexilaus, a man of Halicarnassus, 1x. 107 

Prexinus, captain of & Troezenian ship captured by the Persians, 
vir. 180 

Priam of Troy, 1. 3; probability of his giving up Helen, rr. 120; 
his citadel, vir. 43 

Priene, an Ionian town in Caria, 1. 142; taken by Lydians, 
I. 15; by Persians, 1. 161; its ships in the Ionian fleet, v1. 8 

Prinetades, à Spartan, Cleomenes' father-in-law, v. 41 

Procles, (1) one of the twin brothers whence the dual kingship 


378 


INDEX 


at Sparta began, Iv. 147, νι. 52, vri. 131. (2) Despot of 
Epidaurus, father-in-law of Periander of Corinth, τι. 50-52 

Proconnesus, a town on the Propontis, 1v. 14; burnt by Phoe- 
nicians, VI. 33 

Promenea, a priestess at Dodona, Herodotus’ informant about 
the connection between Dodona and Egypt, 1r. 55 

Prometheus, the legendary fire-stealer, the continent of Asia 
called after his wife, Iv. 45 

Pronaea, title of Athene at Delphi, τ. 92, vri. 39 

Propontis, its measurements, Iv. 85; Persian operations near 
it, v. 122 

Prosopitis, an island in the Delta, 1. 41; inhabited by one of 
the warrior tribes, 11. 165 

Protesilaus, the first Greek to fall in the 'Trojan war; his temple 
at Elaeus deseerated by Artayetes, vIr. 33, 1x. 116, 120 

Proteus of Memphis, king of Egypt, m. 112; his reception of 
Paris and Helen, ΙΙ. 115 

Protothyes, a king of Scythia, 1. 103 

Prytanis, a Spartan king, vi. 131 

Psammenitus, king of Egypt, son of Amasis, his defeat by Cam- 
byses, 111. 10, 11; his behaviour in Cambyses’ presence, III. 
14; his life spared, rir. 15 

Psammetiehus, king of Egypt, son of Necos, his prevention of 
a Scythian invasion, I. 105; his inquiry into the antiquity 
of nations, II. 2; into the depth of the Nile source, 1. 28; 
his frontier guards, 11. 30; banishment and restoration, ir. 
151, 152; buildings at Memphis, and concessions to Greeks 
there, rr. 153, 154 

Psammis, king of Egypt, son of Necos, his opinion of the Olympic 
games, II. 160 

Psylli, a Libyan tribe, their destruction by a sand-storm, Iv. 
173 

Psyttalea, an islet between Salamis and Attica, Persians posted 
there to intercept the Greeks in the battle of Salamis, virt. 
76; their fate, vii. 95 

Pteria, in Cappadocia (probably modern Boghaz Keui), taken 
by Croesus, 1. 76 

Ptoüm, a temple of Apollo (hence Apollo Ptotis), near Thebes 
in Boeotia, oracle there consulted by Mardonius, vir. 135 

Pylae, QE for Thermopylae, ΥΠ. 201 

Pylaea, place of meeting (vir. 213) of the 

Pylagori (10.), representatives of the “ Amphictyonic” league 


379 


INDEX 


of twelve states in N.E. Greece; their action in regard to 
Epialtes, vir. 213 

Pylus (1) in Messenia, vir. 168. (2) In Elis, 1x. 34. Pylians, 
descendants of Nestor of Pylus, Pisistratus of that family, 
v. 65; Caucones called Pylians, 1. 147 

Pyrene, according to Herodotus a town of the Celts in western 

Europe, source of the Danube said to be there, 11. 33 

Pyretus, see Porata. 

Pyrgus, a town in western Greece founded by the Minyae, rv. 
148 

Pythagoras, (1) the philosopher, son of Mnesarchus, Pythagorean 
and Orphic belief, 11. 81; Zalmoxis his slave, Iv. 95. (2) A 
Milesian, put in charge of Miletus by Aristagoras, v. 126 

Pytheas, (1) an Aeginetan, son of Ischenoüs, his bravery, and 
attention paid him by the Persians, vir. 181; his return to 
Aegina, vim. 92. (2) An Aeginetan (apparently not the same 
as 1), father of Lampon, 1x. 78 

Pythermus, a Phocaean, spokesman at Sparta for Ionian and 
Aeolian envoys, I. 152 

Pythes, a man of Abdera, ΥΠ. 137 

Pythian priestess, see Delphi. 

Pythians, Spartan officials for communication with Delphi, their 
privileges, vI. 57 

Pythius, a Lydian, his offer of his wealth to Xerxes, vir. 27-29; 
his request to Xerxes and its consequence, vir. 38, 39 

Pytho, à synonym for Delphi, 1. 54 

Pythogenes, brother of the despot of Zancle, his imprisonment 
by Hippocrates, v1. 23 


Rhampsinitus, king of Egypt, story of the theft of his treasure, 
Π. 121 

Rhegium, in southern Italy, 1. 166, vr. 23; its disaster in battle, 
vir. 170 

Rhenaea, an island near Delos, νι. 97 

Rhodes, 1. 174; its part in the Greek settlement at Naucratis, 
π. 178; Rhodian colonists in Sicily, vir. 153 

Rhodope, a mountain range in Thrace, source of a tributary of 
the Danube, Iv. 49; flight thither of a Bisaltian king, vim. 
116 

Rhodopis, a Thracian courtesan in Egypt, her offerings at Delphi, 
Te 134, 139 

Rhoecus, a Samian, builder of the Heraeum at Samos, 111. 60 


380 


INDEX 


Rhoeteum, a town in the Troad, vu. 48 
Rhypes, a town in Achaea, 1. 145 


Sabacos, king of Ethiopia, his rule of Egypt, H- 137, 159, 152 

Sabyllus, a man of Gela, his killing of Cleandf™S> VH. 154 

Sacae, a tribe in the N.E. of the Persian ο Vir. 9; Cyrus 
designs against them, 1. 153; tribute to 19518, IM. 93; at 
Marathon, vr. 113; in Xerxes’ army, ΥΠ. t: as marines 1n 
Xerxes’ fleet, vir. 184; with Mardonius at Plataea, ΙΧ. 31; 
their cavalry there, 1x. 71; Masistes’ desi2 for a rebellion 
of the Sacae, 1x. 113 

Sadyattes, king of Lydia, his war with Miletu 1. 18. 

Sagartii, a Persian tribe, 1. 125; tribute to {16 empire, ΠΠ. 93; 
in Xerxes’ army, VII. 85 

Sais, a town in the Delta, the temple scribe there, 11. 28, cp 
u. 130; worship of ‘‘ Athene," τι. 59, 66; Aprics’ palace 
there, 11. 163; Saite province, 11. 152; in 1abited by one of 
the warrior tribes, 1. 165; Amasis’ additi? to the temple, 
Π. 175; Cambyses’ treatment of Amasis’ body at Sais, rmn. 
16; Saitic mouth of the Nile, τι. 17 

Salamis, (1) island off Attica, Cyprian colonist? from thence, ΥΠ. 
90; Delphian oracle respecting it, vrr. 141; Greek fleet there, 
vi. 40-97 (many reff. in these chapters to calamis, in respect 
of debates there, and the battle itself); return of Greeks to 
Salamis after cruising in the Aegean, vir, 121; Athenians 
still at Salamis, rx. 4-6; their return to Attica IX. 19. (2) A 
town in Cyprus, flight of Pheretime thither !V- 162; Salamis 
in the Cyprian revolt, v. 104, 108; battlé near it, v. 110; 
desertion of Salaminians to the Persians, v: 113; restoration 
of the king of Salamis, v. 115 

Sale, a Samothracian fort near Doriscus, VII. 59 US ; 

Salmoxis (or Zalmoxis) a teacher of belief in immortality, 
deified by the Getae, rv. 94; his possible Connection with 
Pythagoras, 1v. 95, 96 E Ρ 

Salmydessus, in Thrace, on the Euxine, its sub!!isston to Darius, 
Iv. 93 : 

Samius, a Spartan, son of Archias, so called i commemoration 
of his father's honours won in Samos, 111. 55 

Samos, island and town, Samians' alleged theft from Spartans, 
1. 70; an Ionian settlement, τ. 142; temple of Here there, 
IL. 148, 182, mr. 60; Samian share in the settlement at Nau- 
cratis, 1. 178; Polycrates’ despotism in S2™0S, ΠΙ. 39, 40; 


391 


INDEX 


Lacedaemonian attack on Samos, 111. 44-40, 54-59; Samian 
aqueduct, rri. 60; fate of Polycrates, 111. 120-123; conquest 
of Samos by Persians, ni. 142-149; Salmoxis at Samos, Iv. 
95; flight of Arcesilaus thither, rv. 162; Samian bravery 
against the Persians in the Cyprian revolt, v. 112; desertion 
to the Persians of all except eleven of the sixty Samian ships 
in the Ionian revolt, vi. 8, 14; Samian colonists in Sicily, 
vi. 22-25; distinction at Salamis of Samians in the Persian 
fleet, ντ. 85; vague Greek ideas about the distance of Samos, 
vil. 132; Samian envoys to Greeks before Mycale, rx. 90— 
92; disloyalty of Samians to Persia, 1x. 99-103; reception 
into the Greek confederacy, 1x. 106 (other reff. less important) 

Samothrace, an island south of Thrace, vi. 47; its Pelasgian 
inhabitants, 11. 51; exploit of a Samothracian ship at Salamis, 
vu. 90; Samothracian forts on the mainland, ΥΠ. 59, 108 

Sanacharibus, king of Assyria, his invasion of Egypt and the 
destruction of his army, 11. 141 

Sandanis, a Lydian, his advice to Croesus not to make war on 
Persia, 1. 71 

Sandoces, a Persian, his punishment and release by Darius, and 
subsequent capture by the Greeks, ντι. 194 

Sane, a town on the isthmus of the peninsula of Athos, vir. 22, 123 

Sapaei, a Thracian tribe, on Xerxes’ route, vIr. 110 

Sappho, the poetess, her satire on her brother Charaxus, τι. 135 

Sarangae, a people of northern Persia, their tribute, ri. 93; 
in Xerxes’ army, VII. 67 

Sardanapallus, king of Ninus, the theft of his treasures, 11. 150 

Sardis, Croesus’ capital of Lydia, its kings, 1. 7; its capture by 
Cimmerians, 1. 15; Lacedaemonian envoys there, 1. 69; 
Sardis besieged by Cyrus, r. 80; taken, r. 84; Cyrus at 
Sardis, I. 141; town attacked by Lydian rebels, 1. 154; road 
from Sardis to Smyrna, 11. 106; Cadytis nearly as large as 
Sardis, 1. 5; Oroetes at Sardis, m1. 126-128; Asiad tribe 
there, 1v. 45; Darius there, v. 11; seat of Persian governor, 
v. 91, 73, 96, vr. 1; distance from Sardis to Susa, v. 53; 
Sardis attacked and burnt by Ionians and Athenians, v. 99-- 
102; Histiaeus there, vr. 1; disaffection of Persians at Sardis, 
VI. 4; Alemeon there, v1. 125; Xerxes and his army at Sardis, 
vil. 32, 37; portent seen there, ΥΠ. 57; Pharnuches’ mis- 
fortune there, vir. 88; Xerxes’ return thither, viri. 117, 1x. 3; 
Persians’ flight to Sardis after Mycale, rx. 107; Xerxes’ 
amours there, rx. 108 (other reff. not important) 


393 


INDEX 


Sardo (Sardinia), designs of the Ionians to migrate thither, 1. 
170, v. 124; Histiacus’ promise to conquer it for Xerxes, v. 
106; Sardinians among the invaders of Sicily, against Gelon, 
vir. 165 

Sarpedon, Minos' brother, his banishment by Minos and his 
rule in Lycia, 1. 173 

Sarpedonia, a headland in Thrace, vir. 58 

Sarte, a town on the Singitic gulf W. of Athos, ντι. 122 

Saspires, a people between Colchis and Media, 1. 104, 110, Iv. 
37, 40; their tribute to Persia, 11. 94; in Xerxes’ army, 
vit. 79 

Sataspes, a Persian, his attempt to circumnavigate Africa, Iv. 43 

Satrae, a Thracian tribe, their mines and places of divination, 
ΥΠ. 110-112 

Sattagydae, a people in the Persian empire, perhaps in Afghanis- 
tan, their tribute, 111. 91 

Saulius, a Scythian king, Anacharsis killed by him, τν. 76 

Sauromatae, a people immediately E. of the Palus Maeotis, 
Iv. 21, 57; their conflict and reconciliation with the Amazons, 
Iv. 110-117; their part in the campaign against Darius, Iv. 
122, 128, 136 

Scaeus, a Theban, his dedication of a tripod, v. 60 

Scamander, a river in the Troad, v. 65; on Xerxes’ route, VII. 43 

Scamandronymus, a Mytilenaean, rr. 135 

Scapte Hyle, in Thrace opposite Thasos, gold-mines there, v1. 46 

Sciathus, an island off Magnesia, naval operations there, VII. 
176, 179, 182, vim. 7 

Scidrus, a town on the W. coast of Italy, a place of refuge for 
the exiled Sybarites, v1. 21 

Bcione, à town on the promontory of Pallene, vir. 123; in the 
local confederacy, vIr. 128 

Sciras, a title of Athene in Salamis, her temple there, ΥΠΙ. 94 

Scironid road, along the isthmus of Corinth, destroyed by the 
Greeks, VIII. 71 

Sciton, servant of the physician Democedes, 111. 130 

Scolopois, a place near Mycale, 1x. 97 

Scoloti, ancient name of Scythians, Iv. 6 

Scolus, near Thebes in Boeotia, 1x. 15 

Scopadae, a Thessalian family, νι. 127 

Scopasis, a leader in the Scythian army against Darius, tv. 120, 
128 

Scylace, a town on the Hellespont, its Pelasgian origin, 1. 57 


383 


INDEX 


Scylax, (1) a man of Caryanda, his navigation of the Indus and 
the eastern 5045, Iv. 44, (2) A man of Myndus, his maltreat- 
ment by Megabates, v. 33 

Scyles, a king of Scythia, his adoption of Greek customs and his 
consequent fate, Iv. 78-80 

Scyllias of Scione, his exploits as a diver, viri. 8 

Scyros, an island in the Aegean E. of Euboea, vu, 183 

Scythes, (1) son of Heracles and reputed ancestor of all Scythian 
kings, Iv. 10. (2) Despot of Zancle, his imprisonment by 
Hippocrates, vi. 23, 24, vir. 163 

Scythians, their expulsion of Cimmerians, 1. 15; quarrel with 
Cyaxares, I. 73; invasion of Media and conquest of “ Asia," 
I. 103-106; Scythians subdued by Sesostris, rr. 103, 110; 
contempt of peaceful occupations in Scythia, rr. 167; alliance 
against Persia proposed to Sparta by Scythians, vi. 84; 
Scythians called Sacae by Persians, vir. 64. Book Iv. 1-142 
(relating almost wholly to Scythia and adjacent regions): Iv. 
1-4, Scythians’ invasion of Media and troubles after their 
return; 5-10, early Scythian legends; 11-12, their expulsion 
of Cimmerians; 16—31, 46, 47, general description of Scythia 
and inhabitants (nomad, farming, and “royal” Scythian), 
and regions adjacent; 48-58, rivers of Scythia; 59-75, 
manners and customs; 76-80, Scythian dislike of foreign 
manners; 81, size of population; 99-109, geography of 
Scythia and description of adjacent tribes; 118—142, Scythian 
warfare against Darius. 

Sebennyte province of Egypt, in the Delta, inhabited by one 
of the warrior tribes, 1. 166; Sebennytic or central mouth 
of the Nile, 11. 17, 155 

Selinus, a town in Sicily, its occupation by one of Dorieus’ 
followers, v. 46 

Selymbria, a Greek town near the Hellespont, vr. 33 

Semele, daughter of Cadmus and mother of Dionysus, rr. 145 

Semiramis, queen of Babylon, her embankment of the Euphrates, 
I. 184; gate of Babylon called after her, ΙΙ. 155 

Sepea, near Tiryns in Argolis, scene of a battle between Lacedae- 
monians and Argives, VI. 77 

Sepias promontory, in Magnesia, Xerxes’ fleet there, ΥΠ. 183; 
wreck of many of his ships, ΥΠ. 188-190 

Serbonian marsh, on the eastern frontier of Egypt, 11. 6, 11. 5 

Seriphus, one of the Cyclades islands, Seriphians in the Greek 
fleet, viri. 46, 48 


394 


INDEX 


Sermyle, a town on the Sithonian proimuontory in Chalcidice, 
vir. 122 

Serrheum, a promontory in Thrace near Doriscus, vir. 59 

Sesostris, king of Egypt, his conquests, 1. 102-104; his monu- 
ments, II. 106; his life attempted by his brother, 1r. 107; 
canals made by him, rr. 137 

Sestus, in the Thracian Chersonese, on the Hellespont, Darius' 
crossing there, Iv. 143; Xerxes’ bridge near it, vir. 33; siege 
and capture of Sestus by the Greeks, rx. 114-116, 119 

Sethos, king of Egypt, his deliverance from Sanacharibus’ army, 
n. 141 

Sicania, old name of Sicily, vir. 170 

Sicas, a Lycian, vir. 98 

Sicily, Arion’s design to visit it, 1. 24; Dorieus in Sicily, v. 43- 
48; retirement thither of Dionysius of Phocaea, vr 17; 
Samian exiles there, vi. 22-24; growth of Gelon's power, 
ΥΠ. 153-156; Carthaginian attack on Sicily defeated by Gelon, 
vir. 165-168 

Sicinnus, Themistocles’ servant, his mission to the Persians 
before the battle of Salamis, vi. 75; to Xerxes after Salamis, 
vir. 110 

Sicyon, W. of Corinth, 1. 145; Cleisthenes’ despotism there, 
v. 67, 68; quarrel between Sicyon and Argos, vI. 92; Sicyonians 
in the Greek fleet, vir. 1, 43; in the force at the Isthmus, 
Υπ. 72; in Pausanias’ army, 1x. 28; their losses at Mycale, 
IX. 103 

Sidon, Paris and Helen there, 1. 116; Sidon attacked by Apries, 
i. 161; Democedes’ voyage from Sidon, nr. 136; speed of 
Sidonian ships, vri. 44; in Xerxes’ fleet, vir. 96, 99; Xerxes’ 
Sidonian ship, vir. 100, 128; place of honour of Sidonian king 
in Xerxes’ council, vir. 67 

Sigeum, a town in the Troad, Iv. 38; taken by Pisistratus, 
v. 94; retreat of the Pisistratidae thither, v. 65, 91, 94 

Sigynnae, a people north of the Danube, v. 9; other meanings 
of the word, ib. 

Silenus, a wood-deity, his alleged capture in the “garden of 
Midas" in Macedonia, vi. 138; Marsyas called Silenus, 
vi. 26 

Simonides οἱ Ceos, the poet, his praise of Evalcides, v. 102; his 
epitaphs for those fallen at Thermopylae, ΥΠ. 228 

Sindi, a people to the east of the Cimmerian Bosporus, ry. 28; 
at the broadest part of the Euxine, Iv. 56 


384 
323 
VOL. IV. (HERODOTUS.) ο 


INDEX 


Sindus, a town on the Thermaic gulf, on Xerxes’ route, ΥΠ, 
123 

Singus, a town on the Singitic gulf west of Athos, vir. 122 

Sinope, Greek town in Paphlagonia, on the S. coast of the Euxine, 
1. 76; distance from the Cilician coast, 1. 34; on the site of 
a Cimmerian settlement, Iv. 12 

Siphnus, one of the Cyclades, its prosperity, 111. 57; Samian 
raid upon it, ib.; Siphnian ships in the Greek fleet, vrm. 
46, 48 

Siriopaeones, a Paeonian tribe, carried off to Asia by the Persians, 
v. 15 

Siris, (1) a town in Paeonia, disabled Persians left there by 
Xerxes, vill. 115. (2) A town in Italy, between Sybaris and 
Tarentum, threat of Athenians to emigrate thither, vim. 62 

Siromitres, a Persian officer in Xerxes’ army, vir. 68, 79 

Siromus, (1) a man of Salamis in Cyprus, v. 104. (2) A Tyrian, 
ΥΠ. 98 

Sisamnes, (1) a Persian judge flayed by Cambyses for injustice, 
v. 25. (2) A Persian officer in Xerxes’ army, ΥΠ. 66 

Sisimaces, a Persian general in the Ionic revolt, his death in 
battle, v. 121 

Sitalces, king of Thrace, his bargain with the Scythians, tv. 80; 
his betrayal of Spartan envoys, vir. 137 

Sithonia, the central peninsula of Chalcidice, vir. 122 

Siuph, in Egypt, the native town of Amasis, rr. 172 

Smerdis, (1) son of Cyrus, Cambyses’ dream about him, rrr. 30; 
his murder, 7b.; his daughter married to Darius, m1. 88. (All 
other mentions in Book 111 refer to Smerdis’ murder and his 
impersonation by his namesake.) (2) A Magian, his im- 
personation of Cyrus’ son Smerdis and usurpation, ΤΠ. 61; 
popularity of his government of Persia, 111. 67; discovery of 
the truth, τα. 69; his death at the hands of the seven con- 
spirators, 111. 78, 79 

Smerdomenes, a Persian, son of Otanes, one of the generals of 
Xerxes’ army, vir. 82, 121 

Smila, a town on the Thermaic gulf, vir. 123 

Smindyrides of Sybaris, a suitor for Cleisthenes' daughter, v1. 127 

Smyrna, in Lydia, attacked by Gyges, 1. 14; taken by Alyattes, 
I. 16; its transference from Aeolians to Jonians, I. 149, 150, 
road from Sardis to Smyrna, 11. 106 

Soeles, a Corinthian envoy, his story of Corinthian despotism, 
v. 92 


336 


INDEX 


Sogdi, & people in the Persian empire, E. of the Oxus, their 
tribute, 111. 93; in Xerxes’ army, ΥΠ. 66 

Soli, à town in Cyprus, its part in the Cyprian revolt, v. 110; 
siege and capture by the Persians, v. 115 

Solois, a promontory at the western extremity of Libya (perhaps 
Cape Spartel), rr. 32, Iv. 43 

Solon, his Athenian legislation, 1. 29, 11.177; his visit to Croesus, 
I. 29-33; his praise of a Cyprian ruler, v. 113 

Solymi, inhabitants of what was later Lycia, 1. 173 

Sophanes, an Athenian, his exploits in Aegina, vr. 92, 1x. 75; 
at Plataea, ΙΧ. 74 

Sosimenes, a man of Tenos, virt. 82 

Sostratus, an Aeginetan, his commercial success, 1v. 152 

Spaco, Cyrus’ Median foster-mother, 1. 110 

Spargapises, son of Tomyris queen of the Massagetae, his capture 
by Cyrus and his suicide, 1. 211-213 

Spargapithes, (1) king of the Agathyrsi, his murder of a Scythian 
king, 1v. 78. (2) A king of Scythia, Iv. 76 

Sparta, see Lacedaemon 

Spercheus, a river in Malis, near Thermopylae, vir. 198, 228 

Sperthias, one of the two Spartans who volunteered to surrender 
themselves to Xerxes as atonement for the killing of Persian 
heralds, vir. 134 

Sphendalae, a deme in northern Attica, on Mardonius' route 
into Boeotia, ΙΧ. 15 

Stagirus, a Greek town in Chalcidice, on Xerxes’ route, vir. 115 

Stentorid lake, in Thrace, on Xerxes’ route, vit. 58 

Stenyclerus, in Messenia, scene of a battle between Spartans and 
Messenians, 1x. 64 

Stesagoras, (1) grandfather of Miltiades the younger, vI. 34, 103. 
(2) Grandson of (1), vr. 103; his murder, vi. 38 

Stesenor, despot of Curium in Cyprus, his desertion to the 
Persians in the Cyprian revolt, v. 113 

Stesilaus, an Athenian general killed at Marathon, γι. 114 

Stratopeda (Camps), places on the Nile allotted by Psammetichus 
to Ionians and Carians, rr. 154 

Strattis, despot of Chios, with Darius’ Scythian expedition, rv. 
138; Ionian plot against him, vii. 132 

Struchates, a Median tribe, 1. 101 

Stryme, a Thasian town in Thrace, vir. 108 

Strymon, a river in Paeonia, Pisistratus’ revenues thence, I. 64; 
Paeonians from the Strymon, v. 98; Xerxes’ bridge over it, 


397 


INDEX 


ΥΠ. 24; Bithynians of Asia originally Strymonians, ΥΠ. 75; 
Persian defence of Eion on the Strymon, vrr. 107; sacrifice 
offered to the river by the Magi, vu. 113; Strymonian or 
north wind, Xerxes’ danger from it, viri. 118 (a few other 
unimportant reff.) 

Stymphalian lake, alleged subterranean channel from it to 
Argos, vi. 76 

Styreans, from Styra in S.W. Euboea, vi. 107; in the Greek 
fleet, vir. 1, 46; in Pausanias army, ΙΧ. 28, 31 

Styx, the water of, a mountain stream in Arcadia, supposed to 
communicate with the world of the dead; oath there adminis- 
tered by Cleomenes, v1. 74 

Sunium, the southern promontory of Attica, Iv. 99; Athenian 
festival there, vi. 87; settlement of banished Aeginetans on 
Sunium, vr. 90; rounding of Sunium by Datis after Marathon, 
νι. 115; Greek trophy set up there, vx. 121 

Susa, the capital of the Persian kings, on the Choaspes, 1. 188, 
v. 49; Smerdis murdered there, 11. 30; revolt against the 
Magi there, 11. 70 seqq.; Histiaeus at Susa, v. 30; end of 
the Royal road, v. 52; called the Memnonian, v. 54, vu. 151; 
Milesian captives brought thither, vr. 20; Demaratus and 
the Pisistratidae at Susa, vir. 3, 6; Spartans there, ΥΠ. 136; 
reception there of Xerxes’ despatches from Greece, vur. 99; 
Xerxes' amours at Susa, IX. 108 (other unimportant reff. to 
Susa as the royal residence) 

Syagrus, Spartan envoy to Sicily, vir. 153; his reply to Gelon, 
vit. 159 

Sybaris, in southern Italy, attacked by Dorieus, v. 44; its 
capture by the Crotoniats, vi. 21; its former prosperity, VI. 
127 

Syene (Assuan), alleged to be near the source of the Nile, opposite 
Elephantine, ΙΙ. 28 

Syennesis, (1) king of Cilicia, his reconciliation of Medians and 
Lydians, 1. 74; his daughter, v. 118. (2) A Cilician officer 
in Xerxes' army, vir. 98 

Sylean plain in Thrace, near Stagirus, on Xerxes’ route, VII. 
115 

Syloson, banished by his brother Polycrates from Samos, ir. 
39; his gift to Darius and its reward, 11. 139—141; his restora- 
tion to the government of Samos, m1. 144-149. (Elsewhere a 
patronymic.) 

Syme, an island near Rhodes, 1. 174 


398 


INDEX 


Syracuse, its despots comparable for splendour to Polycrates, 
Hi 125; its seizure by Gelon, and growth under his rule, 
vil. 154-156; Greek envoys there, vir 157; Amilcas of 
Carthage partly a Syracusan, ΥΠ. 166 

Syrgis, see Hyrgis 

Syria, its geography, 1. 12, 116; many rivers there, m. 20; 
Syrian desert, 111. 6; see also Palestine; Syrians’ defeat by 
Egyptians, rr. 159; their tribute to Persia, 111. 91; Syrians 
of Cappadocia, 1. 6; Cappadocians called Syrians by Greeks, 
1. 72, v.49; invaded by Croesus, 1. 76; their tribute to Persia, 
Ir. 90; in Xerxes’ army, VII. 72 

Syrtis, the bay of the Libyan coast W. of Cyrene, alleged canal 
between it and Lake of Moeris, π. 150; silphium produced 
near it, Iv. 169; inhabitants of its coast, 11. 32, 1v. 173 


Tabalus, made governor of Sardis by Cyrus, 1. 153; rising of 
Lydians against him, 1. 154 

Tabiti, a Scythian deity identified with the Greek Hestia, 1v. 59 

Tachompso, an alleged island in the Nile between Elephantine 
and Meroé, 11. 29 

Taenarum, southern promontory of Laconia, Arion’s arrival 
there on a dolphin, 1.24; Corcyraean ships’ delay there, vir. 168 

Talaüs, an Argive, father of Adrastus, v. 67 

Talthybius, the Greek herald in the Iliad, his supposed ven- 
geance of the death of heralds, ντι. 134, 137 

Tamynae, a town in Euboea, its occupation by Datis, νι. 101 

Tanagra, a town in Boeotia, its lands occupied by Cadmus, 
followers, v. 57; Mardonius there, ΙΧ. 15; scene of a battle 
(later) between the Spartans and the Athenians and Argives, 
1x. 35; near the river Thermodon, 1x. 43 

Tanais, a Scythian river (the Don), between Scythians and 
Sauromatae, Iv. 21; its source and mouth, 1v. 57, 100; crossed 
by Amazons and Sauromatae, Iv. 116 

Tanite province of Egypt, inhabited by one of the warrior tribes, 
II. 166 

Taras (Tarentum), Arion's departure thence, r. 24; Tarentines' 
services to Democedes, nr. 136; their refusal to admit a 
banished man, ΙΙ. 138, 1v. 99; Tarentines’ losses in a battle 
with their neighbours, vIr. 170 

Targitaus, by legend the earliest Scythian, son of Zcus and 
Borysthenes, 1v. 5; a thousand years before Darius’ invasion, 
IV. 7 


VOL. IV. (HERopborus.) 02 389 


INDEX 


Taricheae (salting-places), near the Canopie mouth of the Nile, 
Paris’ landing there, ΙΙ. 113 

Tartessus, at the mouth of the Baetis (Guadalquivir), friendship 
of Phocaeans with its king, 1. 163; Samians' voyage thither, 
IV. 152; Tartessian weasels, tv. 192 

Tauchira, a town in Libya near Barea, 1v. 171 

Tauri, a Scythian people, in the Taurie Chersonese W. of the 
Palus Maeotis, their country described, Iv. 99-101; their part 
in the campaign against Darius, 1v. 102-119 

Taxacis, a leader in the Scythian armies against Darius, τν. 120 

Taygetus, the mountain range E. of Laconia, its occupation by 
the Minyae, Iv. 145, 146 

Tearus, a ‘Thracian river, its water praised by Darius, 1v. 89-90 

Teaspis, a Persian, 1v. 43, vir. 79, 1x. 76 

Tegea, a town in Arcadia, varying event of its wars with Sparta, 
I. 66—68; Leutychides’ death there, γι. 72; Phidippides’ 
vision near Tegea, vr. 105; 'Tegeans at Thermopylae, vr. 
202; Tegeans’ claim to the post of honour in Pausanias’ 
army, IX. 26-28; (later) victory of Spartans over Tegea and 
Argos, IX. 35; Tegean valour at Plataea, rx. 56, 60, 61, 62, 70 

Teispes, two of this name in the list of Xerxes’ forefathers, ΥΠ. 
11 (see How and Wells, Appendix Iv. ὃ) 

Telamon, one of the legendary heroes of Salamis, his aid invoked 
by the Greeks, vr. 64 

Teleboae, an Acarnanian people, Amphitryon's defeat of them, 
v. 59 

Telecles, a Samian, in. 41 

Teleclus, a Spartan king, vir. 204 

Telemachus, son of Nestor, Menelaus’ narrative to him, 1r. 116 

Telesarchus of Samos, his opposition to Macandrius, 11. 143 

Telines, his priesthood at Gela in Sicily, vir. 153 

Telliadae, a family or clan of diviners in Elis, one of them with 
Mardonius, 1x. 37 

Tellias of Elis (perhaps of the above family), his device for a 
Phocian night attack on Thessalians, vu. 27 

Tellus, an Athenian, Solon's judgment of his happiness, r. 30 

Telmessians, probably in Lycia, their prophetic answers, 1. 78, 
54 

Telos, an island near Rhodes, home of Telines, ΥΠ. 153 

Telys, despot of Sybaris, v. 44 

JTemenus, ancestor of the Temenid family of Macedonian kings, 
vii. 137 


399 


y 


INDEX 


Temnus, an Aeolian town in Asia Minor, 1. 149 

Tempe, the valley of the Penëus in Thessaly, between Olympus 
and Ossa, vil. 173 

Tenedos, an island off the Troad, an Aeolian town there, 1. 151; 
Tenedos taken by Persians in the Ionian revolt, v1. 31 

Tenos, one of the Cyclades, a stage on the Hyperboreans’ route 
to Delos, τν. 33; flight of Delians thither, vr. 97; desertion 
of a Tenian ship to the Greeks at Salamis, ΥΠ. 82 

Teos, an Jonian town in Lydia, 1. 142; flight of Teians to Thrace, 
L 168; Teos proposed as à meeting-place for Ionians, 1. 170; 
its share in the Greek settlement at Naucratis, 11. 178; Teian 
ships in the Ionian fleet, v1. 8 

Teres, father of Sitalces, king of Thrace, Iv. 80, vir. 137 

Terillus, despot of Himera, his confederacy against Gelon, vn. 
165 

Termera, on the coast near Halicarnassus, its despot captured 
by the Ionian rebels, v. 37 


(c; Eamilae, an alternative name for the Lycians, 1. 173 


'lethronium, à Phocian town, burnt by the Persians, viri. 33 

Tetramnestus, a Sidonian officer in Xerxes' army, vir. 98 

Teucrians (Trojans), their denial of the possession of Helen, ΤΙ. 
118; Paeonians, v. 13, and Gergithes, v. 122, descended from 
them; Teucrian invasion of Europe before the Trojan war, 
vir. 20, 75 

Teuthrania, at the mouth of the Caicus in Mysia, silting up of 
a river bed there, 11. 10 

Thagimasadas (or Thamimasadas), a Scythian deity identified 
with Poseidon, Iv. 59 

Thales of Miletus, his prediction of an eclipse, 1. 74; his diversion 
of the course of the Halys, 1. 75; his advice as to a meeting- 
place for Ionians, 1. 170 

Thamanaei, a people probably in Ν.Ε. Persia, 111. 117; their 
tribute, 111. 93 

'l'hamasius, a Persian, father of Sandoces, vir. 194 

Thannyras, a Libyan, restored by the Persians to the government 
which his father Inaros had lost by rebellion, 111. 15 

Thasos, (1) off Thrace, Phoenician temple of Heracles there, 11. 
44; on Mardonius' route to Euboea, v1. 44: Thasians' revenues 
from mines, v1. 46; their expenditure on feeding Xerxes' army, 
ντ. 118. (2) A Phoenician, said to have given the island 
its name, VI. 47 

Theasides, a Spartan, his warning to the Aeginetans, vI. 85 


391 


INDEX 


Thebe, (1) legendary daughter of Asopus and sister of Aegina, 
v. 80. (2) A plain in Mysia, on Xerxes’ route, VII. 42 

Thebes, (1) in Upper Egypt (modern Luxor) & custom of the 
temple there, r. 182; Herodotus' inquiries at Thebes, rr. 3; 
distance from Heliopolis, τι. 9; Thebes once called Egypt, 
11. 15; rules of abstinence there, rr. 42; alleged connection 
between the temple at Thebes and Dodona, 11. 54-56; croco- 
diles held sacred there, 11. 69; sacred snakes, 11. 74; Hecataeus’ 
investigations at Thebes, 11. 143; single instance of rain at 
Thebes, ΙΙ. 10; Cambyses there, 111. 25; distance from Thebes 
of the temple of Ammon, 1v. 143; Thebaic province, Syene 
and Chemmis in it, 11. 28, 91; inhabited by one of the warrior 
tribes, 11. 166. (2) In Boeotia, temple of Apollo there, 1. 52; 
Croesus' gifts there, r. 92; 'lheban assistance to Pisistratus, 
1. 61; Phoenician inscriptions at Thebes, v. 59; Theban feud 
with Athens, v. 79, 81-89, vr. 108; Theban recovery of an 
image of Apollo, vr. 118; submission to Xerxes, vir. 132; 
Thebans unwillingly at Thermopylae, vir. 205; Thebans and 
oracles of Amphiaraus, ΥἹΠ. 134; Theban advice to Mardonius, 
IX. 2; Mardonius in Theban territory, ΙΧ. 15; story of 
Polynices’ attack on Thebes, 1x. 27; proposed retreat of 
Persians to Thebes, 1x. 58; Theban valour on Persian side, 
IX. 67; surrender of Thebes to Greek army, ΙΧ. 86-88 

Themis, a deity in Greece but not in Egypt, 1. 50 

lThemiscyra, on the S. coast of the Euxine, breadth of the sea 
measured thence, 1v. 86 

Themison, à Theraean trader, his bargain with Etearchus of 
Crete, 1v. 154 

Themistocles, his interpretation of the Delphic oracle given to 
Athens, ΥΠ. 143; his creation of the Athenian navy, vit. 
144; in command of a force in Thessaly, vi. 173; bribery 
of Greeks to stay at Artemisium, ΥἹΠ. 4; his efforts to detach 
Ionians from Xerxes, VIII. 19, 22; advice to Greeks to stay 
at Salamis, viri. 56-63; secret message to Persians, VIII. 75; 
interview with Aristides, vin. 79, 80; exhortation before 
Salamis, virt. 83; meeting with Polycritus of Aegina, ντ. 
92; his policy after Salamis, secret message to Xerxes, and 
extortion of money from islanders, vir. 108-112; honours 
paid him by Greeks after Salamis, vir. 123-125 

Theocydes, an Athenian, virt. 65 

Theodorus, a Samian artist, his work at Delphi, 1. 51; for Poly- 
crates, III 41 


392 


INDEX 


Theomestor of Samos, his services to the Persians at Salamis, 
vil. 85; despot of Samos, 1x. 90 

Theophania, a festival at Delphi, 1. 51 

Theopompus, a Spartan king, vil. 131 

Thera, one of the Cyclades, once called Calliste, 1v. 147; its 
original settlement, ib.; reason of its sending a colony to 
Libya, 1v. 151; story of Battus of Thera, iv. 155; Theraeans 
with Dorieus in Libya, v. 42 

Therambos, a town in Pallene, vir. 123 

Therapne, near Sparta, a temple of Helen there, vr. 61 

Theras, a Cadmean of Sparta, his colonisation of Thera, rv. 147, 
148 

Thermodon, (1) a river in Boeotia, neor Tanagra, ΙΧ. 48. (2) A 
river in Cappadocia, 11. 104; near Themiscyra, 1v. 86; victory 
on it of Greeks over Amazons, Iv. 110, 1x. 27 

Thermopylae, description of the pass, vir. 176, 198-200; story of 
the battle, vir. 210-225; visit of Persian forces to the field 
of Thermopylae, ix. 24, 25 (other mentions in vir. and Ix. 
refer to the battle) 

Theron, despot of Acragas, his expulsion of Terillus from Himera, 
vil. 165; victory with Gelon over Carthaginian confederacy, 
vii. 166 

Thersandrus, (1) son of Polynices, ancestor of Theras, Iv. 147, 
vi. 52. (2) A man of Orchomenus, his presence at a Persian 
banquet at Thebes, 1x. 16 

Theseus, his abduction of Helen into Attica, 1x. 73 

Thesmophoria, a Greek festival in honour of Demeter, in Attica 
in the autumn, n. 171; its celebration by Ephesian women, 
vI. 16 

Thespia, a town in Boeotia, burnt by the Persians, viu. 50; 
Thespians allies of Thebans, v. 79; their refusal to submit 
to Xerxes, vir 132; their steadfastness at Thermopylae, vu. 
202, 222, 226; Sicinnus made a Thespian, vir. 75; Thespians 
in Pausanias' army, 1x. 30 

Thesprotians, in N.W. Greece, neighbours of the Ampraciots, 
vill. 47; their practice of necromancy, v. 92; Thessalians 
from Thesprotia, vir. 176 

Thessaly, Pelasgians formerly there, 1. 57; Darius’ European 
tribute from nations east of it, 111. 96, vrr. 108; Thessalian 
allies of Pisistratus, v. 63; Lacedaemonian invasion of Thessaly, 
vi. 72; Aleuadae of 'l'hessaly at Xerxes’ court, vir. 6; de- 
scription of Thessaly, vu. 129; its submission to Xerxes, 


393 


INDEX 


vir. 132; Greek force there, ΥΠ. 172, 173; danger to Phocis 
from Thessalians, vir. 191, 215; Xerxes’ march through it, 
vu. 196; Thessalian cavalry inferior to Asiatic, 7b.; defeats 
of Thessalians by Phocians, and Thessalian revenge, vu. 
27-32; Mardonius in Thessaly, viru. 113, 133; Thessalians 
in his army, 1x. 31; Artabazus in Thessaly, rx. 89 (other less 
important reff.) 

Thessalus, a Spartan companion of Dorieus, v. 46 

J'heste, a spring in Libya, defeat there of Egyptians by Cyrenaeans, 
Iv. 159 

Thetis, Magian sacrifice to her to abate a storm, ΥΠ. 191 

Thmuite province of Egypt, inhabited by one of the warrior 
tribes, rr. 166 

Thoas, king of Lemnos, killed by women, vr. 138 

Thon, of Egypt, referred to in the Odyssey, 11. 116 

Thonis, warder of the Nile mouth, his reception of Paris, τι. 113 

Thorax, an Aleuad of Larissa, his support of Mardonius, 1x. 1; 
Mardonius' address to him, ΙΧ. 58 

Thoricus, à deme of Attica, near Sunium, 1v. 99 

Thornax, a mountain in Laconia, Apollo's temple there, 1. 69 

Thrace, Phocaean migration thither, 1. 168; conquest by 
Sesostris, 11. 163; Thracian contempt of peaceful occupations, 
11. 167; Thracian rivers, Iv. 49; use of hemp there, Iv. 74; 
Darius in Thrace, rv. 89-93; population and customs of 
Thrace, v. 3-8; Histiaeus there, v. 23; Aristagoras killed by 
Thracians, v. 126; their attack on Mardonius, vi. 45; Thrace 
conquered by Mysians and Teucrians, ΥΠ. 20; Persian 
supremacy, ΥΠ. 106; Xerxes’ route through Thrace, vit. 
110; reverence of Thracians for road of Xerxes’ army, VII. 
115; Thracians in his army, ΥΠ. 185; Thracian theft of 
Xerxes’ chariot, vu. 115; Artabazus’ retreat harassed by 
Thracians, IX. 59; human sacrifice there, ΙΧ. 119 

Thracians of Asia (Bithynians), their conquest by Croesus, 1. 
28; tribute to Persia, rr. 90; in Xerxes’ army, vi. 75; their 
former migration from Thrace into Asia, ib. 

Thrasybulus, despot of Miletus, his deception of Alyattes, 1. 
20-23; advice to Periander of Corinth, v. 92 

Thrasycles, a Samian ix. 90 

Thrasydeius, an Aleuad of Larissa, Mardonius' address to him, 
IX. 58 

Thrasylaus, an Athenian, vi. 114 

Thriasian plain, near Eleusis in Attica, Dicaeus' vision there, 


394 


INDEX 


vu. 65; recommended as a battle-field by the Athenians, 


IX 

Thyia, legendary daughter of Cephisus, altar of the winds erected 
in her precinct (also called Thyia) at Delphi, νη. 178 

Thyni, named with Bithyni as “ Thracians " in Asia, 1. 28 

Thyreae, a town taken from the Argives by the Lacedaemonians, 
I. 82; Cleomenes and his army there, vi. 76 

Thyssagetae, a people Ν.Ε. of Scythia, living by hunting, Iv. 
22:128 

Thyssus, a town in the peninsula of Athos, vir. 22 

Tiarantus, a northern tributary of the Danube, 1v. 48 

Tibareni, a people on the S. coast of the Euxine, their tribute 
to Persia, 111. 94; in Xerxes’ army, ΥΠ. 78 

Tibisis, a southern tributary of ti.. Danube, Iv. 49 

Tigranes, son of Artabanus, an officer in Xerxes’ army, VII. 62; 
his dictum about the Olympian games, vill. 26 (unless 
“ Tritantaechmes ” be the right reading); his personal beauty, 
1x. 96; his death at Mycale, rx. 102 

Tigris, the river, 1. 189; junction with the Euphrates by a canal, 
I. 193; Ninus on it, 11. 150; v. 52; Ampe on it, vr. 20 

Timagenides, a Theban, his advice to Mardonius, 1x. 38; his 
surrender and execution, ΙΧ. 86 

Timagoras, a Cyprian, VII. 98 

Timandrus, a Theban, 1x. 69 

Timarete, a priestess at Dodona, It. 55 

Timasitheus, a Delphian ally of Isagoras at Athens, his reputation 
as a fighter, v. 72 

Timesius of Clazomenae, his settlement at Abdera, 1. 168 

Timo, a priestess at Paros, her attempted betrayal of a temple 
to Miltiades, and subsequent acquittal, vi. 134, 135 

Timodemus of Aphidnae, his attack on Themistocles, vir. 125 

Timon, a Delphian, his advice to the Athenians about an oracle, 
vu. 141 

Timonax, a Cyprian officer in Xerxes' army, vir. 99 

Timoxenus of Scione, his attempted betrayal of Potidaea, virt. 
128 

Tiryns, in Argolis, à battle near it between Argos and Sparta, 
νι. 77; occupied by the Argives’ slaves, vr. 83; Tirynthians 
in Pausanias’ army, Ix. 28, 31 

Tisamenus, (1) an Elean diviner in the service of the Spartans, 
his five victories, 1x. 33-35. (2) A Theban, grandson of 
Polynices, tv. 147, v1. 52 


395 


INDEX 


Tisandrus, (1) an Athenian, father of Isagoras, v. C3. (2) An 
Athenian, father of Hippoclides, νι. 127 

Tisias, a Parian, vi. 133 

Titacus, a legendary Athenian, his betrayal of Aphidnae, rx. 73 

Tithaeus, a cavalry officer in Xerxes’ army, vir. 88 

Tithorea, a peak of Parnassus, retreat of Delphians thither, 
VIII. 32 

Titormus, an Aetolian, his strength and solitary habits, v1. 127 

Tmolus, a gold-producing mountain in Lydia, near Sardis, 1. 
84, 93, v. 100 

Tomyris, queen of the Massagetae, her proposal to the invading 
Persians, 1. 205, 206; her victory over Cyrus and revenge for 
her son, I. 212-214 

Torone, a town in Chalcidice, on the Sithonian peninsula, vir. 
223.122 

Trachis, the coastal region closed to the E. by Thermopylae, 
several unimportant reff. to it, vil. 175—220; its town of the 
same name, ΥΠ. 199; Xerxes’ passage from Trachis into 
Doris, vir. 31 

Trapezus (later Trebizond), a town on the S.E. coast of the 
Euxine, vi. 127 

Traspies, a Scythian tribe, 1v. 6 

Trausi, a Thracian tribe, v. 3 

Travus, a river in Thrace flowing into the Bistonian lake, vir. 
109 

Triballic plain (in modern Serbia), 1v. 49 

Triopian promontory, S.W. point of Asia Minor, 1. 174, ιν. 37; 
temple of Apollo there, r. 144 

Tritaea, a town in Achaea, 1. 145 

Tritantaechmes, (1) à Persian, son of Artabazus, his governor- 
ship of Assyria, 1. 192. (2) A Persian, one of the generals 
of Xerxes’ army, ΥΠ. 82, 121 

Triteae, a Phocian town burnt by the Persians, vir. 33 

Triton, (1) a deity of the sea, his guidance of Jason, iv. 179; 
his cult in Libya, rv. 188. (2) An alleged river in Libya, 
flowing into the ''Tritonid lake," rv. 178; the lake itself, 
ib., and Iv. 186 (neither river nor lake is identified) 

Troezen, in Argolis, entrusted with the island of Hydrea, 111. 
59; mother-city of Halicarnassus, vu. 99; its contingent in 
the Greek fleet, virr. 1, 43; in the force at the Isthmus, viir. 
72; in Pausanias' army, ΙΧ. 28, 31; Troezenians in the battle 
of Mycale, 1x. 102, 105 


396 


INDEX 


Troglodytae (cave-dwellers), an Ethiopian tribe, their habits, rv. 
183 


Trophonius, a Boeotian god or hero, his oracular shrine con- 
sulted by Croesus, 1. 46, by Mardonius, vin. 134 

Troy and the Troad, v. 26, 122, vir. 43; Trojan war, 1. 120, 
145, vr. 20, 171, 1x. 27; settlements of dispersed Trojans, 
Iv. 191, v. 13, vir. 91 

Tydeus, father of Diomedes, his slaying by Melanippus, v. 
67 

Tymnes, (1) vice-gerent of Ariapithes king of Scythia, his story 
of Anacharsis, IV. 76. (2) A Carian, father of Histiaeus of 
Termera, v. 37 

Tyndareus, father of Helen, τι. 112 

Tyndaridae (Castor and Polydeuces), their voyage in the Argo, 
IV. 145; their images with Lacedaemonian armies, v. 75; 
their recovery of Helen from Attica, 1x. 73 

Typhon (or Typhos), identified with the Egyptian Set, his search 
for iforus, 11. 156; Horus’ victory, and banishment of Typhon 
to the Serbonian lake, Τι. 144, ΙΙΙ. 5 

Tyras, a Scythian river (Dniester), Iv. 47; Cimmerian graves 
by it, Iv. 11; its source, IV. 51; mark of Heracles’ foot on 
its bank, 1v. 82 

Tyre, abduetion of Europa thence, r. 2; temple of Heracles 
there, ri. 44; Tyrian settlement at Memphis, rr. 112; war 
between Egypt and Tyre, 11. 161; Tyrian king with Xerxes, 
Vill. 67 

Tyrodiza, a town near Perinthus, Xerxes’ commissariat there, 
ΥΠ. 25 

Tyrseni (Tyrrhenians, Etruscans), in central Italy, their Pelasgian 
neighbours, 1. 57; their Lydian origin, 1. 94; Tyrrhenian sea 
discovered by Phocaeans, 1. 163; Tyrrhenian attack on 
Phocaeans, 1. 166; Tyrrhenia a synonym for Italy, νι. 22 

Tyrsenus, leader of the Lydian settlement in Italy, 1. 94 


Utii, a tribe on the Persian gulf, their tribute to Persia, 111. 93; 
in Xerxes’ army, VII. 68 


Xanthes, a Samian, his bringing of Rhodopis to Egypt, rr. 135 

Xanthippus, an Athenian, father of Pericles, vr. 131; his im- 
peachment of Miltiades, νι. 136; Athenian general after 
Salamis, ΥΠ. 33, viu. 131; in command on the Hellespont, 
IX. 114, 120 


397 


INDEX 


Xanthus, a tow: in Lycia, resistance of the Xanthians to the 
Persians, and their defeat, 1. 176 

Xenagoras, of Halicarnassus, made governor of Cilicia for saving 
the life of Masistes, ΙΧ. 107 

Xerxes: for mentions of him as leader of the Persian forces in the 
invasion of Greece, see the tables of contents in Introductions 
to Vols. III and IV of this translation. Principal references 
to Xerxes personally: his execution of a Babylonian priest, 
1. 183; of Sataspes, 1v. 43; succession to the throne, ΥΠ. 
2, 3; his council, and colloquies with Artabanus, vir. 8-18; 
treatment of Pythius, vir. 27, 28, 38, 39; scourging of the 
Hellespont, vir. 35; further colloquy with Artabanus, Υπ. 
46-52; with Demaratus, ΥΠ. 101-104, 209, 234—237; Xerxes’ 
visit to the Peneus, ΥΠ. 128-130; generosity to two Spartans, 
ΥΠ. 136; his personal beauty, vir 187; vengeance on the 
dead Leonidas, ντ. 238; advice given to Xerxes by Artemisia, 
vill. 68, 69; Xerxes a spectator of the battle of Salamis, 
vii. 88, 90; his council of war after the battle, ντ. 100—102; 
his fear of the Greeks, virt. 203; story of his danger of ship- 
wreck in his return, virr. 118, 119; his passion for his brother's 
wife and her daughter, and its consequences, 1x. 108-113 

Xuthus, a legendary hero, father of Ion, ΥΠ. 94, virt. 44 


Zacynthus, west of Greece, description of a pool there, Iv. 195; 
Demaratus’ escape there, vr. 70; intended expulsion of Zacyn- 
thians by Samians, ΤΠ. 59; death of Hegesistratus in Zacynthus, 
IX. 37 

Zalmoxis, see Salmoxis. 

Zancle (later Messene, modern Messina), its seizure by Samians, 
vI. 23, vir. 164; attack by Hippocrates of Gela, vit. 154 

Zaueces, a tribe in western Libya, ιν. 193 

Zeus, I. 65, 89, 131, 174, 207, rr. 13, 116, 136, 146, τι. 124, νι. 
67, vix. 56, 61, 141, 221, vir. 77, ΙΧ. 122; connected with 
some particular place or function (Zeus Lacedaemon, Zeus 
Catharsius, etc.), 1. 44, 171, τι. 55, 178, πι. 142, Iv. 203, v. 
46, 66, 119, vr. 56, 68, vir. 141, 197, ΙΧ. 7, 81; identified with 
foreign deities, 1. 46, 131, 181-183, π. 18, 32, 29, 42, δά, 55, 
56, 74, 83, 143, rr. 158, Iv. 5, 59, 127, 180, 181, vu. 40 

Zeuxidemus, son of Leutychides, king of Sparta, his early death, 
vi. 71 

Zopyrus, (1) a Persian, son of Megabyzus, his pretended desertion 
to the Babylonians, and delivery of Babylon to Darius, 11, 


398 


INDEX 


153-159; Darius’ esteem for him, 111. 160; rape of his daughter, 
1v. 43. (2) Grandson of the above, his migration from Persia 
to Athens, ΠΙ. 160 

Zoster (Girdle), à promontory on the coast of Attica, rocks near 
it taken for ships by the Persians, vii. 107 


399 


Printed in Great Britain by 
Richard Clay (The Chaucer Press), Lid., 
Dungay, Suffolk 


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